UNIVERSITY OF GHANA  
COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES 
DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY AND RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT 
 
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF URBAN POVERTY AMONG MIGRANTS AND 
INDIGENES IN THE COMMUNITIES OF CHORKOR AND OLD FADAMA, ACCRA 
 
BY 
DOROTHY NAA DEDEI QUAYE 
(ID. NO. 10187757) 
 
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL 
FULFILLMENT OF THE AWARD OF DEGREE OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY IN 
GEOGRAPHY AND RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT 
 
 
 
JULY, 2018
DECLARATION 
I, Dorothy Naa Dedei Quaye declare that except for references to works which have been dully 
cited and acknowledged, this thesis is the result of my original research carried out of the 
Department of Geography and Resource Development, University of Ghana, Legon. 
I also certify that this dissertation has not been submitted in part or whole for the award of any 
degree elsewhere. 
 
Candidate 
………………………..                                          …………………….. 
Dorothy Naa Dedei Quaye                                                   Date 
Student ID: 10187757 
 
Supervisors 
 
………………………                                            …………………….. 
 Prof. Mariama Awumbila   (Principal)                               Date 
 
……………………….                                            ..…………………… 
Prof. Joseph Awetori Yaro                                                   Date 
 
 
 
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ABSTRACT 
Migrants and Indigenes in big cities tend to suffer similarly from marginalization. However the 
mechanism that induce poverty among the two groups are not the same. Urban communities are 
heterogeneous with different poverty patterns and dynamics.  Accra, the capital city of Ghana is 
no exception. The phenomenon has led to the emergence of slums in the capital. The urban poor 
live a life of insecurity and suffer basic social deprivations. This work takes a comparative study 
approach to the study of urban poverty among migrants and indigenes in Accra, specifically the 
communities of Chorkor and Old Fadama. The objectives of the study were to examine the patterns 
of poverty, the livelihood profiles of the poor, their access to social amenities and services and 
finally their coping strategies. Using a mixed method approach, 200 questionnaires were 
administered in the two communities in the Accra Metropolitan Assembly. Also, in-depth 
interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in each of the communities. The findings 
revealed different poverty dynamics among the two groups. The key pull factor why people 
migrate to Old Fadama is for employment opportunities. Old Fadama has more diversified 
livelihoods as compared to Chorkor where there is a traditional activity around which about half 
of the people live their life on. Social networks were found to be a useful asset to the migrants as 
they derived protection and job allocations from these networks. Both communities lack basic 
social amenities and are characterised by poor housing and poor sanitary conditions. Also, both 
communities have varied coping mechanisms. It was recommended that government extends youth 
employment programs most especially to the rural areas to reduce the inflow of people into the 
capitals, hence reducing congestion in the cities and pressure on amenities. Also, government 
should set up appropriate institutions and encourage private participation in waste management. 
Finally, government should consider relocation or reformation of slums in the cities. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ii 
 
