Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography ISSN: 0016-7223 (Print) 1903-2471 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rdgs20 The divergence between acceptability of municipal services and urbanization in developing countries: insights from Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi, Ghana Martin Oteng-Ababio, Ian Smout, Ebenezer Forkuo Amankwaa & James Esson To cite this article: Martin Oteng-Ababio, Ian Smout, Ebenezer Forkuo Amankwaa & James Esson (2017) The divergence between acceptability of municipal services and urbanization in developing countries: insights from Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi, Ghana, Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography, 117:2, 142-154, DOI: 10.1080/00167223.2017.1331745 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00167223.2017.1331745 Published online: 29 May 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 153 View Crossmark data Citing articles: 1 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rdgs20 GeoGrafisk TidsskrifT-danish Journal of GeoGraphy, 2017 Vol. 117, no. 2, 142–154 https://doi.org/10.1080/00167223.2017.1331745 The divergence between acceptability of municipal services and urbanization in developing countries: insights from Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi, Ghana Martin Oteng-Ababioa, Ian Smoutb  , Ebenezer Forkuo Amankwaaa and James Essonc  adepartment of Geography and resource development, university of Ghana, accra, Ghana; bWater, engineering and development Centre, loughborough university, loughborough, uk; cdepartment of Geography, loughborough university, loughborough, uk ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY In most developing countries, the provision of municipal services and infrastructure invariably fails received 10 october 2016 to match the pace and demands of urbanization. The outcome is often increased informality due accepted 15 May 2017 to improper planning, official bureaucratic barriers and perhaps insufficient and shrinking public resources, which then makes leveraging private capital for public service provision imperative. KEYWORDSWater; sanitation; electricity; Drawing on in-depth qualitative fieldwork in two Ghanaian cities, this paper aims to extend accra; sekondi-Takoradi; literature on the divergence between service provision and urbanization in developing countries. Ghana More specifically, it attempts to qualify recent macro-level data indicating that access to water, sanitation and electricity services in Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi is improving substantively. Contrary to dominant policy narratives circulating in Ghana, we illustrate how the acceptability of key municipal services within urban settings is often inadequate, and how acceptability is tied to spatial and temporal factors. We then identify and examine the reasons underpinning these variations. Through exploring residents’ perceptions of key services, and examining critically the possibility and feasibility of meeting urban service needs through leveraging private resources, this paper contributes to broader academic debates over urban service provision, while also feeding into contemporary policy discussions concerning how to achieve several of the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. 1. Introduction The optimism associated with urbanization’s potential role in forging a more prosperous future does however Urbanization, which is an index of transformation from require qualification. Increasing human populations, traditional rural economies to modern ones, has under- which the US National Intelligence Council identified as gone major changes in the past decades, and is likely to a “tectonic shift” that will “affect how the world works” experience significant transformations in the decades to by 2030 (USAID, 2013), add complexities to urbanization come. Recent studies indicate that while the developed experiences, and collectively exert a high demand for world became mostly urban around 1950, developing basic infrastructure and services to which many author- regions which are still mostly rural today will have more ities have so far failed to respond positively because of people living in urban areas by 2030 (Carmody & Owusu, financial constraints. Rather, and as rightly noted by Tacoli, 2016; Parnell & Pieterse, 2014; Turok, 2015, 2016; World McGranahan, and Satterthwaite (2015), urban growth in Bank, 2015). Turok (2016) reveals that from 2010 to about most developing countries is too often accompanied by 2030, Africa’s urban population is expected to double. increasing urban poverty. USAID (2013, p. 1) highlights this These studies at the same time reveal that urbanization negative relationship emphasizing that: offers unparalleled promise to the national economies one billion people currently live in slums without basic (accounting for 70% of global Gross Domestic Product), services like clean water, electricity or health services; 28 and opportunities for improving people’s well-being, for percent of urban under-five children are chronically mal- poverty reduction and for the promotion of sustainable nourished; 60 percent of urban dwellers are exposed to development. It also offers opportunities for most devel- natural disasters and often lack voice in local government. oping countries to foster innovation and creativity, which This paper aims to further existing literature on urban should in turn enable greater numbers of their citizens to infrastructure provision in sub-Saharan Africa, but as the be part of increased growth and prosperity (see Gillespie, infrastructural challenge spans a wide spectrum, the paper 2014; Turok, 2016; UN-Habitat, 