MAKE-UP AESTHETICS: BODY ADORNMENT PRACTICES OF THE KROBO BY FABIOLA MAMLE OPARE-DARKO 10192433 THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEGREE IN AFRICAN STUDIES. JULY, 2020 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh i DECLARATION I declare that except for references to works, which I have duly cited, this dissertation is my original research, and that it has neither in part nor in whole been previously presented for another degree elsewhere. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ii DEDICATION I dedicate this work to the glory of God and to my husband, Mr. Davies K. Opare- Darko, without whose encouragement and support both emotionally and financially, this dream would not have come true. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT My first thanks go to Mawu (Jehovah God) for guiding and guarding me through the completion of this course. Secondly, I have profound gratitude for my supervisors. To my principal supervisor, Professor D. K. Avorgbedor, whose mentorship and encouragement helped me immensely, I say a big thank you. Prof. Kwame Amoah Labi, I thank you for being there for me and responding to my emails even during Christmas and Easter holidays. You are highly appreciated. Dr. Moses Nii Dortey, I thank you for the patience, tolerance and continuous support and guidance shown me. Dear supervisors, you were indeed essential in the making of this book of literature. I also wish to thank all faculty and fellows of IAS for their support and contributions to this thesis. To the Traditional Council of Odumase- Krobo and Odometa, the Chiefs and people of the towns, I say a big thank you. For without your cooperation this thesis would not be a reality. Mawu nɛ e dzor nyɛ. Last but never the least, I want to express my sincere gratitude to my family, my husband, Davies, my children Athaliah, Jasmine, Christabel and Sackite. Akwetteh Laryea, I thank you for taking time off your busy schedule to read and edit my work. To my parents the late Rev. Dr. E. S. Mate-Kodjo and Mrs. Agnes Mate- Kodjo, thank you for telling me I could make it in spite of all the challenges. I love you. To my big brother, Dr. Samuel Mate– Kodjo, my sisters Mrs. Athaliah Koryo Ochieng and Dedo W. Mate–Kodjo, Teye MateKodjo; I thank you all for the prayers, encouragement and support. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iv TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ................................................................................................................ i DEDICATION ................................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................................................iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................. iv LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................viii GUIDE TO PRONOUNCIATION .................................................................................. xi GLOSSARY ..................................................................................................................... xii ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................... xvii CHAPTER ONE ................................................................................................................ 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 1.1 Background ................................................................................................................ 2 1.2 Statement of the Problem ........................................................................................... 7 1.3 Research Questions .................................................................................................... 8 1.4 Objective of the Study ............................................................................................... 9 1.5 Historical and Socio-cultural Background of the Krobo People ............................. 10 1.6 Economy, Culture and Governance ......................................................................... 14 1.7 Socio-cultural Significance of Body Adornment among the Krobo ........................ 17 1.8 The Study ................................................................................................................. 19 1.9 Framework ............................................................................................................... 20 1.10 Justification ............................................................................................................ 20 1.11 Organisation of the study ....................................................................................... 21 1.12 Summary ................................................................................................................ 24 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................. 25 LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................................... 25 2.0 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 25 2.1 The Question of Aesthetics ...................................................................................... 26 2.1.1 Aesthetics and beauty ....................................................................................... 28 2.1.2 Aesthetic appreciation ....................................................................................... 31 2.1.3 The everyday aesthetic ...................................................................................... 32 2.2 African Scholars and Aesthetics in Africa ............................................................... 33 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v 2.3 Ghanaian Views on Aesthetics ................................................................................ 38 2.3.1 Beauty and aesthetics in Ghana ........................................................................ 41 2.4 Summary .................................................................................................................. 44 CHAPTER THREE ......................................................................................................... 45 METHODOLOGY .......................................................................................................... 45 3.0 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 45 3.1 My Research Site ..................................................................................................... 46 3.2 Data collection ......................................................................................................... 47 3.2.1 Primary Sources of Data ................................................................................... 47 3.2.2 Participant observation ..................................................................................... 47 3.2.3 Secondary Sources of Data ............................................................................... 49 3.3 Sampling techniques ................................................................................................ 51 3.3.1 Purposive sampling and choice of respondents ................................................ 51 3.3.2 Snowballing ...................................................................................................... 53 3.4 Data collection tools ................................................................................................ 53 3.4.1 Photography ...................................................................................................... 53 3.4.2 Audio recordings ............................................................................................... 55 3.4.3 In-depth interviews ........................................................................................... 55 3.4.4 Unstructured interviews .................................................................................... 56 3.5 Data Validation ........................................................................................................ 56 3.6 Analysis ................................................................................................................... 57 CHAPTER FOUR ............................................................................................................ 59 WHAT INFORMS KROBO ADORNMENT? ............................................................. 59 4.0 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 59 4.1 Krobo Philosophy and Ideology .............................................................................. 60 4.2 Dress, Speech and Character: The Basis of Krobo Identity .................................... 65 4.3 Metaphor as Part of Krobo Appraisal ...................................................................... 69 4.4 Evaluating Krobo Adornment .................................................................................. 71 4.5 Krobo Perspectives on Colour ................................................................................. 75 4.5.1 Blue (wo su) ...................................................................................................... 77 4.5.2 Yellow (kuɳɔ zɔ) ............................................................................................... 78 4.5.3 Gold (sika) ........................................................................................................ 79 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vi 4.5.4 Blue (wo su), yellow (kunɳɔ zɔ), and the dress ................................................. 79 4.6 Appreciating Shapes and Motifs .............................................................................. 80 4.6.1 Circle (kokloo) .................................................................................................. 81 4.6.2 Dotted markings (omasi) .................................................................................. 82 4.6.3 Spiral (lasogblei) ............................................................................................... 82 4.6.4 Triangular (koni etɛ) markings .......................................................................... 83 4.6.5 Vertical and horizontal line ............................................................................... 84 4.6.6 Adopted symbols .............................................................................................. 84 4. 7 Summary ................................................................................................................. 85 CHAPTER FIVE ............................................................................................................. 86 KROBO BODY ADORNMENT .................................................................................... 86 5.0 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 86 5.1 Krobo Notions of Human Form .............................................................................. 87 5.2 Gendered Krobo Dress ............................................................................................. 91 5.2.1 The female attire ............................................................................................... 93 5.2.2 Male clothing .................................................................................................... 98 5.3 Krobo Visual Preferences ...................................................................................... 105 5.3.1 Volume in Krobo attire (hiɛm kɛ emiklem) ..................................................... 105 5.3.2 Blema nii nɛ ahe jua wa- ‘the older the better’: vintage as a standard of value. ................................................................................................................................. 116 5.3.3 Hierarchy (nokuɔm nokuɔm) within Krobo body adornment ......................... 126 5.3.4 Repetition (nɔ tsami) as an aesthetic marker .................................................. 