DEDICATION 
                                                                                               To my grandmother 
                                                                                                       Mercy Kaa Ankrah 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 
First of all, I want to express my utmost thanks to God Almighty for His grace, privileges and the 
provision made for me to be able to successfully begin and end this program.  
I secondly want to thank my Supervisors, Professor Mariama Awumbila and Professor Joseph 
Yaro for their unflinching support throughout my studentship. 
A special thanks to Hon. Alfred Oko Vanderpuije (MP for Abekuma South) for his warm reception 
and support. Also to officials of Ablekuma South District Office, Electricity Company of Ghana, 
Ghana Water Company, the people of Old Fadama and Chorkor for their patience, support and 
corporation. 
I offer my gratitude to all the research assistants who helped with my data collection and my fellow 
students most especially to Louise, Dinko and Michael at the Department of Geography and 
Resource Development, family and friends who have inspired me in various ways to continue my 
work in this field.  
Last but not the least, I would like to thank my special friend and husband, James Ofoliquaye 
Yartey for all the energy, time and support toward my work. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TABLE OF CONTENT 
DECLARATION ....................................................................................................................... i 
ABSTRACT.............................................................................................................................. ii 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...................................................................................................... iv 
TABLE OF CONTENT ............................................................................................................v 
LIST OF FIGURES .............................................................................................................. viii 
LIST OF TABLE ................................................................................................................. ix 
LIST OF PLATES .................................................................................................................x 
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .............................................................................................. xi 
CHAPTER ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION ...............................................................1 
1.1 Background of the Study .................................................................................................1 
1.2 Problem Statement ..........................................................................................................3 
1.3 Research Questions ..........................................................................................................6 
1.4 Objectives of the Study ....................................................................................................6 
1.5 Justification of the Study .................................................................................................6 
1.6 Organisation of the Study ................................................................................................7 
CHAPTER TWO ......................................................................................................................8 
LITERATURE REVIEW AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ........................................8 
2.0 Introduction .....................................................................................................................8 
2.1 The Concepts of Poverty and Urban Poverty .................................................................8 
2.2 Urbanization and Poverty nexus ................................................................................... 11 
2.3 Inequality and Poverty among Indigenes in Ghana ..................................................... 14 
2.4 Migration and Urban Poverty in Ghana ....................................................................... 16 
2.5 Urban Poverty in Ghana ............................................................................................... 20 
2.6 Marginalisation and Social Exclusion in Service Provision ......................................... 21 
2.7 Coping and adaptation by the urban poor.................................................................... 23 
2.8 Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................. 25 
2.9 Definition of Terms ........................................................................................................ 25 
2.9.1 Poverty ..................................................................................................................... 25 
2.9.2 Vulnerability ............................................................................................................ 26 
2.9.3 Agents ...................................................................................................................... 26 
2.9.4 Structures ................................................................................................................ 27 
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CHAPTER THREE ................................................................................................................ 31 
PROFILE OF STUDY AREA AND METHODOLOGY ...................................................... 31 
3.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 31 
3.1 History and Location of Chorkor .................................................................................. 31 
3.2 History and Location of Old Fadama ........................................................................... 32 
3.3 Research Design and Strategy ....................................................................................... 35 
3.4 Selection of Research Site .............................................................................................. 35 
3.5 Quantitative Data........................................................................................................... 36 
3.5.1 Survey ...................................................................................................................... 36 
3.5.2 Sample method and size .......................................................................................... 37 
3.5.3 Method of Sampling ................................................................................................ 38 
3.6 Qualitative Data ............................................................................................................. 38 
3.6.1 In-depth Interview ...................................................................................................... 39 
3.6.2 Expert interview ...................................................................................................... 39 
3.6.3 Focus Group ............................................................................................................ 40 
3.7 Data Analysis ................................................................................................................. 42 
CHAPTER FOUR ................................................................................................................... 43 
ASSESSING POVERTY DIFFERENTIALS AND LIVELIHOODS ................................... 43 
4.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 43 
4.1 Socio-demographic characteristics of respondents ....................................................... 43 
4.2 Examining the patterns of poverty among indigenes and migrants ............................ 48 
4.2.1 Differences in income earned .................................................................................. 55 
4.2.2 Assessing expenditure patterns in indigenous and migrant communities ............. 57 
4.2.3 Aggregate expenditure patterns of migrants and indigenes .................................. 64 
4.2.4 Housing characteristics in study communities ....................................................... 65 
4.2.5 Ownership of assets in study communities ............................................................. 72 
4.3 Differences in Livelihood between Chorkor and Old Fadama..................................... 75 
4.3.1 Qualitative insight of complexities of livelihoods in study communities ............... 78 
4.3.1.1 Fishing as a main source of livelihood at Chorkor .............................................. 78 
4.3.1.2 Main Source of Livelihood in Old Fadama ......................................................... 81 
4.3.1.3 Scrap Dealing and Electronic Waste ................................................................... 81 
4.3.1.4 Head Porter (Kayayoo) ........................................................................................ 83 
4.3.2 Assessing alternative livelihoods among residents in study communities ............. 85 
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4.3.3 Occupational working hours of respondents .......................................................... 86 
CHAPTER FIVE..................................................................................................................... 89 
ASSESSING BASIC SOCIAL SERVICES AND INFRASTRUCTURE.............................. 89 
5.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................... 89 
5.1 Access to water services in study communities ............................................................. 89 
5.2 Access to energy for cooking in study communities ..................................................... 93 
5.3 Access to toilet facilities in study communities ............................................................. 95 
5.4 Waste management practices in study communities .................................................... 98 
5.5 Concerns about community problems ........................................................................ 103 
5.6 Coping Strategies of the urban poor ........................................................................... 106 
5.6.1 Job diversification ................................................................................................. 107 
5.6.2 Spiritual solution ................................................................................................... 109 
5.6.3 Social Poverty ........................................................................................................ 111 
CHAPTER SIX ..................................................................................................................... 115 
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION .............................................. 115 
6.0 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 115 
6.1 Summary of Findings ...................................................................................................... 115 
6.2 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 119 
6.3 Recommendation ......................................................................................................... 120 
REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................... 122 
APPENDIX 1: The Questionnaire ........................................................................................ 131 
Survey Questionnaire ........................................................................................................ 131 
APPENDIX 2: Focus Group Guide ...................................................................................... 139 
APPENDIX 3: In-Depth Interview Guide ............................................................................ 141 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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LIST OF FIGURES 
Figure 2.1: Wellbeing, Vulnerability and Poverty Model (adopted from DFID, 2000) ............... 28 
Figure 3.1: Map of the Study Area Showing the Study Communities ........................................ 34 
Figure 4.1: Summary of ethnic background of respondents ...................................................... .47 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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LIST OF TABLE 
 