2014). empirically builds on fieldwork investigating the quality CONTACT Martin oteng-ababio moababio@yahoo.com © 2017 The royal danish Geographical society GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 143 and acceptability of water, sanitation and electricity ser- residents, practitioners and city authorities. The conclu- vices in Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi (Ghana). It zooms in sion examines a way forward in how to examine critically on the pressures of urban management and illustrates everyday realities facing urban dwellers in their quest for how the acceptability of key municipal services varies both sustainable urban service delivery. spatially and temporarily. It further examines the politics underpinning these variations relative to previous studies 2. Acceptability of urban services – a theoretical that have focused on single themes such as water qual- overview ity (Ainuson, 2010; Stoler, Weeks, & Otoo, 2013; Verhagen & Ryan, 2008); or focused on multiple themes (Arguello, Theoretical approaches for gauging societal accessibility Grant, Oteng-Ababio, & Ayele, 2013; Konadu-Agyemang, to urban infrastructural services within the geographical 1991, 2001; Songsore et al., 2014). By focusing on the space of cities have evolved rapidly over the past two dec- public acceptance factor, we seek to shed much needed ades, as academics and policy-makers struggle to grasp empirical light on the constitutive nature of power and the implications of increasing urbanization and sprawl vis- complexity within urban settings. This not only provides a-vis World Bank/IMF-sponsored neoliberal policies (World empirical evidence of city-specific urban conditions, but Bank, 2015) and the concomitant receding role of the state also has potential utility in stimulating micro-level solu- in the provision of such services (Budds & McGranahan, tions due to the impracticability of one-size-fits-all reme- 2003; Grant, 2015). Principally, these approaches are less dies (Fuseini & Kemp, 2016). sanguine about the public acceptance factor of the ser- In this paper, we show that reported access to a ser- vices than their geo-spatial distribution. This approach also vice does not imply satisfactory service provision which tends to mask the economic, social and cultural hurdles is acceptable to city residents. Urban growth increases associated with the utilization of services, which plays an pressure on services and the failure of city authorities to important role in the potential success or failure in the purposefully plan for this unprecedented growth leads to implementation of public infrastructure service, either increased informality and poor service provision, exac- by the public or private sector (Basbas, Mintsis, Taxiltaris, erbating poverty in the already vulnerable communi- Roukouni, & Vazakidis, 2015). While prior studies in Ghana ties and jeopardizing the attainment of the Sustainable (see Amankwaa, Owusu, Owusu, & Eshun, 2014; Fuseini & Development Goals (SDGs). With increased urbanization, Kemp, 2016; Songsore et al., 2014) have helped theorize the prospects for achieving core development objectives some of the popular dimensions of infrastructural provi- as enshrined in the SDGs for which the Ghanaian President sion – availability, affordability, appropriateness, resource is one of two United Nations (UN) appointed focal persons mobilization, etc. – they often fail to explain how service are tied to what happens in urban areas in the country. beneficiaries accept the services being delivered by service This paper relates in particular to SDG 6 (Clean Water providers. and Sanitation), SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) and At a more general level, the concept of acceptability SDG 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities – includ- has come into immense prominence lately amid efforts ing transport). Their explicit focus on sustainable cities to conceptualize private sector participation in urban ser- and communities and on universal access to energy and vice provision, with varying success (Harvey, 2008). The transport as well as water and sanitation suggests that the question of acceptability has more to do with cultural and conceptual and policy landscape may be shifting towards socio-economic factors (including beliefs), which deter- a more nuanced approach to development that places mine the possibility for a society to accept a service or more interpretative weight on service infrastructure and obligate a community to appropriate a service with lit- on ensuring that everyone has access to services. This is tle alternative and the judged appropriateness for using not to discount the statistically quantum improvement in the service (Basbas et al., 2015). According to Levesque, most urban services in Ghana (Ghana Statistical Service Harris, and Russell (2013), the key to understanding bet- [GSS], 2012). ter questions of service acceptability in developing con- Our paper is structured as follows. The next section dis- texts revolves around the question of how issues of power cusses the framing of acceptability of urban services more influence the dynamics of informal organization, and then as cultural and socio-economic issues, which determine impact on wider processes of governance, which in turn whether society will accept a service or obligate a com- affect the opportunity or ease with which consumers or munity to appropriate a service with little alternative. This communities are able to use appropriate services in pro- is followed by a brief background on the study locations portion to their needs. Moreover, Levesque et al. (2013) and the methodology employed in the study. The third see the