129 5.3.5 Improvisation (hɛm tɛ kɛ nɔ pem) and creativity as a Krobo artistic quality .. 131 5.3.6 Simplicity (kplokpoyoo) in Krobo dress ......................................................... 133 5.4 Dance and Dress Connections ............................................................................... 133 5.5 Summary ................................................................................................................ 134 CHAPTER SIX .............................................................................................................. 136 KROBO ACCESSORIES AND MODIFICATIONS ................................................. 136 6.0 Introduction ............................................................................................................ 136 6.1 Hair, a Crowning Glory ......................................................................................... 137 6.2 Scarves and hats ..................................................................................................... 141 6.3 Totems as indicators of hierarchy .......................................................................... 148 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vii 6.4 Beads ...................................................................................................................... 151 6.4.1 The bead-making process / materials used ..................................................... 153 6.4.2 Texture ............................................................................................................ 157 6.4.3 The shape of beads .......................................................................................... 160 6.4.4 Stringing of beads ........................................................................................... 161 6.4.5 Functions/uses ................................................................................................. 162 6.5 “Slͻto Slͻto Fuu”- Variety and Abundance in Krobo Dress .................................. 166 6.6 Hierarchy in Beads ................................................................................................. 169 6.7 Modifications ......................................................................................................... 171 6.7.1 Body painting among the Krobo ..................................................................... 171 6.7.2 Scarification .................................................................................................... 175 6.8 Summary ................................................................................................................ 178 CHAPTER SEVEN ........................................................................................................ 180 SUMMARY, FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS ....................................................... 180 7.1 Summary ................................................................................................................ 180 7.2 Findings ................................................................................................................. 183 7.2.1 Krobo philosophy ........................................................................................... 183 7.2.2 Krobo perceptions on colour ........................................................................... 183 7.2.3 The Krobo aesthetic ........................................................................................ 184 7.2.4 Krobo royalty .................................................................................................. 185 7.3 Recommendations .................................................................................................. 186 7.4 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 187 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................................................................................... 188 APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ 196 Appendix A: List of Informants Interviewed by the Researcher ................................. 196 Appendix B: Ethical Clearance Approval ................................................................... 197 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Map showing Exodus from Ngotsie .................................................................... 11 Figure 2. Arial view of Klowe (Manya and Yilo Krobo) ................................................... 13 Figure 3. The velvety and luminous skin of Nuerki, a young Krobo woman..................... 89 Figure 4. Some receptacles for storing nukunu (shea butter) for cosmetic use. Nukunu in a calabash decorated with beads (left) and in a small ceramic bowl (right) ........ 90 Figure 5. From left: Nene Sackite I, Sir Emmanuel Mate-Kole and Oklemekuku Mate- Kole II, Past Konors of Manya Krobo District all wearing moustache.. ........... 91 Figure 6. Researcher with Nana Kloweki, Senior Priest of Odumase-Krobo .................. 101 Figure 7. Traditional priestesses seated at Ngmayemi in white scarf and white chest cloth. ................................................................................................................. 102 Figure 8. Nene Okumo Madjanor of Odumase seated home in traditional white headgear worn by priests.. ................................................................................ 103 Figure 9. Okͻnya Maku, Wͻnͻ of Yilo.. ........................................................................... 104 Figure 10. Subue as buttocks extension. ........................................................................... 106 Figure 11. Baum roll of the restoration era.. ..................................................................... 106 Figure 12. Folded blouse in bomi bo (Left) serving and back view of bomi bo (right). ... 108 Figure 13. Wrapper Skirt worn with bomi bo (left) and wrapper skirt without bomi bo (right).. .............................................................................................................. 108 Figure 14. Kpɛɛ Sisi Bo: a Skirt-Like Outfit made from multiple half pieces of cloth to create the size of the adornment and worn with multiple stands of beads around the neck. ............................................................................................... 109 Figure 15. Young initiates being schooled in the art of dipo dance by a female Elder before they go to the market square. ................................................................ 111 Figure 16. Researcher modelling a variation of the dipo final day kpodzemi costume carrying a folded scarf. .................................................................................... 112 Figure 17. Initiates performing dipo dance adorned in variation of kpodzemi costume. The dancer is holding a small purse in her right hand, a modern addition as opposed to the scarf held in figure 16.. ............................................................ 113 Figure 18. A woman with exaggerated buttocks, holding a kutso. ................................... 114 Figure 19. Daughters and Sons-in-law of deceased Nene Apor draped in kente cloth and velvet wearing valuable beads for the yoosεε do fiam ritual. .................... 115 Figure 20. Staff of Kingship ............................................................................................ 117 Figure 21. Cascading Coins represents wealth. ................................................................ 118 Figure 22. Unity. ............................................................................................................... 118 Figure 23. ABC ................................................................................................................. 119 Figure 24. Bibimɛ anyɛ (Mother of Many Children).. ...................................................... 119 Figure 25. (Top) Elders greeting Nanor Mate-Kole at his residence, wearing symbolic wax prints. Right corner ABC; first elder with bared left shoulder is wearing a printed patch work fabric Dzukwe lεε e wiaa aluha ewiwe alu (A child can break the shell of a snail, but not that of a tortoise) and day and night designs. (Down left) Man wearing Wam tso (the tree of life) (Down right) Man at traditional wedding wearing Fence. Figure 26. Chief’s guard performing the nadu in an aged smock holding a dagger (left). Man performing nadu in an aged smock holding his shrine (right).. ............... 124 Figure 27. Guard on Kloyo, Krobo Mountain, carrying a sword and wearing tattered smock and black trousers. ................................................................................ 125 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ix Figure 28. Guarding the gate to where the body of the deceased Manye Okleyo lay in state.. ................................................................................................................ 125 Figure 29. Women depicting hierarchy in dress. .............................................................. 127 Figure 30. Even though the Kɔli bead in itself is valuable, it is made more valuable and thus more pleasing when interspersed with gold. ............................................ 130 Figure 31. Repetition of blue beads within yellow beads. These colours of beads reinforces the Krobo love for the colours blue and yellow.. ............................ 130 Figure 32. Nene Apor’s funeral; Red scarves of mourning is repeated on the Okyeame staff.. ................................................................................................................. 131 Figure 33. The circular tuft of hair left on the dipo initiates head after the yise poomi ritual.. ............................................................................................................... 138 Figure 34. Kunɳↄ bi mɛafii hairdo. ................................................................................... 139 Figure 35. Akweley waabii being wrapped ...................................................................... 139 Figure 36. Blɛ, thread wrapped hair with emphasis on the anane (spider) scalp design. Anane is a symbol of wit.. ................................................................................ 140 Figure 37. Traditional priestess in Sinↄ threaded hairstyle.. ............................................. 141 Figure 38. Woman in black funeral scarf with ears partly covered... ............................... 142 Figure 39. Sub Queenmother in kente scarf with ears partly covered, notice the multiple strands of beads.. .............................................................................................. 142 Figure 40. Nene Madjanor Otreku Okumo Aklojemeliatse, Traditional Priest of Manya Krobo wearing a gblo.. ..................................................................................... 143 Figure 41. Dipo Initiates during wearing of the gblo ritual (Dipo Pɛɛ). ........................... 144 Figure 42. Initiates in kpodzemi pɛɛ decorated with huajetor beads. ............................... 145 Figure 43. Sub chiefs in different types of hats worn mainly for beautification purposes, showing no symbol of hierarchy or status. Asafoatsε Apor’s funeral.. ............ 146 Figure 44. Konor Nene Sackite II wearing his gold and leopard skin crown, which sets him apart from other chiefs. ............................................................................. 147 Figure 45. Matsɛ Sedalɔ (regent) in red scarf as a symbol of mourning. ......................... 148 Figure 46. Finial in the shape of a lion painted in gold showing the supremacy of a chief. Kɛ gbe kwe oo, dzata bi ehe poo- meaning, “The lion does not turn around when a dog barks”. ............................................................................. 