UNIVERSITY OF GHANA COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES THE IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY ON TRADITIONAL NAMING CEREMONY IN THE NEW JUABEN TRADITIONAL AREA BY GERTRUDE OTUBEA DADEY (10806494) THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE AWARD OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE STUDY OF RELIGIONS DEPARTMENT FOR THE STUDY OF RELIGIONS SEPTEMBER, 2021 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh i DECLARATION I hereby declare that except for the reference to other existing works which have been duly acknowledged, this thesis is my own original work and presented to the Department for the Study of Religions, University of Ghana-Legon towards the award of Master of Philosophy under the supervision of Dr. Harry L.K. Agbanu and Dr. Godson Ahortor. This work had neither in whole nor in part been presented to any other examining body or institution. 29th September 2021 …………………………………. …………………………………. Gertrude Otubea Dadey Date (Student) 29th September 2021 ………………………………… …………………………………… Dr. Harry L.K. Agbanu Date (Supervisor) 29th September 2021 ………………………………… ……………………………………… Dr. Godson Ahortor Date (Supervisor) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ii ABSTRACT The developmental stages of human life experience have been earmarked by rites of passage that represent crucial facets in the cultural outlook and make-up every society. These rites of passage include birth and childhood rites (naming ceremony), puberty, marriage and death rites. The Akan like every other society practises the naming ceremony in a way that reflects their cultural values, beliefs and traditions. Unfortunately, this culturally engineered practices have posed an ethico- religious dilemma regarding the ideal naming ceremony approach for an African Akan Christian. This study was conducted to examine the impact of Christianity on traditional naming ceremony in the New Juaben Traditional Area. A qualitative approach where the researcher played the role of an insider-outsider was adopted to explore the impact of Christianity on Akan traditional naming ceremony. This research methodology allowed the study to gather data from the opinions of interviewees within two religious factions through an interview session. Interviewees include chiefs, linguists, elders, queen mothers, parents who are traditional people and members from the Christian community (pastors and parents). Findings of the study highlighted that marriage is a pre-requisite feature for people living in an African Akan setting to name their children. The study revealed that Akan naming rituals of new- borns does not only usher the child into the world as a human but also enables the child to be accepted as member of the family, clan and community at large. The study indicated that naming ceremony from the Christian perspective highlights a biblical responsible of human to give names to God’s creation. The study revealed that inasmuch as making a decision for humans naturally revolves around a sociocultural context, for Christians, the laws of God take precedence. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iii The study found out some shared similarities such as the reason of naming a child and acknowledging that the father is the one who provides the officiant with the name of the child. However, the differences have to do with the use of alcohol and pouring of libation which the Christians consider as fetish, hence, morally wrong. The traditional people highlighted that the way they practise their naming ceremonies has nothing to do with idol worship, hence, all aspects of the naming ritual is justifiable and right. The study found out that Christianity has impacted Akan traditional naming ceremony in ways such as timing of naming ritual, traditional familial roles, naming rituals and emblems and the type of name given to the child. The study found out that the traditional people in the event of the cultural changes have been resilient in their cultural practice of the Akan naming ceremony. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iv DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my husband Mr. Eric Otoo Awuku and my children Kingsford, Erica, Babina and Eric Awuku. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I thank the Almighty God for his grace and mercy throughout my course of study. I acknowledge with gratitude the effort of my supervisors, Dr. Harry L.K Agbanu and Dr. Godson Ahortor whose invaluable directions and suggestions have brought this work to its present state. To them, I express my most profound gratitude for taking time off their busy schedules to go through the work meticulously and also for their guidance, encouragement, support and patience. I also acknowledge with sincere gratitude, the contributions of all my lecturers in the Department for the study of Religions, University of Ghana. I express special thanks to Prof. Rosemary Amenga-Etego, Head of Department for the study of Religions whose consistent encouragement speeded up the completion of this work. Prof. Elizabeth Amoah and Dr. Novieto, your contributions were immeasurable. I acknowledge with much appreciation the contributions of all Reverend Ministers and members of the Presbyterian church of Ghana and the International Central Gospel church, Koforidua branch, particularly those from whom data was collected for this study, not forgetting pastor Dickson Sarpong Tuffour, Pastor Charles Nimako of International Gospel Church and Pastor Baah Abekah of the Presbyterian Church of Ghana, Trinity congregation. I also acknowledge the financial, moral and spiritual support of my husband not forgetting my late father, Emmanuel Adu Dadey. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vi TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION.......................................................................................................................................... i ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................................. ii DEDICATION............................................................................................................................................ iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT .......................................................................................................................... v CHAPTER ONE ......................................................................................................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Background of the Study ........................................................................................................................ 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem ........................................................................................................................ 7 1.3 Objectives of the Study ........................................................................................................................... 9 1.4 Research Questions ................................................................................................................................. 9 1.5 Scope of the Study ................................................................................................................................ 10 1.6 Conceptual Framework ......................................................................................................................... 11 1.7 Literature Review .................................................................................................................................. 14 1.7.1 African Indigenous Religion and Morality ........................................................................................ 14 1.7.2 The Concept of African Names and Naming Ceremony .................................................................... 17 1.8 Methodology ......................................................................................................................................... 22 1.8.1 Methods of Data Collection ............................................................................................................... 25 1.8.2 Sources of Data .................................................................................................................................. 26 1.8.3 Sampling Size and Sampling Procedure ............................................................................................ 27 1.8.4 Method of Data Analysis .................................................................................................................... 28 1.9 Limitations of the Study ........................................................................................................................ 29 1.10 Organization of the Study ................................................................................................................... 29 1.11 Significance of the Study .................................................................................................................... 30 1.12 Summary ............................................................................................................................................. 31 CHAPTER TWO ...................................................................................................................................... 32 AKAN NAMING CEREMONY OF THE NEW JUABEN TRADITIONAL AREA ......................... 32 2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 32 2.2 History of the New Juaben Traditional Area ........................................................................................ 32 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vii 2.2.1 Geographical Location, Size and Population .................................................................................... 38 Figure 1: Map of the New Juaben Traditional Area ................................................................................... 39 2.2.2 Religio-Cultural Structure ................................................................................................................. 40 2.2.3 Political Structure .............................................................................................................................. 43 2.2.4 Socio-Economic Structure.................................................................................................................. 45 2.3 Akan Naming Ceremony ...................................................................................................................... 47 2.3.1 Rituals and Symbolic Elements of the Akan Naming Ceremony ........................................................ 52 2.4 Ethico-Religious Significance of Akan Naming Ceremony ................................................................. 56 2.5 Summary ............................................................................................................................................... 59 CHAPTER THREE .................................................................................................................................. 61 CHRISTIAN NAMING CEREMONY AND ETHICS ......................................................................... 61 3.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 61 3.2 History of Christianity in the New Juaben Area (P.C.G & I.C.G.C) .................................................... 62 3.3 Christian Naming Ceremony ................................................................................................................ 67 3.4 Ethico-Religious Significance of Christian Naming Ceremony ........................................................... 71 3.5 Relationship Between Traditional and Christian Naming Ceremony ................................................... 79 3.6 Summary ............................................................................................................................................... 84 CHAPTER FOUR ..................................................................................................................................... 