Table 4.2 Income of Respondents .............................................................................................. 56 
Table 4.5: Differences in housing characteristics in study communities ..................................... 69 
Table 4.6: Asset ownership in the study communities ................................................................ 74 
Table 4.7: The link between community type, livelihood and level of income ........................... 77 
Table 4.8: Alternative source of livelihood ................................................................................ 85 
Table 4.9: Working hours of respondents in their occupation .................................................... 87 
Table 5.1: Availability and access to water in study communities .............................................. 90 
Table 5.3: Availability of toilet facilities in study communities ................................................. 96 
Table 5.4: Waste management practices in study communities .................................................. 99 
Table 5.5: Ranking of social problems in study communities .................................................. 104 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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LIST OF PLATES 
Plate 1: Housing Condition in Old Fadama ................................................................................ 67 
Plate 2: Housing Condition in Chorkor ...................................................................................... 68 
Plate 3: Main source of livelihoods in Chorkor .......................................................................... 79 
Plate 4: Scrap Collection and related activities .......................................................................... 82 
Plate 5: Kayayoo Activity ......................................................................................................... 84 
Plate 6: Indiscriminate dumping of refuse in Chorkor .............................................................. 101 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 
 
BECE                                          Basic Education Certificate Examination 
ECG                                            Electricity Company of Ghana 
FGM                                            Focus Group Meeting 
GAMA                                        Greater Accra Metropolitan Area 
GLSS                                          Ghana Living Standard Survey 
GSS                                             Ghana Statistical Service 
GPRS                                          Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy 
GWCL                                         Ghana Water Company Limited 
ISSER                                          Institute of Statistic, Social and economic Research 
MP                                               Member of Parliament 
PHC                                             Population and Housing Census 
PPP                                              Public Private Partnerships 
PURC                                          Public Utilities Regulatory Commission (Ghana) 
SAP                                             Structural Adjustment Programmes 
SDG                                             Sustainable Development Goals                                           
WB                                              World Bank 
W.H.O                                         World Health Organization 
 
 
 
 
 
 
xi 
 
CHAPTER ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION 
1.1 Background of the Study 
Poverty is complex and a multi-dimensional phenomenon (Hope, 2004). Due to its complexity, it 
is quite difficult to give a concrete definition. However, the phenomenon is characterized by low 
income, malnutrition, ill health, illiteracy, and insecurity. There could also be a sense of 
powerlessness and exclusion. These different aspects usually interact and combine to keep 
households and at times whole communities in persistent poverty (Ghana Statistical Service, 
2000). From the various characterization, it is absolute that poverty of any kind and at any level is 
a negative phenomenon (Hajnal, 1995). It is associated with inescapable connotation of physical 
wants (Johns & Iliffe, 1989). 
Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa is largely known to be a rural phenomenon (Adjasi and Osei ,2007).  
Rural areas suffer from urban bias thus little developmental intervention gets to them. They 
however in response to this unfair inequality, migrate to the urban centers in search of better life 
and opportunities that are seemingly non-existing. In so doing, poverty is migrated and increased  
in the urban sphere (Cavalcanti, 2005; Owusu & Yankson, 2007; UN-Habitat 2014). It is estimated 
that one third of all urban residents are poor, which represent a quarter of the world’s total 
population (Ravallion,Chen, & Sangraula, 2007). Further studies indicate that the numbers of 
urban poor are predicted to rise. The world cities that were once engines of growth have 
subsequently become engines of poverty.  
Since 1960, Ghana has experienced increasing proportions of its urban population. Despite the fact 
that urbanization  has been associated with growth in economic and social development (UN-
Habitat., 2010), the country has been deficient in matching its urban growth with economic 
transformation; making it difficult for the country to enjoy the benefits that is associated with 
1 
 