ability of an individual or a community to seek a section presents the results of the research followed by a particular service as a function of the person’s personal discussion that assesses the implications of the results for autonomy and capacity to seek knowledge about service 144 M . OTENG-ABABIO ET AL. options, and his/her individual rights to determine and for foreign direct investment and other private capital to express the intention to obtain particular services. finance their infrastructural deficit, and thereby provides As demonstrated by Harris, Harris, and Roland (2004), guidance into policies aiming at addressing certain infra- the issue of acceptability therefore relates to ensuring that structure gaps in order to promote access. the service being offered meets the needs of different cultural, socio-economically disadvantaged and vulnera- 3. The study area and methodology ble populations since in all probability, different groups may judge the appropriateness and quality of the service 3.1. The study area differently and further appreciate, utilize and accept the In analysing residents’ acceptability of urban infrastructure service from a different perspective. On a more practical and service delivery, two cities, Accra, the most urbanized standpoint, some researchers (Fuseini & Kemp, 2016; Stoler and national capital, and Sekondi-Takoradi, Ghana’s rapidly et al., 2013) maintain that one should not just have access urbanizing oil city, were selected for the fieldwork. This to services based on one’s geographical and organiza- aided greater understanding of inter- and intra-city dynam- tional availability and affordability alone, but that access ics and variations and the lessons learnt could provide must encompass the possibility to choose acceptable insights for planning and policy-making. The total popu- and effective services. The opportunity for a consumer or lation of Accra in the 2010 national census was 2,076,546 community to utilize a service (e.g. dug-out well) cannot with 450,794 households (GSS, 2012). Sekondi-Takoradi, be equated to the opportunity for another wealthier con- which is the capital of Western Region and doubles as the sumer (community) to utilize highly rated (in-house) piped capital of Sekondi-Takoradi Metropolitan Assembly, had services, if these services can potentially generate different a population of 300,524 in 2000 which nearly doubled in health outcomes or satisfaction. In other words, services 2010 to 559,548 (GSS, 2012). with inherently differential technical qualities – either Within each city, five residential locations were sampled through the utilization of different types, technologies or to cover a range of types of settlements, a range of income providers – cannot be seen as equally appropriate services. levels, as well as older and newer settlements. Overviews of Conceptually, Levesque et al. (2013) rightly maintain the case study settlements in Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi that a consumer’s or society’s tendency to accept a service are provided in Tables 1 and 2, respectively. has a direct relationship with their level of participation In terms of infrastructural services, the 2010 population and involvement in the decision-making process, which census lists Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi as well-connected is in turn strongly determined by the individual’s capacity cities, with over 90 and 80% of their respective residents and motivation. This, as has already been demonstrated, having access to electricity and improved water, respec- is also strongly related to the consumer’s level of knowl- tively. We posit however that the reality in both cities can edge about the service and the capacity to communicate be more worrisome and chronic against the backdrop that this awareness. By inference, it can be concluded that the most official statistics deal with averages and sometimes optimal acceptance of any service ultimately requires the undercount those “living under poverty” in the so-called person or community to be fully engaged with or be part illegal (informal) and slum communities (Oteng-Ababio, and parcel of the service. The concept of acceptability is Smout, & Yankson, 2017). The assertion that these cities thus seen as a human-centred framework that presents the are well connected fallaciously implies all residents to be pathway through appropriating the needed urban infra- “service-rich” once the city average rises over and above structural services. The conceptual approach provides the the national level, without recognizing intra- and inter- basis for a stronger operational measurement, particularly city differentials and therefore may be cultivating a misin- at a time when city authorities are feverishly clamoring formed perception that the cities do not need intervention. Table 1. settlements studied in accra. Population growth Neighbourhood/settlement History Location Income level (2000−2010) korle Gonno indigenous/traditional settle- Western edge of centre low income 27,826–30,555 ment labone Traditionally a middle-income eastern edge of centre Middle/high income 17,675 (2010) residential area accra new Town Migrant settlement established in northern edge of centre low/middle income 45,130–31,363 1940s, mainly Muslim Gbawe indigenous core, growing rapidly peri-urban West heterogeneous 29,000–67,998 since 1990s ashaley Botwe indigenous core, growing rapidly peri-urban north east heterogeneous 11,974–17,071 since 1990s GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 145 Table 2. settlements studied in sekondi-Takoradi. Population growth Neighbourhood/settlement History Location Income level (2000–2010) new Takoradi indigenous Central