149 Figure 47. Queenmother’s Okyeame tso with finial of a seated woman with children. A symbol of motherhood. ................................................................................ 150 Figure 48. Tovi or Jobs tears beads.. ................................................................................. 151 Figure 49. (Left)Abor is a bead made from mined bauxite which the locals call ‘clay’. Abor beads are also worn during funerals. However, one may see elderly women wearing bracelets of the bead as a status symbol. (Right) Ancient stone beads worn as a status symbol and for ritual purposes. .......................... 151 Figure 50. Nyoli bead made from carved bone.. ............................................................... 152 Figure 51. Recycled beads. ............................................................................................... 152 Figure 52. Kunɳɔ nana nya is a glass painted bead means “the feet of a mother hen” and alludes to the fact that the feet of a hen do not kill its chicks. Meaning a mother’s discipline does not kill a child. ......................................................... 153 Figure 53. Translucent glass beads. .................................................................................. 153 Figure 54. Fused powder glass beads. .............................................................................. 154 Figure 55. Old bottles waiting to be processed into beads.. ............................................. 155 Figure 56. Beads being pounded in metal mortar ............................................................. 155 Figure 57. Clay mold called muɛtɛ (left) covered in kaolin with cassava stalks in the center. These serve as baking tins for the powdered glass. .............................. 156 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh x Figure 58. Oven for baking the powdered glass. .............................................................. 156 Figure 59. (Left) Author preparing sͻsͻ. (Right)Author decorating beads at TK Bead factory. ............................................................................................................. 157 Figure 60. Ade bead and Lɛɛ bead. .................................................................................... 158 Figure 61. Ohiafo kpewe tɛ bead has a rough texture that still feels smooth to the touch 158 Figure 62. Beads just after being taken out of the muɛtɛ, beads being polished with sand and water, polished bead ready to be strung.. .................................................. 160 Figure 63. A woman wearing a choker of yellow beads depicting the asymmetrical cut of the beads. ..................................................................................................... 161 Figure 64. Oblekumi. ........................................................................................................ 163 Figure 65. Manye Aplam on the day of her outdooring. .................................................. 163 Figure 66. The la on the wrist of a traditional priest at home. .......................................... 163 Figure 67. Woman in waist beads.. ................................................................................... 164 Figure 68. Young woman in a mixture of modern and traditional waist beads. ............... 164 Figure 69. Old carved jewelry box made from a single block of wood, with crocodile vomiting a fish as handle. ................................................................................. 165 Figure 70. Dipo initiate displaying her family’s wealth and support through the volume of beads around her waist. ................................................................................ 168 Figure 71. A sub-Chief wearing a variety of neck beads, preceded by his Okyeame on the way to Laasi, the Ngmayemi durbar ground. ............................................. 169 Figure 72. A new chief in a variety of beads swearing allegiance to Nene Sakite II.. ..... 169 Figure 73. Sowenor, an example of mue nitse …………………………………………. 177 Figure 74. Kͻli interspersed with gold …………………………. .................................... 170 Figure 75. A woman in circular paint marks.. .................................................................. 172 Figure 76. A Mourner at Manyɛ Mamle Okleyo’s funeral. .............................................. 172 Figure 77. A mourner at Asafoatsε Apor’s funeral with her legs painted with gba in vertical stripes.. ................................................................................................ 173 Figure 78. Dipo initiate with sprinklings of ɳuͻ (white clay) getting ready to go to the sacred stone tɛgbɛtɛ.. ........................................................................................ 174 Figure 79. Initiate receiving a bɛ bɔ on successful completion of tɛgbɛtɛ test. ................ 175 Figure 80. Sketch of a young maiden with ‘opening of the womb’ marks on her lower back. . ............................................................................................................... 176 Figure 81. A woman with medicinal scars. The scars were given to her as a deterrent to seizures when she was eight years old.. ....................................................... 177 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh xi GUIDE TO PRONOUNCIATION Krobo is written in the Roman script. Orthographic and phonemic correspondences in this thesis include the following: Ɔ au as in the English word caught ɳ nasal velar pronounced ng as in the English word song. Ɛ open mid oral vowel, pronounced as ‘ae’ in the English word jacket. Kp is a voiceless labial–velar stop and a type of consonantal sound. It is [k] and [p] pronounced simultaneously. To make this sound, one can say Coe but with the lips closed as if one were saying Poe; the lips are to be released at the same time as or a fraction of a second after the C of Coe is pronounced. Dz is a voiced post alveolar non-sibilant affricate. It is produced by first stopping the air flow entirely, then allowing air flow through a constricted channel at the place of articulation. As in the English word jump. Ny a palatal nasal pronounced ny as in the English word canyon. Gb is a doubly articulated plosive. Pronounced at the soft palate through a simultaneous closure of the lips and released simultaneously without aspiration. Such as the gb in the sport, rugby. Ts pronounced as in the English word bats. Ngm pronounced as in the English word hangman. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Consonant https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Consonant xii GLOSSARY A wo lɛ tsumi Confinement Ade Name of antique bead with eye-like motifs made from slices of millefiore beads. Aflihior Name of tiny white beads. Akweley waabii Basic style of hair threading Alalee Rainbow Aplechi tɔ Hairstyle resembling a goat’s scrotum for young maidens. Asafoaatsɛmɛ Chief Warriors Azagba Barrel shaped beads with wavy stripes. Bɔ womi Skin of the roan antelope used for rituals. Bɛ bɔ Scarification given to an initiate on the back of her hand on the completion of the dipo puberty rite. Blema nii nɛ ahe jua wa Vintage, antique Bo mibo Traditional underskirt made by folding and tying a piece of fabric around ones waist in a specific manner to add volume. Bo mibo also serves as a storage facility for the travelling woman to store an outfit or two. Bɔboyuu Tiny Bobum Traditional draping of cloth leaving the right arm bare (toga style) worn by both genders. Boham Traditional wrapper skirt Dipo Krobo puberty rite for girls usually held in the month of March. Dzemeli Senior priests and seers. Dzrɛh Diastema commonly called gap tooth, is a symbol of beauty Eda Upright Ede Crooked Ehe tsɔ It is clean, pure Ehe tsɔ This is neat Ehe tsɔ we This is not neat Ehi It is good Esa It is suitable University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh xiii ɛtsiɳo Traditional skin care product made from boiled palm oil mixed with lime juice and powdered camwood. Fufui kusah Day old fermented fufui. Fufui Local dish made from pounded boiled cassava, plantain, yam or cocoyam eaten with soup. Gba Red soft stone Gblo Ceremonial hat of traditional priest also worn by dipo initiates. Gbo ba Scarification given to babies who are believed to ‘die and come back’ as a deterrent of death. Hedrami Body dressing. One of the three pinnacles of the Krobo concept of uprightness (eda) Hefɛo Beauty Hekorami The way one carries him or herself with regards to dress, style. Hɛm tɛ kɛ nɔ pem Improvisation Hialɔ One who is possessed by dark spirits. Hiɛm kɛ emiklem Volume Huajetor Short, double- cone shaped bead the colour of egg yolk. These beads represent fertility and prosperity. Huanim A place of pureness where the Krobo believe Mawu resides. Huza Krobo land tenure system. Kaa noko ne a na kɛ je ta Like something received from war. Kaba ensemble Traditional Ghanaian female wear consisting of a blouse, slit or wrapper skirt, and cover cloth Kɔli Blue translucent bead of high value. Klama songs Traditional songs of the Krobo which record their history and culture. Klowe Krobo Mountain the first settlement of the Krobo after they moved from Lolovor. Koda Krobo festival celebrated to ensure rainfall. Konor Title of chief warrior now given to the paramount chief. Meaning, “He who sits on the shoulders of men. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh xiv Kpa kpɔ Knot serving the double purpose of locket and lock for a bracelet or strand of neck beads. Kpɛɛ Locally woven basket. Kpɛɛsisi bo Large skirt worn by dipo initiates on the last day of ceremony made from cloth borrowed from elderly female members of the extended family. Kpodzemi Outdooring ceremony, a ceremony which introduces a person to the public. This could be for a new king, queen, traditional priest or dipo initiate. Kplokpoyoo Simplicity Ku tso Long wooden spoon used for stirring traditional meals such as banku, dzidzi and ɳma daa. Kusumi Culture, could also mean ritual Kunɳɔ zɔ Yellow the name comes from the colour of chicken fat La A bracelet consisting of the kɔli, tovi and nyoli bead. An embodiment of Krobo philosophy and identity. Lasogblei Whirlwind Lɛɛ Agate coloured antique beads with special significance during the dipo rite. Manyɛ Traditional title for Krobo queens who are also referred to as queen mothers. Manyɛɳwa Traditional title for paramount queen or paramount queen mother. Matsɛ Traditional name for Krobo Kings Mawu God or Supreme Being Mɛmɛ Powdered camwood paste used as perfume and a basis for body presentation. Muɛ nitsɛ High quality beads, usually antique beads. Muɛtɛ Bead mold made from clay. Munyu Speech. One of the three pinnacles of the Krobo concept of uprightness (eda). Nako Python University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh xv Nɔkɔtɔma Traditional male elders Nɔ tsami Repetition Nene Traditional title for Krobo king. Ngmayemi Annual festival commemorating a large harvest held in the month of October. Nokuɔm nokuɔm Hierarchy ɳuɔ White clay Nukunu Shea butter Nyoli White bone bead Oblekuma Red seed beads. Okata Flat disc-like beads. Okumo Title of the most senior priest. Okyeame Adopted Akan word for chief’s spokesperson. Okyeame tso Spokespersons staff Pa yami Going to the river ritual. The dipo initiates have a cleansing ritual bath. Pe eli eha He does not know his trade or he does not know how to use his knife Pɛmpɛoo Small Powa Striped or chevron beads of high value. Sinɔ yoo Name of priestess of the python deity Sika tsu gold colour Su Character, one of the three pinnacles of the Krobo concept of uprightness (eda). Subue Thong-like garment which can be used as an undergarment or a ritual garment as in dipo ceremony. Sule nya pomi Circumcision Tɛgbɛtɛ Sacred stone of the Krobo used to perform the chastity rite during dipo. Tovi Seeds of the jobs tears plant used as beads Tsimi Calabash Tso sisi muɛ Low-grade quality beads Wɔnɔ Traditional priest University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh xvi Wo su Blue (sea character) the colour gets is name from the clour of the sea. Yi blɛmi Packed/up do threaded hairstyle. Yihɔɔmi Hair threading Yise poomi Ritual haircut of the dipo rite. Yoo kama Ideal woman Yoomewii Traditional female elders Yoo ne e kwɛ si poo poo A woman with ring folds around her neck—a symbol of beauty. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh xvii ABSTRACT This dissertation investigates body adornment practices as a visual culture of the Krobo of the Eastern Region of Ghana from the mid-nineteenth century to the twenty- first century. In order to also document the depth and impact of Krobo embellishment, the study identifies and confirms a relationship between the different genres of verbal arts among the Krobo and their standards of visual beauty within the Dangme society. The study further analyses the impacts of these ideas and beliefs on Krobo adornment and examines how the Krobo apply them to their daily, ceremonial and ritual forms of dressing. Using aesthetics as a methodology, and positioning it as a framework, this dissertation investigates the perceptions, cultural symbolisms, and significance inherent in the art of Krobo body ornamentation. The methods of research for this dissertation are mainly qualitative; I employ instruments such as interviews, participant-observation and photograph analysis. In this research, I hypothesise that the aesthetics of the Krobo is determined by the people’s worldview and aspects of their verbal arts which are expressed in, and inform, the evaluation of body adornment. Unlike the works of previous scholars whose research focused on the visual aspects of aesthetics in Ghana and the world at large, this thesis makes an important contribution by drawing from the language, religion and philosophy of the Krobo. My research findings further demonstrate that the main principles governing the Krobo social structure, and thus the way they dress, are ground in Mawu (God) and the tripartite concept of eda (uprightness) namely, munyu (speech), hedrami (dress), and su (character). These findings which are largely informed by language, religion and the philosophy of the Krobo people will not only play a major role in illuminating the study of concepts and practices among other ethnic groups with specific emphasis on their aesthetics but also encourage other scholars to pursue the study of aesthetics from different perspectives than those already recognized. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION This dissertation investigates body adornment as a visual culture of the Krobo of the Eastern Region of Ghana from the mid-nineteenth century to the twenty-first century1. The study, in doing this, interrogates the significance and multifaceted meanings, cultural symbolisms and aesthetic concepts of Krobo body adornment in order to appreciate what is of good taste, pleasurable and acceptable. According to Aloysius Lugira (1973), a social anthropologist, although the nature of aesthetic value is, in itself, complicated by its own nature as a multi-dimensional and multi-level and human phenomenon, a reaction to beauty is traditionally (and universally) held as the central concept in an aesthetic experience. Lugira thus posits, Aesthetics is the answer to the twofold question: what is Beauty? What is art? Beauty is multi-dimensional, i.e. it may be physical, intellectual, moral or literary. It is multi-level in that one may consider the merely pretty, as graceful or as sublime. Through art, beauty can be reached by human endorsement and industry (1973: 52). This dissertation leans on Lugira’s assertion of aesthetics being multi-level to explore several aspects of Krobo culture, proverbs, axioms, historical narratives and beliefs with the intention to help unearth deeper layers of appreciation in relation to the body adornment practices of the Krobo of Ghana. 1 This falls within the period the Krobo were moved by the British colonizers from Klowe, the Krobo Mountain (1892) to their present day location. In relation to periods, the Krobo have three historical periods. Oleeno and onumakpobe refer to the periods the Krobo domiciled on Klowe. Oleeno marks the time when the Krobo first settled on the mountain whereas Onumakpo be describes the period when the Krobo experienced their first locust invasion on the mountain. The third period, Obele, refers to that time when the Krobo were dispersed from Klowe- by the British- to the plains, their present settlement. This period was chosen because prior to this, there is no substantial documented works on Krobo adornment practices. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2 The word ‘make-up’ in the thesis title is referring to the total make-up of a person. And this involves everything an individual uses to enhance his or her body including good grooming. 1.1 Background The literature on Krobo costume before they settled on the Krobo Mountain is scant. However, there have been some reports by William Bossman (1704; 1967) about the Ga along the coast. If we assume that a part of the Ga travelled with the Dangme2 then it can be argued that, to an extent, the Dangme had some similarities in their culture, such as clothing. Wilheim Bossman (1967:117-121) in referring to the Ga body adornment in the 18th century narrates, The fashion of adorning their heads vary; some wear very long hair curled and platted together and tied up to the crown of the head; others turn their hair into very small curls, moistening them with oil and a sort of dye, and then adjust them in the shape of roses; between which they wear gold, fetishes or a sort of coral here called Conte de Terra which is sometimes of quadrupled value to Gold, as also a sort of blew (sic) coral, which being moderately large, is so much valued, that it’s generally weighed against Gold. They are very fond of our Hats ... Ladies plait their hair very artfully, and place their Fetishes’s (sic), Coral and Ivory, with a judicious air, and go much finer than the men. About their necks they wear gold chains and strings of coral, besides ten or twelve small white strings of Conte de Terra and gold about their arms and legs also they are plentifully stored therewith. 2 According to Azu (1926:23) it was the Ga that left Nadu to the Krobo to worship when they separated from them. Thus, it can be deduced that the Ga and the Krobo were one group of people who travelled together. Also, according to Ebenezer Fiorgbor, Johnathan Kuwonu-Adjaottor and Melvin Nartey (2019:30), “Part of the Osu- Doku people who moved to Ga maintained their names as Osu. The other group kept their aborigine name La. The rest of the people departed to their present locations”. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3 The above description by Bossman, on the adornment by the Ga, resonate with the traditional threaded hair styles and ornamentation of the Krobo. Additionally, the description of ‘blew coral’ could possibly be the kɔli bead, which the Krobo value greatly. Though wearing of gold among the Krobo did not start until the19th century, gold certainly was not a thing to be worn by commoners because of its price and accessibility. Considering weight of gold, I wonder if his statement “And they wear them so thick about their waist, that their nakedness would be sufficiently covered…” is accurate. Probably, what Bossman saw was women covered in multiple strings of beads. Meanwhile, Jean Barbot (2nded,1992:294) had earlier in the eighteenth century described the garb of the Ga men who at the time, lived in close proximity with the Dangme during the period, inferring that the Ga wore loin cloths wrapped and folded in a way similar to that of the danta of the Akan. Barbot further describes a bigger cloth which was used as a “lounge dress in the morning usually worn by wrapping it around the body so that one arm was left uncovered” and doubles as a covering or blanket at night. In a more recent publication by Regina Kwakye-Oppong (2009:77), she states that “the Ga men found it appropriate, convenient and healthier to uncover their upper torso when the weather was extremely hot. Cloths were therefore worn from the waist down to their knees”. These descriptions of the Ga men given by Bossman, Barbot and Kwakye-Oppong also correspond with descriptions of dress from oral history of the Krobo. As early as the 1800s, the first missionaries who came to Krobo land attempted to modify aspects of Krobo culture, particularly the dipo rites. The dipo costume was for instance, referred to as the ‘tail dress’ and the young maidens wearing that were discriminated against by the missionaries who “saw the exposure of the body of the dipo girls as evidence of the sensuality of the negro” (Streegstra 2005: 95). Also, the quantity of beads the females wore around the neck was considered ‘vulgar and profane’. These University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4 criticisms against the Krobo dressing are also evident in the writings of Johannes Zimmerman (1855)3, a missionary to the Krobo area. In the mid-1800s for instance, Zimmerman wrote a report on Krobo girls being “almost naked but for the many glass beads and other jewelry they were wearing” (Streegstra 2005:98). In the early postcolonial period in the country, Kwame Nkrumah, the Prime Minister and later President of Ghana, made deliberate efforts to modify some of the forms of adornment throughout Ghana. Presently, various female activists have found the dipo costume in particular, offensive and a violation of human rights. Joana Opere, the National Programmes’ Manager of the United Nations Systems for Promoting Gender Equality (Accra, Ghana) in 2010 stated in an interview with Fiona Gibson that, she “made the Queenmothers (sic) promise that the next dipo would not be like the others where the girls were displayed naked in public” (Gibson 2010: Appendix 1-25). In spite of these accusations of ‘dressing naked’, the Krobo have maintained their dress traditions, and allowed only the draping of cloth over the subue4 rather than changing the entire costume. But then what does the word nakedness mean to the Krobo people? Should they yield to these suggestions just because they come from people in high positions of influence in government? I asked Nene Okumo, one of the traditional leaders, whether the traditional council would consider changing the costume into a skirt whilst maintaining the numerous waist beads, but he said the proper Krobo dress was draped clothing and that stitched clothing was not part of the Krobo tradition5. The idea of stitched clothing is therefore rejected by Krobo traditional leaders not only because it is foreign but also because it contradicts with the traditional value system of dress, as is with the numerous 3 Mission Magazine 1856 (II), p.74 cited in Streegstra (2005). 4 Subue is a traditional thong. 5 Draped clothing is made from lengths of unstitched fabric, which are wrapped around the body in diverse ways to create different styles. The draped garment provides the wearer with great freedom of movement. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5 beads worn at puberty, which forms part of Krobo identity. External influences where western and other African dress styles, in the form glocalization are, however, copied and added on to create hybrids that the Krobo call their own. Krobo body adornment practice is an art form that embodies their culture evident in their ornamentation, gesture, coiffeur, body marks and dress. In Krobo society, this art form constitutes both the spiritual and daily material/physical aspects of the people6. Beads are central to the Krobo people and their culture, and widely used in several contexts (such as marriage, title taking, the annual ngmayemi festival etc.) in addition to other forms of adornment7. They are seen in the most elaborate and extravagant manner and in rich varieties that raise interests for enquiry. During the dipo celebrations for instance, many ropes of expensive beads are draped around the necks and hips of initiates: and according to Madam Adelaide Obeng, the more the beads, the more attractive it is to the Krobo8 — in this way, families sometimes show off their wealth during the dipo festivities. For instance, in the past beads were once a means of currency among the Krobo, and are currently used as a means of collateral. Additionally, just as gold is valued for its ability to stay untarnished, well-kept beads also stand the test of time: the older the bead is, the better its monetary and aesthetic value. Krobo oral tradition suggests that beads were gathered at the end of a rainbow after a heavy rain or were gathered after they sprouted up from the ground910. According to Madam Wemtagwɛ, blemaa, a muo muɛ ɳɛ alalee ɔɔ nya Mawu nɛ ekɛ keɔ - meaning, “In the past we used gather beads from the ‘mouth’ of the rainbow, they were a gift from God”. In a similar study among the Ewe of Togo, Gott 2002:30 cites a respondent who suggests 6 Interview with Nana Kloweki, Chief priest of Kloweki shrine on the 28th October, 2017. 7 The Ngmayemi festival, which literally means ‘millet eating’ is celebrated as thanksgiving for a good harvest. 8 This was confirmed by all respondents who were questioned on the topic of bead wearing among the Krobo. 9 Interview with Madam Adelaide Obeng at her residence. Odumase. 10 Interview with Madam Wemtaɳwɛ at her residence. Odometta, October 2018. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6 that these beads are the “excrement of a serpent that lives in the ground and these beads were then found at the end of a rainbow”. This similarity in beliefs,11 could be further proof of a relationship between the Dangme and the Ewe. In my opinion however, an explanation for the findings of such beads could be that beads were buried with the dead12, which after a long period of erosion become exposed to the surface of the soil. This fact of the Krobo burying the dead with beads is supported by archeological evidence and recorded by Gblerkpor (2009:177) and the Ghana Museums and Monuments Board13. My interest here is despite efforts to modify the Krobo dipo adornment, why have they maintained this extensive wearing of large quantities of beads in addition to other forms of adornment? What is the ideological framework that guides this particular form of elaborate dressing on this occasion and generally their body adornment? Pursuing questions such as (1) What are some significant ways in which indigenous philosophical systems and core values inform Krobo body adornment practice? (2) To what extent are these philosophical and aesthetic principles embodied in Krobo verbal art forms? and (3) How do these sites of Krobo world interrelate, and what is the significance of this interrelationship in understanding aesthetic perceptions and evaluation of Krobo adornment practices? will be explored. In addition to Krobo philosophy, the thesis shall draw references from their language, in the form of proverbs, adages, axioms, myths, metaphor and Klama songs and will constitute important elements to help in understanding what underpins the persistence of some of their mode of adornment14 and aesthetics. These evaluations will be gleaned from proverbs and song texts11 as well. Some evaluations will 11 The Krobo also have a python called Nako as one of their deities. 12 According to some of my respondents, Nana Kloweki and Madam Dipo Yoo, a sub-queen, the Krobo have burial practices which include adorning the dead in special beads as well as giving them some beads to use as currency to pay for their fare to the land of the ancestors. 13 Ghanamuseaums.org/arcaeo-sites-others.php [Accessed 22/6/2020] 14 Klama is the recording of past histories, belief systems and cultural values (Azu 1920). It plays a role in the preservation of Krobo identity by affirming the indigenous proverbs and axioms. 11 Puplampu (1951) calls these the epic of the Dangme. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 7 also be distilled from nonverbal forms of communication such as cloth forms which have their own embedded names and meanings and other texts such as totems and determine if these contribute to part of underlying factors that contribute in determining Krobo aesthetics. Other interests to be pursued are the visual values in the traditional and socio- cultural functions of adornment. 1.2 Statement of the Problem Although Antubam (1963) —as well as Sagoe (1981), Warren (1990), Gyekye (2003), Fiagbedzi (2005), Sabutey (2009), and Nketiah (n.d) —attempted a discussion on Ghanaian aesthetics, there is a gap in the scholarly works discussed above with regards to body adornment practices of the Krobo. While the literature concerning aesthetics of Krobo body adornment is absent, those on Krobo visual culture have paid little or no attention to their body adornment practices. By simply associating Krobo body adornment with the numerous beads worn during the puberty rites (Dipo), scholars and students are deprived of two things: the depth of various cultural considerations of determination of what is satisfactory, and the philosophical thoughts and historical reasons that underpin Krobo body adornment, its significance and symbolism. In this regard, this dissertation proposes a study that considers the ideology of the Krobo as well as their religious belief systems, and events in their history that guide and form the basis of determining what adorns their bodies. The scholarship on different aspects of examining the Ghanaian visual culture and activities that arouse emotions of observers and wearers, and visual appeals has been Akancentric. However, other forms of studies on the Krobo discussed above give indication of an elaborate cultural and everyday attitudes towards dressing and adorning the body. Will a detailed and focused study taking guidance from their, history, philosophy, and beliefs yield any new knowledge on Krobo aesthetics? My interest in this work therefore University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 8 is to explore, as stated earlier, the aesthetics of Krobo body adornment practices by considering new evidence in the field of aesthetics. I thus seek to introduce new dimensions into the study of Ghanaian aesthetics by considering Krobo belief, ideology and philosophy as paramount in determining what is visually pleasurable and satisfies the community’s standards and aesthetics. 1.3 Research Questions The above review of the scholarship suggests different subjectivities or partialities to the study of aesthetics of which adornment is one of such modes of aesthetic expression. Body adornment is one of the ways for the depiction of cultural values, symbolic communication and expression of personal values and taste. Therefore, a community’s beliefs are reflected in their outward appearance, particularly dress and adornment. The visual thus goes beyond what is seen and has deeper underlying meaning and significance. Therefore, in order to engage closely with Krobo aesthetics, this study is approached by asking some fundamental questions such as: 1. What is the influence of Krobo religion, belief system, values, ideology and perceptions on their visual forms including clothing and adornment? 2. What verbal arts, and myths support the way the Krobo adorn themselves and provide meaning and understanding to help the onlooker appreciate their forms of adornment practices? 3. What historical experiences, skills and acquired knowledge systems influence the Krobo in adorning their bodies in the manner as is seen today? 4. What physical attributes constitute the essential ingredients for Krobo adornment and its standards for acceptance and appreciation? 5. What forms do the Krobo translate these beliefs, ideas, and notions into and University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 9 6. What kind of body is suitable for the wearing of beads, and particular forms of clothing? Will answers to these provide an understanding and appreciation of Krobo body adornment and aesthetics? It is the objective of this thesis that the answers to these questions will illuminate what Krobo aesthetics truly is. 1.4 Objective of the Study Kofi Antubam’s (1963) pioneering work on the main characteristics of Akan aesthetics paved the way for other writers such as Silver (1983) and Warren and Andrews (1977) to pursue further studies on Ghanaian aesthetics. These latter studies include how the Gurensi express aesthetic judgments through wall paintings, pottery and facial decorations (Smith 1978:36-41). More recently, Suzanne Gott (2007) adds a gender dimension to the studies demonstrating how Asante women take advantage of feuding multiple wives and use their desire for fashion to employ aesthetic strategies in funerary presentations at burials. Away from this, Gott (2010) investigates another perspective on Ghanaian aesthetics through her studies on Ghanaian kaba, thus introducing a new dimension of studies on Ghanaian aesthetics. The objective of this study therefore is to contribute to this growing scholarship on Ghanaian aesthetics, by building on previous methodologies that primarily analysed the visual aspects of the body, to include analysis of different categories of verbal arts of the Krobo. Drawing on the Krobo value systems, including ideologies, belief, and philosophy, this study analyses what the Krobo find pleasurable and satisfying. Furthermore, the thesis also explores the extent to which adornment practices illuminate, construct and shape the identity of the Krobo. Finally, the study aims to investigate the symbolic meanings of modes of Krobo visual expressions found in the wearing of coiffure, headgear, beads, clothes and other related works in the form of body adornment. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 10 1.5 Historical and Socio-cultural Background of the Krobo People The Krobo society is one of six Dangme speaking people— the others being Osu Doku, Prampram, Ningo, Ada and Shai. Dangme, as classified by Greenberg (1964) and Kropp Dakubu (1972), is part of the Kwa subfamily of Niger-Congo family of languages. The Krobo are the most numerous among the Ga-Dangme speaking people of the SouthEastern part of Ghana. Like all the other Dangme groups, the Krobo believe they have their origins in Sameh. Sameh, according to B. D. Teyegaga (1985:11) “Today is a semi grassland between Benin and Nigeria in Ogun State.” However, other scholars say Sameh can be found in present day Nigeria. From Sameh (in present day Nigeria) the group traveled on to Ngotsie which can be found in present day Togo. The group of people that migrated from Ngotsie included the Anglo, the Dangme and the Akwamu. Teyegaga’s assertion is supported by Ray A. Kea’s (1969:29) account of the Dangme migration (see Figure 1) in which Kea states: From Ngotsie first the Akwamu, then the Ga, then the Anglo followed our ancestors. The Ga and Anglo went on; so, did the Akwamu who let the battle sword of our ancestors go with them and who therefore became warriors. The relationship between the Anglo and the Akwamu is further highlighted by Andreas Bioern, Governor of the Danish Guinea establishments (1789-1793) whom according to Kea also commented that “the Anglo have from ancient times been allied with the Aquamboes” (Bloern (1788:.222). From Sameh, the group of Dangme and Ewe including a section of the Akwamu as cited by Kea journeyed on to Lolovor on the Togologo plains, now the Accra plains, where the Ewe, Akwamu, Krobo and other groups went their separate ways. From Lolovor, the Krobo migrated to their present location in Ghana in the early 1700s (Teyegaga 1985; Huber 1993). It is believed that the Dangme migration was due to political conflicts and wars. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 11 Figure 1. Map showing Exodus from Ngotsie. Asiamah, 2003 In a discussion with Daley Mate-Kodjo, an eighty-nine-year-old female elder of Odumase, it was confirmed that there is extensive reference to Sameh within the popular narratives of the Krobo. She mentioned that in giving the dead money to cross over to the ancestral world, the Krobo say “…Ni nyɛ yaa Sameh ni ji wa tsɛ mɛ awe nɔɔ…” literally meaning, “…as you go to Sameh, the land of our ancestors…” She added that in the past15, during burials, the head of the coffin was always turned to the direction of the East (where Sameh is believed to be) to show the deceased the way ‘home’. Madam Darley MateKodjo’s view on Sameh is confirmed by the Konor (Nene Azu Mate-Kole) who was interviewed by Peter Asamoah-Obeng (2012) during the latter’s study on the politics of the stool in Manya Krobo13. Obeng-Asamoah goes further to make reference to the following Klama song which is sung during the ngmayemi festival. English Translation: Apepe hamgye tsɛme They have become prosperous Maanɔ bime Kɛ Tsɛmɛ Children and fathers of the land, 15 When the Krobo say, “in the past” they could be referring to a time as current as five years ago or as distant as one hundred years ago. What it means is that whatever is being referred to is no longer being done. However, when they need to be specific the particular periods of Oleeno- the early time of their settlement on the Krobo mountain, onumakpo be- the time of the locusts (also when they were on the mountain) or obele-from when the Krobo came down from the mountain to live on the plains to the present- would be referred to. 13Konor is the Paramount Chief of Manya Krobo Traditional Area. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 12 Nyɛ tote ne nyɛ nu samenyo gbe be alert and listen to the voice of one from Sameh. Sameh sameh nyɛ nu o Listen to one from Sameh. Nyɛ no Samenyo gbe. Sameh, Sameh, listen well Listen to one from Sameh There are also Klama songs that refer to Sameh. English translation: Onyue, modu ehe Onyue, wash me clean Maya Sameh That I may go to Sameh The name Krobo, which has become the official designation of this ethnic group, is spelt Krɔbɔ the way Akans pronounce it. The people themselves use Kloli in the plural form and Klono in the singular. The name Klo, as the indigenes call the town, has been corrupted by the neighbouring Akan (Huber 1993). The Akan called them nkro foɔ awomu ti ɔbɔ ne so, meaning, “The Kro people who live on top of the mountain”. The Akan phrase later became Kro bo fuɔ meaning, “Kro mountain people” and has been so to this day (Puplampu 1951). Thus, the name Klo became Kro. However, according to Huber (1993:15) “the name is associated with Akro Mause the legendary hunter who according to tradition first discovered the mountain (Klowe) which was their first settlement after their migration from Lolovor”. Klowe, the Krobo’s first mountain home, is located between (0º 05'E- 6º 20'N) and is about 70km north-east of Accra, along the Tema-Akosombo highway. It is situated about 2km south-east of Okwenya, and about 4km east of Somanya in the Eastern Region of Ghana. The mountain is separated by a dry valley into two parts; the south-western (Yilo Krobo) and north-eastern (Manya Krobo) sections. Klowe has a rocky steep-sided terrain with pockets of gentle slope to flat portions (see Figure 2) (Gblerkpor 2008). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 13 Figure 2. Arial view of Klowe (Manya and Yilo Krobo). Source: Huber, 1993. The Krobo lived on the mountain for about 400 years until 2nd June, 1892 when they were dispersed by the British colonialists. They were accused of human sacrifice in their religious practices and were thus expelled from the mountain with gunfire and canons. Whilst on the mountain, they incorporated other people such as the Denkyira and other refugees of war into their midst. Before they did so, however, these refugees had to swear allegiance to the Krobo and promise to speak the Krobo language. If they were males, they would have to go through sule nya pomi (circumcision), and if female, dipo sɛm (female nubility rites) and their children were to be given Krobo names (Mate-Kole 1955:136, Azu 1926:24216; Huber 1993:19). With regards to the Krobo individuality, S. S. Odonkor (1971) argues that a Krobo identity, which incorporates the ruling system, dipo sɛm and sule nya pom, was established long before the pause in the migration at Lorlorvor and subsequently the Krobo Mountain17. In his book The Rise of the Krobo, Odonkor (1971) deals with the settlement of the different clans and their order of arrival on Klowe. He also discusses the origins of the Paramountcy, agreeing with other scholars such as D. A. Sutherland (1956), on the fact that Krobo Paramountcy (chieftaincy system) has Akan origin and thus, a foreign influence. According to Odonkor (1971) Nene Sakite I who reigned from 1867 to 16 Gold Coast Review, 2(2), 239-270 17 S.S. Odonkor is a Krobo historian and minister of the Presbyterian Church University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 14 1892 admired the attire and status of Akan Chiefs and wanted to be like them. He therefore ordered a set of drums from the neighbouring Denkyira and also ordered a set of kente. According to one of my respondents, Okyeame Boate, even though gold was taboo to the Krobo then, Nene Sakite I undeterred, ordered gold trinkets from the Fante. Currently, Krobo chiefs are all dressing like Akan Chiefs from whom the whole concept of chieftaincy had been borrowed. Presently, the Krobo are divided into two main groups, the Yilo and the Manya. The major Yilo town is Somanya, and the major Manya towns are Odumase and Agomanya. Oral tradition has it that the Manya are the original Dangme and the Yilo are descendants of the Denkyira, the Ewe and other Akan refugees who had been assimilated into Krobo society— this is supported by scholars such as Wilson (1991:7) and Huber (1993:19). 1.6 Economy, Culture and Governance According to the 2010 Ghana Statistics Board (GSB), the Krobo District Assembly is part of the 26 municipalities and districts within the Eastern Region of Ghana. The lower Manya District covers an area of 1,476km, representing about 81 percent of the total land area within the region (81,316km). The administrative centre is Odumase, which is the main focus area of this study. The District shares boundaries with Upper Manya Krobo District to the North, to the South with Dangme West and Yilo Krobo Municipal and the East with Asuogyaman District. The Krobo’s are about 8,246 in number (GSB 2010) making them the most numerous among the Dangme of south-eastern Ghana. Males take up to 46.5 percent of the total number, and females consist of the remaining 53.5 percent. The main economic activity of the Krobo is farming with cash crops being maize and oil palm (Wilson 1991:72). Other crops planted are cassava, plantain, cocoyam, oil palm, okra, pepper, and University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 15 tomatoes. There are also recent investments in Kent and Keitt mango (Okorley 2014:76), and this has both Krobo and non-Krobo farmers investing in mango plantations in the municipality. Some of the men engage in fishing on the lake Volta, which is at the North- Eastern part of the Municipality. According to the GSB 2014 report, the Municipality is endowed with natural resources such as limestone and tourist attractions like the Agomenya beads market, the dipo celebrations and the Ngmayemi festival. Some of the natural attractions include the Volta Lake and Krobo hills. These natural phenomena provide cool and serene atmosphere for relaxation and recreational activity. Among the Krobo there is a general belief in a Supreme Being, known as Mawu. However, Huber (1993:233) states that the name Mawu is of Ewe origin and that the Dangme must have began using it because of their affiliation with the Ewe during their migratory movements. Huber’s thought process is that the Ga, who use a similar language use the word Nyoŋmɔ. This thought is supported by the following Klama song: Waŋɔ blɔti watsɛ Nyiŋmo! Watsɛ Nyiŋmo! Nyiŋmo nu! Meaning, “Let us call God with foolishness! We called Him and he heard!” Similarly, Enoch Azu in his book Adanmge Historical and Proverbial Songs (1920) captures the use of Nyiŋmɔ in these ohuesabe songs: English Translation Kogbe mi! I po Nyiŋmo, Do not kill me! I appeal to Nyiŋmo. And Wa yaa Nyiŋmo we. We go to Nyimo’s house. Ayi nɔko la kɔkɔɔkɔ. One never eats hot food there. The above give evidence of the Krobo borrowing words from the ewe and the Ga with whom they have historical relations. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 16 Traditional worship, Christianity and Islam are the three religions practiced in Krobo society. Both the traditional religion and Christianity are embedded in almost all aspects of Krobo life and thus play major roles in daily socio-religious life and during festivities. Although Islam is practiced, it is not widespread among the Krobo and its influence on Krobo culture is hardly visible. Christianity, on the other hand, has gained more traction in recent times, a phenomenon that has greatly impacted social life to the obscurity of the practice of traditional religion including sacrifices.18 This can be attributed to the early contact with the Basel missionaries. Krobo festivals include Koda, which ensures rainfall and a big harvest, and the Ngmayemi. During the Ngmayemi festival, the Krobo make a trip to Klowe, their ancestral home. The Paramountcy (which constitutes the paramount chief, his elders, priests, etc.) goes there to perform rituals for the sustenance of the Krobo people. Some townspeople also go there to pay homage to their ancestors. Others also go there for sightseeing— to see the relics of what once was their ancestral home. In the past the Krobo were led by Dzemeli (Senior priests) but has since changed to the chieftaincy system. This latter system as practiced by the Krobo is a centralised form of governance with the Konor being the traditional head. The change in the Krobo ruling system came about from the mid-18th century when continued wars of expansion between the Krobo and their Akan neighbours produced major social adjustments within the Krobo society (Mate-Kole 1955:134). In that time the need for constant military readiness gradually strengthened the role of the supreme war chief Konor, whose title means “He who rides on the shoulders of men”. The Konor slowly took over where the supreme 18 In Krobo traditional religious practice, there is the worship of deities such as Nadu, Kotoklo and Kloweki. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 17 authority had once been that of the senior priest Okumo. However, Wilson (1991:8) has reported that “two factors further expanded and solidified the Konor’s authority: a new system of land tenure (the huza) and colonial rule19. The Konor rules with the help of elders and sub chiefs. Presently, women —Queenmothers— are also part of the ruling system. New Queenmothers go through the formality of: 1) nɔ dzra mi (ritual cleansing- this is done through the burning of herbs as incense, washing with herbal water or sheep’s blood); 2) ŋuɔ womi (marking with white clay); 3) klala bumi (dressing in a white cloth); 4) amuɔ lɛ la (tying the la); 5) aŋɔ lɛ hi sɛ nɔ (seating the candidate three times on a stool); 6) awo lɛ tsumi (confinement) and 7) kpo dzemi (outdooring). These rituals serve the principal elements of purification, seclusion and enthronement. Queenmothers are an important part of the ruling system as they “reinforce group identity and solidarity” within the state (Streegstra, 2009:11). These installation rituals are the same in the other Dangme groups and indeed similar over the southern parts of Ghana. The only difference is the tying of the la which is part of the Krobo identity. The installation rites of a Queen mother are similar to that of a Konor with only a few minor contextual differences. 