86 IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY ON AKAN TRADITIONAL NAMING CEREMONY ................... 86 4.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 86 4.2 Impact of Christianity on Akan Traditional Naming Ceremony .......................................................... 87 4.2.1 Timing of Naming Ritual .................................................................................................................... 87 4.2.2 Change in Naming Ceremony Officiants and Place .......................................................................... 88 4.2.3 Naming Rituals and Emblems ............................................................................................................ 90 4.2.4 Type of Name Given ........................................................................................................................... 92 4.3 Factors Affecting the Cultural Change in Akan Naming Ceremony .................................................... 95 4.3.1 Religious Pluralism ............................................................................................................................ 96 4.3.2 Formal Education and Colonialism ................................................................................................... 98 4.3.3 Globalisation and Westernisation .................................................................................................... 100 4.3.4 Rural-urban Migration and Family Systems ................................................................................... 102 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh viii 4.4 Adjusting to Cultural Change ............................................................................................................. 104 4.5 Summary ............................................................................................................................................. 107 CHAPTER FIVE .................................................................................................................................... 108 SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION ............................................................. 108 5.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 108 5.2 Summary ............................................................................................................................................. 108 5.3 Major Findings .................................................................................................................................... 112 5.4 Meeting the Study Objectives ............................................................................................................. 116 5.5 Recommendations ............................................................................................................................... 117 5.5.1 Recommendation for Further Research ........................................................................................... 118 5.6 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................................... 118 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................... 120 Books ........................................................................................................................................................ 120 Journals ..................................................................................................................................................... 122 Thesis ........................................................................................................................................................ 124 Public Lecture & Paper Reviews .............................................................................................................. 124 Internet Sources ........................................................................................................................................ 124 APPENDIX .............................................................................................................................................. 125 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the Study Humans experience a variety of developmental stages in life which include birth, puberty, marriage and finally, death. The transitional rituals and ceremonies that follow the developmental stages represent an essential element in the cultural make-up of every society. Van Gennep termed these transitional ceremonies as “rites du passage” which literally means “rites of passage”.1 Culture is the embodiment of the total way of life of a particular people that brings about a great influence on the way of living, choices, thoughts and actions of those who practise it.2 Every society has its own tradition and culture which is characterized by symbols, ceremonies, values, philosophies, perspectives, beliefs, expectations, attitudes, rituals, rites, language, taboos and myths. These aspects of culture are what makes a particular group unique and distinct.3 The Akan have unique cultural practices which are vital to their existence as a people and among them are the birth and childhood rites (naming ceremony), puberty rites, marriage rites and funeral rites. Naming ceremonies are very critical aspects of life cycle for many African social structures which basically entails complex rituals.4 It is one of the most conspicuous transitional rites that lubricate the passage through life. A name to the African society represents an essential component of 1 A. Van Gennep, Rites of Passage, English translation by Monica B. Vizedom & Gabrielle L. Caffe (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1960), 10 2 U.A. Etuk, Religion and Cultural Identity (Ibadan: Hope Publication, 2002), 13 3 E.A. Asante, A.E. Asmah & J. Adjei, “Art in Funeral Ceremonies, an Indigenous Cultural Identity of Asantes,” International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 3.16 (2013): 102-109 4 Afe Adogame, “African Instituted Churches in Europe: Continuity and Transformation,” in African Identities and World Christianity in the Twentieth Century, ed. Klaus Koschorke and Jens Holger Schjørring (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005), 238 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2 human spiritual anatomy and could serve as an indicator of destiny.5 Basically, a person does not exist without a name with meaning and in consequence, a name is an edifying emblem given to a child at birth by the parents, or brought from heaven by the child during the child’s birth.6 The Akan philosophical expression, Onipa begyee din na wammeye hwee ara (man was born to make a good name above all things) indicates that a name becomes a religious mark of identification and a sign of honour and respect.7 Although the form and shape of the rite vary from one African society to the other, the symbolism bears a remarkable semblance and as a significant constant, names have a meaning. The naming of children is therefore an important occasion which is often marked by ceremonies in many societies and some names mark the occasion of the child’s birth.8 For example, if the birth occurs during the rain, the child would be given a name which means “rain” or water; if the mother is on a journey at the time, the child might be called “traveller”, “road” or “wanderer”. Akinnaso reflected on the conceptualization of traditional naming ceremonies by indicating that, The basic purpose of naming is to provide a symbolic system of individual identification. Like every aspect of culture, such a symbolic system is usually historically constructed, socially maintained and based on shared assumptions and expectations of members of a particular community.9 This implies that, for the African society, naming ceremonies serve the primary function of individual identification. The Akan proverb Nsԑmmɔne nti na yԑkyԑ din encapsulates this notion by Akinnaso, which literally means “because of badness, names are given” (i.e., the name given 5 Adogame, “African Instituted Churches in Europe: Continuity and Transformation,” 239 6 A. Adogame, “Contesting the Ambivalences of Modernity in a Global Context: The Redeemed Christian Church of God,” Studies in World Christianity 10.1 (2005): 38-43 7 Adogame, “African Instituted Churches in Europe: Continuity and Transformation,” 239 8 C.N. Nwandiokwu, E.S. Nwadiokwu, E.N. Favour, M.E. Okwuazun, International Journal of Education and Research 4.9 (2016): 44 9 F.N. Akinnaso, “The Sociolinguistic Basis of Yoruba Personal Names,” Anthropological Linguistics 22 (1980): 277 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3 to each individual will be used to identify him or her whenever there is a problem).10 This is representative of the moral conduit that names carry which is embedded in African traditional religion. According to Nyamiti, “To confer a name is therefore to confer personality, status, destiny or express a wish or circumstances in which the bearer of the name was born.”11 The ethical significance is that it effectively incorporates and ushers the child into the clan and lineage.12 Naming involves the incarnation or actualization of a person (an ancestor), a desirable moral character or value, a physical feature or power, or an occasion or event is all part of the naming process. Magesa asserts that the way in which names are given indicates a specific understanding of reincarnation throughout the African continent. He compares the matrilineal and patrilineal inheritance regarding the naming of a child to the family’s ancestry as the ancestors come to inhabit, protect and shape the character of the child.13 The names bestowed on children is essential, so that, the family heritage does not diminish or disappear.14 That is why, ancestors do not cease to exist as the name conferred on the child makes them present and that the person is also required to live and act according to the name. Magesa emphasized that naming ceremonies signifies the completion of the transmission of life, thus, babies who die without a name conferred on them tend 10 Andrew Kwasi Opong, “A Comparative Study of the Concept of the Divine in African Traditional Religions in Ghana and Lesotho,” (Doctoral Thesis: Department of Religious Studies, University of South Africa, Pretoria, 2002), 176 11 C. Nyamiti, “The Naming Ceremony in the Trinity: An African Onomastic Approach to the Trinity,” Catholic Higher Institute of Eastern Africa (CHIEA) African Christian Studies 41.1 (1988): 42 12 Gǘnter Wagner, The Bantu of Western Kenya (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 318 13 Laurenti Magesa, African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abundant Life (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1997), 89 14 Kwame Gyekye, African Cultural Values: An Introduction (Accra: Sankofa Publishing Company, 1996), 83 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4 to become malevolent spirits bent on destroying life.15 Therefore, the need for every child to be given a name is a matter of concern. Among the Akan like many other African indigenous religious systems, a child is usually named on the eighth day. The significance of the naming ceremony (abadinto) on the eighth day lies in the spiritual connection with the divinity.16 Names are often circumstantial and have certain historical narratives woven around them. That is, new-borns are named based on specific situations surrounding their birth, hence, the need to take the naming of a child seriously since it can make or unmake a person. In Akan indigenous context, personal names comprise of at least three main parts, the kra din (soul name) indicating the particular day of the week on which the child is born (divinity governing the day), the agya din (name chosen by the child’s father) and the abusua din (family name).17 The name received is dependent on the occasion and circumstance surrounding birth of the child. Religion in the African societies seems to be the fulcrum around which every activity revolves.18 That is to say, every cultural practice that is upheld by community members carries religious connotations. The practises surrounding life cycle rites such as naming ceremonies in the African context indicates the core of spirituality among African religious communities, because names do not only give meanings but also serve as an identity marker in the new multicultural context of the contemporary society.19 Hence, religion becomes a significant aspect in the formation and preservation of the ethnic-religious identity of the African societies. 