low income 13,556–20,204 kwesimintsim established in 1930s Western edge of centre heterogeneous 20,024–47,211 anaji indigenous and newcomers north Western edge of Middle/upper income 9274–30,397 Takoradi assakae indigenous and newcomers peri-urban West low/middle income 5553–9139 since 2000 kojokrom indigenous/migrants and peri-urban east low income 9515–37,722 newcomers since 2000 Re-examining residents’ acceptability of service delivery is acceptability of services in the study settlements. This is imperative, and presents critical implications for city man- the focus of the next section. agers. Importantly, understanding such dynamics, which is an essential part of piecing together the typologies of 4. Results: gauging the quality and service acceptability, can make urban managers better acceptability of urban services informed about how to address needs and allocate scarce resources for intervention. The paper builds on fieldwork investigating the quality and acceptability of water, sanitation and electricity services in two case study cities in Ghana – Accra and Sekondi- 3.2. Methodology Takoradi. We first analyse the availability and quality of A qualitative methodology was followed, using focus the services under consideration (i.e. improved water, san- group discussions (FGDs), semi-structured interviews and itation and electricity) within the selected cities and their in-depth interviews. In general, four FGDs were held per spatial dynamics, and highlight the current governance settlement, one each for elderly males, elderly females, structure and some of the accompanying challenges. The young males and young females, with 6–8 participants per level of respondents’ acceptability of these services is pre- focus group conducted (see Table 3). sented following this. In addition to the focus groups, individual residents were purposively selected for semi-structured/in-depth 4.1. Quality of urban service delivery interviews to ensure a wide range of participants, with a target of 20–25 interviews per settlement. Gough et 4.1.1. Urban water services al. (2015) provide more details of the focus groups and The baseline data on water services collected from the interviewees, and the standard FGDs and interview sched- census reports for the two cities revealed that overall, ules. Table 4 provides a summary of the characteristics of 80% of the residents had access to a water tap for drink- interviewees and the number of interviews conducted in ing, which qualifies as an improved water source but this each city. does not necessarily imply an in-house connection. In The fieldwork findings were written up as Settlement reality, only 31.8 and 31.4% of the residents in Accra and Profiles (Gough et al., 2015) together with a table on the Sekondi-Takoradi (mostly those in the high-income neigh- ranking of services for each settlement, in a standard for- bourhoods) have household or at best a yard connection. mat (see Smout et al., 2015). In Ghana, baseline data on Thus, from the results (see Figure 1), 49.3% of the residents the urban services under consideration were also collected in Labone (Accra) have in-house connections while only through census reports, as well as in-depth interviews of 16 2.5% of those in Ashaley Botwe enjoy that facility. Similarly, service officials across the cities (selected in a statistically in Sekondi-Takoradi, while 45.3% of the residents in the representative manner). Additionally, case histories of a affluent community (Anaji) have in-house services, only further nine community leaders, occupational associations 9.9% in New Takoradi is that lucky. and relevant private sector associations were conducted. Importantly, our data clearly revealed that the statistics This summarized the characteristics of the settlement and above only tell part of the story as water access within the findings related to acceptability of services and the a house is underpinned by central issues of availability, focus groups’ ranking of the services according to their access and affordability which ultimately price out a priority for improvement. It is envisaged that dynamics number of household members, limiting their access to associated with changes to the built environment, along- potable water and compelling the disadvantaged to use side the demographic shifts, can influence the quality and unhygienic alternatives. These include unprotected spring, 146 M. OTENG-ABABIO ET AL. Table 3. Composition of focus groups. Focus Group Composition Youth Elders Settlement Male Female Mixed Male Female Mixed Total Accra korle Gonno 1 1 1 1 4 accra new Town 1 1 1 1 4 Gbawe 1 1 1 3 ashaley Botwe 1 1 1 3 Total 4 4 4 2 14 Sekondi-Takoradi anaji 1 1 1 3 assakae 1 1 1 1 4 new Takoradi 1 1 1 1 4 kwesimintsim 1 1 1 1 4 kojokrom 1 1 1 1 4 Total 5 4 1 3 4 2 19 Table 4. Characteristics of interview respondents. 5 and 8 cents). The same concern was observed in New Takoradi and Ashaley Botwe where almost all the residents Gender (%) Age (%) Number of use alternative sources of water supply including wells and Settlement respondents Male Female 18–35 36+ rain, as depicted in the quotes below: Accra At first we had underground water but I can testify that korle Gonno 26 54 46 40 60 accra new Town 29 65 35 58 42 for twenty years now the taps do not flow. So the pri- labone 15 40 60 66 34 vate tanker has to bring water for it to be poured into Gbawe 35 49 51 62 38 a vendor’s polytank for people to buy. As to whether it ashaley Botwe 28 57 43 60 40 is clean or not we have to buy. It is going to be poured Total 133 into someone’s reservoir for you to buy to cook and bath Sekondi-Takoradi so we really have water problems. Water does not flow anaji 20 45 55 50 50 (Participant, male