Department of Political Science

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    The Politics Of Managing Epidemics As Global Security Threats: The Case Of Covid-19 And Ghana.
    (University of Ghana, 2022-04) Cizaro, K.A.
    The study analysed the politics of managing epidemic threats with Ghana as the case in point. The securitization theory served as the framework. It was a qualitative study and data was sourced from both secondary and interview sources. It found that Ghana’s response to the Corona Virus Infectious Disease (COVID-19) threat was to protect its citizens unfulfilled its responsibilities under the World Health Organization (WHO) and Section 169 of the Public Health Act, 2012 (Act 851) in harmony with WHO’s IHR 2005. The 1994 Emergency Powers Act 1994 (Act 472) rolled back civil liberties and imposed autocratic policies. Ghana’s role in limiting the 2013 Ebola outbreak in West Africa equipped it with vital skills in pandemic management. Laboratories within and outside the GHS were ascribed to provide testing for COVID-19 raising the testing laboratories from 2 to 16 by April 2020 to reduce facility shortfalls; and the private sector, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and the global community aided. The regime of COVID-19 was adversely affected by muddles, delusion, and myths that increased vaccine apathy and sapped pandemic rules zeal. The 2020 Elections and political expediency adversely impacted effective COVID-19 control. The huge financial mobilization contracts and supplies engendered by the pandemic promoted corruption. Contracts were awarded without complying with contract and procurement laws, costs of contracts were bloated, contracts were awarded without tenders mostly to unregistered companies, huge sums of funds were not accounted for, unused funds were not returned to government covers, beneficiaries of contracts and source of some fund were not stated, and healthcare and allied workers were not paid wages often. The sleaze resulted in a decrease in citizens’ trust, approval, and interest in pandemic activism. The study concluded that sociocultural and political culture ills such as superstition and corruption dysfunctional impacted the effective and efficient management of pandemics. It recommended high hygiene etiquette and good housing outlays, pro-health government expenditure, counter-misperception and superstitious media, empowerment of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) with corruption oversight powers, and greater international donors and accountability.
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    The Politics Of Trade Disputes In The Fourth Republic: The Case Of Ghana And Nigeria.
    (University of Ghana, 2022-07) Akoeda, J.
    The relation between Ghana and Nigeria over the years can be described as oscillatory because of the occasional twist and turn. Notably, trade dispute was one of the challenges that marred the relationship between the two countries. The intermittent trade disputes between the two countries triggered the quest of the researcher to assess the fundamental driving forces of the impasse, identify the politico-economic effects of the disputes on both countries and provide some recommendations to dealing with the problem. Relevant related literature was reviewed thematically and International Regime theory was used to underpin the research. The study used a qualitative research approach to gather in-depth data from respondents through interviews and observations. Thematic analysis was used as an approach for data interpretation and discussion. The relevant literature and the findings revealed that the inconsistencies of ECOWAS protocols with the national trade policies, the use of protectionist economic policies such as the “prohibited goods” policy by Nigeria against Ghana and the implementation of GIPC Act 2013 (865), border closure, and lockdown of Nigerian retail shops were some of the fundamental driving forces of the trade disputes between the countries in the fourth republic. Economically, the occasional trade disturbances led to the loss of capital and revenue of traders from both sides. This phenomenon triggered the call by some Nigerian politicians and official to sever diplomatic ties with Ghana. Notwithstanding these challenges, there was an initiative of both governments to finding a lasting solution to the menace
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    The Contribution Of The Ghana Police Service To The Promotion Of Peaceful Elections In Ghana: A Case Of The Fourth Republic.
    (University Of Ghana, 2021-12) Mensah, H.
