UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON DEPARTMENT OF MUSIC SCHOOL OF PERFORMANCE CHANGE AND CONTINUITY OF EDZOXOXO LINYIMEWAVU OF THE PEOPLE OF DZOGBEFEME – AVATIME BY WITTY YAO HULLA (10102238) DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF MUSIC, SCHOOL OF PERFORMING ARTS, UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON, IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF REQUIREMENT OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY DEGREE IN MUSIC 2015 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DECLARATION This is to certify that this thesis is my own original work and that, wherever source has been quoted or used, full acknowledgement has been made. Signed.................................................................................................. WITTY YAO HULLA (Candidate) SUPERVISOR 1, Signed......................................................................... PROF. DANIEL AVORGBEDOR Lecturer,, Music Department. University of Ghana, Legon SUPERVISOR 2, Signed.......................................................................... DR. JOSHUA ALFRED AMUAH Lecturer, Music Department University of Ghana, Legon EXTERNAL EXAMINER, Signed...................................................... University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh i DEDICATION I dedicate this piece of work to God Almighty. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to God Almighty for this wonderful breakthrough that did not come easily except by God’s grace and favour. I deem it a great honour to be associated with distinguished array of scholars and friends who have contributed in various ways to the successful accomplishment of the aims and objectives of this project. This thesis is a testimony of the counsel and cooperation of several people from the lecture stage to the field work. This thesis was also made possible by the help of the Head of Music Department of the University of Ghana, Legon in the person of Dr. Joshua Alfred Amuah, and Prof. Daniel Avorgbedor who are both my supervisors. I am indebted to Prof. John Collins, Mr Kenn Kafui, and th e late Head of Department Dr. E. Boamah, Prof. Willie Anku, Dr. Asante Dakwa Dr Congo all of the Music Department. I am also grateful to Madam Faustine Afamaki for typing the Akan translations and the Headmaster of my teaching staff, Mr Francis Gafa for his tolerance and cooperation, and my dear wife Mrs. Sefakᴐ Salome Hulla for her spiritual and financial support. My acknowledgements will not be completed without saluting the people of Dzogbeƒem- Avatime especially the Odikro of Dzobgeƒeme, the Mankrado, Mr. Ben Nyaku, my father Manase Hulla, Anyomi Asare the god father of Dzogbeƒeme, my aunt Juliana Hulahula and Hans Hulla Akuffo. I also extend my gratitude to Viu Aganu and all the cantors for the collection of songs and to Etsofia Tsai who interpreted the Akan version of the songs into Eʋe. I unreservedly acknowledge Mr. Dzade Koku who is the youth leader, the Asafoatse, Yao Boat Amedze and all the elders of Kaʋa community for permitting the Edzᴐxoxo musical group to perform for recordings for this project. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iii ABSTRACT This study offers a theoretical perspective for understanding music as a concept and cultural process of medium of musical change. By reviewing the existing theories of change scholarly and contextualizing i t within the African context . The researcher identifies musical change in Edzᴐxoxo warrior music of the people of Dzobgeƒeme- Avatime for critical examination through the theories of change. To be able the researcher achieve the set goals, this research is anchored around the following objectives : The research traces the ethnography and historical background of Avatime people, and traces the Historical aspect of Edzᴐxoxo as a musical type of Dzogbeƒeme – Avatime, also to identify the types and sources of change in Edzᴐxoxo Linyimewavu, to compile and transcribe as many of Edzᴐxoxo songs as much as possible for analysis and for recording purposes, again to explain why changes or modifications have been encouraged and the impact of these changes on the continuity of music and culture among the people. To identify and clarify the non- musical sources or forces that support and explain the various adjustments and innovations in the music and dance area. To be able to achieve these objectives , the researcher moves from house to house to interview forty people including chiefs and elders and gathers data on the historical facts of the people of Avatime. The various settlements they made on their journey from Ŋᴐtsie under the cruel King Agᴐkᴐli in the Republic of Togo and the possible reasons for their departure from the various places. For the findings be comprehensive, facts would be collected from an Avatime in the Diaspora group who settled in present day Togo-Gafe for their side of the history of Avatime. Data has been collected from the elderly people who witness and experience the formation of some changes in the Edzᴐxoxo musical group: Its composition, mode of University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iv performance, drum set, playing techniques, tuning and others. The researcher then visits some of the cantors to record both old and new songs which facilitate the objectives o f the work and forty- five songs were recorded from the cantors. Some of the drummers will also be interviewed to gather some knowledge from the old and new styles of rhythmic structure. A full performance to be organized and recorded with audiovisual cameras and systems which helps the researcher to play it over and over to enable him transcribe with the finale software for the musical analysis. The Akan songs will be translated to enable the researcher understands the lyrics and categorize the song text in to the role, importance and magnitude in which each song is use and perform in the Edzᴐxoxo musical performance. This research identifies some characteristic changes in the continuity of the Edzᴐxoxo music over time. It is evident that, the master drum of the Daʋatram music was replaced with a smaller and handy one which is hanged on the shoulders to make for easy mobility during processions. In 1946 , a young group of drummers from Afram Plains introduce the bell adapted from the asafo company ensemble of the Akans into the Edzᴐxoxo ensemble. The bell time line pattern was originally played by two supporting drums by hocket technique in complement to one another. The young group from Afram plains also influenced the rhythmic patterns with the introduction of triplets in the time line play by the bell and the change of the rhythm of some melodies by the introduction of triplets. Customarily, women are not allowed to perform warrior music but eventually because women are allowed to go to war to play specific special roles, they are now allowed to perform eventually. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v The new membership of the Edzᴐxoxo music composition of the ensemble in terms of gender also brought along singing in harmonic thirds and occasionally fifth intervals and the octave. Akan songs were introduced, and added to the Eʋe repertoire. Previously, the music was slow, but it is now relatively fast and stable due to the introduction of the bell which was not introduce from the onset. Despite the various numerous characteristic changes, the linyimewavu (warrior music) is one of the indigenous music that survive the Western pressures of Christian religion music, perceptions and technology probably due to the high sense of traditional security system and the recurrence of funerals of members and royals that necessitate the performance of the group from time to time, couple with annual festive occasions. This study has been undertaken fundamentally to salvage the situation of extinction of certain vulnerable African musical genres having no documentation, Edzᴐxoxo music is no exception . Even membership is by performance, if one is identify once or more he or she becomes a member. No register registration fee for members but at least there is a story that can be told and read about, after this project . The young scholars need encouragement to study music and support the few in the universities, research into the indigenous music in the hinterlands, to dig out the large volumes of untapped musical types and revive some important musical types that are extinct in the African society. The researcher faces a lot of problems travelling to the villages and paying drinks (foreign gin) and other form of charges for purification for invoking some powers and the spirits of the ancestors become burdensome and scary for the young researchers to carry. The traditional authorities should have a second look at collecting money and other materials from students seeking help for their projects. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v i TABLE OF CONTENT CONTENT PAGE Title Page Declaration DEDICATION i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii ABSTRACT iii TABLE OF CONTENT vi Map of Ho West 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background of the study 2 1.2. Statement of the problem 4 1. 3. Objectives 5 1. 4. Significance of study 6 1.5. Scope of study 7 1. 6. Theoretical framework 8 1. 7. Methodology 14 1. 8. Data collection 15 1. 9. Literature review 15 CHAPTER TWO 2.1. Ethnography and Historical Background of the Avatime 26 2. 2. Geographical Location 31 2. 3. Economic Background 34 2. 4. Hunting 37 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v ii 2. 5. Cotton Spinning 38 2. 6. Religious Background 38 2. 7. Political Background 40 2. 8. Musical Types of Avatime 41 2. 9. Avatime Court music 4 3 2. 10. Religious Music 4 6 2.11. Ceremonial Music 47 2. 12. Recreational Music 49 2. 13. Incidental Music 51 CHAPTER THREE THE NATURE OF EDZϽXOXO MUSIC 3. 1. Background of Edzᴐxoxo 54 3. 2. The Collection of Edzᴐxoxo Music 56 3. 3. Lyrics of songs 57 CHAPTER FOUR DISCUSSION OF THE CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN EDZϽXOXO MUSIC 4.1. The source of Edzᴐxoxo Music 6 3 4.2. Analysis of Change and Continuity in some Edzᴐxoxo Music 64 4. 3. Composers and Cantors 68 4. 4. Themes and Text Analysis of Edzᴐxoxo Music 69 4. 5. Inspirational songs 69 4. 6. Songs showing Bravery 7 0 4.7. Warning and Caution Songs 7 0 4. 8. Songs of Consequences 7 1 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v i ii 4. 9. Dirges 72 4.10. Interludes 72 4.11. Lamentations 73 4.12. Melodic Range 7 3 4. 13. Intervals 7 3 4. 14. Voice Separation 74 4. 15. Melodic Structure 74 4. 16. Harmonic Structure 75 4. 17. The Form of Edzᴐxoxo Music 76 4. 18. Rhythmic Structure 77 4.19. Overlapping and Crossing of parts 77 4.20. Chan ges in the Rhythmic Structure 77 4.21. The Category of people who a ppreciated the Musical change 79 4.22. Membership and Hierarchy in Edzᴐxoxo 80 4. 23. The Context of Edzᴐxoxo Performance 80 4. 24. The Orga nization and Performance Mode 82 4. 25. Performance Area 82 4. 26. The Dru m Set and Drumming Procedures 85 4. 27. Drumming Techniques 91 CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 5.1. Ethnography 93 5. 2. The Evident Changes 94 5. 3. Continuity 9 7 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ix 5. 4. The Nature of Change and Continuity in Edzᴐxoxo Music 98 5.5. Conclusion 100 5. 