urbanization. In spite of this, living conditions are superior for residents of large cities than for 
persons living in smaller cities, towns, and villages ( Brockerhoff &  Brennan, 1998). According 
to the 2010 Population and Housing Census, the urban population in Ghana grew from 8.3 million 
in 2000 to 12.5 million in 2010, showing a growth rate of 4.2 percent per annum during the period 
which is higher than the national average of 2.5 percent. The level of urbanisation in the country 
increased from 43.8 percent in 2000 to 50.9 percent in 2010, an increase of 7.1 percentage points 
during that period. Thus, the country was more urban than rural as at 2010 (Ghana Statistical 
Service, 2013). Massey (1996), however puts it that, as increasing urbanization levels are being 
witnessed in Ghana, the only common phenomenon one could expect is the high levels of poverty 
concentrated in the urban centers. Currently 6.8 million Ghanaians are poor whilst 2.4 million are 
in extreme poverty (Ghana Statistical Service, 2017). 
Even though large numbers of the poor are found in the rural areas of Ghana we cannot under-
estimate the urban poor. Poverty however differs among different segments of the population 
living in the urban space. Urban poverty must therefore be disaggregated and an important 
variation is between the migrants and indigenes. According to the World Bank Group (2017), not 
only are indigenes poorer but their poverty is also more severe as compared to the non-indigenes. 
Current studies show that the gap between poverty rate for indigenes and non-indigenes is not 
closing, but in some cases growing.  The need to break this gap and disparity are areas deserving 
of more policy and research attention. The next section of this chapter will narrow down to 
migration and the nature of urban poverty among migrants and indigenes in Accra. 
 
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1.2 Problem Statement 
Greater Accra Region is a city that is expanding just as other cities in Africa. It is the smallest 
region by land size in Ghana but the most developed and urbanised (90.0%) region (Songsore, 
2010;Ghana Statistical Service, 2013). Accra is estimated to have a population of about 4,010,863 
(GSS, 2010) with an annual growth rate of 4.3%. The process of urbanisation is closely linked 
with industrialisation, commercialisation, economic growth (UN-Habitat, 2012) and migration. 
Urbanisation studies also show that, employment and other opportunities for personal success and 
developments which are not found in the northern section of Ghana are the main reasons why 
people migrate to the south (Awumbila et al. 2011). Most of the people from the north are farmers 
and their farming activities are regulated by seasons. In the lean season, some rural folks then 
migrate to bigger towns to engage in informal jobs as an alternate source of income or as 
supplements to the low income gained from their farm produce. Moreover, work in the city is 
generally not seasonal, thus can be used to supplement income from farming (Centre on Housing 
Rights and Evictions, 2008). 
Migration has been a major means presumed to bring migrants out of poverty (Awumbila, Owusu, 
& Teye, 2014). However, rural- urban migration in particular is usually seen as putting pressure 
on urban structures, environment, employment and associated to rising levels of urban poverty 
(Awumbila, 2015). The 2010 Population and Housing Census results indicate that of all the 
measurements of migration effectiveness, Greater Accra Region had a net gain of 66.4 percent of 
internal migrants. 
Different classes of people migrate to the cities but the new entrants into the system following 
structural adjustment or the labour economy has mainly been a lot of vulnerable people who move 
to poor areas. According to Owusu and Afutu-Kotey (2010) evidence indicates that the bright lights 
3 
 