    Ghana has gained both local and international recognition for conducting peaceful, credible, free, and fair elections in West Africa. The Ghana Police Service has been a core stakeholder in the conduct of credible, free, fair, and peaceful elections in Ghana. The current study examined the contribution of the Ghana Police Service to peaceful elections within the Fourth Republic of Ghana. The study also examined the challenges facing the Ghana Police Service in contributing to peaceful Ghanaian elections and recommends solutions to such existing challenges. The mixed research approach and descriptive research design were adopted for the study. The study also made use of the key informant sampling and simple random sampling techniques to sample respondents for the study. The primary data was collected using questionnaires and semi-structured interviews while secondary data was obtained from existing reports, journals, and books on the subject matter. The data were analyzed with the use of Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and Microsoft Excel into frequencies, percentages, means, and standard deviations. The findings of the study indicated that the contributions of the Ghana Police Service to the promotion of peaceful Ghanaian elections within the Fourth Republic were through maintaining public order, protecting electoral materials and officers, and protection of lives and physical structures associated with the conduct of elections. The study also revealed that the challenges facing the Ghana Police Service in contributing to peaceful Ghanaian elections within the Fourth Republic include: political intimidations and influence, shortages of logistics and personnel, limited funds and logistics for security operations. Based on the findings of the study, recommendations for restructuring the recruitment process of the Ghana Police Service, a constitutional amendment to allow for the appointment of the Inspector General of Police by an Independent body, and early release of funds for electoral security operations by the government among others were made.
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    Politics Of Public Transportation In Ghana: A Case Study Of The Aayalolo Bus Transit
    (University Of Ghana, 2021-12) Ani-Johnson, F.
    Transportation is critical to economic development and the development of human settlements (Mbara, 2002). Transport is a critical factor in combating poverty and social justice priorities, as well as providing adequate access to public education, health services, employment, work, and leisure – all of which are essential to the lives of all residents (Rittner & Kirk, 1995; Sanchez, 1999; Mbara, 2002). Effective transportation networks are thus required to promote socioeconomic growth, specifically the convergence of rural and urban economies, the promotion of regional integration, the attraction of foreign investment, and the achievement of global markets. Against this backdrop, the study seeks to investigate the State's role in public transportation in Ghana, as well as the reasons for the State's funding of the Aayalolo BRT scheme. To achieve the study's objectives, data or information was gathered from the various stakeholders of Aayalolo BRT via a structured interview. According to the information gathered during the interview, the role of the state is to ensure that the country's transportation system is safe, secure, reliable, and efficient. Again, it was revealed that the goal of the state funding of Aayalolo was to reduce congestion, improve Accra's transportation system, and create job opportunities, rather than for political gain. Furthermore, Aayalolo BRT was tasked with running a safe and dependable bus transportation system. Finally, the Aayalolo BRT System management team mentioned that the company receives no state assistance. The following recommendations were made based on the information gathered during the interview: To begin, the government should devise a policy that provides a fuel subsidy to public transportation operators such as the Aayalolo as a form of assistance. Again, the study recommended that the Ghanaian government build more roads, rails, and ports, as well as repair damaged roads, to ensure a more efficient, reliable, and effective public transportation system. Finally, no political party in the country should politicize the transportation system.
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    The Political Economy Of Gender Equity In Tax Reforms In Ghana: An Assessment Of The Tampon Tax
    (University Of Ghana, 2021-12) Owusu, F.S.
    Gender equality and taxation have become topical issues in the development policy debate on public finance, human rights, and government’s obligations to its citizens. Studies have shown that ideas about gender roles influence how economic policies and tax systems are organized. However, tax systems rarely respond to these gender biases, despite several reforms of development and pro-poor policies implemented by the government. The failure of policies to address biases in the tax system is often attributed to a ‘lack of political will’, but the underlying reasons for the poor implementation of reforms are rarely examined. Against this backdrop, the study adopted the Department for International Development’s (DfID) Drivers of Change (DoC) model to examine the underlying constraints against reforms in tampon tax in Ghana and the opportunities and incentives available. The study employed a qualitative design methodology. Using semi-structured interviews and purposive sampling, respondents were selected from the Ministry of Finance (MoF), Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection, Ghana Revenue Authority (GRA), civil society groups, non-governmental organizations, media, academia, tax and gender experts, and tampon tax activists. The study found that a combination of socio-economic and political factors sustains the relevance of the tampon tax and makes it difficult to repeal. Revenue-mobilizing ministries and agencies, such as the MoF and GRA, prioritize the revenue benefit and the transaction costs involved in the repeal of the tampon tax, and the government finds it convenient to maintain the tampon tax because its indirect nature does not increase citizens’ demand for accountability. In addition, the government’s inability to implement gender-responsive budgeting limits policy initiatives necessary to address biases in the tax systems. Furthermore, the invisibility of menstruation constrains mobilization and discussions for the repeal of the tampon tax. The study found that research evidence and campaigns projecting the impact of poor menstrual health management on girls of school-going age have made the tampon tax more visible in the media and political discussions and elicited some responses from politicians. However, weak collaboration and coordination among gender activists and organisations, lack of sustained activism and limited consultations with key policymakers impair or undermine the efforts of activists to get the tampon tax repealed. To deal comprehensively with gender biases in tax policies in Ghana, the government must adopt a multi-sectoral approach that ensures that gender is mainstreamed in all activities of ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) and review the categorization of menstrual hygiene products (MHPs) to make them tax-exempt. Additionally, the activism to address gender biases in tax systems must be targeted at the key policymakers and implementers. Furthermore, activists must deliberately identify and equip government champions to influence policy discussions and the decision-making process. Finally, education and activism on the tampon tax must go beyond statements, press releases and conversations on World Menstrual Hygiene Day to sustain the attention of policymakers and other stakeholders.