elders focus group, Ashaley Botwe). assakae 27 52 48 44 56 new Takoradi 22 55 45 50 50 When it comes to pipe water we suffer because it can take kwesimintsim 19 63 37 42 58 kojokrom 20 35 65 40 60 about two weeks or 1  month before the taps will flow. Total 108 And it doesn’t even flow in the day time when you can fetch but at dawn when you are sleeping. So some of us have wells in our homes and those who don’t have to pay GH¢0.50 [US 12 cents] for a “gallon” of pipe water from unprotected well, rain water, river/stream and dugout/ vendors. This is water you can’t even drink (Participant, pond which have been categorized as Other in the figure. female youth focus group, New Takoradi). A participant in a focus group held in Accra New Town The scenarios outlined above are not unique to Ghana, as illustrated this point as follows: residents of a variety of other African cities, such as Dar Getting a pipe installed is a big issue for those of us in es Salaam (Pastore, 2015), Khartoum (McGranahan, Njiru, the family houses. Who should take the lead and go for Albu, Smith, & Mitlin, 2006) and Lagos (Gandy, 2006), face the water meter? Who will control the use of it and how will the bill be distributed among other members? These similar challenges as they try to meet their daily water issues will bring a problem so we use the well, which is needs. The difficulties accessing water contravene accept- mostly salty and cannot be used for drinking and our able WHO standards for human health and welfare, which bodies itch when we use it to bath (Participant, female stipulate a medium level of health concern when the total youth focus group, Accra New Town). time to collect water is between 5 and 30 min (water within The challenges residents face in accessing water were 1 km of a dwelling with an average consumption of about also touched on in Korle Gonno, where our respondents 20 L per day per person) (Howard & Bartram, 2003). The highlighted an ongoing “pay-as-you-go” system, where the above-mentioned challenges associated with water access homeowner or landlord owns and therefore controls the connect to more practical everyday issues like sanitation, water tap and prospective users (including tenants) pay which is the focus of the next subsection. per use. In such instances, a bucket of water (“Kufuor gal- lon”, approximately 20 L) in the community typically costs 4.1.2. Quality of sanitation service delivery 20 pesewas (US 5 cents), while bathing directly using the Another key shortcoming with baseline data on services in-house shower costs between 20 and 30 pesewas (US collected from the census reports is the potential for spatial, GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 147 Figure 1. Main source of domestic water used for drinking in accra (a) and sekondi-Takoradi (b). source: Computed from 2010 population and housing census district-level data (Gss, 2012). temporal and income variations to be overlooked. For wealth. This was more clearly evidenced by the observa- example, sanitation services within the two cities exhibited tion that pit latrines are common in low-income house- inequalities in access in a direct relationship to household holds of Korle Gonno, Gbawe, Ashaley Botwe (Accra), and 148 M. OTENG-ABABIO ET AL. New Takoradi, Assakae and Kojokrom (Sekondi-Takoradi), enough, and in the mornings there is a long queue and while flush toilets dominate the affluent communities, the place smells bad. Because of the fees people ease namely Labone and Anaji. This stands in sharp contrast themselves in polythene bags and uncompleted build- ings. There is an NGO here that provides houses with toi- with statistical data from the 2010 population census, let, if you give them money. But as for us tenants there which paints a more satisfactory picture than emanating is little we can do because it is the landlord who must from our in-depth interviews (see Figure 2). apply and pay for it (Participant, male youth focus group, Again, like the water situation, the statistics are very Assakae). deceptive and paint an incomplete picture as the presence The toilet is a major problem. Because people walk far of a toilet facility does not necessarily equate to access. away to access the public toilets, they tend to defecate Such a decision remains the discretion of the family head anyhow and it is leading to the dumping of polythene and/or the landlord if it is rented accommodation, as they bags containing toilets almost everywhere, in class- invariably control usage, and usually allow access to their rooms and backyards. So we need more public toilets for immediate family members and/or tenants who can afford proper sanitation. (Interview with 56  years old female, Polytechnic graduate, Teacher, Kojokrom) to pay for access. Our studies show that the available toi- let facilities in the low-income communities do not match the increasing numbers of residents since under economic 4.1.3. Quality of electricity service delivery duress, some family heads convert their washrooms/toilets In terms of electricity, our interviews revealed that the to bedrooms, effectively worsening access to in-house toi- majority of homes in Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi are let facilities. A participant in a focus group with male elders connected to the national electricity grid/supply, albeit from Korle Gonno touched on this point and described the in some cases illegally. This was in conformity with the situation facing residents as follows: data from the 2010 population census, which pegged households, connected to the national grid as over 79% It is not everyone who has a toilet at home, the landlords have converted the toilets into sleeping rooms. … Unlike in all