15 Magesa, African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abundant Life, 90 16 Adogame, “African Instituted Churches in Europe: Continuity and Transformation,” 239 17 Adogame, “Contesting the Ambivalences of Modernity in a Global Context,” 39 18 John Samuel Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy (London: Heinemann, 1990), 116 19 Adogame, “African Instituted Churches in Europe: Continuity and Transformation,” 243 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5 Over the years, there have been a preservation of various customs and traditions that provoked the discourse regarding the reasons, motivations, values and purpose of behaviour of Africans on the rules and principles that guides their ethical conduct.20 The moral code is provided by the conventions and traditions that are passed down from generation to generation, and it emphasizes what individuals must do to live ethically.21 Both Christian and African ethics, according to Kunhiyop, agree that all ethical principles ultimately emanate from God. The morally grounded cultural standards are not based on human concepts, but rather on God’s substance, sanction, dynamism, and aim, rather than on any anthropological or sociological assumption.22 That is to say, the life cycle customs such as the naming of a child conveys the ethical and moral knowledge given to the ancestors by God to be passed on from one generation to the another as a cultural practice. It is fair to say that culture embodies the ethical and religious underpinnings of a society and thus, through ethics one is able to evaluate the principles binding the conduct of life cycle rites such as naming ceremonies that is expressively lived by members of the society. The purpose of human life is a determining factor of ethical principles from the African perspective; hence, human life is experienced, directed and shaped in the manner that befits the ethical codes.23 Because naming rituals are held in line with religious beliefs and customs, there are certain expectations that come with them (ethically). For instance, the names are “expected to bear special meanings including future attributes and wishes for the name holder; and the name holders to identify with the 20 Samuel Waje Kunhiyop, African Christian Ethics (Nairobi: Hippo Books, 2008), 9 21 E. Bolaji Idowu, African Traditional Religion: A Definition (Maryknoll, N.Y: Orbis, 1975), 42 22 Carl F. H. Henry, Christian Personal Ethics (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1957), 188 23 Magesa, African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abundant Life, 23 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6 historical, cultural, and religious meanings attributed to the names”.24 McClendon posits that ethics can be termed as a theoretical overview of morality (right or wrong conduct).25 That is why, this study uses the terms “ethics” and “morality” interchangeably. Antia argues that culture is not fixed and permanent but rather it is changed and modified by humans through contact with and absorption of other peoples’ cultures.26 Due to the fact that culture is passed down through generations and people alter their social patterns and institutions, beliefs and values, and even job skills and tools and thus, culture must be an adaptable system. When one component of culture adjusts or alters in reaction to changes in the environment, other aspects of the culture are impacted, whether directly or indirectly. This can be said of the impact of Christianity on African traditional naming ceremony. Essentially, Aluko posits that before the inception of Christianity in Africa, names had always been given and such names are descriptive of the cultural values of the African people.27 Nevertheless, some Akan people, especially Christians who are from traditional homes are grappled with a “moral dilemma” to which they tend to contemplate on their decision-making regarding naming their children in the traditional home or the church. Within this context, this study seeks to explore the ethical and religious significance of naming ceremonies from a contemporary Akan perspective with focus on the people of New Juaben Traditional Area as well as the impact of Christianity on naming ceremonies. 24 Kadriye Şahin, “Ethnography of Naming as a Religious Identity: Case of Antakya,” in Qualitative versus Quantitative Researched, ed. Sonyel Oflazoglu (Rijeka: inTech, 2017), 30 25 James Williamson McClendon, Systematic Theology: Ethics (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2002), 45-46 26 O.R.U. Antia, Akwa Ibom Cultural Heritage: Its Incursion by Western Culture and its Renaissance (Uyo: Abbny Publishers, 2005), 17 27 Taiye Aluko, “Naming Ceremony in African Independent Churches: A Cultural Revolution,” Indian Journal of Theology 35.2 (1993): 21 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 7 1.2 Statement of the Problem Every child is regarded as a unique individual with a peculiar name and also the sort of name the child bears, reveals the particular sex, ethnic origin, society, class, religious community and relations of the individual. Agyekum noted that naming in the African societies is an important component of the cultural system, hence, many believe that a good name should be given to a child since it will help determine a lot about the present and future of the child.28 Agyekum asserts that, Naming can be considered as a universal cultural practice; every human society in the world gives name to its new-born as tags majorly as a means of identification, but how the names are given, the practices and rituals involved and the interpretations attached to the names differ from society to society and from one culture to another.29 African societies place a great deal of importance on the naming of a child, because the general belief system of African people does not only attribute a name to social identity but also is expected to influence, mould and shape the character and personality of its bearer. This is expressed in the Akan proverb ne din ne agba honam sɛ which literary means his or her name befits his or her body. A name, and the naming patterns of many African civilizations, may be described as a dynamic socio-cultural practice that reflects the social realities of daily life. Despite the socio-cultural significance of naming ceremonies in Africa, the purpose of this study is to determine the role of the church in traditional naming ceremonies among the people of the New Juaben Traditional Area in order to fully comprehend the ethical and religious significance of naming ceremonies. There have been criticisms levelled against Christianity for wanting to destroy the value in African cultural practice such as naming ceremony. Nevertheless, these criticisms are justifiable as the 28 K. Agyekum, “The Sociolinguistic of Akan Personal Names,” Nordic Journal of African Studies 15.2 (2006): 205- 235 29 Agyekum, “The Sociolinguistic of Akan Personal Names,” 211 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 8 policy of the church tries to outlaw, ignore and play down significant customs and practices that give meaning to life in the context of African cosmology.30 Hence, the church’s failure to integrate its worship and practice regarding naming ceremonies with the African culture as it tends to create problems and dilemmas for many African Christians. Kudadjie reflects on Williamson’s concern which African Akan Christians find themselves as he posits that, The Christian faith as historically implanted by western missionary enterprise among the Akan has proved unable to sympathize with or relate its message spiritually to Akan spiritual outlook. Its impact is thereby dulled. It has launched a frontal attack on Akan traditional beliefs and practices, and sought to emancipate the Akan from his traditional outlook. But the method and means adopted to secure this end, relying as they did on western enlightenment as set forth through a westernized form of Christianity, had the effect of calling the Akan out of his traditional environment, not of redeeming him within it. ... The conviction that the Christian faith and Akan religion, encountering each other out of vastly different backgrounds and experience, view each other from a distance without common ground of fellowship, so that the impact never amounts to a real encounter, cannot be set aside.31 This notion exemplifies the need for contextualization as the call for African theology is made relevant in the above situation. Over the years, the media has been circulating news about African Christians who are faced with an “ethico-religious dilemma” regarding the most appropriate means for outdooring a baby born to a Christian nuclear family but from a lineage that practise African (Akan) traditional customs.32 This situation begs the question; how does the modern-day penteco- charismatic African Christians juxtapose the African traditions with Christian teachings concerning naming ceremonies? It is against this background that the researcher seeks to focus on 30 Joshua N. Kudadjie, “Integrating Indigenous African Worship and Customs with Christian Worship and Practice: An Illustration with the Outdooring and Naming Ceremony of a Baby Among the Ada of Ghana,” Paper Presented at the Tenth Oxford Institute of Methodist Theological Studies. Somerville College, Oxford, 2-22 August. 1997, 2 31 Kudadjie, “Integrating Indigenous African Worship and Customs with Christian Worship and Practice: An Illustration with the Outdooring and Naming Ceremony of a Baby Among the Ada of Ghana,” 3 32 Ghana Web, “Should a Christian’s Baby Outdooring Be Done in Church or Traditional Home?” Ghana Web, last updated September 6, 2015 https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/features/Should-a-Christian-baby- outdooring-be-done-in-Church-or-Traditional-home-380088 [Accessed May 16, 2020] University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/features/Should-a-Christian-baby-outdooring-be-done-in-Church-or-Traditional-home-380088 https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/features/Should-a-Christian-baby-outdooring-be-done-in-Church-or-Traditional-home-380088 9 and ascertain both the religious significance of the Akan naming ceremony as well as the influence of Christianity on the African Akan naming ceremony. 1.3 Objectives of the Study The main aim of this study is to explore the understanding and perspective of the people of New Juaben Traditional Area regarding impact of Christianity on traditional naming ceremony. The following are the set specific objectives needed to realize the aim of the study: 1. To delineate the philosophical explanations of traditional naming ceremony from the African (Akan) perspective. 2. To analyse the ethical and religious significance from an African (Akan) perspective of naming ceremony. 3. To evaluate the influence of Christianity on Akan naming ceremony and examine how the people of New Juaben Traditional Area are adjusting to the cultural change. 4. To critically review the factors that have accounted for the change in naming ceremony trends for the people of New Juaben Traditional Area. 1.4 Research Questions The following questions were considered to guide the researcher in achieving the aim of the study: 1. What is the philosophical basis that explain the traditional naming ceremony from the African (Akan) perspective? 2. What are the ethical and religious significance that guides the naming of child from an African (Akan) perspective? 