6. Recommendation 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY 102 APPENDIX 105 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1 Map of Ho West show i ng Avatime and its surro undi ngs tow ns University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY (dzᴐxoxo Linyimewavu is warrior dance- music of the people of Dzogbeƒeme, Avatime in the northern portion of the Volta region of Ghana.The Volta region is populated mostly by the (ݝe- speaking people, but the north- eastern part of the region is interspersed with Guan speaking communities, one of which is Avatime traditional area. Avatime has its own language called Sideme, which is spoken in its eight towns that surround the Amedzoƒe Mountain, popularly called Mount Gemi. This traditional area shares boundary with Logba, at the East, Tafi and Nyangbo at the West, Savieƒe at the North, and Akᴐme at the South. Among these surrounding ethnic groups²i.e., Logba, Tafi and Nyangbo -- are also Guan communities with languages different from that of Avatime language.The Guan people are settlers in Volta region who speak various Guan languages apart from the (ʋe language, the dominant language spoken in the region.1 In the past, every community or ethnic group fought wars to establish themselves. The chiefs organized their own army for war in order to expand territories, capture slaves and amass wealth. As music is an integral part of all activities in Africa, (Kafui, 2002, p. 29) , the traditional military organization was no different. Such a situation resulted in the (dz঑[o[o /iQ\imeZDYX music. The influences and contexts that encouraged the innovation of Edzᴐxoxo Linyimewavu music must thus be understood in the light of the above interrelationship among the arts and sociocultural contexts in African settings. For example, according to Nketia, In the traditional African society, music making is generally organized as a social event. Public performances, therefore take place on social occasions- that is on occasions when 1 The (ʋe language is a lingua franca for many of the settlements that speak their own dialiects or language variations. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3 members of a group or a community come together for the enjoyment of leisure, for recreational activities, or for the ୆, or any kind of collective activity such as building bridges, clearing paths, going on a search party, or putting out fires- activities that, in industrialized society might be assigned to specialized agencies. (Nketia, 1974 , p. 21) Kenn Kafui also reiterates this in his disse rtation that: Music forms an integral part oI tKe liIe oI tKe 1oUtKeUQ (ݝe people. There are different musical types performed by different groups of people on different occasions. (Kafui, 2002, p. 29) In the Avatime language, Onyimewa means valiant or warrior while livu means music or dance. So the whole word Linyimewavu means music for the valiant or warriors. Edzᴐxoxo is an (ʋe word which literally meaQs ³it Kas alUeady KappeQed .´ It means that before the emergence of this musical genre there can be traced to tKe ZaUUioUs’ daQce This study of change and continuity of warrior music thus requires formal investigation of the original form and types of changes have occurred over the years. In this research, Avatime and Ahanta will be used interchangably because, it is believed that, the people migrated from Ahanta in the Western region to this present location after they had previously migrated with the (ʋes from Ŋᴐtsie, they first settled at Ahanta before Avatime. On settling at the current location, a youthful generation has migrated further back to ŊᴐWVie to claim their land because of the uncomfortable mountainous nature of Avatime, but they ended up settling at Ga¦e near Tsevie when they heard that king $gᴐkli and his Glime kingdom at Ŋᴐtse had collapsed. For this cause, the paramount chief of Avatime goes to Gaƒe near Tsevie in the Republic of Togo to install their chief according to Avatime customary rites to this present day. This research investigates the cultural and historical background of Avatime tracing their routes from Ŋᴐtsie (located in the present Togo) to Ahanta land and some important settlements to their University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4 present destination. The thesis will also examine why they set off from Ahanta, while the great exodus was from the East to West, and why they moved from West to East. 1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM The influence of western culture, governance and the setting up of the central military force and police force have almost completely collapsed the traditional military force of the local chiefs, which was set up in the past to police and defend the people. This has led to the decline, patronage and performance of certain indigenous traditional music and dance types in their original contexts and stylistic prescriptions . There is therefore the need to investigate the traditional forms such as Adabatram and how and why it has been reorganized and performed today as Edzᴐxoxo. Much scholarly work has been done on musical types in Avatime, but none was set up to investigate whether there is change and continuity of any kind in any musical type in the past. Even those who attempted could not use any theory of change in their studies.This research, tKeUeIoUe IocXses oQ ³cKaQJe aQd coQtiQXity´ with special attention to Edzᴐxoxo warrior music. The theoretical framework of change is supported by additional concepts and processes such as diffusion, innovation, and revival, including those that focus on non- musical sources that induce Change in music. Nettl states that: A variety of patterns, directions and regularities: While I have been speaking of music as if it were an independent organism, it is important to be clear that I am talking about change in behavior and practice of humans. Blacking reminds us that: We are dealing with decision made by individuals about music- making and music on the basis of their experiences of music and attitudes to it in different social contexts Blacking (1978, p. 12) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5 Merian supports Bruno that: No two people behave in exactly the same way in any given situation and thus there always exists an almost infinite series of deviations from the norms of society (Bruno, 2005, p. 286) (Marian 1964, p. 308) Formal Education and rural urban drift leading to cross- cultural practices, the use of radio, and the modern use of public address system, globalization and influences from Christianity and Islam are among the forces that are reconfiguring African culture and musical traditions, including (dzᴐxoxo. Even at the funerals of some traditional rulers, where traditional music is supposed to be the stock of music performed, it is nonexistent. E ven if is performed there are often significant modifications. In addition, the population size of those who patronize the music is dweling. 1.3 OBJECTIVES: This research is anchored around the following: 1. To trace the ethnography and historical background of Avatime Traditional Area. 2. To trace the History of (dzᴐxoxo as a musical type of Dzogbeƒeme - Avatime. 3 . To identify the types and sources of change in (dzᴐxoxo Linyimewavu. 4. To compile and transcribe as many of (dzᴐxoxo songs as possible for analysis and record purposes. 5. To explain why changes or modifications have been encouraged and th e impact of these cKaQJes oQ tKe coQtiQXity oI PXsic aQd cXltXUe aPoQJ« 6. To identify and clarify the non- musical sources or forces that support and explain the various adjustments and innovations in the music and dance area. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6 1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY The research shall focus on the historical background of the Avatime traditional area, and Edzᴐ[o[o of Dzogbeƒeme ± Avatime. Even though there have been some studies on aspects of the traditions and culture of the Avatime people, this not all the music of the people have been documented. This study shall contribute to the songs and lyrics of the music in the area: Some of the songs previously and presently used will be transcribed. Information on all the drums used by the people will also be listed in addition to the transcription of their individual drum patterns of old and at present. The research shall also focus on the functions of each drum in the ensemble and their rhythmic structure in relationship with the other members of the ensemble to enable the scholarly younger gerneration who would be interedted in performing the music to read from the transcribed material. The detailed analysis will reveal the processes and types of change, both in the music and in general sociocultural system. Some people especially Christians look at culture as devilish and as work for illiterates; and people who still hold on to culture are seen to be backward, uncivilized , paedomorphic and devilish. There are many traditions of Christianity in the African experience; many are identified with innovative tendencies, including musical traditions. However, these newer musical raditions seem to overwhelm or overshadow several aspects of indigenous performance practices. For example i n some communities cultural performance has reduced and some have completely died out. This study and the future publication of the outcome will diffuse this mentality to some extent to curb the disregard for cultural heritage. For example, Daʨatram war music at Dzogbeƒeme has completely died out because of its numerous customary rites and sacrifices which are regarded as fetish and uncivilized . This prompted the modification of these musical groups far from the way and reasons for which they were established. Edzᴐxoxo and other University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 7 musical types like Apesumaka at Vane and Gbadzeme, Ehe at Fume, Gbedegbleme Ewᴐnugbleme at Biakpa are no ex emptions. Anku states: The need for a theoretical approach to the study of African Music has long been felt by many. Concurrently, the search for theoretical foundations of African drumming has already begun in works of scholars like Jones, Nketia, Koetting, Pantaleoni, Pressing, Locke and others. In his book of 1975, Ekwueme endorses an analytical approach to African musicological research as a means of explaining the music, rather than overemphasis on anthropologica l and sociological information. (Anku, 1999 , p. 167 ) This statement affirms the need of such analytical study of the (dzᴐxoxo music from its inception to date for a better understanding of its gradual social, cultural and historical change till date. 1.5 SCOPE OF THE STUDY The study will focus only on the traditional warior music performances in Dzogbefeme among the musical traditions of the Avatime traditional area. In the Avatime traditional area, there is various warior music performed in the royal strongholds. However, this study shall investigate changes that have occurred in the (dzᴐ[o[o warioir music performed by the people of Kaʨa in Dzogbefeme as a case study. The research shall therefore look out for the historical transformations of the (dzᴐ[o[o music in terms of performance practice, song lyrics, language and idioms used, occasions of performance and gender issues. All the drums used previously and at present will also are investigated. The research shall also focus on the special functions of each drum in the ensemble, and the modifications of their role in the ensemble, and also their rhythmic structures in relationship with the other members of the ensemble. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 8 1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK In order to achieve the set objectives, the subject matter, change and continuity of (dzᴐ[o[o music, the theories of change by Bruno Nettl, Giovanni Giuriati and John Blacking will be verified. I will also support the analysis of change with the theory of diffusion, and the theory of revival by Juniper Hill and Caroline Bithell. Blacking (1986) in identifying p rocesses of musical change states: One does not have to be a vitalist to reject the idea that there can be mechanisms of change in music. It is possible to take the mechanistic view that the workings of the universe can be explaine d by physics and chemistry and that natural phenomena obey laws that relate cause to effect, and even that such mechanisms may influence the biological bases of musical composition and appreciation. But that is as far as "mechanism" can be invoked to expla in cultural change. Patterns of musical change and of the social changes that precede and follow it cannot be described as mechanisms, because they neither resemble the workings of a machine nor work mechanically as structures of interacting parts. Musical change, like all aspects of cultural change, is neither subject to laws nor the inevitable consequence of happenings. Musical and cultural changes are not caused by culture contact, population movements, or changes in technology and in means and modes of production: they are the results of decisions made by individuals about music- making and music or about social and cultural practice, on the basis of their experiences of music and social life and their attitudes to them in different social contexts. Blacking (1986) The changes in the (dzᴐ[o[o music may be verified and analysed whethere it can be termed as mechanical since it was the result of a collective decision taken by .DʋD people of Dzogbeƒeme- Avatime to eliminate the unbearable and the bordomness from the start of its performance. Blacking (1986) defines musical change as changes of ideas from within musical systems. This has given a special status in studies of social and cultural change, because music's role as mediator between the nature and the culture in humans combines cognitive and affective elements in a unique way. The other comparable activities are dance and ritual. Music is the best- University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 9 equipped of the performing arts to express both the changing realities of biological and social life and the continuity of the concepts on which human societies depend for their existence. Blacking’s definition of musical change may correspond to the changes in (dzᴐ[o[o music as the changes were necessitated by replacing the masterdrum of old warrior music and maintain the suporting drums and their rhythmic patterns and later introduced women and the youth into the performance which again introduced parallel thirds harmony instead of singing in baritone. Blacking (1977) in his theory of music, music - making, and musical change states that: The main purpose of this paper is to draw attention to the need for a comprehensive theory of Music and music- making, for studies that seek to distinguish musical change analytically from other kinds of change, and radical change from variation and innovation within a flexible system. The chief problem in developing a theory of music is to find out if it is possible to identify an area of "musical" behaviour that differs qualitatively from other kinds of social behaviour. The common- sense view in many different societies is that music- making is a special kind of behaviour, and that it is more likely to be emotionally rewarding, and even transcendental McAllester (1971), than many other social activities. Ethnomusicological method requires that all "ethnic" perceptions be taken seriously in defining the parameters of music in any theory of music making, and so the special qualities assigned to music- making and musical experience make its symbol systems sociologically and anthropologically problematic. It is therefore inappropriate either to analyse musical structures independently of the fact that some sets of musical symbols are more emotionally effective than others, or to analyse their use in society without attention to the patterns of the symbols chosen in the course of social interaction. Analysis of the social situations in which music is effective or not is crucial for understanding the properties of musical symbols, because it is in these contexts that the non- musical elements of creation and appreciation can be separated from the essentially musical; and an adequate theory of music and music- making must be based on data that cannot be reduced beyond the' - musical'.Although there is not yet conclusive proof that there are special kinds of behaviour that are "musical" Blacking (1977 , p.1) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 10 This is a useful statement to adopt in examining musical change. In studing the Vendas music, Blacking found out that there were changes in the Venda social system, but no radical changes in their musical system, when they adopted girls' and boys' initiation schools and possession dance cults from their neighbours. According to Blacking: « There were musical changes when some Venda adopted Christianity: drums and sounds associated with traditional religion became taboo to a section of the population, who adopted a new musical system. Imported European music was regarded as different and was not fully incorporated in the same way as earlier styles. As result of this, there has been a significant musical change in Venda society resulting in the production of at least three concurrent musical traditions, which might be called "traditiona l", "syncretic", and "modern". Any analysis of musical change in Venda society must consider all three traditions together, because the lives of their practitioners overlap in many respects, both within and outside the context of music - making. Blacking (1977 , p. 2) The changes in (dzᴐ[o[o worrior music may correspond with the changes in the Vendas music as the adoption of Christian drums and sounds associated with them in the Vendas music. In the same way, the master drum of the only warrior music (daʨatram) was replaced to have a new form (dzᴐ[o[o with only a change with the master drum. After a while, the bell was introduced and the tempo and the rhythmic patterns changed for the first and the second supporting drums while the third supporting drum maintains its rhythmic pattern. The introduction of women who were prohibited from performing warrior music brought a significant change in (dzᴐ[o[o music as the use of parallel third harmony was introduced and even women were allowed to dance which was a great innovation to suit the modern way of doing things in our societies. A crucial problem in the study of musical change, therefore, and one that reinforces its claim to be a special category of action, is that changes in music do not necessarily accompany the changes of mind that affect institutions related to music- making. Truly musical change should University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 11 signify a change of heart as well as mind, since music is a "metaphorical expression of feel ing" Ferguson, (1960 p. 88) Secondly, according to Netl (2005 p. 277 ), radical change in system of music whose new form can definitively still be traced in some way to the old is more easily illustrated. There is not only a constant population but also at least some stable element of the music to establish the continuity. Parallel illustration from other cultures might include the change from traditional West African to Hispanic influenced Caribbian music among black population in the New World. Thirdly, Netl continues that ZKile tKe MXxtapositioQ oI ³coQtiQXity aQd cKaQJe ³is still aUoXQd it is clear that any musical system is likely to contain, require, a certain amount of change as part of its essential character. Most societies expect of their artists a minimum of innovation and some demand a great deal. Fourthly, Nettl says for musical artifacts such as songs, or in song types groups, repertorie a certain amount of allowable individual variation may not even be perceived as change. A folk song may be sung differently by a singer on various occasions, each performance representing change from the past, but the artefact remains an unchanged unit of musical thought. Nettl (2005, p. 277) In his first theory where there was complete change and the community, abandons a type of musical piece may not be merited the change in the Edzᴐxoxo warrior music, while the second where there was a radical change in the system and there were traces of the old can be found in the Edzᴐxoxo warrior music. The third theory where the society expec ts of their artists to show a minimum of innovations of a change and the fourth, where a song may be sung differently as change from the past but the artifacts remains the same may be linked to the change in Edzᴐxoxo music. The changes and innovations in the warrior music in Avatime started when the only University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 12 warrior music, DDʋatram warrior music was becoming unbearable due to the numerous rites, the various towns in the traditional area of Avatime started looking for options in which Edzᴐxoxo was formed at Dzogbeƒeme by changing the master drum and the songs, maintaining supporting drums, the playing techniques and varrying the rhythmic patterns for a new musical type, Edzᴐxoxo. Malinowski (1961 ) also states: ³Theory of culture change, edited by Phyllis M. Kaberry Yale University :´ The nature of culture change is i ntegral whole since in any particular case we have African, Englishmen, Indian and Mediteranean immigrants working together within the same habitat.on joint cultural tasks. It is generally agreed that the European influence, interest, good intentions drives must become part of the study of African change. This point of view has become a common place when it is suggested that the missionary, administrstors, traders and labour be regarded as factors of change. Contact agents can be treated as integraly part of the community. To look for solution in existing ethnological theory for evidence on culture change we should turn to the doctrine of diffusion and historical relations of the past cultures. The comparative studies on the use of bow and arrow between the Melanesian and West African culture, also the Southeast Asia historical influence through the Sunda Archipelago into Oceania. The reconstruction work sought to establish the proof of archaic culture of Egypt left its mark throughout the world across the ancient Orient Indian, Chaina, the island of the pacific and the New World. Malinowski (1961 p. 14 - 26) 7Ke sXbMect PatteU ³cKaQJe´ as sXppoUted by tKe tKeoUy oI cu ltu re dif fusi on by Nettl, Malinowski, Titiev and Windrop will be verified. Malinowski (1961, p.18) states that, if we look for a ready solution in existing ethnological theory for the handling of evidence on culture change, we should naturally turn to that doctrine of diffusion and historical relations of past cultures elaborated by the school of which Ratzel is the ancestor, but to which many German and American anthropologists have made notable University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 13 contributions. These schools conceived of diffusion as a migration of elements or traits from one culture to another. They are supposed to be adopted in solution or compounded into complexes, of which the component elements are not naturally related to one another. The product of diffusion is conceived of a mixture of cultural elements or of complexes, so loosely knit together as new product for a particular society. Titiev defines cultural diffusion as follows: ³7Ke spUead oI cXltXUal pUactices iQclXdiQJ PXsic performance, from one location to another often over long distance.