the research localities compared to the national before, now we pay for using the public toilets so if you average of 64.2% (see Figure 3). Concerns were however do not have 40 pesewas, 50 pesewas you will go to the expressed about the nationwide frequent power outages gutter or beach. Sometimes when our children ask for popularly called “dumsor”, where lights could go off five money for the toilet, we sometimes don’t get the money times in a day for several hours at different intervals. The and if you tell them to go and ease themselves some- where around the house, they get caught (Participant, lack of warning is particularly problematic as the sudden male elders focus group, Korle Gonno). withdrawal/return of power damages electrical items that During FGDs across settlements in both cities, participants are plugged in. This has contributed largely to the use of unanimously confirmed that many of them have to rely, alternative sources of energy including private generator, at best, on public toilets for their sanitation needs, even gas lamp, and solar lamp which have been categorized as though they have WCs in their respective homes. There are Other in the figure. Furthermore, losses of power lead to of course numerous cities throughout the global South food items stored in fridges and freezers becoming inedi- where access to sanitation is an issue for a considerable ble thus resulting in additional expenditure on food, and/ portion of the population (Mitlin, 2015; Satterthwaite, or resulting in lost income for those businesses involved 2016). However, given the diversity of social conditions in the sale of food and drink. The quote below illuminates that will be found across and even within these urban some of the major concerns captured in the field on this environs, it is important to heed the call by Satterthwaite, particular issue. Mitlin, and Bartlett (2015) to examine the specific contexts The frequent black outs are not helping. Previously, within which inadequate access to sanitation arises. For they used to inform us before the lights went off but now it is not like that, it can go off from morning 6am to example, in the case of Accra and Sekondi-Takoradi, attrib- 10pm. It affects TV, fridge, etc. Some people use freezer uting inadequate sanitation provision to infrastructural to sell iced-water, cocoa drink and that gives them their limitations would fall short of explaining why residents are daily bread. But with the current light off situation they struggling with this particular service. We unearthed two can’t work as before. (Interview with 79 years old male, key reasons for the reliance on public toilets even though Pensioner, Kojokrom) a WC might be available in the home were: the issue of Additionally, residents in mainly low-income settlements water and who pays the bills; and the cost of removing who rely on the shared metered system complained the liquid waste when the septic tank is full. The following about higher tariffs. Consequently, incessant disputes comments summarize the sanitation conditions across the over the payment of electricity bills have been the lot of settlements. those who live in compound houses. The most pressing Toilet is a problem here because most of the old houses issue in this regard, particularly in Accra, is the introduc- don’t have toilets. We use the public toilets which are not tion of “prepaid meters” to replace paying monthly bills. GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 149 Figure 2. Type of toilet facility used by households in accra (a) and sekondi-Takoradi (b). source: Computed from 2010 population and housing census district-level data (Gss, 2012). Previously, a monthly bill would be sent to the property to the electrical items at one’s disposal (i.e. those with more and the occupants would attempt to divide the costs items paid more). A notable problem with this system is between themselves. This was often decided according that regardless of service quality, customers are charged 150 M. OTENG-ABABIO ET AL. Figure 3. Main source of energy used for lighting in accra (a) and sekondi-Takoradi (b). source: Computed from 2010 population and housing census district-level data (Gss, 2012). for using energy. In contrast, the “prepaid” system requires Unlike other African contexts, such as Maputo, where consumers to preload a card with credit in order to access the key concern for consumers transitioning to a pre- electricity. paid billing system is “disciplining” themselves to use GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 151 electricity in line with available credit (see Baptista, 2013), for Ghanaian participants the main problem with the new billing system is that it is considerably more expensive than monthly billing – reported as two to three times more. It is also more difficult for families and home-based enterprises to budget, as they are unable to predict when their credit will finish. In a context where many residents live in com- pound houses with other tenants, this has led to disputes over who should reload the card when the credit finishes and power is suddenly cut off. The challenges associated with sharing prepaid electricity meters are reflected in the following quotes: Almost all of us have some form of electricity but to have our own meter is a bother. You might have a house of 20 rooms that’s using one meter so it is very difficult to determine how much electricity you used. So it is very difficult to share the bills. (Participant, female youth focus group, Accra New Town) I used to pay GH¢20 for a month because I was using a fridge, 2 fans and 4 bulbs. Now with the prepaid meters I am unable to use GH¢20 credit for 10 days. I had an error on my card and after sleeping in darkness for 3 days I paid someone to fix it for me because the electricity company only noted down my particulars after my complaint. It has been 3 months since I went there to report the case. We are all facing similar problems with the prepaid. (Participant, elders focus group, Kwesimintsim Zongo) The discussion illustrates the central issues of proximity, quality and affordability of services and connects to the everyday lived experiences of how households access water, sanitation and electricity. These factors underpin residents’ acceptability or otherwise of services, which is the focus of the ensuing section. 