3. How does Christianity influence Akan naming ceremonies and how the people of New Juaben Traditional Area are adjusting to the cultural change? University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 10 4. What factors have accounted for the change in naming ceremony among the people of New Juaben Traditional Area? 1.5 Scope of the Study The focus of the study is to explore the impact of Christianity on traditional naming ceremony in the people of New Juaben Traditional Area. The study focuses on the Ashanti’s of the New Juaben Traditional Area in the Eastern Region of Ghana. The area was used as a scope for the study because most of the people living in New Juaben are indigenes who understand the Akan traditions meticulously. Also, since the study focuses on an African (Akan) perspective of naming ceremonies, the choice of New Juaben Traditional Area is appropriate. The researcher takes a cross-section of the viewpoints of members of the traditional council in the New Juaben Traditional Area which include, chiefs, queen mothers and linguists as well as some elders. The choice of these interviewees as part of the scope is because they are well-versed in matters relating to the Akan cultural norms. The study also covers a selected number of parents (i.e., non-christians) in the community who have named their children. Since the researcher is a member of the International Central Gospel Church (I.C.G.C) in Adweso in the New Juaben Traditional Area, views from some of the congregants and a number of the pastors was solicited. The study also focuses on the Presbyterian Church in New Juaben, because it is one of the churches that has existed for a very long time. The views from both churches provide a Christian perspective in relation to naming ceremonies. The pastors provided expert knowledge on Christian naming ceremonies as well. As a result of the proximity between the researcher and the area, the scope of the study helped ease the financial commitment and also make an efficient use of time. The viewpoints from both members of the religious institutions provided a University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 11 comprehensive understanding on the topical issue concerning the ethics and religiosity of naming ceremonies. 1.6 Conceptual Framework This study is grounded on the concept of Cultural Resilience as the conceptual framework. The researcher is of the view that the concept of cultural resilience helps to build on the understanding of the impact of Christianity on traditional naming ceremony which is an African Akan cultural practice. The ability of a culture to sustain and grow ethnic heritage, knowledge, and behaviours in the face of challenges is referred to as cultural resilience.33 The resilience of the African culture is instigated by the interaction with other cultures (e.g., Western culture, Christianity, Islamic) and the need to embrace modernity (e.g., education, urbanization, technology). Kwame Gyekye points out that making a transition to modernity involves profound and perhaps also radical changes in several aspects of the culture of a people.34 However, the idea of profound changes must be sufficiently progressive to bring about the enhancement and fulfilment of human life rather than at the expense of expunging the cultural values of the society which are purported to be negative. This is because every culture maintains the right to re-evaluate its cultural framework by identifying elements it deems to be either ethical or unethical. This is reflected in the words of Gyekye where he explains, The growth of human culture, its capacity to avoid decadence and dysfunction and to adapt itself to new situations and demands, its capacity to constitute itself into a credible and viable framework for human fulfilment. All this is due, surely, to the reinterpretation and critical re-evaluation of a cultural tradition as it moves through history. The critical re- evaluation of a received cultural tradition will not only suggest refinement or appropriate 33 C. S. Clauss-Ehlers, “Cultural Resilience,” in Encyclopaedia of Cross-Cultural School Psychology, ed. C. S. Clauss-Ehlers (Boston: Springer), 324 34 Kwame Gyekye, African Cultural Values: An Introduction (Accra: Sankofa Publishing Company, 1996), 172 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 12 amendment that ought to be made to it but also direct attention to the aspect of that ought to be expunged from the cultural life and thought of a people.35 Gyekye asserts that many of the cultural values and practices of the traditional African religious people consist of positive features which can undergo some level of refinement and pruning as it has been for many cultural practices in generations past, nevertheless, the scheme of African modernity must function in a satisfactory fashion within the cultural system.36 The Akan naming ceremony is a continued cultural practice that has lived through time and when parents are about to name their child, the decision to employ the Akan naming ritual rests on their accumulated knowledge of their tradition. Besides, culture is not static and continually evolves with new cultural practices and different means to improve their interaction with the environments (physical and social).37 Christianity forms part of the new evolution process of change and learning of a group’s culture for many African societies of which the Akan culture is no exception. According to Henry Karlson, Christians have always been engaging themselves with the cultures in which they live.38 They have done this by both changing the culture from inside and enabling the culture to change the way Christians presented themselves by addressing and applying the culture’s values and beliefs to the Christian faith.39 That is, Christians have let the culture they live in establish the symbols and standards in which Christians are to act and think. In the light of this circumstance, Mbiti posits that inasmuch as the influence of Christianity is evident in ensuring modern change in African cultural identity, practice and meaning of life, the traditional religious 35 Kwame Gyekye, African Cultural Values: An Introduction, 178 36 Kwame Gyekye, African Cultural Values: An Introduction, 174 37 James Gavelek and Ailing Kong, “Learning: A Process of Enculturation,” in Encyclopaedia of the Sciences of learning, ed. N. M. Seel (Boston: Springer, 2012), 325. 38 Henry Karlson, “From Its Inception, Christianity has been Encultured,” https://www.patheos.com/blogs/henrykarlson/2019/10/from-its-inception-christianity-has-been-enculturated/ [Accessed on August 28, 2020] 39 Karlson, “From Its Inception, Christianity has been Encultured,” University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh https://www.patheos.com/blogs/henrykarlson/2019/10/from-its-inception-christianity-has-been-enculturated/ 13 system have been undermined.40 This has been made feasible by a continual effort to win converts from people who do not share their beliefs. They spread by pushing traditional religions on the defensive, expecting them to be silent, listen to their teachings, emulate their actions, submit, give up, fade away, and be forgotten. Mbiti argues that “Christianity employs all kinds of methods to reduce African traditional religions to ashes and historical anachronisms”,41 that is why, there is the need to be careful of the scrutiny levelled against the traditional believers by Christians in a religious practice such as the naming ceremony. Even though acculturation seems like a healthy cross-fertilization of not only cultures but of religion, the traditional foundations of the African people have been shaken, however, Africa excels in these religious movements.42 Mbiti alludes to Christianity bending to fit the cultural setting of the African traditional people,43 this is because, traditional believers understandably see acts of rejecting traditional customs and practices as a form of betrayal.44 The vilification and slander of the African traditional culture and religion has culminated into a dynamic religious movement known as apostasy.45 A number of people are accused of backsliding when they revert to their former religious allegiance, especially to African religion on occasions when they are faced with a life crisis situation or other demands that challenges their religious or moral status. This is evident in the lives of Christian indigenes of an Akan society who on facing a moral dilemma situation such as the type of naming ceremony chooses to go by the traditional way of naming a child. This is against the backdrop that Christians do not accept traditional beliefs 40 John Samuel Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy (London: Heinemann, 1990), 256 41 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 256 42 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 258 43 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 259 44 Sibusiso Masondo, “Indigenous Conceptions of Conversion Among African Christians in South Africa,” Journal for the Study of Religion 28.2 (2015): 94 45 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 258 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 14 of naming ceremonies as they are perceived to be fetish and heathen. The situation of apostasy or backsliding begs the question, are all religions the same? Mbiti argues that the dereligionization of the African traditional religion characterized by the claims of secularism, animism and idolatry to a large extent by Christians has been met with a resilient culture that find African peoples deeply immersed and engrossed in their own traditions and cultures.46 The concept of cultural resilience seeks to help in the understanding of this study since naming ceremony is a culturally driven conduct that should not be undermined by Christian teachings but rather viewed as a practice that can be performed in a way that reflects both the African world view and Christianity. The Akan culture has undergone acculturation and has maintained its cultural identity to suit contemporary way of life which is evident in the naming ceremony. The Akan naming ceremony is a cultural engineered practice that has proved its resilience over the course of time while coming into contact with other cultures and religions, especially Christianity. 1.7 Literature Review This section discusses some of the existing works of scholars that is relevant to this study. The literature review revolves around the following thematic areas which includes; the African indigenous religion and morality, the concept of African names and naming ceremonies. 1.7.1 African Indigenous Religion and Morality John Mbiti highlights an African perspective of attitudes and belief systems that have evolved in a methodical way. According to Mbiti, Africans are notoriously religious and each people has its own religious system with a set of beliefs and practices.47 That is, there is no conversion from one 46 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 259 47 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 1 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 15 traditional religion to another since each religion is bound and limited to the people among whom it has evolved. The African religion do not end at the level of family rites of few rituals, libation and food offerings but rather it is deeper and comprehensive than that. Chapters of African religion are written everywhere in the life of the community and in the traditional society there are no irreligious people, therefore, to be human is to belong to the whole community.48 This is achieved through the participation in the beliefs, ceremonies, rituals and festivals of that community. Hence, a person cannot detach himself or herself from the religious components of his group as it may lead to being severed from one’s roots, his or her foundations, their context of security, kinship and the entire ethnic group.49 For the Africans, religion permeates into all the departments of life so fully that it is not easy or possible to always isolate it. Mbiti explained that: Wherever the African is, there is his religion: he carries it to the fields where he is sowing seeds or harvesting a new crop; he takes it with him to the beer party or attend a funeral ceremony; and if he is educated, he takes religion with him to the examination room at school or in the university; if he is politician, he takes it to the house of parliament.50 The above indicates that belief and action in African traditional society cannot be separated as they both belong to a single whole. Therefore, what people do is motivated by what they believe and a study of the religious systems is ultimately a study of the individuals that form the society. Mbiti’s work is relevant in understanding naming ceremony as a religiously motivated practice that permeates the lifestyle of Africans, which in effect also incorporates what this study also evaluates. Mbiti’s work indicates a generalized perspective of African cultural practices, however, this study 48 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 2. 