of cities and towns describe the lure of urban life and the promise that urban centers hold for 
individuals and groups who are hungry, jobless, ill, just curious, and so forth; fueling movements 
to urban centers. Such movements have contributed to the growth of squatter settlements as found 
in Sodom and Gomorrah (Old Fadama) in Accra. For instance, the Centre on Housing Rights and 
Evictions (2008) estimates that about 32 percent of the world’s urban population live in slums 
(Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, 2008). However, studies by Owusu & Yankson (2007) 
shows that the urban poor are most likely to be found in these places due to relatively cheaper cost 
of shelter or free squatting. Similar urban slums, squatter settlements or shanty towns epitomise 
living conditions in Accra especially Ashaiman and Nima. 
 A report on poverty patterns and trends in Ghana released by Ghana Statistical Service (GSS) 
noted that, after four cycles of the Ghana Living Standards Survey (GLSS), Accra more than 
doubled its standard poverty incidence (from 4.4 percent in 1999 to 10.6 percent in 2006) and 
increased its extreme poverty incidence (from 1.3 percent in 1999 to 4.4 percent in 2006). In 
general terms, the report reflects the growing incidence and deepening of pockets of poverty in 
urban areas of Ghana (USAID 2002; Songsore, 2003). However, there is a strong view that urban 
poverty is underestimated in large cities like Accra. The reason being that the urban environment 
is a cash economy which has a direct relation to the cost of housing, water transport and other 
needs which must be catered for by the poor in urban areas (Owusu and Yankson, 2007). 
Regardless of the few benefits of living in urban areas such as proximity to social facilities, in 
general, the benefits of city life is experienced by some few privileged societies. In most cases the 
urban poor have substantial difficulties. Most of these people live a life of insecurity and suffer 
basic social deprivations. Income inequality aside, there are also inequalities in the quality of 
service delivery  (UN-Habitat, 2014). The urban poor often live in overcrowded and unhygienic 
4 
 
conditions, without sanitary facilities, clean water, solid waste collection or proper drainage. 
Where they live is often   located in the vicinity of garbage dumps and polluting factories. Youth 
populations in cities are also faced with high levels of unemployment (Owusu & Afutu-
Kotey,2010). Although there are many dimensions of poverty, the worst-case scenario is 
deprivation of food and essential or basic non-food items. 
The poor are always considered to be a homogenous group. However, the mechanism that induces 
poverty among the two groups (migrants and indigenes) are not the same. Research have painted 
a blurred picture of the situation. Lots of work have been done on urban poverty in general. Some 
works have also been done on migrant poverty (Owusu & Yankson, 2007; Owusu et al, 2008, 
Awumbila et al, 2014)  but there is scarcely literature that tries to compare the two groups (migrants 
and indigenes) that form the urban society to understand the different views that account for 
similarities and differences. Statistics on the situation of indigenes are not readily available because 
few countries collect data disaggregated by ethnicity (Psacharopoulos & Patrinos ,1994; United 
Nations, 2009).  
Meanwhile, the Sustainable Development Goal 11 targets making cities inclusive, safe and 
sustainable. Social inclusiveness at the national level implies taking account of marginalized 
sectors, places and communities. At the local level, it implies accounting for specific individuals 
and groups. To achieve this goal, it means poverty in all aspects in the urban space must be of key 
interest to governments. Also, research into urban poverty must be separated from general poverty 
and may require specific analysis (Baker & Schuler, 2004).This study assesses the dynamism and 
the differences in urban poverty between the different social groups classified by location, their 
access to social services and their socio economic characteristics. It also traced the history of both 
communities through time for a better understanding of their current situations for further analysis.  
5 
 
1.3 Research Questions  
In order to analyze the issues and achieve the stated objectives, the study is guided by the following 
research questions. 
1. What are the different dimensions of poverty in Chorkor and Old Fadama? 
2. What are the livelihood activities and coping strategies of the poor in both communities?  
3. How does the location of these communities affect the provision of services and 
amenities provided to the poor? 
 
1.4 Objectives of the Study 
This comparative study’s main objective is to examine the nature of poverty and life struggles of 
the urban poor in migrant and indigene communities in Accra. 
Specific Objectives  
1. To assess the patterns of poverty among residents in the study communities. 
2. To analyze the livelihood profiles of the poor 
3. To examine  residents ‘access to social amenities and services 
4. To identify the coping strategies of the poor in both communities  
 
1.5 Justification of the Study 
Migrants and indigenes in big cities tend to suffer similarly from marginalization. However, the 
mechanism that induces poverty among the two groups are not the same. Urban communities are 
heterogeneous with different poverty patterns and dynamics. With projections of rapid 
urbanization in Ghana, a critical understanding of urban poverty not alienated from general poverty 
will be crucial to sustainable development. This study is important because it goes beyond that 
6 
 
simplistic conceptualization of poverty to a more diverse and complex narrative. In a nut shell, the 
study will contribute to theory, policy inputs and also academics. 
1.6 Organisation of the Study 
This work is organised into six main chapters. Chapter 1 provides the introduction of the study 
where issues such as background of the study, problem statement, research questions, objectives 
and the justification of the study are discussed. 
Chapter 2 focuses on the literature review where issues such as the concepts of poverty and urban 
poverty, colonisation, inequality and indigene poverty, migration and urban poverty, urbanization 
and poverty nexus, urban poverty in Ghana, coping and adaptation by the urban poor are discussed. 
The chapter also explains the conceptual framework of the study. 
Chapter 3 contains the description of the study communities and the method used in attaining the 
objectives, whilst Chapter 4 and 5 provide the results and discussions on the research. The final 
chapter, Chapter 6, presents the conclusions and recommendations of the study. 
 