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    Politics Of Kayayie-Gatekeeper Phenomenon: Case Studies From Accra’s Tema Station
    (University Of Ghana, 2021-12) Sumani, D.
    In urban cities in Ghana, the prevalence of gatekeepers in the space of female migrants has become an emerging phenomenon. Female migrants who migrate to Ghana’s cities, especially Accra, in a bid to make a living only realise they are in a territory where such expectations are not easily met. As a result, they are constantly forced to improvise by adopting strategies and opting for certain spatial relationships necessary for their survival and stability in unfamiliar territories. This work focuses on identifying these livelihood strategies among specific female migrants known as kayayei. One of such strategies the kayayei have adopted to reduce their vulnerability and improve stability in these unfamiliar terrains has been by getting into relationships with male gatekeepers refined to emulate their household structures and socially constructed roles from their places of origin. This dissertation focuses on identifying these gatekeepers, their interests, and the exact role they play in the kayayei-gatekeeper phenomenon. This dissertation also adopts two theories (Social Dominance and Intersectionality) to understand the power relations, social domination, gender-based power inequalities, exploitation, and the multiple identities the kayayei hold and how it impacts their relationship with the gatekeepers. Using a qualitative case study methodology, the study applied convenient, purposive and snowball sampling to generate novel insights about an understudied phenomenon. The data demonstrate that age, ethnicity, and religious affiliation reflect the gatekeeper reality. Findings reveal that gatekeepers perform various unpaid services for the kayayei, including conflict resolution, burial rites, serving as liaison officers for NGO initiatives, funds mobilisation, assisting the kayayei to achieve financial inclusion and accelerating the shift to digital payments. Further, findings show that while these services offered by these gatekeepers are a good step in the right direction, they are not merely altruistic leaders but rather leaders with diverse political, economic, financial, status, sexual and kinship interests. Overall, this dissertation is a study of power and power relations. It offers a pioneering report on the gatekeepers phenomenon in the kaya industry and provides policymakers with the focus and direction to ending underage kayayei using gatekeepers as focal points.
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    Ghana And The Bretton Woods Institutions (BWIs) In The Fourth Republic: An Assessment
    (University Of Ghana, 2021-09) Abdul – Basit, I.
    The Bretton Woods Institutions (BWIs) were formed in 1945 after the end of World War II, in response to the damages that the war had on the economies of European nations. These institutions later extended their activities to sub-Saharan African countries. Ghana, being the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to gain independence in March 1957, officially became a member of both institutions in that same year. As a result, since the 1980s, Ghana has implemented several programs with the IMF and World Bank including the Structural Adjustment Programms (SAPs) in 1983, Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) in 1989; the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative in 2002; the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF) in 2009; the Three-Year Extended Credit Facility (ECF) in 2015. Also, in 2020, during the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the IMF allocated about one billion dollars to Ghana to tackle the threats the pandemic posed for the Ghanaian economy. All these have led to a situation where public policy formation in Ghana is dominated by neoliberal ideas and philosophies, which raises concerns about how the interactions between Ghana and the BWIs have evolved in the Fourth Republic. In this study, the qualitative research design was used. The analysis of the study was based on both primary and secondary data. The primary data was collected from participants through in-depth interviews whereas the secondary data was collected from existing literature on Ghana’s relations with the IMF and World Bank. The findings of the study reveal that the nature of Ghana’s relationship with the BWIs constitutes a dependency relationship, and that public policy formation in Ghana to a large extent is rooted in neoliberal thinking as a result of these institutions. Again, the results indicate that the driving forces of Ghana’s engagements with the IMF and World Bank are economic factors and history. Additionally, the study uncovered that Ghana’s relationship with the BWIs has largely not witnessed any significant transformation and that any attempt by the country to wean itself from these institutions is highly impossible. To add to the above, the findings of the study prove that Ghana’s interactions with the IMF and World Bank have both positive and negative implications.