49 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 2. 50 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 2. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 16 seeks to understand the practice of naming ceremonies from an African Akan viewpoint and how it has been impacted by Christianity over the years. Peter Kasenene suggests that ‘Africans are very religious people and religion constitutes their way of life, influencing their physical, material, social or political concerns’ and maintains that all ‘individual and group activities are religiously determined’.51 He posits that religion present a ‘corporate religiosity’ in the sense that it is not clearly differentiated from other modes of behaviour. Like Mbiti, Kasenene perceives religion as embracing ‘the total life of the people’ and as being ‘integrated in all their institutions’. Kasenene indicated that: The religious and the secular interpenetrate, to a greater or lesser degree, at all points of existence. In whatever an African does or experiences, there is a simultaneous working of spiritual and worldly forces.52 Kasenene concludes that religion cannot be separated from morality. He argues that because religion is the foundation of African worldviews, ethics too originates from religion. Kasenene’s work highlights the unison in relation to African traditional religion and their cultural practices. Nonetheless, this study does not only consider the practice of naming ceremony as a religious element of the Akan cultural perspective but also explores the religious significance of naming ceremonies among the people of New Juaben. Laurenti Magesa notes that Christian notions of morality and ethics have over the years overshadowed ethical notions of African religion and seeks to juxtapose the relationship between morality and religion from the African context. He indicated that traditional concepts form the essential background of many African societies, hence, just as Christianity or Islam, the traditional 51 Peter Kasenene, Religious Ethics in Africa (Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 1998), 18. 52 Peter Kasenene, Religious Ethics in Africa, 18. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 17 African religion defines how people ought to live. By integrating the natural, human and spiritual, the moral teaching of African religion delineates values, norms and principles to follow so that life might be abundant to all, infusing community life with meaning and harmony. Magesa also posits that there is a responsibility placed on leaders or elders in the household of many African societies to pass on the moral codes of the clan or ethnic group from generation to generation. They are seen to be always in constant touch with the ancestors and God in an ontologically close union fashion. This bond between the living and ancestors must be ensured by the leaders to remain intact so as to preserve and enhance continuation of life in the society. Magesa’s work contributes to the understanding of naming ceremonies from the perspective of tradition being a cultural expression of the African religion and morality of which the Akan is no exception. Magesa’s work discusses the passing of moral codes and tradition from one generation to another, however, this study explores the role Christianity has played in affecting the tradition of the Akan naming ceremony over the years. 1.7.2 The Concept of African Names and Naming Ceremony According to Aloysius Lugira, the name a child receives is expected to express the very essence of the person who bears it.53 Names individualize children, give them a status and incorporate them into the community. That is why, parents take much care when it comes to name giving. Lugira argues that all African names have specific meanings and the ceremonies differ from people to people but the names themselves have a number of things in common.54 Most African personal names at least indirectly reflect religious belief and some have strong religious themes. In the African religious tradition, names express religious ideas which are connected to divinities, others 53 Aloysius M. Lugira, African Traditional Religion (New York: Chelsea House, 2009), 68. 54 Aloysius M. Lugira, African Traditional Religion, 68. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 18 spiritually related as well as human experience. For instance, the Luo speaking people of Uganda, Sudan, Kenya and Tanzania normally name their children Ojok which is related to Jok meaning God. In Nigeria, the parents of an Igbo child can be named Chukwu. This is against the backdrop of honouring God, expressing the attribute of God and praising his power.55 Lugira’s work presents a generalized view on the concept of names and its significance for Africans. This study focuses on specifically the Akan perspective in relation to the religious significance traditional naming ceremonies. Mbiti argues that the birth of a child in African societies is a process which begins long before the child’s arrival to the world and continues long thereafter.56 It is not just a single event which can be recorded on a particular date. Thus, nature brings the child into the world, but society creates the child into a social being (a corporate person). For it is the community which must protect the child, feed it, bring it up, educate it and in many ways incorporates it into the wider community. Mbiti argues that in some African societies, marriage is not fully recognized or consummated until the wife has given birth and naming ceremonies are preceded by the birth of a child. Nearly all African names have meaning.57 The naming of children is therefore an important occasion which is often marked by ceremonies in many societies. Some names may mark the occasion of the child’s birth. For example, if the birth occurs during rain, the child would be given a name which means rain or rainy or water; if the mother is on a journey at the time, the child might be called traveller, stranger, road or wanderer; if there is a locust invasion when the child is born, it might be called locust or famine or pain. Some names describe the personality of the individual or his 55 Aloysius M. Lugira, African Traditional Religion, 69. 56 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 107. 57 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 115 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 19 character or some key events in his life. Mbiti asserts that other names given to children during naming ceremonies may come as a result to tie with the deceased member of the family when family observes certain similar traits.58 As in many other societies, it is a custom to give the names of the grandparents to the children. Mbiti’s viewpoints underlines the different scope regarding the symbolism and meanings associated with naming ceremonies ethnic groups of several African societies. The focal point of discussion regarding the meanings associated to names and naming rituals for this study has to do with the African Akan perspective. Noah Yusuf, Abdulganiy Olantunji and Moshood Issah from an interactionist perspective indicated that names serve as the socio-cultural expression and illumination of self-concept.59 Names are not just abstract terms expressed in indefiniteness, they are more than mere labels, but loaded with meaningful and symbolic connotations. Another essential fact about names is that it is only human beings that have the gift of naming individuals with specific names.60 In a traditional African community, a person's name would most likely indicate socioeconomic and cultural traits, family background, family employment, location of origin, and political and economic status. Some names may represent the “type of god” revered in a home, as well as some African names given to children as praise names (Oriki). As a result, such names are used to motivate a person during times of high expectation or difficulty.61 In Africa, a name denotes gender, race, and social status since it may connote personality traits and often reflects a person's cultural dynamics. They are, symbolically, a way to be identified and a system that governs individual social and spiritual 58 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 115 59 N. Yusuf, A. Olatunji & M. Issah, “Yoruba Names as Reflection of People’s Cultural Heritage,” In Bringing our cultures homes: Festschrift for Bade Ajayi at 70, ed. S. A. Ahmad et.al (Ilorin: Chridamel Publishing House, 2014), 186-196. 60 Yusuf, Olatunji & Issah, “Yoruba Names as Reflection of People’s Cultural Heritage,” 190. 61 Yusuf, Olatunji & Issah, “Yoruba Names as Reflection of People’s Cultural Heritage,” 189. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 20 activity.62 Yusuf, Olatunji and Issah highlights the socio-cultural significance of naming ceremonies from an African perspective where the basis of their work hinged on the practices of different ethnic groups from the continent. Nevertheless, this study seeks to evaluate the religious significance of naming ceremonies from an African Akan standpoint. Gabriel Setiloane argues that naming in African society is to a great extent determined by socio- cultural, circumstantial, environmental and ethno-pragmatic contexts.63 For example, a child is normally named after a relative among the Bosotho of South Africa. He argued that naming ceremonies serve as religious, political and social functions.64 According to Setiloane, names are chosen to immortalize relatives since it is thought that naming children after grandparents will ensure that they acquire their grandparents’ social qualities. Furthermore, the Basotho thought that a child is a gift from the badimo (ancestors), and that a child should be called after a known ancestor as a token of gratitude for a life well lived.65 Setiloane’s perspective highlights the African traditional naming ceremonies from a socio-cultural point of view. This work considers naming ceremony not only from the socio-cultural perspective of the Akan but also from the viewpoint of ethics. Abdulganiy Olatunji, Moshood Issah, Yusuf Noah Muhammed and Abdul-Rasheed Sulaiman underscores naming ceremony from the perspective among the Zulu of South Africa. For the Zulus, the word for name is called Igama which literally means symbol and children born to Zulu 62 Yusuf, Olatunji & Issah, “Yoruba Names as Reflection of People’s Cultural Heritage,” 191. 63 Gabriel Setiloane, The Image of God Among the Sotho-Tswana (Netherlands: Balkema, 1976), 50. 64 Gabriel Setiloane, The Image of God Among the Sotho-Tswana, 59. 65 Gabriel Setiloane, The Image of God Among the Sotho-Tswana, 59. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 21 parents are named before they are brought forth into the world.66 There is nothing termed as naming ceremony among the Zulus as it is prevalent in many African societies but rather, they perform rituals known Imbeleko.67 The Imbeleko is performed to introduce the child to the ancestors and thank them as well as ask them to protect the child. During the ritual, a goat must be slaughtered as a sacrifice to the ancestors and the family elder responsible for talking to the ancestors will call the child by his name when presenting it to the ancestors at the same time the goat is being slaughtered.68 The work of Olatunji, Issah, Muhammed and Sulaiman underscore a South African perspective of the religious significance of naming ceremonies. Nevertheless, this study examines the religious significance of naming ceremonies from an Akan perspective. Razak Bamidele pointed out that naming ceremony is one of the most essential events among the Igbos. According to Bamidele, when a child is born, they normally consult an oracle to know which of their dead grandparents had returned back as the new born child.69 It’s the name of this grandparent that will be given to the child. Igu aha which literally means naming ceremony is a practice for the Igbos where a woman is confined with her baby for seven (7) weeks after delivery.70 Bamidele suggests that the mother and child are to remain indoors by dint of tradition until the Igu aha day (day of naming the child). Therefore, she stays all day beside the fire place (in her bedroom) to keep herself warm and to prevent any form of sickness after birth.71 As custom demands, she does not associate with anybody, neither cooks nor serves food to her husband 66 Abdulganiy Olatunji, Moshood Issah, Yusuf Noah, A.Y. Muhammed & Abdul-Rasheed Sulaiman, “Personal Name as a Reality of Everyday Life: Naming Dynamics in Select African Societies,” The Journal of Pan African Studies 8.3 (2015): 80. 67 Olatunji, Issah, Noah, Muhammed & Sulaiman, “Personal Name as a Reality of Everyday Life,” 83. 68 Olatunji, Issah, Noah, Muhammed & Sulaiman, “Personal Name as a Reality of Everyday Life,” 84. 69 Rasak Bamidele, “Naming Ceremony: Comparative Analysis of the Igbo and Yoruba Culture in Nigeria,” Continental Journal Arts and Humanities 2 (2010): 9. 70 Bamidele, “Naming Ceremony,” 8. 71 Bamidele, “Naming Ceremony,” 8. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 22 because she is believed to be unclean but rather her mother or sisters come around to help with the housework.72 Bamidele indicated that the twenty-eight (28) days confinement period in the Igbo dialect is called Omuguwo and during those days she is give foods such as Ariraa, and Awai.73 Bamidele argued that there are variations in the date for naming the child but it is mostly done on the 28th day. The naming ceremony, for example, takes place on the eighth day at N'turu, Okigwe, Imo State. All elders in the family make preparations for the Igu aha before the actual day, and the mother and child are dressed for the ritual on the day of the Igu aha.74 The child’s father must ensure that there are enough kegs of palm wine for his visitors. Palm wine is significant because it is used to pacify and bring the ancestors into their presence. Kola nuts are also used for prayer, and they are split into pieces so that everyone present can eat from them.75 Women from the family hosting the event prepare a variety of foods, which are first served to the family shrine and then to the visitors. If the family values God, they will donate a portion of the meal to the pastor’s or priest’s home.76 Bamidele’s work highlights rituals that accompanies naming ceremonies among selected tribes in Nigeria, however, this study focuses on the Akan perspective of naming rituals. 1.8 Methodology Methodology has to do with the ways in which knowledge is gained, comprising of ideas that govern the principles, rules and procedures of a particular discipline or field of study.77 The knowledge to be acquired follow step-by-step techniques that researchers adopt in a systematic process. This study employs the qualitative research method to explore the impact of Christianity 72 Bamidele, “Naming Ceremony,” 8. 73 Bamidele, “Naming Ceremony,” 8. 74 Bamidele, “Naming Ceremony,” 8. 75 Bamidele, “Naming Ceremony,” 10. 76 Bamidele, “Naming Ceremony,” 10. 77 Christine Daymon and Immy Holloway, Qualitative Research Methods in Public Relations and Marketing Communications, 2nd ed (London: Routledge, 2011), 100. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 23 on African Akan naming ceremonies among the people of New Juaben. Van Maanen posited that qualitative research is “an umbrella term covering an array of interpretive techniques which seek to describe, decode, translate and otherwise come to terms with the meaning, not the frequency, of certain more or less naturally occurring phenomena in the social world”.78 Essentially, qualitative researchers want to know how individuals build meaning, or how they make sense of their environment and their experiences in it. This study focuses on the people of New Juaben Traditional Area as they give their views concerning the issue of naming ceremonies as well as the moral struggles that comes with going about such rites of passage in a contemporary Christian dominated society. This is because, there is something to be learned in all settings for qualitative researchers.79 For the purpose of this research, the study considered a phenomenological approach which is a type of the qualitative methodology. This study used the phenomenological method because naming ceremony is a conceptualized subject in the life experiences of the people of New Juaben. However, this study seeks to understand the impact of Christianity on the cultural phenomenon (naming ceremony) among the people of New Juaben. Phenomenology is a study of people’s conscious experience of their life world, that is, their “everyday life and social action”.80 This method allows the researcher to identify the essence of human experiences concerning a phenomenon (naming ceremony) as described by the interviewees in a study. The study employed bracketing, which enables the researcher to set aside personal beliefs or assumptions about the 78 J. Van Maanen, “Reclaiming qualitative methods for organizational research: A preface,” Administrative Science Quarterly 24.4 (1979): 520. 79 Steven J. Taylor, Robert Bogdan and Marjorie L. DeVault, Introduction to Qualitative Research Methods: A Guidebook and Resource, 4th ed. (New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons Inc., 2016), 11 80 T. H. Schram, Conceptualizing qualitative inquiry (Upper Saddle River: Merrill Prentice Hall, 2003), 71 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 24 phenomenon being examined in order to experience the event from a new perspective, in order to ensure data accuracy and control researcher bias.81 Journal-keeping notes was utilised for “any assumptions” made during the study, and field notes was used for the data analysis process to recall information “not visible in the interview transcripts”.82 The naming ceremony patterns of the New Juaben Traditional Area was studied as well as how the phenomenon of naming ceremony has been influenced by Christianity. Daymon and Holloway asserts that although other types of qualitative research also tend to understand a study through the lens of the study participants, phenomenology goes further because it provides a baseline for the researcher to understand an experience from a world in which the study participants live in, at the same time setting aside their own preconceived notion; in this way, the researcher can illuminate human thinking and behaviour from the inside.83 Although phenomenology allows the researcher to gather primary data from the interviewees’ perceptions and experiences on naming ceremonies, the insider-outsider approach was adopted with the view of the fact that the study is ethical in nature and focuses on cross-cultural religious beliefs. The use of this approach highlights the membership status of the researcher in relation to the interviewees (i.e., a traditional believer versus a Christian) and shows the extent to which the researcher identifies with the shared beliefs, opinions and experiences of the interviewees.84 Dwyer and Buckle points out that one’s membership automatically provide a level of trust and openness 81 Lyn Richards and Janice M. Morse, Readme first for a user's guide to qualitative methods, 2nd ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2007), 71. 82 Rola Ajjawi and Joy Higgs, “Using hermeneutical phenomenology to investigate how experienced practitioners learn to communicate clinical reasoning,” The Qualitative Report, 12(2007): 622. 83 Daymon & Holloway, Qualitative Research Methods in Public Relations and Marketing Communications, 181. 84 Sonya Dwyer & Jennifer Buckle, “The Space Between: On Being an Insider-Outsider in Qualitative Research,” International Journal of Qualitative Methods 8.1 (2009): 54-63. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 25 for interviewees when sharing their experiences. Regarding this study, the researcher played the role of an insider who identifies with the Christian religion and have a shared level of understanding with the interviewees in relation with the Christian naming ceremony and rituals. Given that the researcher is not an Akan traditional believer, the outsider approach is essential in gleaning information from the indigenes (i.e., chiefs, elders, parents) living in the New Juaben Traditional Area in relation to their Akan perspective of naming ceremonies. 1.8.1 Methods of Data Collection This study used the in-depth interview procedure to gather the views of interviewees in exploring how traditional naming has been impacted by Christianity among other factors. In-depth interviewing involves the face-to-face encounters between the researcher and the informants directed towards understanding informants’ perspective on their lives, experiences or situations as expressed in their own words.85 As a qualitative research approach, in-depth interviewing is nondirective, unstructured, non-standardized and open-ended interviewing. In gathering the views of the interviewees on the concept of naming ceremonies, this method gives them the opportunity to explore their thoughts more deeply or exert more control over the interview, because the interview session is more flexible. Similarly, the researcher also has the freedom to prompt for more information if something interesting or novel emerges because they are not restricted to a pre-planned, rigid list of questions, as with the use of the quantitative questionnaire method.86 A scheduled time was made with the interviewees within the scope of the study. During the interview session with each informant, the researcher explained the purpose of the study and the 85 Taylor, Bogdan & DeVault, Introduction to Qualitative Research Methods, 102. 86 Daymon & Holloway, Qualitative Research Methods in Public Relations and Marketing Communications, 221. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 26 following questions in this regard was answered. The researcher also sought the consent of the informants in case where there is the need to audio-record the conversation. This was complemented with field notes which includes both verbal and non-verbal actions as they happened and other deliberations about the interview. 