Topics In Dagbanli Phonology: A Cross-Dialectal Study

Abstract

The thesis is a cross-dialectal investigation of various topics in Dagbanli Phonology. It is set up to contribute to the understanding of segmental phonology which concerns individual segments of speech and their patterns. It responds to basic empirical questions about suprasegmental phonology which realm is linked utterances. A cross-dialectal study of segmental phonology as well as suprasegmental properties of the dialects is discussed and assessed for the purpose of Dagbanli phonology. The prime objectives are to describe variations in Dagbanli dialects, to provide analysis of the topics in Dagbanli phonology across dialects and to advance sound correspondence and sound alternation across Dagbanli dialects. Ethnographic Approach is employed to solicit the primary data from bucolic Dagbanli speech communities. Descriptive Method is engaged for the analysis of both primary and secondary data available while Theories of Data and Free- Standing Theories are applied where necessary. Gbanjonsili ‘Gbanjon dialect’, Zundusili ‘Zundua dialect’ and Jimansili ‘Jiman dialect’ are discovered as the sub-dialects of the major dialects of Dagbanli; the suffix [-sili] in this context refers to a dialect. The sub-dialects have the velar fricatives [x, ɣ] confined to specific segmental contexts with a particular inventory stricture. It reveals that the voiced coronal stop /d/ in the standard dialect manifests as voiceless coronal stop [t] in Zundusili, voiceless coronal affricate /ʧ/ in Gbanjonsili and voiceless dorsal stop [k] in Jimansili through fortition process of devoicing. The thesis confirms coalesce of non-coronal labial /m/ and coronal fricative /s/ to produce dorsal fricative [x] in intervocalic in Gbanjonsili (e.g., /m+s/→[x]; /wʊ́m-sí/→ [wʊ́xɨ́] ‘tame’). The thesis describes assimilation and non-assimilatory processes such as lenition and fortition as the phonological units that account for dialectal differentiation in Dagbanli. Both lenition and fortition operate on segmental level and are not caused by neighbouring segments; while Lenition concerns phonological weakening (e.g., /s/→[h], /máːsílí/ → [máːhílí] ‘cool weather’), fortition employs phonological strengthening (e.g., /d/→[t], /díní/ →[tíní] ‘knee’). Four different models are attested in the description of segmental differences and similarities across dialects; these models, Relisational, Selectional, Systemic and Distributional, highlight the segmental properties as well as phonological processes affecting the surface realisation of the segments. The alternation of [a~ɔ], [ɔ~a], [a~o] and [i~u] are described in Dagbanli as selectional (random) but not distributional (rule-governed). The thesis suggests that the chief source of segmental variations in Dagbanli is in vowel quality. The thesis describes the basic patterns of harmony systems across Dagbanli dialects with focus on triggers and targets. It argues that backness harmony in Dagbanli and its dialects is progressive where harmonic features spread from root-to-suffix. It shows that mora-counting play significant role in the description of Dagbanli phonology and falling tone is a feature in Dagbanli. The thesis concludes that Dagbanli counts CV.V and CVN as heavy while CV as light convincingly showing moraic consistency. Also, tone is observed as the diagnosis for mora-counting in Dagbanli Phonology.