´ (Titiev, 1959 , p. 446) Windrop also defines cultural diffusion as transfer of cultural traits from one society to the other: Windrop (1991) Bethell and Hill, (2013) explained that: 7o UeYiYe PeaQs to bUiQJ bacN to liIe aQd cleaUly tKis is Qot ZKat Ze’Ue talNiQJ aboXt ,Q tKe IiUst place , doQ’t tKiQN expUessiYe cXltXUe Ueally dies yoX’d KaYe to tKiQN oI cXltXUe as a stUaiJKt- line evolution to belieYe tKat aQd , doQ’t , tKiQN oI it PoUe as a spiUal cKaQJiQJ bXt dipping back along the way. (Bethell and Hill, 2013, p. 37) :Kile iQ PaQy cases ³UeYiYal´ Pay be aQ iQappUopUiate descriptor in its literal sense of ³UesXscitatioQ´ oU ³UesXUUectioQ´ tKe coQcept QoQetKeless places n important emphasis on UeYiYalists’ peUceptioQs aQd tKeiU desiUe to eQJaJe ZitK tKe past ,Q tKis YolXPe tKeQ Ze ePploy the term as a type of shorthand to encompass a range of more nuanced processes, some of which were suggested by Slobin (1983), namely regeneration, renaissance, revitalization, rediscovery, reshaping, re- interpretation, re- focusing, re- assessment, and re- articulation. To these we might add reclamation, recovery, rescue, recuperation, restitution, restoration, renovation, re- invention, re- implementation, re- activation, re- traditionalization, re - indigenization, re - appropriation, resumption, resurgence, recycling, reproduction, revision, and re- cUeatioQ $s tKe XbiTXitoXs ³Ue´ prefix suggests, what these processes share is a fundamental motivation to draw upon the past, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 14 aQdoU to iQteQsiIy soPe aspect oI tKe pUeseQt 5alpK /iQtoQ’s eaUlieU deIiQitioQ oI a QatiYistic PoYePeQt as ³aQy coQscioXs oUJaQi]ed attePpt oQ tKe paUt oI a society’s PePbeUs to UeYiYe or perpetuate selected aspects oI its cXltXUe´  p 230, emphasis added) offers another way of sidestepping an overly literal focus on revival. I deem both theories appropriate for hypothesis because it directly deals with the subject matter under investigation. 1.7 METHODOLOGY Considering change and continuity of Edzᴐxoxo Linyimewavu at Dzogbeƒeme± Avatime, the researcher has some knowledge about the said Edzᴐxoxo music and performance because he is an insider; a long time drummer and member of the ensemble even as he grew up as a full member and participant of the said ensemble, is also a son of parents who are the custodians of the culture. Collection of first hand information should not be a problem. The researcher moved from house to house and interviewed forty people including chiefs and elders and gathered data on the historical facts of the people of Avatime. The various settlements they made on their journey from ŊᴐWVie under the cruel King $gᴐkᴐOi in the Republic of Togo and the reseans for their departure from these places. Interview was granted to an Avatime in the diaspora group who settled in present day Togo for their side of the history of Avatime. Data was collected from the elderly people who witness the formation and witnessed some changes in the (dzᴐ[o[o musical group: I ts composition, mode of performance, drum set, playing techniques, tunning and others. The researcher then went to the cantors and recorded both old and the new songs which facilitated the objectives of the work and forty - five songs were recorded from ten cantors. The drummers were also interviewed to gather some knowledge from the old and new styles of play. After which a full performance was organized and recorded with University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 15 odiovisual camera and systems which helped the researcher to play it over and over to enable him transcribed with the fenale software for the musical analysis. The Akan songs were translated for the researcher and helped him understood the lyrics and cartegoriz ed the song text in their importance and magnitude in which each song is used in the (dzᴐ[o[o musical performance. 1. 8 DATA COLLECTION The researcher has adopted purposive and snowball sampling techniques to collect the data from Dzogbeƒeme ±$YDWime (dzᴐ[o[o group. This technique of data collection is justifiable due to the fact that the informants are the custodians of the tradition and they are privy to other primary sources and can suggest and lead the researcher to those other primary sources. Permissions have been sort for the interviews to be conducted with the members of the group; both former (old) members of the ensemble, eldeUly PePbeUs oI tKe cKieI’s palace aQd NQoZQ cXstodiaQs oI tKe Dzogbeƒeme ±Avatime culture and the current younger practitioners. The researcher himself is a master drummer and a custodian of the culture. Therefore as an insider, he was given audience and granted permission from elderly people who witnessed some events and have experie nced some changes in the culture at Avatime and Dzogbeƒeme as a whole, especially people who witnessed the establishment of (dzᴐ[o[o and narration of the changes from the beginning. 1.9 LITERATURE REVIEW It is indisputable that certain types of change may have occurred in Edzᴐxoxo music. Different kinds of scholarly study were conducted on music in the Avatime traditional area but none of these examined the concept of change in the type of the music they have studied. Though, in Avatime traditional area, the only warrior music was the Daʋatram music before the prolification University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 16 of other warrior music in the individual towns today. This alone is a change enough to be examined but the realization of the possible change s was not conspicuos to many people. The change in the Edzᴐxoxo music may rather be more radical than we may assume since there are some obvious traces from the old to the new. Giuriati (2005, p. 22) referring to quotation from Blacking, states that the traditional musicians live in our contemporary society and listen to any kind of music that may influence their own music making, without boundaries imposed by genre or tradition. He goes on to say that: we can witness a dramatic change in musical repertoires as a reaction to being exposed to dif ferent genres of contemporary music, but this change in repertoire does not seem to affect the function of the music in relation to the feast. He was UeIeUUiQJ to tKe PXsic IoU tKe µ)esta dei GiJli’ at Nola. Another crucial issue that Blacking emphasises in his paper is tKat cKaQJe µPXst be coQceUQed XltiPately ZitK siJQiIicaQt iQQoYatioQ iQ PXsical soXQd’ %lacking 1977, p. 2) He also states that the uniqueness of musical change, and why music can offer a privileged perspective on cultural change is that music is able to combine cognitive and affective elements. With (dzᴐxoxo music, the traditional musician gathers his repertoire in (ʋe and in Akan languages though his medium of expression is in his own language Sideme. All songs performed in (dzᴐ[o[o music are gathered from either (ʋe communities around Avatime Traditional area but the rhythmic structure was altered with an Akan version of warrior music that has given rise to a change in Edzᴐxoxo music, hence, the perspective cultural change and innovations in (dzᴐ[o[o music. Obviously the master drum of Daʋatram music was replaced that may have given rise to the other type of warrior music like the (dzᴐ[o[o. The songs, rhythmic and the dance patterns of the (dzᴐ[o[o music give the performers and spectators a chance to ponder over to get real meaning since all movements during the performance are proverbial. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 17 According to Mclean (1977) change emanates from certain factors including continous unconscious repetition of mistakes, omissions, interpolations, alterations, embellishments and improvisations. He explained how the transition of traditional Maori singing or Waiata style and outlined some of the evidence for this, and indicates ways in which accuracy of transmission was attained from inaccuracies and anomalies in practice. He states that: « Anomalies presented by such phenomena traditionally approved reworkings of Waiata texts, the undouted existence of melodic variants of particular songs, and an evident current trend towards accelerated change in waiata singing style itself. There can be no dout that, total accuracy was and is the aim in recited esoteric songs or incantations (karakia). Instruction is stated to have taking place under conditions of intense tapu (sacredness) in special schools if learning known as whare waananga where the object was to hand on know ledJe ³IUee oI aQy alteUatioQ oPission, interpolation or deterioration. (Best 1959, p. 6) Mistakes were fraught with supernatural consequencieces. Not only the efficacy of karakai depends oQ ³tKe absolXte Iidelity ZitK ZKicK the fomula was pUoQoXQced´ bXt he mistake of word was believed to be fatal (Smith, 1899 , p. 265). Mistakes in waiata singing, are a complete breakdown, are looked upon with dismay and regarded as omens of disaster. Another link with karakai is that, in both karakai and waiata, performance has to be continuous, with no breaks for breathing. Disregard of this rule is considered to be a mistake with consequencies similar to those resulting from omission of words. Although, waiata were commonly learned incidentally, by simple participation and without formal instruction, the existence of rehearsal techniques underlines the importance attached to accurate rendition. Mclean (1977) The changes in (dzᴐxoxo music may be incidental, but may not be by mistakes and of omission as it was in the case of karakai and waiata music. Although (dzᴐxoxo music is learnt incidentally without formal instruction like the music of karakai and waiata, membership of Edzᴐxoxo ensemble is by participation but not through any formal registeration. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 18 The Kujamaat possess a fairly large and diverse repertoire of song genres, with each song having its place in the fabric of social life. Most genres are sung either by men only or by women only, and in those cases where both sexes participate, each sex has its designated role. Many of the genres are rigidly restricted to particular events, such as funerals and wrestling matches. The repertoire includes men's songs for rice and up land field cultivation, funerals, and wrestling matches; women's songs for funeral dances and women's plaints for various occasions; and mixed songs for secular dances and circumcision parades. This paper considers the following genres where informants dreZ cleaU coQtUast betZeeQ ³old´ aQd ³QeZ´ styles 6ooi- Beng Tan, (1989, p. 229 - 274) 1. Bugaiur. The bugddr is a secular dance performed by a drummer who plays on three (sometimes four) large skin drums of descending pitch. The drummer wears iron wrist rattles. He is accompanied by a male chorus and several male solo singers. The soloists take turns and sing extemporaneously. The choral verse, which alternates with the solos, is invariant.Facing the drummers and male singers is a group of women who beat wooden clappers. Traditionally each village kept its own set of drums which were played on appropriate occasions by local drummers and singers. Lately, however, particularly competent drummers have begun to circulate throughout the Kujamaat area. During the dry season they are in high demand and have tended to replace the local talent. 2. Siling. The siling are communal ricefield songs sung by men ranged in two antiphonal choruses. Versification is invariant for any one song. Each community has its own restricted set of songs that remains fairly constant, though new songs are added from time to time. In certain areas siling are also sung by men at funerals. 