1.8.2 Sources of Data This study employed the primary and secondary sources of data in gathering views on the subject of naming ceremonies. Through the use of an in-depth interview, the views of the interviewees which include the members of the church who are parents, some pastors, chiefs, queen mother, linguist, elders and some selected parents from the traditional area (i.e., practising the traditional naming ceremony) formed the primary source of data for the study. Even though the primary data collection can be time consuming, it provides the researcher a good level of originality required of the work as data is derived directly from the interviewees. The researcher used both English and Twi during the interview session with the interviewees. The use of Twi in the data collection process depends on how the interviewees are comfortable in providing answers to the interview questions. The researcher asked for the consent of the interviewees in the event of audiotaping the interview process which was transcribed during the analysis phase of the study. This was the case regarding the pastors and traditional council members who are part of the study. The researcher also asked follow-up questions when there is a need for further clarification on some of the information given by the interviewees. The secondary data forms the data collection source that is already existing. The secondary data source for the study comprised of books, theological lectures, published or unpublished dissertation or thesis and journal articles of previous studies or scholarly opinions that are relevant University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 27 to this particular study. These include materials on areas such as African traditional religion and culture on naming ceremony, African ethics, Christian ethics and concept of naming ceremonies among other Christian teachings regarding the study. The researcher used these sources of secondary as basis for the literature review to show the gap and additional information needed for the study as well as provide a complementary base to the primary data so as to better understand the subject regarding the ethico-religious importance of naming ceremonies as well as the impact of Christianity on our Traditional naming ceremony. 1.8.3 Sampling Size and Sampling Procedure The sample for this study was taken from the New Juaben Traditional Area. A sample size of 20 interviewees was drawn out from members of the traditional council, parents practising the Akan naming ceremony, pastors and members of the church who are parents. The breakdown of study interviewees includes; two (2) chiefs, a queen mother, two (2) elders, a linguist, four (4) pastors and five (5) parents each from the church and community members who are not members of the church. The choice for selection of study interviewees was on the assumption that they have some experience and possesses the relevant information and opinions from the religious institutions (i.e., African Akan culture and Christianity) that was considered to be key in this research. The sample size enhances the validity of the study in the case of qualitative research with less than twenty (20) participants for an in-depth investigation.87 The sampling procedure employed for this study was done using purposive sampling method. In purposive sampling, the selected interviewees for the study are based on a non-probability 87 M. Crouch, “The Logic of Small Samples in Interview Based Quality Research,” Social Science Information 45.4 (2006): 483-499 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 28 procedure, where the researcher intentionally picks interviewees that satisfy certain characteristics which is of interest to the study.88 Purposive sampling are information-rich cases for in-depth research, which provides the researcher with an adept knowledge regarding a study of this nature. The pastors, members of the church who are parents, members of the traditional council and parents from the traditional area practising the African Akan naming ceremony were purposively sampled, because the researcher wanted to ascertain, appreciate and improve her understanding and notion regarding the ethico-religious importance of naming ceremony. 1.8.4 Method of Data Analysis The inductive thematic analysis was employed on data collected from the in-depth interview session for this study. Under the inductive thematic analysis, formation of themes rests on the content of the data gathered from the field work. In an attempt to gain insight into the impact of Christianity on Akan traditional naming ceremony, the researcher collectively brought together the opinions of the interviewees so as to analyse them. The analysis starts once the pooled data (audiotape) has been transcribed into text (Microsoft word). The researcher repeatedly read through the transcribed data for familiarization. This helped to develop meanings and ideas into the data. A coding scheme from the responses of the study participants was used to code the transcripts into basic level themes. Phrases that were similar formed the themes that was created, grouped and reviewed to obtain both main and sub-themes. Moreover, the main ideas that emerged in the course of the interview session with the study interviewees was characterized and presented as study findings. 88 Lawrence W. Neuman, Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches ̧7th ed. (Essex: Education Limited, 2014), 274. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 29 1.9 Limitations of the Study These are some limitations which hindered the progress of the study. One of the key limitations has to do with the New Juaben Traditional Area and the church (i.e., International Central Gospel Church and Presbyterian Church in New Juaben) which formed the scope of the study. The setting for the research may not be representative of all the views regarding naming ceremonies of other Akan areas for both religious institutions. Hence, the study can be generalized to only New Juaben Traditional Area and not all Akan communities. The researcher struggled to find adequate Ghanaian literatures on the impact of Christianity on naming ceremonies to equip the study. This situation had an effect on the information and secondary data source that was provided. Therefore, the researcher resorted to scholarly works from other African literatures. Another limitation has to do with the changes that affected the period of gathering the primary data. The busy schedules of some of the study interviewees instigated the changes and delay to the collection of the data. The researcher adopted the telephone interview as a result of the spike in Covid-19 cases which in turn increased the financial budget that was needed to carry out the research. 1.10 Organization of the Study This research is arranged in five chapters: Chapter One gives a general background to the study which includes; the statement of the problem, study aims and objectives, research questions, scope of the study and limitations of the study. The methodology of the study encapsulates the methods involved in the study of the phenomenon and mode of data collection and analysis. This chapter also focuses on the conceptual framework as University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 30 well as reviewing literature from various scholars and then finally assessing the significance of the study. Chapter Two explores the African Akan naming ceremony. This chapter focuses on the historical background of the New Juaben Traditional Area, how the Akan naming ceremony is practised. As part of the discussion of the Akan naming ceremony, the religious significance of the Akan naming ceremony was also evaluated. Chapter Three discusses naming ceremonies from the Christian perspective. The chapter covers the naming ceremony from the perspective of the church and its ethical significance as well as the relationship between the traditional and Christian naming ceremonies. Chapter Four examines how Christianity is shaping culturally structured traditions such as the Akan naming ceremony among other factors that may account for the change in naming ceremony practices over the years. The chapter discusses how the people of New Juaben Traditional Area are adjusting with cultural change in naming ceremony as a result of the factors. Chapter five presents the summary of major findings, recommendations and conclusions of the study. 1.11 Significance of the Study Naming ceremony as a religious phenomenon will help the younger generation of New Juaben and academia to understand and appreciate the ritual process of the traditional naming ceremony and its relevance to the people of New Juaben so as to advocate for its maintenance, eradication or adjustments. As a result of the dearth in literature concerning impact of Christianity on traditional naming ceremonies in Ghana, the findings of the study add to the existing body of knowledge on University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 31 naming ceremonies and also give rise to further research especially from the Ghanaian context. This research will also contribute to global academic discourse on African Indigenous religion that is ongoing. 1.12 Summary This chapter outlines the overall background with regards to the impact of Christianity on traditional naming ceremonies. The problem statement narrows the study to the African Akan perspective of naming ceremonies. The issue of Christianity’s impact on traditional naming ceremony is a moral dilemma as faced by many Christians living in the New Juaben Traditional Area. The thesis clearly states the study objectives and scope. The course of the study was determined by the study’s methodology. The conceptual framework on cultural resilience as well as scholarly works on naming ceremonies form relevant opinions in understanding the study. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 32 CHAPTER TWO AKAN NAMING CEREMONY OF THE NEW JUABEN TRADITIONAL AREA 2.1 Introduction The human life is marked by certain significant changes of which naming ceremonies form part of the growth and developmental stages (rites of passages) experienced by an individual in a given cultural setting. Naming ceremonies in the New Juaben Traditional Area reflects the traditional religious belief system of the Akan people. The traditional Akan religious perspective considers birth as the first stage of the rites of passage which is followed by an initiation ritual into the world in the form of naming ceremonies.89 This chapter discusses a brief history of the New Juaben Traditional Area. It focuses on the socio- economic and religious activities, geographical location of the people, the statistical background, population and size. The chapter also presents how the Akan traditional naming ceremony is practised, the religious and ethical significance of the naming ritual. This helps to better understand and appreciate the Christian naming ceremony which will be discussed in the subsequent chapter. 2.2 History of the New Juaben Traditional Area Juaben forms part of the Akan world which encompasses the tropical rainforest and the wooded transitional savannah and the state formation in these parts is believed to have begun in the period 1000-1400 A.D.90 By early 15th century, several matriclan settlement existed in the area enclosed by the Pra and Ofin rivers and generally regarded as the cradle of Akan civilization. From there 89 Kofi Nkansah Kyeremateng, The Akans of Ghana: Their Customs, History and Institutions (Kumasi: Sebewie De Ventures, 2010), 67 90 James Anquandah, Rediscovering Ghana’s Past (Harlow, Essex: Longman Ltd, 1982), 100 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 33 the ancestors of the various ethnic Akan groups are believed to have dispersed to establish their present homelands during the 15th and 16th centuries.91 There emerged a series of disruptive wars during the 1630s where the rivalry between Assin and Denkyira was the catalyst for the wars. The rivalry accelerated the pace of centralization of the Denkyira state under its third regime, known as Ahihiaha.92 As a result, Denkyira gradually took over from Assin as “the most important inland state trading in slaves and gold” by the last decade of the 17th century. From about the beginning of the 17th century, a steady stream of migrants moved northward from the Asumenya-Asantemaso area into the neighbourhood of kumase. There the migrants settled among aboriginal inhabitants at Amakom, Suntreso, Tafo, Kaase and Fomesua. According to Adu Boahen, the last group to leave Asantemanso comprised closely related Oyoko groups, including Apeanyinase, Asomanya, Bomfa, Nsuoso and Ofoase.93 In the course of time, their settlements grew into mini-states. The groups, destines to coalesce to form the Oyoko kingdom of Juaben, settled on a site to the east of Asantemanso, about twelve kilometres (12km) off the modern Edweso-Kumase highway.94 The land was owned by the Abuoso stool then occupied by Nana Ntiamoa Amankuo. The etymology of the name, Juaben was instigated as a result of a two-tailed purported traditional folklore that was experienced by the Akan people.95 The first school of thought tells the story of an Abuosohene, named Oben, who had a reputation for magical powers.96 No one in the community dared to shake his hands as that meant instant death. Aketewa Nam, refused to be 91 Roland Oliver and John D. Fage, A Short History of Africa (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd, 1962), 105 92 Kwame Yeboah Daaku, Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast, 1600-1720 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970), 146 93 Nana Otuo Siriboe II, “The Juaben State, A Historical Background,” Silver Jubilee Souvenir Brochure 1996, 2 94 Nana Otuo Siriboe II, Silver Jubilee Souvenir Brochure 1996, 2. 