1.7 Socio-cuural Significance of Body Adornment among the Krobo Ghanaian scholar Kwame Gyekye (2003: xiii) uses the term culture in a comprehensive sense to encompass the entire life of a people: their morals, religious beliefs, social structures, political and educational systems, forms of music and dance, and all other products of their creative spirits. The Ghana National Commission on Culture (2016:9) confirms Gyekye’s assertion by positing that 19 Huza, is a system of cultivating farmlands with farmsteads. Huza is cultivated by groups of farmers with or without blood connections, and are presided over by a Dade mastsɛ. The huza system helped the Krobo become major cultivators and producers of palm oil in the Gold Coast University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 18 Culture is the totality of the way of life evolved by our people through experience and reflection in our attempt to fashion a harmonious co-existence with our environment. This culture is dynamic and gives order and meaning to the social, political, economic, aesthetic and religious practices of our people. Our culture also gives us our distinct identity as a people. 2.02 Our Culture manifests in our ideals and ideas, beliefs and values; folklore, environment, science and technology; and in the forms of our political, social, legal and economic institutions. It also manifests in the aesthetic quality and humanistic dimension of our literature, music, drama, architecture, carvings, paintings and other artistic forms. This means that culture is articulated in both tangible and intangible forms giving us our unique identitities. Like Gyekye and the Ghana National Commissions on Culture, Clifford Geertz (1973) also postulates that the culture of a people is a deliberate arrangement of symbols produced in the dance, food, religion, scarification, architecture, clothing or oral traditions of a people, with an intention, which is open to interpretation. The Krobo word for culture is kusumi. Ku being the community and su being the character of the community or the way they do things within the community; mi literally means inside. It is evident, considering the above assertions by Geertz, Gyekye, and the Ghana National Commission on Culture, that dress practice is part of the Krobo culture — a storehouse of collected indigenous learning and practices. Young Krobo are, for instance, taught the appraisal systems through ornamentation practices — a total performance and embodiment of the knowledge and know-how of the people which is always specific to a particular definite time frame. Hall (1976) in his book Beyond Culture suggested that culture is like an iceberg. He likens the parts of the iceberg to culture and suggests that culture has two parts: an external part and an internal part. The external part he likens to the tip of the iceberg and this encompasses the visual aspect of culture; and the internal part of culture is likened to the part of the iceberg under water. This part is value based and an embodiment of behaviour, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 19 cosmology, religion, unspoken and unconscious rules. In this regard, the external or surface culture consists of the first things that are easily distinguishable when one enters a community, such as clothes, hair styles, makeup, body paint, jewelry and other adornment crafts. The internal or deep culture on the other hand consists of rituals, worldviews and could include kinship, notions of modesty, concepts of beauty, theory of disease, health, attitude towards sex and concept of self, philosophy and belief system. Among the Krobo for instance, it is these aspects of deep culture (the rites and rituals, with particular reference to the dipo puberty rite) and belief systems, determination and judgement on taste, which prepare the individual to face life on the ‘surface’ — this is always specific to a particular context and historical period. In this thesis, I define culture as a self-sustaining and developmental form of behaviour that embodies the know-how of a people. This know-how includes its symbols, beliefs, values and forms of appreciation and criticism; and meets the spiritual and physical needs of the people. Krobo body adornment is a reflection of this definition. 1.8 The Study As stated at the beginning of the chapter, this dissertation seeks to understand the criteria used by the Krobo in the determination of things that are of good taste, pleasing to the eyes, and giving pleasure to the senses, also generally known by the word, aesthetics. In order to do this, it is critical to frame the study within the body of knowledge and belief systems that guide Krobo visual expressions and appreciation. These can be broadly classified as the philosophical ideas that underpin the decision-making process and determination of what is acceptable and visually pleasing to the eye and stimulates emotions. Thus, it makes the wearer also communicate both consciously and unwittingly about his/her environs, status, habits, religious concerns and other preferences through the use of colour, lines, texture, balance, and shapes. These are encapsulated with Krobo University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 20 symbolic interpretations and meanings which are further attached to Krobo cultural and visual expressions of taste. The study is therefore in two broad categories comprising ideas and beliefs as they are visually expressed in everyday usage, rituals, and in ceremonies; and a detailed discussion of Krobo visual culture. However, the cultural significance of these bodily forms and associated art works requires the deployment of appropriate methodologies such as aesthetics to understand their process of determination of what conforms to their belief, arouses their emotions and the use of iconography to explain the various meanings and their history and relations in Krobo art and visual culture. 1.9 Framework For a research such as this to be well explored and advanced, one needs a conceptual framework or hypothesis. The thesis is guided by hypothesis that- the aesthetics of Krobo body adornment is determined by their worldview and certain aspects of the verbal arts. Part of the Krobo worldview for instance is their belief in huanim, the place of pureness, where Mawu (God) lives and sends people to be born on earth. According to the Krobo, humans must continue to live in this pureness after they leave huanim to the earth. This belief is expressed in the Krobo idea of the la— a bead presented to newborns to remind them and their parents of the purity humans must continue to uphold. What other values and instructions accompany them from huanim and how are they visually expressed? These are the broad ideas and accompanying questions that will be tested in this dissertation. 1.10 Justification Over the period, the Krobo have demonstrated a unique and strong culture of art and aesthetics through their extensive use of beads and other visual forms in adorning young girls in one of the stages of their rites of passage known as dipo. This has attracted University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 21 extensive interest and studies on the Krobo which have been approached from historical, anthropological, religious and other perspectives. These studies in discussing the Krobo society and culture do touch rather briefly on their aesthetics. Therefore, this research conducts a broader examination on adornment practices among the Krobo by examining the philosophies and verbal arts of the people that underpin their aesthetics. The study thus explores the impact of these aspects of the Krobo culture in determining what they accept as pleasing and acceptable, and how this is reflected in their ornamentation. It is therefore important to fill this lacuna with a study such as this as this thesis will contribute to the scholarship on Ghanaian and African aesthetics in general. 1.11 Organisation of the study At this point, I provide the organisation of the study to show how the rest of the dissertation is organised. As stated at the beginning of this dissertation, this study investigates the determination of cultural and visual sensual pleasure as practiced by the Krobo in the adornment of their bodies. It further analyses various aspects of their culture that provide philosophical, religious and other cultural guidance that frame and underpin Krobo adornment that makes it appealing and emotionally gratifying. To achieve this objective, Chapter 1 of this dissertation served as a general background to the study and therefore provided the context of the study by addressing questions such as is there a new way to investigate the study of Ghanaian aesthetics? And do the Krobo belief systems, values, ideological perceptions impact on their visual forms? Will answers to these provide a set of ideas to frame such a study of body adornment practices and aesthetics adornment practices of the Krobo of Ghana? The chapter continued to provide the hypothesis that will serve as a framework for the study. A background of the study area including the socio- cultural significance of body adornment among the Krobo was also discussed. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 22 Chapter 2 reviewed literature on aesthetics from both Western and African scholars. The intent of this chapter was to examine existing literature to see if similar work has been done on the Krobo. The chapter started by discussing the origin and development of aesthetics as a tool for making judgements on beauty that began with German philosopher Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten (1735). The interest in the subject has since gained the attention of other scholars such as Kant (1760), Hume (1910), among others. These scholars approached the subject from the perspective of art for art’s sake and thus believed that for art to be aesthetic, it must be contemplative and not functional. This view however is not reteirated by African scholars such as Gyekye (1996), Abiodun (2001) and several more who are of the view that art can be functional as well as aesthetic. The discussions however leave no doubt that there is extensive literature on different aspects of aesthetics as a method for assessing how a work of art makes an impression on the mind and stimulates different senses. Literature in this chapter also highlights what information exists on Ghanaian aesthetics as well as the various perspectives of scholars on Krobo society. The chapter meanwhile, makes clear the fact that aesthetic research on the Krobo is almost negligible and when at all, is focused on the beads worn at puberty rites. This led to posing a series of research questions to address the gaps as well as investigating what determines and guides Krobo aesthetics. Because of the insufficient attention given to the study of Krobo cultural practice of dressing, the Chapter 3 sought to design an appropriate method to investigate what constitutes the components of the society’s aesthetics. This included a consideration of appropriate and well-tested methods and those applicable for such a study. A key component to the methods was the contributions of local leaders and knowledgeable persons. The information gathered was crosschecked with other documented local sources in the form of theses and