4.2. Acceptability of services in Accra and Sekondi- Takoradi As discussed earlier, acceptability largely hinges on quality of services. In this study, acceptability of services delivery was assessed and measured by asking our participants in the focus groups and interviewees to rank them in terms of priority for improvement. Table 5 displays the results of the acceptability index of our respondents in their respective communities. It is evident that overall, water supply was the highest priority service residents called for improve- ment. Additionally, sanitation service was the second pri- ority, while electricity was the lowest priority, ranked last in 6 out of the 10 settlements. In addition to the services under consideration, residents also mentioned health and education among other services as worth improving. The result re-emphasizes the earlier observation made that defining access by coverage figures alone can give a misleading impression of the standard and availabil- ity of services since social propinquity may be different Table 5. ranking of services priority for improvement in accra and sekondi-Takoradi. City Settlement Water Sanitation Electricity Other priorities accra korle Gonno 2 1 3 Vocational schools, markets, recreational spaces accra new Town 1 2 3 recreational spaces, library, vocational schools, Gbawe 3 1 2 recreational spaces, secondary school, community centre ashaley Botwe 1 2 3 hospital, post office, police station, secondary school labone 1 3 2 hospital, police station sekondi-Takoradi new Takoradi 1 3 2 Markets, cold stores, police station, recreational spaces kwesimintsim 1 2 3 Vocational schools, markets, recreational centres, assakae 2 1 3 Clinic, roads, police station, schools kojokrom 1 2 3 hospital/clinic, police station, transport terminal, market anaji 1 3 2 hospital, recreational and community centres overall 1 2 3 152 M. OTENG-ABABIO ET AL. from social accessibility (see Arguello et al., 2013). Indeed, buying single sachets is more expensive (double the cost greater coverage of a particular service within the urban of buying the larger bags), for economic reasons most peo- space does not seem to be synonymous with an acceptable ple in low-income areas choose the former option over level of service, yet this dissatisfaction can be rendered the latter. The cost implication becomes clearly evidenced invisible by residents accepting the onus for rectifying when compared to the utility supplied water, as 1000 L issues. For example, sanitation is perceived by residents of pipe-borne water cost GH¢2.98 (US 74.5 cents) based as a private issue and residents are therefore inclined to on the tariff of the Ghana Water Company Limited (see overcome any problems with access to sanitation facilities Amankwaa, in press). themselves on a day-to-day basis. In the coastal indigenous communities such as Korle The findings further illustrate that the priority services Gonno and New Takoradi, some residents use boreholes for improvement were similar in the major city, Accra as in and spring water, while others use sea water for bathing the secondary city, Sekondi-Takoradi. This has key impli- and other domestic chores and purposes. In migrant set- cations for urban planning and policy-making. The study tlements like Accra NewTown and Kwesimintsim, because established a range of sanitation facilities and practices, of the micro-politics surrounding who accesses the pipe from flush toilets connected to sewers to use of plastic water and who does not, most residents mainly use the bags or open defecation, but most people in the two cities services of private vendors, including bathing under show- used shared latrines or public toilets. Significantly, prob- ers at a cost of GH¢0.50 each per visit. Some residents lems were reported with privately owned public toilets also harvest rainwater, while others occasionally chance (cost, toilets locked at night, cleanliness) and with pollu- upon leaked/broken pipelines and draw water from these. tion from disposal of excreta in the local environment. Two During periods of severe water shortage, some residents key arguments are put forward based on our findings. First, often travel to distant locations with vehicles and trucks a common issue across all three services is the increas- while others contract middle persons to collect water, and ing adoption of pre-pay billing, which places additional this eventually increases the cost of water and minimizes financial pressure on residents’ daily living costs without usage with serious health implications. a commensurate improvement in quality and complicates Similarly, the poor quality of sanitation services leads to sharing of bills between tenants. Second, home ownership residents located along the coast (Korle Gonno and New is becoming a crucial factor in residents’ ability to access Takoradi) resorting to open defecation along the beaches acceptable and affordable municipal services because as well as in the open gutters and drains (known as free landlords are now restricting their tenants’ access to range). On the