95 Interview with Nana Adjin Asamoah Kwame, New Juaben Asomkahene at Asokore on 25th November, 2020 96 Interview with Nana Adjin Asamoah Kwame. New Juaben Asomkahene at Asokore on 25th November, 2020 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 34 frightened by the stories regarding the magical powers of Oben and put it to test.97 After shaking the hand (Odwaa Oben) and survived, the settlement became known as Juaben. Another school of thought explains the etymology of Juaben by reference to the Abuosohene’s controversial closure of a local foodstuffs market at which the new arrivals obtained their supplies of food.98 The closure was an angry reaction to alleged refusal by the immigrants to pay for food they consumed. When asked about the closure of the market, the chief is said to have retorted: Edwa ben? Which literally means “which market”.99 By the last decade of the 17th century the Juaben settlement had grown into a sizeable kingdom. Its earliest known rulers were Adaakwaa Yiadom and Osei Hwedie. The founding of the New Juaben State in the Eastern Region of Ghana is a consequence of two civil wars within forty-three (43) years (1832 and 1875) between Kumase and Juaben, two of the most prosperous states in the Asante union which led to the historic exodus of the Juabens and their allies to the then British protectorate of Akyem Abuakwa and the subsequent establishment of the New Juaben State since 1878.100 The defeat of Asante at the battle of Katamanso on the 7th August, 1826 marked the beginning of the deterioration in Asante-Juaben relations.101 This battle not only broke the myth of Asante’s invincibility: it also left rancour, suspicion and mistrust in its wake. The war arose out of Britain’s resolve to avenge the death of Sir Charles McCarthy at the hands of the Asante in the Mankata Sa 97 Interview with Nana Adjin Asamoah Kwame 98 Kwame Yeboah Daaku, Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast, 148 99 Kwame Yeboah Daaku, Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast, 148 100 Interview with Nana Adjin Asamoah Kwame 101 Carl C. Reindorf, History of the Gold Coast and Asante, 3rd ed. (Accra, Ghana: Ghana Universities Press,2007), 49 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 35 (McCarthy war) of 1823.102 In the wake of the defeat and withdrawal, the Golden Stool went missing momentarily but was soon retrieved by Juabenhene Akuamoa Boaten and Odehyee Barima Kwaku Dua.103 They both escorted the Golden Stool safely to Sawua, where the Asantehene was waiting. Osei yaw Akoto took umbrage because Akuamoa Boaten had kept the Golden Stool longer than necessary; and he went further to accuse him of appropriating part of its adornment. This incident created bad blood between the two rulers and presaged trouble between Kumase and Juaben.104 Subsequent events led to a rapid deterioration in the relationship between the two states and a civil war threatened. After several attempts for reconciliation of the two states reached an impasse in 1832, Osei Yaw Akoto prepared to invade Juaben but Kwasi Akuamoa Boaten also mobilized his people to put up a brief resistance before deciding to go into exile in Akyem Abuakwa. Following a seven years’ sojourn in Akyem Abuakwa, the Juaben exiles finally arrived back home in 1840, under the leadership of Oheimaa Seiwaa and her daughter Afrakoma following the death and burial of Kwasi Akuamoa Boaten and Kofi Boaten.105 It took years to assemble the widely dispersed Juaben citizens at Kyebi. The returning exiles on hearing about the death of Osei Yaw Akoto passed through Kumase on their way back to Juaben and was warmly received by the Asantehene, Kwaku Dua I. In the absence of a mature male heir to lead Juaben after the death of Oheimaa Seiwaa in 1864, at the critical time Juabenman approved the kingmakers’ appointment of Agyei Twum as regent for the duration of his children’s minority.106 The Asantehene is said to have used his appointment as 102 Carl C. Reindorf, History of the Gold Coast and Asante, 56 103 The Ashanti Nation, Commissioned by Asantehene, Otumfuo Sir Osei Agyemang Prempeh II, (n.d.). Vol. 2, 264 104 Robert Addo-Fening, “The Background to the Deportation of King Asafo Agyei and the Foundation of New Dwaben,” Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana 14.2 (1973): 213-228 105 Addo-Fening, “The Background to the Deportation of King Asafo Agyei and the Foundation of New Dwaben,” 215 106 The Ashanti Nation, 288 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 36 a strategy to increase his control over the Amantoo (divisions). Agyei Twum, better known to history as Nana Asafo Agyei had “no lineage claims” to the Juaben stool as his mother was a Kwawu woman of the Asona clan.107 Nevertheless, he succeeded in holding onto the stool and ruled as de facto Omanhene under the stool name of Asafo Ageyi. On fearing the reprisal from John Hawler Glover’s contingent (captain Glover) in 1874, the acting Juabenhene Asafo Agyei decided to withhold support from the Asante union during an invasion of the Asante territories by the armies of the British southern allies.108 The British invasion led to the fall of Kumase which opened the floodgates of internal dissensions and instability from states such as Juaben, Mampon, Nsuta, Bekwai, Sehwi, Aowin and Okwawu. However, on the 7th August 1874 in Juaben and on 13th August in Kumasi, Asafo Agyei and Kofi Karkari respectively swore to Captain Lee’s Articles of Agreement which granted complete independence to Juaben.109 The anticipated war between Kumase and Juaben eventually broke out in October, 1875 and after three days of intensive fighting, Juaben and her allies were defeated on 3 November, 1875. Kumase-Juaben relations had been damaged beyond repair and the only alternative for the rebels was to seek a new home in the forest country of Akyem Abuakwa where they had once sojourned nearly half a century before.110 Nana Asafo Agyei was accompanied by his eldest daughter, Nana Akosua Afrakoma II, Juabenhemaa and Asafo Boaten, his son by another wife, whom he had appointed Kontihene of Juaben. In 1877, hundreds of Juaben exiles were squatting on Kukurantumi stool lands on ill-defined terms in the environs of modern Koforidua. The colonial 107 Agnes Akosua Aidoo, Political Crisis and Social Change in the Asante Kingdom, 1867-1901 (Michigan: Xerox University Microfilms, 1975), 339 108 The Ashanti Nation, 290 109 Agnes Aidoo, Political Crisis and Social Change in the Asante Kingdom, 332 110 Agnes Aidoo, Political Crisis and Social Change in the Asante Kingdom, 340 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 37 Government decided to regularize their occupation by negotiating with Kukurantumihene, Nana Ampao for a gift of the portion of his land south of the Nkwakwadua stream.111 Grieving over the loss of his kingdom, Asafo Agyei surreptitiously bought arms as well as negotiated alliances with some protectorate kings, particularly, Ga Mantse, Tackie Tawia and Okyenhene Amoako Atta I.112 Nevertheless, reports reached Governor Freeling from Kumase where he summoned Asafo Agyei to the Christiansborg castle to be given stern warning over his actions. Subsequently, after the seizure of arms, muskets and lead stored by the Juaben exiles, the Governor ordered the arrest of Asafo Agyei and his cohorts.113 With the deportation of Asafo Agyei to Lagos, the Juaben exiles reconciled themselves to the domicile in the protectorate. Their leaders indicated to the governor on 29th February, 1878 that they were ready “to settle at once upon the land which it was arranged, they should occupy”. A few weeks later Chief Banahene and other chiefs led the exiles to begin the laying of the foundation of a new state at the site of present- day Koforidua.114 In 1907, Asafo Boaten was granted recognition as New Juaben’s first Omanhene following the end to the Yaa Asantewaa war. Two years later, New Juaben was proclaimed under the Native Jurisdiction Ordinance and given a native tribunal.115 When the Provincial Council system was inaugurated by Governor Guggisberg on 1st November, 1927, the Omanhene of New Juaben, Nana Kwaku Boaten, took his seat in the Eastern Provincial Council alongside Nana Ofori Atta I of Akyem Abuakwa, Konor Mate Kole of Mnaya Krobo, Nana Kwame Fori of Akuapem and 111 Agnes Aidoo, Political Crisis and Social Change in the Asante Kingdom, 343 112 Agnes Aidoo, Political Crisis and Social Change in the Asante Kingdom, 343 113 Agnes Aidoo, Political Crisis and Social Change in the Asante Kingdom, 344 114 Agnes Aidoo, Political Crisis and Social Change in the Asante Kingdom, 345 115 Interview with Nana Adjin Asamoah Kwame University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 38 others.116 Besides, from 1900 the colonial regime recognized and treated New Juaben, to all intents and purposes, as one of the territorial states of the protectorate. The centuries-old cultural ties between Old and New Juaben however, proved impossible to break.117 Today, New Juaben is politically and territorially decoupled from Old Juaben but she remains inseparably linked to her ancestral home by history, sentiment and ethno-cultural ties.118 In 1971, Nana Kwaku Boaten, Omanhene of New Juaben, was with Nana Otuo Siriboe II, in an expression of solidarity, when he took the oath of loyalty to Otumfuo Opoku Ware II at the Manhyia Palace. In 1992, Nana Otuo Siriboe’s older sibling, a former government statistician was selected from Old Juaben and installed as Omanhene of New Juaben under the stool name of Daasebre Oti Boaten. Herein lies the uniqueness of new Juaben’s dual identity: a political and territorial affinity with southern Ghana and sentimental and ethno-cultural tie to Asante.119 Nana Adjin further states that even though there have been few additions recently, the real Juabens are Srodae, Betom and Nsukwao. 2.2.1 Geographical Location, Size and Population The New Juaben Traditional Area is one of the districts in the Eastern Region and was established in 1988 by the Legislative Instrument (LI) 1426.120 New Juaben shares common boundaries with East-Akim Municipal to the North-East, Akwapim North District to the East and South and Suhum-Kraboa-Coaltar District to the East. It covers a land area of 159 square kilometres representing approximately 0.6% of the total surface area of the Eastern Region. It has fifty-two 116 Interview with Nana Adjin Asamoah Kwame 117 Interview with Nana Adjin Asamoah Kwame 118 Interview with Nana Adjin Asamoah Kwame 119 Interview with Nana Adjin Asamoah Kwame 120 Ghana Statistical Service, 2010 Population and Housing Census District Analytical Report: New Juaben Municipal (Accra: Sakoa Press Limited, 2014), 1 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 39 (52) communities with Koforidua as its capital. The population of New Juaben Traditional Area, according to the 2010 Population and Housing Census, is 183, 727 representing 6.9% of the Eastern Region’s total population of 2,633,154.121 Figure 1 shows the geographical location of the New Juaben Traditional Area. Figure 1: Map of the New Juaben Traditional Area 121 Ghana Statistical Service, 2010 Population and Housing Census (Accra: Sakoa Press Limited, 2012), 97 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 40 Source: Ghana Statistical Service (GSS)