works of Ghanaian scholars to validate them. The data was further reviewed within the context of current literature by consulting online journals and other University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 23 published scholarly works. The collected data was then validated by using the longitudinal and cross sectional approach. In Chapter 4, I explore Krobo notions and how they inform the evaluation of the society’s adornment practices. Is there a relationship between what the Krobo believe, the way the Krobo think and the way they dress? What is the guiding philosophy of the Krobo people? Also, is there a relationship between Krobo verbal arts and the evaluation of what is acceptable and pleasing within their dress? These are the broad ideas and accompanying questions that will be explored in this chapter. The focus of this chapter therefore is to deliberate on Krobo notions of identity embedded in certain expressions, such as language, and to see how they provide an insight into Krobo visuals of adornment. Using the results of the Chapter 4 as a basis, Chapter 5 explores Krobo body adornment by analysing the impact of Krobo ideas and beliefs. The chapter further examines how the people apply these beliefs to their daily and ceremonial forms of dressing and adornment. The following questions guided this chapter: What are some of the themes found in their clothes and accessories? What interpretations and symbolic analysis are made from these practices? Finally, to the Krobo, how is a person expected to look? Finding answers to these questions will leave no doubt regarding the rational and justification of Krobo aesthetics and body adornment. This chapter relies mainly on the field data that have been analysed and grouped into various themes of Krobo favored ideas of social practice. In all, Chapter 5 investigates the judgments of taste and what the Krobo find pleasing within the adornment practices of their society. The discussion on Krobo body adornment practices is inadequate without the investigation of what accessories complement their choice of apparel. Thus, what kind of articles of ornamentation do they use? How do the Krobo evaluate a pleasing and acceptable hairstyle? What other types of modifications do they do to their bodies? And what are the reasons for these? The Chapter 6 of this dissertation therefore, examines the accessory University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 24 choice for Krobo attire, the different kinds of modifications the Krobo make to their bodies, and the symbolisms attached to these. Chapter 7 serves as my concluding section. It addresses the question of whether the study was able to contribute to knowledge by introducing new dimensions into the study of Ghanaian aesthetics. In order to expound this question — is the study able to establish Krobo belief, ideology and philosophy as paramount in determining that which is visually pleasurable and satisfying to Krobo standards on aesthetics? — The chapter gives a summary of the whole dissertation on the extent to which adornment practices illuminate, construct and shape the ethnic identity of the Krobo. It also presents the findings of the study and finally, its recommendations. 1.12 Summary The chapter has introduced the rationale for the thesis, and provided an overview of the historical and sociological background of the Krobo people as the largest group of the Dangme speaking people which include the Osu Doku, Prampram, Ningo, Ada and Shai. This section on the history of the Krobo, explains how the Okumo who were the original leaders of the Krobo gradually relinquished their supreme authority to the chief warrior, Konor. In introducing the discussion on adornment, the discussion was on some definitions of culture as posited by Gyekye (2003), National Commission on Culture (2016), and Geertz (1973), and explored the Krobo word for culture —kusumi— and concludes that Krobo culture (which also observes dress practice) is a store house for collected traditional knowledge and social behaviour. The discussion in this chapter therefore introduces readers to the subject under consideration and how it is framed in order to investigate Krobo aesthetics and iconography of their adornment through an examination of their belief system and its impact on its visual manifestation and cultural interpretations. Finally, it also contains the organization of the study. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 25 CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction This chapter examines and reviews scholarship on aesthetics as it relates to body adornment. Therefore, it discusses the works of selected scholars whose works relate to the chosen topic, identify what they studied, the trends in the scholarship, and establish the missing and uncharted areas in their works, which this study intends to contribute to by filling in these gaps, and bring new perspectives and contribution to the studies on Krobo body adornment. There is a vast amount of scholarship from different perspectives, which may all not be relevant to this work. Therefore, a careful selection of only those directly related to this topic has been selected for discussion. These include diverse investigations on body adornment practices in Ghana and Africa. The scholarship has therefore been discussed thematically. For example, those that studied fashion including publications such as Clothed in Symbols (Mato 1994), The Poetics of Cloth: African Textiles/ Recent Art (ed. Gumpert 2008), African Ceremonies (Fisher and Beckwith 2002), African Print Fashion Now! A Story of Taste Globalization and Style (Gott 2010), The Ghanaian kaba: Fashion that sustains culture (Gott 2010), Liminality and contested meaning in Krobo (Ghana) dipo girls initiation (Adjaye 1999), Ghana: Where the bead speaks (Sutherland-Addy, Aidoo and Dagadu 2008), and many more. From the above titles, these authors tell us about the visual culture as well as the significance and meanings in the body adornment practices of cloth wearing. While some of them do not talk about the Krobo directly, my review reveals that all the above referenced works further contribute to the general applicable knowledge to be considered in this dissertation. Over the years, several methods have been employed by scholars to examine body adornment practices of societies. Among these methods is an old European methodology called aesthetics, which has been used in diverse ways and has developed with different University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 26 branches across various disciplines including music (Agawu 2001), philosophy (Graham 1997), architecture (Scrotun 1979), and the behavioural sciences among others. These different branches of aesthetics help to evaluate the quality and appreciation of a work of art. There is therefore extensive literature on the subject by both Western and non-Western scholars. This chapter begins with a broad discussion of aesthetics as interrogated by Western scholars. The chapter then proceeds further to review other literature on aesthetics, as discussed by African as well as Ghanaian scholars, by addressing the question of aesthetics in Ghana and it’s visual manifestations through body adornment. The intent is to establish an understanding of the various notions of aesthetics, and if they relate or can be applied to the other methods in different cultures in assessing the quality of art works, including dressing and adornment of the Krobo, or how different these publications and methods of assessment are from the study area and what new methods can be used to evaluate taste and beauty. As the focus of this study suggests, this chapter will also review the literature on body adornment by scholars such as Susan Gott (2010), Dzramedzo (2009), Ibagere (2010), among others. Doing this will help highlight and comprehend the cultural symbolisms that determine and underpin Krobo body adornment and their multifaceted meanings. After reviewing and discussing the literature the chapter concludes with the problem statement that will frame the study. 2.1 The Question of Aesthetics Since the 1700s, the concept of aesthetics has evolved and is now used to refer to any work of art and their relation to human behaviour. For instance, new paradigms in the study of aesthetics include Architectural Aesthetics (Scruton 1979); Representation (Goldman 1995); Feminist Aesthetics (Kosmeyer 2004); Aesthetics of Adornment (Davies 2014); Expression (Davies 2015); and Environmental Aesthetics (Berleant 2014). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 27 From the above, it is evident that aesthetics is a subject well covered in several areas by different scholars. Some of the specialised areas are the philosophy of the subject as well as the determination of what the word actually means and the contexts within which it is used and understood. Micheal Hardt, a professor of visual communication (2002), Van Damme (1991), a professor in art history and many other scholars have credited Alexander Baumgarten as the originator of the word aesthetics in the early 18th century. Hardt reports, “[t]he term aesthetics was introduced in our language in 1750 when the German philosopher Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten wrote a book with the title ‘aesthetica’ from the Greek word aisthanomai meaning “the science of sensual perception” (Hardt 2002:2). In other words, aesthetics is the science of the perception of what is beautiful. Baumgarten, however, was not the first to theorise the science of perception. Hardt (2002:2) says ancient philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle “dealt with perception long before in relation to philosophical research about semiotics”. Although the word ‘aesthetics’ was used in Germany soon after its inception by Baumgarten, the word did not come to play in England until the early 19th century (Hume 1910; Van Damme 1991). Hume asserts that rather, Aesthetics was inferred to as the study of “standards of taste” or “judgments of taste”. It is therefore evident from Hume’s perspective that the English interpretation of aesthetics is self-explanatory and thus a branch of philosophy, which studies the sensory or judgment of sentiments or taste. Even though the arts of Ghana have been studied from diverse perspectives, investigations on the aesthetics of the arts in the country are few. As regards to the Krobo, the publications available to me do not indicate that any comprehensive work has been done. Meanwhile, other scholars have broadened the discussion and given further insights to Aesthetics. For example, Arthur C. Danto (2013:136) an art critic, philosopher and author of What Art Is posits that “aesthetics is a matter of enjoyment, of the way things University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 28 show themselves, together with the reasons for preferring one over the other, and a way of showing itself to another”. Danto’s assertion suggests that aesthetics is the deconstruction of whatever is viewed into various elements of what is acceptable and pleasing. On his views on art philosophy, Danto also suggests that art philosophy “never really presents itself as a candidate for deconstructing a premise for the study of theoretical underpinnings of art” (2013:142)20. Danto also believes that aesthetics is a subset of art philosophy in that knowing the aesthetics of a people helps in understanding the broader view of their philosophies. Like Danto, Donald Crawford (1989:228), a professor of philosophy, also argues that the term ‘aesthetics’ as a philosophy of art is “primarily concerned with the nature of works of arts as products of artistic creative activities and as the focal point of aesthetic appreciation and arts criticism”. This insight by Danto and Craw