3. Communal upland field songs (for peanut and millet cultivation). There are three types: a) the most common, solo- chorus songs modeled after and sometimes directly borrowed from the bugddir; b) an older and more set type of solo - chorus song, also related to the bugadir, but less directly; c) antiphonal songs. These last, which were considered by informants to be the oldest type, are sung exclusively by unmarried youths. The University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 19 verses of the older solo- chorus type (b) are generally humorous and insulting, as are the antiphonal songs which are licentiou 4. Esimben (or, furaaka). The term esimben refers to a guitar- like instrument of the general shape of the Manding kora, but with only four strings. As a singer strums the esimben a second party will tap the calabash sound box in a steady beat with two sticks. Again, the solo singer alternates with a choral verse. The two singers considered here performed together for a single recording session in 1965. (Sooi- Beng Tan, 1989, p. 229 - ) As the Bangsawan of Malaysia was owned and kept by each village with its own set of drums which were played on appropriate occasions by local drummers and singers, Edzᴐxoxo music is owned by the .Dʋa community only of Dzogbeƒeme- Avatime, but is now performed by all the wings of Avatime. Bangsawan was described as being performed by men only or women only and mixed songs were secular. Edzᴐxoxo music was performed by men only with the songs in baritone in the past, as custom demanded; is it still so today? What necessitated the change if it should be so today? What role do women play in the music if they have become part of the ensemble? The repertoire of Bangsawan was by gender and according to the activities in social life such as funerals, wrestling, rice and upland field cultivation and circumcision etc. while in (dzᴐxoxo music songs of inspiration, songs showing bravery and dirdges or lamentations are performed. In (dzᴐxoxo music, the cantor alternates the chorus in a call and response manner like the Bugaiur music where the chorus and the verses alternate with the solo. Where as (dzᴐxoxo music is typically African traditional warrior music, both (dzᴐ[o[o and Bangsawan music were viewed in old and new traditions. All the above statements will be subjected to investigation in this study. Malinowski (1961, p. 18) sta ted that, if we look for a ready solution in existing ethnological theory for the handling of evidence on culture change, we should naturally turn to that doctrine of diffusion and historical relations of past cultures elaborated by the school of which Ratzel is University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 20 the ancestor, but to which many German and American anthropologists have made notable contributions. These schools conceived of diffusion as a migration of elements or traits from one culture to another. They are supposed to be adopted in solution or compounded into complxes, of which the component elements are not naturally related to one another. The product of diffusion is conceived of a mixture of cultural elements or of complexes, so loosely knit together that the main theoretical task of cultural analysis into cultural strata. This theoretical framework will be the basis of this research. The changes in (dzᴐxoxo music will be examined as to whether it was by migration of elements or traits from one culture to another which was finally adopted in solution or compounded into complexes of other or any other form of change. The songs of Edzᴐxoxo are in Eʋe and Akan which are normally sung interchangeably to one another. There should be a reason for such occurrence and there should be an original language in which the music started. Basically the Avatimes are not known to be because of the language identity they have; neither are they known to be Akans (ʋe but rather Guans. So what necessitated this phenomenon? Laura Risk (2013) stXdied ³7Ke &Kop´ tKe diIIXsioQ oI aQ iQstUXmental technique across the Antlantic fiddling tradition, and stated: 7Ke ³cKop´ is a peUcXssiYe stUiQJ iQstUXPeQt tecKQiTXe pioneered by bluegrass fiddler Richard Greene in the 1960s and adopted into contemporary string styles by Darol Anger in the 1980s. This article traces the diffusion of the chop through a number of North Atlantic fiddling traditions in the 1990s and 2000s. It also considers the ciUcXPstaQces aQd iPplicatioQs oI PXsiciaQs’ decisioQs to adopt adapt oU Ue ject the chop. The chop playing technique of fiddling seems to oppose the playing techniques in (dzᴐ[o[o warrior music which is a set of membranophones. Playing of membranophones involve with University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 21 playing sticks that provide percussive sound as ³tKe cKop´ ZKicK Kas a percussive bowing playing technique. My interest here is to find out whether there may be any relation between the diIIXsioQ oI iQQoYatioQ oI tKe ³cKop´ as a IoUP oI ³cKaQJe´ peUtaiQiQJ to tKe cKaQJe iQ (dzᴐ[o[o warrior music. The theory may be applicable siQce tKe ³cKop´ tecKQiTXe Zas IXsed iQto tKe existed s tring bands across the North Atlantics, which may merit the innovation of (dzᴐ[o[o which was carried from the Akan culture set and fused into an (ʋe culture set as a diffusion of innovation to form a new mixed and accepted culture of (ʋe and Akan. Bethell and Hill (2013) in their quest to some of the ethnomusicological theories on change in the perspectives for understanding music revival stated that: Fresh theoretical perspectives for understanding music revival as concept, cultural process, and medium of change. As they reviewed revival scholarship and contextualized nineteenth and twentieth- century intellectual history, they identify new territories (social political, geographical, and ontological) that were ready for critical examination through the revival lens. The key arguments were advanced through a set of six inter - related themes: (1) activism and the desire for change; (2) the valuation and reinterpretation of history; (3) recontextualization and transformation; (4) legitimacy and authenticity; (5) musical transmission and disse mination; and (6) post - revival outgrowths and ramifications. Viewing the project of reclaiming, reimagining, and transforming the past as a recurring universal phenomenon and revealing the extent to which the legacy of revivalist visions continues to shape our musical and social worlds, the authors argue for the potential of revival as a productive analytical tool in contemporary, global contexts. The context in which (dzᴐ[o[o warrior music was formed may be viewed as political and transformation as stated by Caroline and Juniper in the above statement. Fresh ideas and new University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 22 ways of doing things in our societies prompted changes, innovations, renewals and revival such as (dzᴐ[o[o warrior music of the people of Dzogbeƒeme. According to my informannts, the formation of new warrior musical groups started when the performance of the only warrior music ( Daʋatram) in the Avatime traditional area has become unbeareable by a lot of performing rites, sacrifieces and the fatigue that was involved in its performance. People started looking for other options, hence the people of .DʋD of Dzogbeƒeme decided to institute their own warrior music which can be used to accompanied their chiefs to any social gathering. So the masterdrum of the Daʋatram was replaced by a small one, the bell was introduced and the rhythmic pattern of the supporting drums were imitated, and Akan songs were introduced to give a new (dzᴐ[o[o taste. Adzanku (1983 thesis) studied Apesemaka ; A warrior musical organization of Gbadzeme. Though Apesemaka is one of the valiant music in Avatime, it pertains only to Gbadzeme and Vane townships only. Secondly, the organizational structures might not be the same as that of (dzᴐxoxo warrior music. The rhythmic structures, the songs, the dancing mode may also be different. This study is mainly for change and continuity of (dzᴐ[o[o music, its survival and the possible innovations that prevailed in its performance over the years rather than its organizational stru cture. Adipa (1993 thesis ³'ebUXQQeU iQ Kis booN tKe Growth of the church in Togo recorded the origin of Avatimes from Ada across the Volta to Togo. According to him Avatimes moved from Ada then they migrated to their present settlement due to the Akwamu ZaUs ´The authenticity of this assertion shall be verified under the historical background. Lopes (1999) compared and identify connections between West African rhythms and Haitian rhythm on the developments of the syncopation in musical composition (1791 to 1900) and to determine connection between African and Haitian rhythms and Cuban, Habanera, Brazilian University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 23 Tango and American Ragtime. This study is focused on how Edzᴐxoxo music was, when it was introduced as warrior music and how it is today as warrior music. That is to compare the songs and the rhythmic structure before and after the change of (dzᴐ[o[o music. Anku (1988) described Anlo (ʋe drums as cylindrically shaped shells and made of wooden strips bounded together with metal hoops, bearing close resemblance to a wine barrel. He stated again that, the Anlo once used drums made from clay pots and the present drums have replaced them. The drum set of (dzᴐxoxo are cylindrically shaped shells made of hollow wood covered with animal skin. Both Anlo and Edzᴐxoxo drums are membranophones. The only difference may be the techniques in their construction and the style of play. The original kind of drums of the Edzᴐxoxo ensemble shall also be investigated. 1XNXQya  iQ Kis booN ³7Uadition and Change In Ghana, $Q ,QtUodXctioQ to 6ocioloJy´ stated the changes that occurred in Ghana in the last hundred years. These changes included Marriage and Family, Religion, Colonialism, Social Change, Urbanization, and Political Changes etc. These sociological changes brought a corresponding change in music, in which (dzᴐxoxo is no ex ception. The change in (dzᴐ[o[o music came about the Plebiciet in (1946) when the people of Avatime had a talk with a United Nations Diplomat, Espinoz a at Biakpa one of the towns in Avatime. According to Anku (2010 Chpt. 1 Where is the beat? (Unpublish): I n search of meter in African music. He was able to determine that, though African music is polyphonic, it has an agreed point which he termed as the Regulative Time Point. Mathematically, he was able to find out that African music is in sets by using the Set Theory. Ocran, (2006 thesis) researched into Continuity and Change in the Liturgy of Cape Coast Wesley Methodist Cathedral. He said, the advent of European missionaries and the introduction of Western Liturgy at Cape Coast Wesley Cathedral chants, hymns, anthems, pieces and responses University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 24 in English language, though enhanced worship effectively, had resulted to some unexpected problems. He further explained that English Liturgy did not favour the mass for illiterates on the coast of Ghana, hence Akan sacred lyric (Abibindwom) became part of the formal liturgy. That is the first change in the history of Methodism in Ghana. Singing of Abibindwom is no more admired by the youth of today. Though the change concerned the translation of lyrics from English into Akan, the meaning of both languages is the same. The change in the (dzᴐxoxo may be similar to that of the Liturgy in the Cape Coast Methodist Church because Edzᴐxoxo music is now a mixture of (ʋe and Akan language. This calls for investigation. Tina K. Ramnarine (2003) looked at the Nationalism, Globalization and the changing sound scopes of Finnish folk music, Chicago studies in Ethnomusicology. She explores creative processes and critical role that music has played in Finnish nationalism by focusing on Finnish µ’QeZ IolN PXsic´ iQ tKe sKiItiQJ spaces between the national imagination and the Global market place. She looked at how new folk musicians talk about the past and present folk music practices, the folk musician in the presentation of national identity, and the interactions of folk musicians with performances from around the globe. She focused on international successful groups like J P P that plays fiddle dance music and Verttina an ensemble that highlights women tradition. I focused on how Edzᴐxoxo music started and the changes in the music and the factors that brought the change. Also (dzᴐ[o[o is perceived as a uniting force or a national symbol of the people of Avatime. Moloney (1992) : University of Pennsylvania; Folk Tradition of Nepal studied Irish music in America on Continuity life and factors that influence continuity and change in the genres of Irish music in America. Some of the genres have cross fertilized others, and some exhibited v arious degrees of acculturation. Some marginalized ones have disappeared; others also faced resistance to acculturative influence. His study set out to investigate continuity and change in a particular University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 25 ethnic culture in America. (dzᴐ[o[o music was set out to be investigated with only the people of Dzogbeƒeme- Avatime: The changes that were brought through acculturation with other languages like the Akan language and the musical life itself. It is evident that, African music went through some changes expecially during the advent of colonial era when foreign military forces introduced their form of culture into Africa. Collins (1994) This has acculturated and given new direction into the African political, religious, the type of food we eat, type of dress we wear, type of work we do and the type of music we listen to, have influence on the lives of the African greatly. People like Nettl, Blacking, Locke, Koetien and many ethnomusicologists made the effort to study the changes and their effects on the African society and the indigenous lives. Of late some African ethnomusicologists such as Nketia, Agawu, Anku and many others have taken the mantle to delve into the African music theories to seek for these changes which has paved the way for the young African scholars to go and search for the indigenous music fallowing in our villages and communities before they get consumed by the powerful amplified electronic media of today. Edzᴐ[o[o /iQ\imeZDYX is only one amoung a lot in the localities which the young scholar musicians may take advantage to explore. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 26 CHAPTER TWO 2.1 ETHNOGRAPHY AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE PEOPLE OF AVATIME A lot of information on some musical types of the people of Avatime has been examined in the studies of Brydon (1976), Adipa (1993 Adipa (1996), Adzanku (1983), Kwame (1994) and Adom (2002). They all revealed that the people of Avatime are a small group in the Northern (ݝe of the Volta Region in Ghana. They call themselves Kedane in their language called Sideme. The Kedane are linked with the Akan especially, the Ahanta of Ghana in the Western Region. (In this study Ahanta, Kedane and Avatime will be used interchangeably.) The people of Dzogbeƒeme called themselves 7ᴐƾuine hence 7ᴐƾuie in Avatime and ']oJbe¦ePe as they are called by their neighbours will be used in some cases, some words and names will be written in Sideme, Eʋe, Akan and explain ed in English language. In a rapid changing society such as ours, where everyone is reaching out for new forms of expression in social life as well as in music, literature and art, the study, of the African heritage of folk music is of particular importance, for it is this idiom that African musical values developed over the ages are enshrined, they are by no means songs of a forgotten past. Considering musical change and continuity, Blacking explained that musical change occurs by people's freedom of choice and by their desire to share and communicate with others: Appropriate "mechanical" models for understanding musical change might seem to be provided by examples from language and culture: the processes of enculturation and of learning grammatical speech, and systematic phonemic and syntactic shifts from one dialect or language to another, can be depicted as having a force of their own which overrides the variety of the individuals who subscribe to a cultural system or belong to a speech community. There is no doubt that people' s freedom of choice is constrained by their desire to share and communicate with others; but they do not acquire cultural identity in some automatic, quasi- mystical way and their actions are not determined by the cultural environment in which they are reared. Cultures are "floating resources" which University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 27 people invoke and re- invent in the course of social interaction and, similarly, different language are manipulated, even by young children, with remarkable flexibility of response to different social situations. (Blacking, 1985 , p. 64 - 67) The people of Avatime are said to have migrated from Ahanta area in the Western Region of present Ghana. Some people attributed their migration from the Western Region to their present settlement, to the pressure from a number of wars that characterized the Western region area at that time. According to my informants, the Avatimes moved from West to East while other ethnic groups like the (ʋe, Ada, and Ga moved from East to West, with the aim to go and fight the tyranny of the terrible chief $gᴐkᴐli at Ŋᴐtsie Glime in the present day Togo. This reason was clear when the Ahanta moved without women and children but only young and energetic warriors. By the time they reached the present Volta Region, Glime Kingdom at Togo had already collapsed; hence returning to Ahanta land in the Western Region was impossible. They therefore had no option than to get a place to settle. Most of the land was already occupied by the Eݝe. The Avatime moved from Ahanta and first settled at Gbomgblam currently called Prampram near Ada. The Ahanta were forced to move on because of war with the local people according to Sherry (1993 thesis). The Avatime moved ahead and met a group of Shais in a town known as Lemkpo again in the Ada area. The two groups, the Shai and the Ahanta moved together and crossed River Volta and entered the 7ᴐƾu land. Because of floods in the rainy season, the two groups decided to settle at Adaklu land for some time. After consultation with the Adaklu people, they were allowed to settle at two different areas to avoid unnecessary confrontations. The Ahantas were asked to settle in the forest area which in (ʋe language referred to as Avetiwome and the Shai to settle in the fan palm trees which means $gᴐtiwome in (ʋe language. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 28 The two groups therefore assumed new names. The Ahanta were called Avatimeawo which means the people at the forest area while the Shai were called $gᴐWiZome the people in the fan palm trees respectively. The Avatime decided to move after the rains subsided while the $gᴐtime remained there and some of them currently speak Ga-Adamgbe especially the people of $gᴐtime $ƒegame till today. When the rivers and other water bodies subsided, the Avatime moved ahead to accomplish their aims of fighting 7ᴐgbi $gᴐkᴐli at Ŋᴐtsie Glime. They then moved to Tanyigbe near Ghana – Togo border. They stayed there for a while, crossed the mountain ranges and settled again at Matse near Ho, the capital of Volta Region, led by Adza Okago. The (ʋe were eager to know their leader, so the Avatime would point at Adza Okago as Adzaninie. Then the (ʋes would responded; Adza, eWe kSᴐ lo hence the leader of the Avatime became $dzD 7ekSᴐ the paramount chief of the Avatime by the (ʋes is Adza TekSᴐ until the present day, which means Adza has tried in Eݝe language. At Matse, the Avatime settled at Sasamito ( Sasami Mountain). Over here, the people of Avatime committed two set of crimes: They bisec ted a pregnant woman opened after they had argued over her to give birth to a baby boy, while some argued that it would be a girl. This brought a terrible war between the Matse people and the people of Avatime. When the pressure was mounting, the Avatime decided to move. Before they did, they went and blocked river Dede which supplies domestic water to the people of Matse till today. The Avatime were said to be very powerful in local magical powers for that matter, whenever they moved there was a thick forest covering behind them making it difficult for their enemies to trace or follow them. Before the Avatime reached their present settlement, the place was already occupied by the Akpa fu, Gbefi, Baya, Bamakli, Ve-Deme, and Tafi. Apart from the Baya who were said to be University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 29 warlike, the other groups were driven away fairly and easily. The Avatime then moved and settled at Ohulosu a mountain range near Biakpa. The Avatime whose plan was to move further into Togo to fight 7ᴐgbXi $J୆N୆li, had to stay on the Togo – Akwapim mountain ranges because, the Glime Kingdom had collapsed and secondly, the first day of their stay at Ohulosu, their leader slept on a huge snake unharmed. According to custom, this was a good omen for settlement at a particular place. According to my informants, there were only thirty- seven men who survived this jo urney to their present location and the residing places of the thirty seven men are still visible today behind the mountain shown below called Ohulosu. (Ohu means mountain and losu means beside the mountain in Avatime language.) Since the Baya were physically stronger, the Avatime decided to adopt gorila tactics to eliminate the Bayas. So they infiltrated the company of the Baya and stocked the bowl of the smoking pipe University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 30 oI tKe %aya’s cKieI ZitK JXQpoZdeU aQd when he was smoking, the pipe exploded and killed him instantly. The second move was to poison palm wine for a drinking spree between the Baya and the Avatime. According to customs, the producer of the wine should drink first before others will follow. This prompted one of the Avatime people to sacrifice himself to drink the poisoned wine. This lured most of the Baya people to drink the poisoned wine and they were killed in cold blood. The rest of the Baya people could not match the people of Avatime any more because of their reduction in numerical strength and horror, so most of them were taken captives and forced into slavery. Their women were forced to marry the Avatime men. When the Baya ladies started giving birth, they started speaking their language Siya to the young ones. From this point, the Nzema spoken by the Ahanta got mixed up with Baya language Siya. The language Avatime speak at present is called ³6idePe´ZKicK is PXltiliQJXal made up of Eʋe, Akan, Nzema , Ga and Baya language siya. In Baya language Ohu means mountain, but in Sidemi Lito means mountain which is derived from (ʋe language TO. Only few Ahanta words can be noted in Sideme the official language of Avatime, like Katukp a a Billy goat, kuni water, odzani meat and soup can also be noticed in Ahanta and Avatime as stated by my informants. Adipa [ 1993 ] also mentioned only kuni as Ahanta which means water as the same as Avatime. The Nzema which the Avatime speak was completely lost. As the hunters go for their games, they take notice of the entry points against their suspicion of attack 7ill today $saUe’s IaPily is Odikro and landlords at Dzogbeƒeme, and they have Baya among their family as the Baya were given to all leaders who are chiefs of the present settlements of Avatime. A younger group still pursued the agenda by going to fight 7ᴐgbi $gᴐkᴐli at Togo Glime moved to Togo but because of their number and the collapse of Glime Kingdom, they settled at Gaƒe near Tsevie in present day Togo. This was confirmed when I met Mr. Soga University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 31 at Wovenu Senior High School. He called me monemie in Sideme the language of Avatime which means my brother of that historical bond. , UespoQded µpapa´ tKoXJK , did not know him. He went on to tell me the history of the people of Gaƒe being the Avatime who moved to Togo and he, in particular was brought from Togo Gaƒe to stay at Vane because of that historical bond. I further asked what the people of Gaƒe, Avatime in the diaspora believe about the people of Avatime as a whole. He said that after the Glime kingdom collapsed, the (ݝe resettled at Tsevie and started moving in groups. By this, most groups moved away from one another. The Avatime had decided to move to Ahanta area in the Western Region and settled there. After a while, they decided to trace their brothers, the rest of the (ʋe groups. By the time they reached where the (ʋe settled, the whole area was occupied. They wondered a while and settled at their present abode. Because of the topography, a yonger group decided to go and fight back for their place and position at Ŋᴐtsie. The group was led by a warrior called Ga. By the time they got to Togo, Glime King dom collapsed so they were compe lled to settle at Gaƒe near Tsevie. Since their leader was 7ᴐgbi Ga the place was named Gaƒe meaning’s village. As the people of Tsevie were there before they arrived, Gaƒe chiefs have to serve under their chief 7ᴐgbi Pasa of Tsevie. Till today, the chief of Gaƒe is enstoolled by 7ᴐgbi $dzD 7ekSᴐ the paramount chief of Avatime under the customary rites of Avatime Traditional Area. 2.2 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION Geographically, Avatime is located on the Akwapim – Togo mountain ranges at the eastern boarder of Ghana – Togo boarder. Avatime traditional area is about thirty eight kilometers from its District Capital Ho. Avatime is surrounded by some (ʋe speaking tribes. At the eastern part is the $kᴐme and Kpedze , the Dzolo and Savieƒe $gᴐkpo are at the Southern side. At the western side, the Nyagbo and the Tafi and at the northern are the Logba tribes. The people at the western University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 32 and the northern sides are also Guan speaking people as the Avatime and they are said to settle first before the Avatime arrived hence the name the Avatime called themselves Kedane which means the last people or the last to arrived. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 33 Brydon (1976 p9) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 34 2.3 ECONOMIC BACK GROUND OF THE AVATIME Avatime people are predominantly farmers and petty traders There are however other professions like blacksmithing, hunting, animal rearing, sewing and others but on a low scale. The farm products cultivated are mainly cassava, yam, cocoyam, as the main tubers, plantain, bananas, orange, pear, avocado, pineapples and local apple called ³atᴐ, ´palm fruits are some of the fruits, millet, maize and rice are the cereals. According to the chief traditional priest of Dzogbeƒeme called Asare Anyomi, the major farming season always starts with some farming rites, especially growing of the red rice which was believed, the Avatime discovered by themselves. Before the main season commences, all the traditional priests in Avatime will be waiting to see a galaxy of stars in the skies which the Avatimes call Kawuisa. These stars always appear in the first week of July. Whenever it is seen the priests from Dzogbeƒeme, Vane, Amedzoƒe, Gbadzeme, fume, Dzokpe and Biakpa with their servants called Abu are sent to bring palm wine from the tapers for the rites. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 35 All the wine will be sent to the shrine at Biakpa on the first Sunday in July. After the rites are performed all the priests will then inform their subjects not to dig the soil with hoe or cu tlass, and a lot of noise and drumming is also prohibited at this period. This activity is called Kesebabukp ekpe in Avatime and it ends in the first week in August. Asare also said before the Kesebabukpekpe rites end in the first week of August, another rite is performed. This rite is called Gbᴐkp ᴐkpl ᴐ in Eʋe which literally means sweeping of the town. The Avatime call it Ͻmamegbagba. It signifies the sweeping or the cleansing and sacking of the bad spirits from the town and it always falls on the first Tuesday in August, then immediately the University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 36 ௮mamegbagba blocking of all entry points to the town spiritually to prevent sicknesses as chorela, murder cases etc follows. The farming period is marked by performance of Osoblisoe music for the head god $yaPap୆, at Biakpa after which the chief priest will enter the farm land before any other famer is allowed into it in the following week. Osoblisoe ³(VebOX, Ve ʋe ´literally means he understands both Eݝe and Akan. Osoblisoe is made up of three drums set. The smallest is brought from the female god Gadze from Gbadzeme. This small drum starts sounding from Gbadzeme by the carrier until he reaches Biakpa where the male god is situated before the other drums are brought together for the performance. Then in a procession, the chief priest at Biakpa will lead the way in front, followed by Ovodze of Dzogbe ¦eme, the Okyeame (linguist) for the head god AyamaSᴐ followed by the priests of Vane, Gbadzeme, Fume, Amedzo¦e and Dzokpe respectively according to their ranks. Bringing the drum from Gbadzeme signifies that, the wife of the head god $\DmDSᴐ called Gadze has come to the husband. The performance of Osoblisoe music signifies lifting the ban on digging the soil and for farm activities and playing of drums and noise making; it marks the beginning of the farming season especially the rice farming season. This music is performed on the first Sunday in August and the following day Monday. The chief priest at Biakpa starts weeding or clearing his farm for rice farming. Then the other farmers will enter their farms for the land preparation the following week. In the first week in December, the chief priest at Biakpa again is expec ted to harvest his rice and send to the shrine and deposit it on the roof of the head god $\DmDSᴐ for the necessary rites to be made before other famers would bring their rice home as custom demands. This signifies that the head god who has given life and strength and has blessed the land for successful harvest, hence the first harvest is and should be taken to the shrine University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 37 as thanks giving before other farmers are allowed to bring their product to the town and home. Rites are called ³egoyi ´so the above mentioned harvesting rites was developed and gave rise to the rice festival in Avatime which is supposed to be celebrated in December, but because of convenience, it was shifted to November. The rice festival signifies thanksgiving to God for good health and successful farming season. The lyrics of Osoblisoe music is always in the official language of the Avatime people called Sideme. Soblisoe Ͻyalo, Soblisoe Ͻyaloyalo (Osoblisoe God’s oZQ son) After a successful harvest the Avatime have a locally made silo called Iwle to store their padi rice called amu in the Avatime language. These silos were made from clay and covered or roofed with elephant grass called kewloto to prevent water from entering the stored rice to prevent post harvest loss and foster effective method of preventing post harvest loss. 2.4 HUNTING In the olden days hunting especially group hunting was an economic venture. The hunters were in two groups. The first group was regarded as professional hunters. They are allowed to hunt with guns since group hunting needed special skills and hunters who can be very accurate on target as human life is involved in hunting expedition . The second group is regarded as learners. In Avatime all adolescent boys are provided with guns and trained to hunt and battle during war. These groups at the initial stage are not allowed to use guns. They would chase and direct the animals to the professionals to kill until they are matured, and experienced before they are allowed to use the guns during the hunting spree. There is music and shouts during hunting itself. After hunting, Adevu KXQteUs’ music is performed for the hunters to display and portray their hunting skills for a successful game. (Adanua1990). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 38 Today, there is hunting in Avatime as compared to the past but many people took to trap setting, though, some hunters use guns but not group hunting any more as buying guns for the adolescent boys faded away and there is no war as compared to the past to compel fathers to equip their wards with guns. 2.5 COTTON SPINNING AND WEAVING Cottons spinning and weaving form another economic venture in Avatime traditional area, and Volta Region as a whole. In Avatime, though cotton farming was not on large scale, cotton was inter- cropped with other crops like ground nut. This is so because in .XVDkᴐkᴐ puberty rites for the young Avatime ladies in their initiation from puberty into adulthood, Avatimes¶ own made cloth which forms an important aspect of the kXVDkᴐkᴐ was produced by the local weavers. For this matter, the elderly women were engaged in this cotton spinning for economic use, also, some of the women do so to support their young daughters who are about to perform the kXVDkᴐkᴐ puberty rites. ´This edged some women to grow and spin the cotton into yang for the production of kugosa (kent e). The making of this important cloth gave the opportunity to buy the cotton yarns for weaving other locally made cloths known in Avatime kente. The Avatimes own version of Kente was weaved on small looms. Though weaving has reduced drastically especially the small looms, the broad or commercial looms are being used in the area and surounding villages today. 2.6 RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND The Avatime knows and believe in the Supreme God of the Universe that they call Aya. He is referred to as the most high the uncreated by God. They instituted their own gods which they named after the Almighty God AyDSᴐ meaning God Almighty has given birth, and this is the University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 39 head god of the people of Avatime which is situated at ohulosu at Biakpa . This concept of God is also reflected in some of the names in Sideme such as Ayape, God is good, Ayane, Gods own, Menie, meaning God is with me, Ayakime, Gods gift, Ayaekeme, God is great, these and others show the Avatime knowledge and concept about God as the Supreme Being. Currently in Avatime, religious activities can be put into two main categories: The Trad itional worship and Christian worship. Christianity in Avatime was brought during the colonial regime in the history of Ghana. The colonial masters and their missionaries in Avatime Traditional Area were the Germans from Bremen who first colonized Avatime, settled on mount Gemi where the weather is extremely cold and favourable to them and they set up churches and schools all around which have remained up till today. Adom (2002) The Bremen mission established the Evangelical Presbytarian Church, Ghana; that belongs to the churches of the reformed tradition which emphasized the singing of hymns and Psalms on biblical context. Since most people wanted their wards to be educated, they agreed to be converted into Christianity, as education moved cocurrently with Christianity and civilization. Agordo (1997) Almost all the people were converted into Christianity because it became the order of the day and also provided a convenient and simpler way of living. Eventually churches sprang up in the 19 th century with schools attached to most of them in most towns and villages in Avatime. Most churches and schools were established by the Evangelical Presbyterian missionaries from Bremen in Germany. Though the Roman Catholic missionaries from Rome also came later followed by other churches the Evangelican Presbyterian Church is the dominant in Avatime area. In recent times, a lot of charismatic churches have also spread their wings to all parts of the country with a modern fashion of Christian worship, and Avatime area is not left out. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 40 The people of Avatime on the other hand have belief in stools, rivers, mountains, trees and ancestral spirits. Hence they instituted their own god $\DmDSᴐ God’s own son. $\DSᴐ the male god situated at Biakpa and its physical object is made up of coastal sand in two pots filled with water. This object is believed to be a man that manifests to people in vision and sometimes in the physical. Everybody in Avatime Traditional Area no matter their faith is expected to worship this god, with the belief that it is the giver of life and strength. Obuie Papa the god father they claim resides at Biakpa at Ohulosu the first settlement place of the people of Avatime. The female god Gadze is situated at Gbadzeme, $\DSᴐ the male god and Gadze the female god are for all the people of Avatime but the various towns have their own deities and customary rites. All these gods seems in the various towns do not work in isolation; they are affiliated and work under the god father A\DSᴐ at Biakpa .The other gods in the various towns are: Ovodze at Dzogbeƒeme which serves as the okyeame (linguist) for $\DSᴐ, the head god of Dzogbeƒeme. Under Ovodze are sub gods like Dadiga, Likpet su, and Bewlikanga at Dzogbeƒeme. Gayito and Amukloat Amedzoƒe, Opremi, Onimie, Katatabui are deities at Vane. There were Tigari and Dzabom deities in almost all towns in Avatime. There is another deity called Danii at Dzogbeƒeme which belongs to all the people of Avatime for purification in terms of people who contaminated themselves during war, and caused atrocities against nature. 2.7 THE POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF AVATIME PEOPLE Politically, the people of Avatime were brought together under the paramountcy of 7ᴐgbe Adza TekSᴐ ŊᴐDbiD, the great oath of Avatime. The content and significance of this oath is that, no Avatime town or village should use arms against one another, so the whole Traditional Area is united under the paramountcy of Osei Adza TekSᴐ with the capital at Vane, Okusie Dzapraka at Dzogbeƒeme with OkXVie Ͻdzagbatete as Odikro, Okusie Takyi at Biakpa, Okusie Atsomfoli at University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 41 Amedzoƒe, Okusie Adzima at Gbadzeme, Okusie Adzesi at Fume, Okusie K Sᴐnuglo at Dzokpe, and Okusie Akoto at Vane. Osei Adza TekSᴐ was once a powerful warlord who commanded a large army successfully during war. The Adza TekSᴐ paramountcy has three wing tactics similar to that of the Asantes. Since the Avatime are related to the Akans, their type of chieftaincy and war tactics are similar. The centre position is taken by the Dzogbeƒeme and Vane towns led by their chiefs. This group is called in Avatime as Kelepe (Adontehene in Akan). The people of Dzogbeƒeme are always at the front in times of war, followed by the war Lord himself and his wing from where guns and bullets are supplied, and behind him is a blockade to prevent the enemy from penetrating from behind by Okusie Akoto of Vane. The right wing consists of $medzᴐƒe and Gbadzeme. They are called in Avatime as %D\Dʋa. They block the right wing to prevent enemy penetration. The last group is the left wing; called in Avatime as Kenipe . They are made up of Biakpa, Fume and Dzokpe people of Avatime. This research found out that, all domestic water fetching points are guided in all the Avatime towns to prevent water poisoning by their enemies during war. Women and children are also hidden and guided by the villain and spiritually powerful strong men. This is so because children were considered as the future soldiers, so proper and special care is given them during difficult times as war and famine. 2.8 THE MUSICAL TYPES OF AVATIME PEOPLE As most African Societies, Avatime Traditional Area is endowed with several musical types. The musical instruments include all the four categories of musical instruments used in Africa. These include the membranophone, chordophone, aerophone but the most widely used are the idiophones, aerophones and the membranophone, and the least used are the chordophones. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 42 There are songs without accompaniment and also instrumental music without lyrics. Most of the instruments however were got through the interaction with their neighbours especially the (ʋes, some through trade and others were captured through war. Other instruments were incorporated into Avatime by the advent of Colonialization through the Western military bands and Christianity, especially the brass band and church music with its musical instumrnents: hymns and organ music which became the order of the day since the acceptance of Christian worship until now. The musical traditions may be viewed in two major groups such as secular music and sacred music. In Avatime there was store of different type of secular music, ranging from Sekyi, Amuzo, Gome, Tontos, Alaka, Gbolo, Totoeme, Ositi, Sanukoko, Jolly, K onkoma, and Tuidzi. Today’s changing world in terms of Western civilization, Christianity and modernization has caused most of these musical types to die out. Only few of them are performed when the need arise, but are seen as archaic, obsolete and generally termed ³colo. ´The most performed entertainment music in Avatime is %ᴐbᴐbᴐ music. All villages have it for entertainment purposes. Though totoeme, gabada, .XVDkᴐkᴐ I dzi (puberty rites songs) are performed ocassionally, the brass band music (sanukoko), public address system with recorded music popularly known as spinning are wide spread in the area, but bᴐbᴐbᴐ still forms a major ente rtainment music featured along the modern popular recorded music and even used in many churches. The musical types mentioned are performed occasionally on Sundays in the evening and also to entertain the people on festive occasion. In the olden days, there were work songs that remove boredom and urged people to work hard during farming and communal labour activities. Before a young man was allowed to marry, he was expected to organize people and friends to work and put up his own building to house the newly married wife. Such times called for music that carried the message of love and University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 43 advice to entertain the couple. There was music for pounding, floor stumping and grinding, in general, music for passage of life. 2.9 THE AVATIME COURT MUSIC Court music usually exposes musical instruments and royal regalia of expensive jewelry, gold and beads and crowns of legacy from the ancestors to the state. In Avatime Traditional area, a chief on that ocassion of his outdooring or any celebration which he attends has to be in state. He dresses in full regalia to show his glory and authority of office. He holds the state sword of office and performs the customary rites of figuristic dance, reaffirmation of his oath and commitment to his duty as the ruler.The chief is led in procession by his Agoroba a single headed cylindrical drum played with two curved sticks called in (ʋe DgbOᴐWi This Agoroba plays tKe cKieI’s appellatioQs aQd alZays KXQJ oQ tKe sKoXldeU of the player. There are several schools of thought behind the Avatime people’s court music being Akan in nature. Some people said the Avatime originated from Ahanta, an Akan community. Some also said Akan was not common as it is today so Avatime singing in Akan cannot be attributed to the Avatime migrating from Ahanta. Others attributed it to war captives from the Asante wars with the (ʋes and Avatimes in the early 19 th century when musical instruments with their players were captured. The last statement may be more reliably true because according to my informants, the events of war have affected the people in naming, musical instruments and their vocables and drum language all in Akan. For example s ome vocables of Agoroba in Avatime are: Katamantu by Dzapraka the chief of Dzogbeƒeme, Merepe merep e by the paramount chief of Avatime, Dandjramampam misrobribi, mepe ab ᴐfragoro and many others. These revealed that during the Asante war, the Asante invaded the Avatime so the Avatime especially the people of Dzogbeƒeme, Vane and Biakpa were forced to climb the mountain at $medzoƒe. This resulted in University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 44 the settlement towns surrounding, Avatime called by Akan names up till today. The Akan- named towns include, Asante-Kp oeta and Kp etoe-Denkyira in the same environment. This gave the chance to the Avatime people to witness how the Asante performed the funeral of their dead soldiers. How they wailed and mourned in the Akan songs me g\De me fie me kᴐku ma ba, amanie o. The villains of the Avatime hid so close and listened to these songs and returned home to sing and imitated what they saw. When the Asante decided to leave, not all could go. They left behind some people with musical instruments and some Akan culture especially the dirges and court music which formed the bases of Avatime court music today especially in the use of the talking drums, agoroba and $ƒetu or odzasi as court music in Avatime are all in Akan. In the court music similar to that of the Asantes, the Agasia (animal horns) made from antelope horns, elephant task and sea shells are played to exhort and escort chiefs with their appellations. These horns are referred to as Ladzo iQ (ݝe language meaning animal horn and Dʋakpe meaning war trumpets. Sam J. Obianim (1990 ). An example of the appellation of the chief of Gbadzeme Okusie Adzima is Agyeman Katekyie Ve ZoSe ᴐkᴐD ZobeQ\D ᴐkopapa. Another musical type which is widely used is (YXʋidi talking drums. (YXʋidi is used in Avatime Traditional Area as court music and they are owned by only chiefs. The vocables of the talking drums are also in Akan. Though those who can speak Akan stand a better chance of playing (YXʋidi but it is not a prerequisite for playing. The researcher cannot speak Akan but he is a very good drummer (Akyrema) of the talking drums.(YXʋidi as called in Avatime is a miniature form of fontomfrom in Akan court music. We learnt to play by imitating what the elders played and what someone asked to be played for him. Afetu is a short vocal songs raised by a cantor and the response by the group. Afetu always accompanies the chiefs in prosession. The Afetu or ᴐg\DVi court music is also in Akan, though University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 45 some are translated in Avatime language Sidem. Afetu which is an (ʋe word, sung in Akan, alternating agoroba drum, then Agasia animal horn followed and Agoroba would finish the cycle this is done in a rotational manner. The song comes first, followed by Animal horns then Agoroba talking drums ends the cycle, until the chiefs reach their destination. Both Agoroba and (YXʋidi (talking drums) are used to call the whole community since its sound travels far whenever there is any emergency or inversion by enemies. In Avatime, if the talking drums sound, Avatimefu kotoko mmbra temtemtem is sounded, everybody would converge at where it sounds. Without arms, that is just to listen or received a message.On the other hand, when it sounds, Avatime fu kotoko muketuo mmbra temtemtem all men will come, fully armed, ready for war, or will be ready for any emergency. The talking drums do not only call people but also sing for people to dance. Just as Fontonfrom music of the Akans. Afetu is used only when chiefs are in procession and when an elderly person dies, Afetu is used by elders to pray and give their last respect to their beloved departed one. Some of the dirge lyrics read: 1. Me gyae me fie I left my home that Me N୆ kon m’aba I was going to fight and return. Amanie o It is difficult issue. 2. Y1n nyinaa y1sum dae o All had dreamt Avatime fu, kotoko y഍ sum dae Avatime- people ³NotoNo´ Ze dUeaPt <Q QyiQaa y഍ sum dae o All of us dreamt. Dae o. Dream 3. Call: :୆a saQe o He is back to life Obi awu Somebody is dead Agya aba o The elderly is here 1e saQea Qo y഍ b୆ne His returned is bad Call: Yasum dae ene We dreamt today Nana asum dae ene Elderly dreamt today Obi awu o Someone is dead Agya aba o is here Response: Woa sane o He returned Obi awu Somebody is dead Agya aba o The elderly is here Woa wu o He is dead University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 46 4. <഍ bibi y഍ bibi Do something do something $saIo y഍ bibi Elder do something Aye Aye $saIo y഍ bibi Elder do something $s഍m biara mu In all matters 5. Dompe Dompe Bone bone Aboabi dompe Some animals bone 6. <഍ Z୆ gya We have fire <഍ Z୆ Jya We have fire $Jya Z୆ gya The elder have fire Agyanum monnsuro (ldeUs sKoXldQ’t IeaU ഌy഍den o It is difficult Yee Yee Obi akae me o Someone remember me Paa Paa 7.