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    Public Private Partnership and The Performance of Public Enterprises in Ghana: A Case Study Of The Intercity STC Coaches Limited
    (University Of Ghana, 2021-12) Umar, S.N.
    Public enterprises are used by governments across the world to deliver public goods and services. However, public enterprises, especially, those in developing countries have faced challenges in delivering on their mandate. In response to this, public private partnership has been adopted as a reform strategy to deal with the inefficiencies of these entities. In Ghana, the management of Intercity STC Coaches Limited, in 2015, entered a public private partnership arrangement to revive the operations of the company. Against this backdrop, this study was conducted to assess the impact of Public Private Partnership on the performance of Intercity STC Limited. A qualitative research approach was used to collect and analyze the data of the study. The study employed the purposive and simple random sampling techniques to select the management and the customers of ISTC respectively. The primary data was collected through personal interviews, and secondary data were retrieved from journal articles, books, and reports. The study found that, the public private partnership arrangement has led to an improvement in the quantity of services in terms of fleet size, number of routes and terminals. It has also led to an improvement in the comfort, safety and availability of service. However, the arrangement has not led to a significant improvement in the profit of the ISTC. The study further found out that, despite an increase in the fleet size, the ISTC still cannot compete with the biggest private transport companies. Additionally, the study found out that the partnership arrangement has brought about improvement in the convenience, comfort and safety of service delivery. However, the closure of the land borders because of COVID-19, high operational cost, and the inability to procure new buses have affected the operations of ISTC. The study recommends among others the need for ISTC to improve upon its maintenance culture in order to prevent the frequent breakdown of the buses.
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    The Politics Of International Institutions: A Path-Dependent Analysis Of The Icc-Au Interface.
    (University of Ghana, 2021-09) Acheampong, E.K.
    After many unsuccessful years of deliberating the establishment of a permanent ICC, the end of the Cold war critical juncture would foster processes, as liberal ideological principles took center stage in international politics. Not only that, but this specific juncture also triggered a declining state of inter-state wars and an increase in intra-state conflict, posing a threat to the global order. This necessitated the adoption of new institutional measures (ICC) to combat the increasing levels of intra-state wars, the impunity associated with it, and further deter future occurrences. As positive as the role of the ICC in global governance may be, translating from theory into practice has been marred with turbulence, as Africa, the continent with the highest number of signatories; in different phases, has declared a non-cooperation policy with the Court through the AU until now. This leads to a range of theoretical and practical issues that need to be explored to explain why the AU-ICC interface has been plagued with turbulence over time. As a result, this research work has examined the historical narrative of the ICC-AU interface through the Path dependent to explicate the temporal events and dynamics of politics in this interface. The results of the study showed that the reasons behind the AU’s move to not cooperate with the ICC until today is because of series of causatively connected events, which is best explained through the reactive path-dependent model. Through the lens of this research tradition, it emerged that the popular narrative of ‘Africa is against the ICC’ is false, that it is only a few powerful African countries who used their privileged asymmetrical power relations and historical locked-in advantages to shape the ICC-AU interface to their interest. At the other end of the spectrum, the study also identified that the institutional design of the ICC emitted certain unintended consequences on the ICC-AU interface through the lens of increasing path-dependent dynamics. Whilst the ICC is a fully-fledged court with full legal responsibilities, through this research tradition, certain dynamics of politics were explored in the ICC-AU-UNSC relations.
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    Ghana’s Trade Relations with the United States of America: A Case Study of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA)
    (University of Ghana, 2016) Orlapu, A.