contrary, residents in the mixed/migrant water, electricity and sanitation services in both of the communities such as Accra New Town, Ashaley Botwe and cities. This is increasing tenants’ living costs, but it is also Kwesimintsim mainly rely on public toilets (water closet, putting greater pressure on already beleaguered public KVIP), where apart from the cost visitors incur, visitors have services, and thus reinforcing the decline in service quality to spend long waiting hours in queues especially in the and acceptability. rush hours in the mornings. To avoid such experiences, which can be very uncomfortable, some residents resort 5. Residents’ coping strategies in Accra and to the practice known as “flying toilet”: where they defe- Sekondi-Takoradi cate in polythene bags and under the cover of darkness “fly” (throw) the bag to nearby places such as backyards, Mindful of the poor quality and acceptability of services gutters and roof tops which are deemed to be a “no man’s particularly in the low-income and peri-urban areas, most land”. Others also dump it with their household waste, a residents have developed a range of coping strategies to practice termed as “take-away” toilet. counteract the poor water, sanitation and electricity ser- The case of electricity is not different. Residents in the vices. In the face of irregularities in water access courtesy indigenous core and the built-up environment, who have of the landlords’ politics as already discussed, some res- accumulated bills and have been subsequently discon- idents resort to using sachet water mainly for drinking, nected, use illegal connections. Most illegal connections which appears to be quite expensive for families with large are made in the cover of the dark and in the process affect household sizes and those who engage in low earning the quality of power supply and expose others to fire jobs. hazards. Particular mention can be made of Accra New Usually purchased from local vendors, sachet water Town, New Takoradi and Ashaley Botwe where fires have comes in two sizes: small 500-ml sachets that can be pur- resulted in the death of children and the destruction of chased individually as and when needed for GH¢0.20 (US properties. The use of shared meters is another common 5 cents) and a larger bag containing 30 sachets that costs practice among low-income households. In the middle-/ between GH¢3.00 and 3.50 (US 75–87.5 cents). Although high-income areas such as Labone and Anaji and in some GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 153 peri-urban areas like Gbawe, wealthier households use knowledge and experiences. We concur with the observa- generators to help meet their domestic energy needs tion that attempts to and also for their home-based enterprises, albeit being a ensure sustainable urban service delivery will not just very expensive and unsustainable solution to inconsistent improve the lives of people living in cities. They will also electricity supply. In both cities, and across the different benefit the farmers who rely on urban markets for their income strata, poor electricity access and frequent power produce; the parents whose income is supplemented by remittances sent from their children in the city; and the outages have necessitated the use of two or more mobile rural businesses that are financed by urban-based banks. phones to ensure a charged phone is available to stay con- By addressing the development challenges of urban- nected with friends and business customers. The situation ization we can help the cities of today become vibrant also created emergency mobile charging centres (through centers of the future with opportunity for all. (USAID, the use of generators) where residents can recharge their 2013, p. vi) phones for a fee of between GH¢0.50 and 1.00. Other res- There is still a dearth of research critically examining idents carry their chargers to the workplace to be able to the everyday realities facing most urban residents in con- recharge, giving them a charged phone which will last until texts where municipal service infrastructure is known to the next morning. be inadequate and unreliable. This paper has shown how these contexts vary within cities, in particular how access 6. Concluding remarks to services varies by location and income, resulting in res- idents adopting a range of coping strategies to establish Our paper highlights how in most urban areas, residents themselves in the city. These differing contexts need to who are dissatisfied with the current service delivery be understood and incorporated in plans for the improve- adopt a range of tactics and strategies to improve access ment of urban services and thence for the achievement of to a variety of services. We establish that in most cases, the the SDGs (particularly SDGs 6, 7 and 11). residents’ concern over a particular service for example, water quality, was intricately linked to the settlements’ Disclosure statement geographical location within the city, and the make-up of public facilities and private vendors operating within No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. that particular settlement. Additionally, problems such as interruptions to water supplies and queues at vendor Funding points and wells are shown to disproportionally impact household members, particularly women and the elderly. This work was supported by the European Union’s Seventh This paper presents data from Ghana, but similar find- Framework Programme for research, technological develop-ment and demonstration [grant number 290732]. ings were obtained from parallel studies with the same methodology in Cameroon and Tanzania (Smout et al., ORCID 2015). 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