 
 
 
 
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CHAPTER TWO 
LITERATURE REVIEW AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 
2.0 Introduction  
Poverty rate has been one of the major instruments for measuring economic growth in both the 
developed and developing world. It is widely held that majority of the country side especially in 
the developing world are poor and impoverished due to urban biased nature of development 
policies undertaken by successive governments (see Lipton, 1977 and Myrdal 1968). However, 
evidence suggests that increasing proportion of the poor people in the developing world are 
concentrated in the urban areas. Consequently, several attempts have been made to understand the 
dynamics of urban poverty. This study aims to undertake a comparative study of urban poverty 
among migrants and indigenes in Chorkor and Old Fadama in Accra. The chapter involves existing 
works which are relevant to the current study. 
Specifically, the chapter examines the concept of urban poverty, urbanization and poverty nexus, 
coping strategies of the urban poor, migration and urban poverty, colonization, inequality and 
indigene poverty as well as accessibility to social amenities and services. The chapter also attempts 
to theorize urban poverty before providing the conceptual framework guiding the study.   
2.1 The Concepts of Poverty and Urban Poverty  
Lok-Dessallien (2013) indicates that while the concept of poverty (be it absolute or relative) is 
multi-dimensional, the metrics of measurement reveals its exact nature. Two broad complementary 
approaches are dominant in the definition of poverty: economic and anthropological interpretations 
(Wratten 1995; Satterthwaite 1995a). Conventional economic definitions use income or 
consumption with a range of other social indicators such as life expectancy, infant mortality, 
8 
 
nutrition, the proportion of the household budget spent on food, literacy, school enrolment rates, 
access to health clinics or drinking water, to classify poor groups against a common index of 
material welfare (Masika et al, 1997). On the other hand, alternative interpretations allow for local 
variation in the meaning of poverty, and expand the definition to encompass perceptions of non-
material deprivation and social differentiation. More generally, there has been widening debates 
on poverty to include more subjective definitions such as vulnerability, entitlement and social 
exclusion (Masika et al, 1997). This indicates that poverty goes beyond mere lack of access to 
physical resources to include issues of unsafe environment, social discrimination and exclusion. 
For instance, while the UN (1995) use indicators such as food, safe drinking water, quality of 
education, and degree of sanitation as poverty indicators,  Sen (1995) sees poverty as ‘capability 
deprivation’. Thus, poverty manifest when one’s ability to perform a given task or accomplish 
certain goals are hampered especially with issues relating to provision of basic needs for one’s self 
and family. Notwithstanding the differences in conceptualizing the concept of poverty, most 
estimates adopt monetary measurements whereby the World Bank’s US$ 1.5 per day is used as 
the benchmark (Ravallion, 2015). Using US$ 1.5 per day, Roser and Ortiz-Ospina (2017) citing a 
World Bank (2013) document indicates that approximately the global incidence of extreme 
poverty declined from almost 100 percent in the 19th century to about 10.7 percent in 2013. Roser 
and Ortiz-Ospina (2017) further indicates that Africa and Asia respectively are the poorest 
continents as approximately 383 million and 327 million of their population live below the poverty 
line.  
In terms of rural-urban interface, several studies have highlighted the dominance of rural poverty 
especially in the developing world. For instance, while Glewwe and Twum-Baah (1991) providing 
an analysis of the third Ghana Living Standard Survey revealed that residents in rural areas 
9 
 