    AGOA offers Sub-Saharan African countries some special privileges and opportunities to export their products into the United States of America without restrictions. It seeks to promote sound socio-economic and political development within the affected region through intercontinental trade liberalization. This work is, therefore, an attempt made to investigate the extent to which AGOA has contributed to transform the economic, social, and political structures of Ghana since 2000. This research progressed through five major Chapters. In Chapter one, the researcher gave the introduction of the study, statement of the research problem as well as the research model used for this study. While Chapter two reviewed existing academic literature on the impact of AGOA in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), Chapter three, on the other hand, sought to explain the research methodology used for this study. Chapter four analyzed the research data gathered from the field. In Chapter five, the researcher gave a summary of the study and his recommendations based on the research findings. Interviews were conducted at various time periods and in different institutions to solicit the views and opinions of both Ghanaian and U.S. experts on the challenges and impact of AGOA in Ghana. The research exercise showed that, aside economic and social gains, the nation’s political relations with the United States and with neighboring countries have been improved greatly under AGOA initiatives despite the challenges. In other words, AGOA has worked to multiply job opportunities and enhanced the nation’s effectiveness in responding to the needs of Ghanaians. In addition, AGOA provides Ghana the opportunity to interact with both U.S. and African political leaders on vital issues relating to trade and good governance through its annual Forums.
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    The Politics of International Institutions: A Path-Dependent Analysis of the ICC-AU Interface
    (University of Ghana, 2021-09) Acheampong, E.K.
    After many unsuccessful years of deliberating the establishment of a permanent ICC, the end of the Cold war critical juncture would foster processes, as liberal ideological principles took center stage in international politics. Not only that, but this specific juncture also triggered a declining state of inter-state wars and an increase in intra-state conflict, posing a threat to the global order. This necessitated the adoption of new institutional measures (ICC) to combat the increasing levels of intra-state wars, the impunity associated with it, and further deter future occurrences. As positive as the role of the ICC in global governance may be, translating from theory into practice has been marred with turbulence, as Africa, the continent with the highest number of signatories; in different phases, has declared a non-cooperation policy with the Court through the AU until now. This leads to a range of theoretical and practical issues that need to be explored to explain why the AU-ICC interface has been plagued with turbulence over time. As a result, this research work has examined the historical narrative of the ICC-AU interface through the Path dependent to explicate the temporal events and dynamics of politics in this interface. The results of the study showed that the reasons behind the AU’s move to not cooperate with the ICC until today is because of series of causatively connected events, which is best explained through the reactive path-dependent model. Through the lens of this research tradition, it emerged that the popular narrative of ‘Africa is against the ICC’ is false, that it is only a few powerful African countries who used their privileged asymmetrical power relations and historical locked-in advantages to shape the ICC-AU interface to their interest. At the other end of the spectrum, the study also identified that the institutional design of the ICC emitted certain unintended consequences on the ICC-AU interface through the lens of increasing path-dependent dynamics. Whilst the ICC is a fully-fledged court with full legal responsibilities, through this research tradition, certain dynamics of politics were explored in the ICC-AU-UNSC relations.
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    Assessing the Impact of Refugees on the Political Economy of Ghana: The Case of Budumburam Refugee Camp
    (University of Ghana, 2020-10) Owusu, E.K.
    Prior literature provides evidence that refugees affect host communities in several respects. This study extends existing research by examining the economic and political impact of refugees hosting in the context of Buduburam refugee camp in the Gomoa East District of Ghana. The study employed both quantitative and qualitative research approaches. A total of 100 respondents made up of households in the studied area were used for the study. Respondents were selected using purposive sampling strategy. Both questionnaires and interviews were utilized as the research instruments of data collection. Data collected in the study was analysed using descriptive statistics such as simple percentages and mean scores as well as Relative Importance Index (RII) and thematic narration. The results of the study demonstrate that refugees pose both positive and negative impacts on the host community in Buduburam. With regards to the positive impact of refugees, the study finds that refugees’ presence in Buduburam has led to stimulation of local commerce, attraction of international organizations that bring in resources, and inflow of remittances that boost commerce. With regards to the negative impact of refugees on host communities, the study finds that refugees' presence leads to deterioration of living conditions, puts strain on resources, leads to inflationary pressures and puts pressure on resources like warehousing, roads and land and pressure on jobs. The results of the study, however, revealed that refugees do not pose any significant political impact on the studied host community. From a policy and practical standpoint, the study recommends that governments, local authorities and the international community should pursue strategies for the development of the host community in order to improve the livelihoods of people in the host community and also improve the relationship of host communities and the refugee population. Among other things, these should include improving access to water, equipping refugee camps with food and water security, easing restrictions on refugees especially restrictions on movement and employment so as to maximize the positive effect of refugees’ presence and involving hosts in the management of refugees.