especially in the rural savannah areas of Ghana tend to be poor compared to urban residents in 
Accra,  Adjasi and Osei (2007) concluded that poverty in Ghana is a rural phenomenon. In 
addition, Cord (2014) argues that approximately 75 percent of the world’s poor reside in rural 
areas with severity of poverty being greater in rural than in urban areas.  
Despite the seemingly prevalence of rural poverty in the developing world and the world at large, 
evidence suggests that urban poverty is on the rise and that conscious attempts must be made to 
address the situation. The dominance of urban population in poverty dynamics specifically Africa 
and Asia have led to the evolution of the concept ‘urbanization of poverty’ (Chen and RaKvallion, 
2010). Harding writing in 2007 refers to urban poor as those with income levels below the poverty 
line who live in metropolitan areas. While Harding (2007) definition of poverty could stand the 
test of time when based on mere monetary measures for poverty assessment, the definition exhibits 
a number of weaknesses when the scope of poverty assessment is expanded to address issues of 
inclusion, accessibility and deprivation ( Sen, 1995). 
Masika et al (2007) while admitting that there is no consensus on the definition of urban poverty, 
emphasized the two broad trajectories at conceptualizing urban poverty; economic and 
anthropological interpretations. They further argued that while conventional economic approaches 
of urban poverty dwells on income and/or consumption patterns coupled with other social 
indicators, the anthropologic focus on conception of being disadvantaged in society. The end result 
of the economic and anthropogenic strands is that researchers have tended to describe urban 
poverty by “drawing out the characteristics of urban poverty, often by comparing rural with urban 
poverty” (Masika et al, 2007).  
Whereas income levels has frequently being used in examining urban poverty especially in 
Ghana’s urban space, the current study seeks to merge income levels as well as anthropogenic 
10 
 
indicators to arrive at an all-encompassing examination for urban poverty. The study therefore 
adopts income levels, assets base, nature of shelter, alternative livelihood, and the availability of 
safety nets after Satterthwaite (2001) in examining the poverty levels among the migrants and 
indigenes within the study community.  
2.2 Urbanization and Poverty nexus 
Urbanization refers to the demographic process whereby an increasing share of the national 
population lives within urban settlements. The GSS (2012) refers to any settlement with 
populations above 5,000 as an urban area. According to Mabogunje (2005), urbanization in Africa 
is a novel concept which until recently was limited to a few European countries; the few urban 
centres in Africa were the exclusive residence of white colonialists. Mabogunje (2005) further 
alludes that the Africa’s recent urbanization history makes it the least urbanized region in the 
world. While the UN (2010) estimates that about of 40% of Africa’s population lives in urban 
areas, Mabogunje (2005) projects that approximately 50 percent of the population in Africa will 
be living in urban areas by 2030. 
Several concerns were raised about the costs of urbanization but Arthur Lewis (1977), saw it as 
unavoidable. He intimated that “Urbanization would not be inevitable if we could spread industry 
around the countryside instead of concentrating it in towns, but this is easier said than done. One 
can work hard at establishing rural industries, but except in police states, this is bound to be 
limited.” Rapid urbanization has become one of the important features of most of the emerging 
markets and drive towards economic growth with ideas and human ingenuity (Yuwa and 
Angelopulo, 2011). It is therefore evident that while urbanization is necessary for the development 
of economies, urbanization itself is not a sufficient condition for the attainment of the desired level 
of growth. Thus, urbanization ensures urban population increases to usher in the processes of urban 
11 
 
growth. However, such increases in urban population must tally with other important development 
factors such as creative industries, business innovations and human ingenuity. The absence of this 
factors according to Yuwa and Angelopulo (2011:3) has the propensity “to lead structural 
weaknesses and even breaking points in cities that are not adequately prepared for the uncontrolled 
influx of rural population seeking to improve their lives”.  
Due to the tendency for urbanization to spearhead the process of development, prior studies such 
as Yuwa and Angelopulo (2011), UN-Habitat (2016) and Mabogunje (2005) concluded that 
urbanization is key to the development of nations especially in the developing world. Drawing on 
examples from the developed world, specifically China as a developing nation, Yuwa and 
Angelopulo (2011) indicate that China’s ability to escape the vagaries of urban slum that has 
become the hallmark of cities in countries such as India, Nigeria and Philippines are due to strict 
socialist central planning and has led to massive economic growth. Mabogunje (2005) explains 
that most European countries were able to harness the benefits of urbanization and this propelled 
them to the path of development; their ability to ensure a self-regulated nature of rural-urban 
migration was in tandem with employment opportunities at the peak of their urbanization 
processes.   
Even though there is tendency for urbanization to drive nations towards economic development, 
evidence suggests that urbanization in the developing world is more of a canker than a tool for 
economic development. For instance, Bafana (2016) indicates rapid urbanization in the cities of 
the developing world has led to new set of challenges such as equitable distribution of crucial 
resources.  Yuwa and Angelopu (2011) contend that shifting the underemployed in rural areas to 
more productive areas in urban areas is an important step towards development in Africa. 
However, it is certain that most governments in Africa and the developing world at large lack clout 
12 
 