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    Examining The Impact of the Youth Employment Agency (Yea) in the Fourth Republic: A Case Study of the Role of the Ghanaian Youth Towards Community Policing Under the Sixth Module
    (University of Ghana, 2020-09) Ibrahim, B.
    Youth unemployment, including its related challenges (e.g., crime), is one of the major challenges facing many countries in the world. Youth unemployment, for example, remains a major challenge in Europe, Asia, Australia, Latin America, North America and, of course, Africa. In response, the government of Ghana established the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) to deal with youth unemployment and its related challenges in 2015. One of the modules which was designed to directly deal with youth unemployment and its related challenges is the 6th module which concerns itself with the “Youth in Community Service and Security Module” [otherwise known as “Community Protection Assistants—CPAs”]. The study was designed to appraise and measure the 6th module—the “Youth in Community Service and Security Module” (otherwise known as “Community Protection Personnel”)—against YEA’s objectives using the mixed method. The results showed that YEA works to offer the youth with temporary employment and connects them to lifelong employments through its Job Portals and Job Centre. Moreover, interactions with YEA top officials and CPAs showed that YEA provides the CPAs with ‘Exit-Fund’ at the end of the two-years-stay on the program. Still, a larger proportion (80.6%) of the CPAs believed that they have been able to reduce crime in the communities under study. Equally, a greater proportion of the community-residents who know about the work of the CPAs (i.e., 56% of them) confirmed that there was a reduction of crime in the communities due to the activities of the CPAs. However, low salary and lack of funding have generally destabilized operation as most of them are unable to feed themselves and families well, rent and renew rents and transport themselves to and fro.
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    Ghana’s Relations with The Commonwealth of Nations Under the Fourth Republic
    (University of Ghana, 2021-09) Adams, M.
    One major global impact after the end of the Cold War is the emergence of International Organizations and reconfiguration of their policies. One such organization is the Commonwealth of Nations. Even though the Commonwealth of Nations predates the Cold War, it has been very vital in the promotion of world peace, security, human right, democracy, and prosperity for all member states in modern-day politics. The Commonwealth of Nations’ role in securing a stable political and progressive economic world for member countries cannot be easily ignored. Ghana’s relations with the Commonwealth of Nations date back to 1957 when Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and his CPP gained independence from British colonial rule. Since then, Ghana has maintained close links with its former colonial master Britain till today. Unsurprisingly, many African leaders and scholars have expressed mixed feelings and reactions to the formation of the Commonwealth of Nations. Not far from the truth, these radical African leaders such as Dr. Kwame Nkrumah viewed the Commonwealth as a deliberate attempt for the continuation of British colonial exploitation of her former colonies. Though Nkrumah knew that the Commonwealth of Nations is a relic of colonial legacy, he was more than willing to join the Commonwealth after independence owing to the circumstances during that epoch. Therefore, the study sought to interrogate the factors that have been the source of incentives for Ghana’s membership in the Commonwealth of Nations since 1957. Moreover, the study sought to also interrogate the implications of the Commonwealth of Nations on Ghana’s foreign policy; investigate the role of the Commonwealth of Nations under Ghana’s Fourth Republic; assess the benefits Ghana has derived from the Commonwealth of Nations before and during the Fourth Republic, and to examine the challenges and prospects of Ghana’s relations with the Commonwealth of Nations under the Fourth Republic. Due to the nature of the study, the purposive sampling method was adopted in the selection of respondents. Primary data were collected from academics and diplomats via semi-structured interviews. The findings of the study revealed that political and economic factors were the major incentives for Ghana’s Commonwealth membership in 1957. Moreover, the study discovered that the Commonwealth of Nations amplifies Ghana’s voice in the international community. Again, the study revealed that aside from Zimbabwe, Ghana is the second country that benefits more from the Commonwealth of Nations. Finally, climate change, overlapping of membership, diseases, migration, the decline in democratic values, extremism, and poverty are the challenges confronting Ghana’s relations with the Commonwealth of Nations under the Fourth Republic. There are large trade and investment prospects for Ghana in the Commonwealth of Nations as a result of common language and history. It is recommended in the study that; Ghana needs to harness the opportunities within the Commonwealth of Nations and draw homegrown policies out of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) to overcome the country’s socio-economic challenges to benefit its citizens.
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    The Search for Peace and Security in Africa: A Comparative Study of NPP-NDC Foreign Policy towards the ECOWAS 2001-2017
    (University of Ghana, 2020-10) Tetteh, A.
    The fundamental elements required for the growth and development of any country are peace and adequate security. West Africa has been characterized by violent conflicts for the past two decades. ECOWAS has taken the lead in establishing several protocols and institutions to curb the numerous security threats that confront the sub-region. The activities of ECOWAS are made possible through the contributions of member countries which Ghana is not an exception. Ghana after the attainment of independence has pursued several policies to champion the collective interest of the African continent and the West African sub-region particularly in the resolution of the myriads of conflicts and security threats in the region. Using the neoliberal institutionalism and historical institutionalism theories, the study sought to comparatively study the foreign policies pursued by NPP and NDC (2001-2017) administration’ towards the peace and security operations of ECOWAS, strategies deployed, and an analysis of continuities and changes in these policies. Data collected from the interviews, review of important literature and an analysis of the statements and speeches of the three former Presidents of NPP and NDC (2001-2017) using the qualitative research methodology revealed that, both governments pursued several policies towards ECOWAS’ peace and security operations. Also, both administrations supported peacekeeping and peacemaking processes of the sub-regional body. An analysis of continuities and changes in their policies revealed that some levels of continuities in their foreign policies are discernible. However, both regimes portrayed some changes in their policies as a result of a lack of a single policy document to guide Ghana’s foreign policies pursued towards ECOWAS’ peace and security operations.
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    Party Fragmentation in Ghana’s Fourth Republic: A Case Study of the Nkrumahist Parties
    (University of Ghana, 2020-10) Boakye, B.A.P.
    Intra-party conflicts and party fragmentation is not a new phenomenon to Ghanaian politics. It traces its historical antecedents to when Kwame Nkrumah led a section of the UGCC to breakaway to form the CPP in 1949. Subsequent ones occurred in the Third Republic of Ghana when the Danquah-Busia tradition’s Progress Party was split into the PFP and UNC ahead of the 1979 elections. Ghana’s Fourth Republic cannot entirely be left out of the picture because it has also had its share of intra-party conflicts and fragmentations. Despite its resurgence, some political parties in Ghana like the NPP and NDC have perfected the art of managing the situation as and when it erupts. However, the Nkrumahist parties have failed to recover from their recurrent fragmentation. Against this backdrop, the study examined the dynamics of the fragmentation of the Nkrumahist parties and its impact on them. The study adopted the qualitative research approach to obtain its primary data as well as relied on some existing secondary sources from books, articles, etc. The study found that leadership crises, exploitation of warring factions by major political parties and the effects of Ghana’s political system have over the years contributed to the inability of Nkrumahist parties to recover from fragmentation like NDC and NPP. The dynamics to this the fragmentation include self-induced factors like excessive glorification of their founder and absence of effective party structures, selfishness and greed, political opportunism, party financing and Ideological rift. Additional factors like the deliberate extermination of the tradition through coups and the destabilization ploy by major parties were found to had also contributed to the Nkrumahists’ problem. The Nkrumahists fragmentation was found to have contributed to their abysmal electoral performance, affected their ability to advance alternative governance proposals, entrenched the ‘two-horse’ race between the NDC and NPP as well as attracted businessmen who only use the tradition as means of amassing wealth or launch their political career. The study recommends among others the need for Nkrumahists to build effective party structures, strengthen their conflict resolution mechanisms, and refrain from excessive greed and political patronage.
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    The Electoral Commission and Free and Fair Elections in Ghana’s Fourth Republic: A Case Study of the Inter-Party Advisory Committee
    (University of Ghana, 2020-10) Opoku - Tawiah, A.
    The 1992 broached election of Ghana saw the transformation of its’ EMB from INEC to EC and its success in conducting free and fair elections over the years has placed Ghana on high pedestal as the beacon of democracy in Africa. However, this achievement could not have been possible without the help of IPAC – a stakeholder consultation forum. Although IPAC is not backed by law and faces many challenges, it has made impact in Ghana’s democratic dispensation and attracted a replication in other African countries. This study attempted to assess IPAC’s contribution to free and fair elections in Ghana with the aid of Goodwin-Gill (1994)’s indices of free and fair elections as a framework. This study further investigates the challenges informal institution faces and how these problems can be solved. Additionally, this study assess whether the EC still desires IPAC. Findings from the study showed that IPAC has contributed to the indices of free and fair elections although it faces some challenges and that despite in IPAC from time to time the EC still desires IPAC and thus continually engage IPAC.
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    An Assessment of Political Party Vigilantism in Ghana’s Fourth Republic
    (University of Ghana, 2020-10) Amponsah, T.
    Political Party Vigilante Groups (PPVGs) have become a visible feature in Ghanaian politics since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1992. PPVGs are mostly associated with the two leading political parties in Ghana – the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC), the current government and opposition respectively. The activities of PPVGs come into prominence during election when they are used by their respective political parties to intimidate voters, protect ballot boxes and police polling stations. In performing these duties, PPVGs tend to take the law into their hands knowing that a ruling party to which they are affiliated will protect them. In serving the interest of their patron parties, however, PPVGs pose a threat to Ghana’s fragile democracy. Not only does the intimidation of voters by political party vigilantism (PPV) inspire fear and prevent electorates from exercising their democratic franchise, it also undermines peace and security through the use of violence. The threat posed to democratic stability compelled the Ghanaian Parliament to enact an anti-vigilante legislation in 2019 (Act 999) which criminalised such activities. However, in spite of promulgation of the anti-vigilante legislation, and in spite of the commitment by political parties to adhere to the dictates of the legislation, PPV continued unabated. There is high level of bad faith or mistrust among the political actors in working closely to disband PPVGs affiliated to their parties. Therefore this study is conducted to unravel the factors accounting for the bad faith posture among the political actors in disbanding their vigilante groups. Using a purely qualitative research methodology, the study sought to explain the poor compliance of political leaders to the call to combat PPV. The study found, among other things, that anti-vigilante legislation was not enough to combat vigilantism. Moreover, widespread mutual suspicion among NPP and NDC along with lack of trust for the electoral management body in Ghana, the Electoral Commission (EC), to conduct free, fair and transparent elections, were part of the reasons for the show of bad faith among political parties. Accordingly, recommendations were made aimed at enhancing the state’s ability to effectively stem the activities of PPVGs in the country.
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    Post-Cold War Foreign Policy of the U.S. in West Africa: A Case Study Of Ghana and Nigeria.
    (University of Ghana, 2020-10) Ahmed, I.
    U.S. foreign policy formulation and implementation is one of the complex political processes in America. Post-Cold War foreign policy of the U.S. towards the West African sub-region can be understood in the broad context of U.S. policy towards Africa. West African states were used as pawns during the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. The sub-region is still of strategic importance to America in the Post-Cold War era. Extant literature on U.S. foreign policy towards Africa focused on continuity. And this study seeks to find out in what ways the foreign policy of the U.S. in West Africa has undergone change after the end of the Cold War. Thus, it investigates the parameters or trends of change in Post-Cold War U.S. foreign policy in the sub-region. Also, it discovers the exact interests of U.S. and the strategies adopted by America to halt the creeping rise of China in West Africa. Data collected from semi-structured interview and literatures were interpreted and analysed within the theoretical framework adopted by this study. That is Offensive Realism. The study found out that the parameters or trends of change in Post-Cold War U.S. policy border around ideological, economic and security interests but the two major changes are economic and security interests. The study also revealed that the U.S. are using propaganda tools, soft diplomacy and hard power to halt the creeping rise of China’s influence in West Africa. The study claims that U.S. foreign policy toward the sub-region changes on the basis current happenings in the international system in order to suit its interests