to get the basis of urbanization right for development. It is not surprising that Clos (2015:5) argues 
that “urbanization in Africa of today is an untapped tool for development and economic growth”. 
The inability of cities in Africa to match urbanization rates on one hand with adequate human 
resource and employment opportunities on the other hand have led to urbanization rates 
outstripping available jobs. The end result has been the glaring incidence of urban poverty in Africa 
and the developing world at large. Contrary to the assertion that urban poverty is a new concept, 
Linn (2017) claims that urban poverty especially in the developing world has been an issue of 
concern since the early 1970s. The UNFPA (2007) revealed that urban poverty is a growing 
challenge and could overtake rural poverty in some countries. 
Due to the increasing rates of urban poverty, attempts have been made to unpack the complexities 
surrounding the genesis of urban poverty especially in the developing world. For instance, 
Elhadary and Samat (2010) claim that the emergence of the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) 
in 1980’s in Africa ushered in urban poverty .They explained that the change in land use pattern 
from subsistence farming to cash crop producing economies following the SAP weakened the 
adaptive capabilities of the rural folks and limited their abilities to resist poverty. Consequently, 
majority of the rural people moved into the cities in search of non-existing jobs. Added to the mass 
movement of the rural people into urban centres in search of jobs, was the austerity measures 
prescribed under the SAP’s lead to cut in government spending and reduced job opportunities in 
most African cities at a time where changing demographics were already churning out a plethora 
of problems for both city authorities and national governments. 
The subsequent population increases led to urbanization without commensurate economic and 
structural growth and the subsequent emergence of urban poverty. Elhadary and Samat (2010) 
assert that urban poverty will continue to increase as always since there is a correlation between 
13 
 
urbanization and the prevalence of urban poverty especially in the developing countries. The UN 
(1998) revealed that the exploding populations of the developing world exacerbate perennial 
problems of poverty and starvation. This work concur with the arguments raised by Elhadary and 
Samat (2010) since unregulated urbanization has been identified to be associated with urban 
poverty. 
2.3 Inequality and Poverty among Indigenes in Ghana  
The colonization period in Ghana (formerly Gold Coast) started with the arrival of the Portuguese 
in 1471. Before the arrival of the Portuguese, a variety of African kingdoms already existed with 
some of them controlling substantial areas. The arrival of the Europeans saw the development of 
infrastructure especially along the coast. In 1842, the Portuguese built the Castle of Elmina which 
was the first European settlement. From the castle they traded slaves, gold, knives, beads, mirrors, 
rum, guns and other goods (Miller, Vandome and McBrewster, N.D). 
After the arrival of the Portuguese and the kind of resources they discovered, news spread quickly 
resulting in the arrival of the English, Dutch, Danish, Prussian and Swedish traders who also came 
to trade. The European traders built lot of forts along the coast. Due to the large gold resources 
found in the area which the Europeans traded in, the name Gold Coast had long been a name for 
the region used by Europeans, although slave trade was also a substantial trade activity. In 1821, 
the British government abolished the African Company of Merchants and put into its custody some 
privately held lands along the coast. The British became more powerful and took over the interests 
of other European countries in the Gold Coast. The Danish Gold Coast became a British territory 
in 1850 whilst the Dutch Gold Coast with Fort Elmina was taken over in 1871 by the British (Miller 
et al 2009). 
14 
 
The colonization of the Gold Coast by the British began when the British started expanding by 
invading local kingdoms as well as other European held territories. Among these local kingdoms 
included the Ashanti Confederacy and Fante Confederacy. The main problem Britain had, was the 
Ashanti people who controlled much of Ghana before the Europeans arrived and today the biggest 
community in Ghana. The British fought many wars, however triumphed in all these wars and by 
1901, all of the Gold Coast was a British colony, with its kingdoms and tribes forming a single 
region. The British shipped a variety of natural resources including gold, metal ores, diamonds, 
ivory, pepper, timber, corn and cocoa from the Gold Coast. The transfer of these resources also 
resulted in the development of infrastructure such as railways and roads which formed the basis 
for the transport infrastructure in modern-day Ghana. Also, hospitals and schools were built by the 
British as an attempt to export what were then modern day amenities to the people of the Empire 
(Miller et al., N.D.). 
Although independence was granted to the Gold Coast subsequently, colonial choices influenced 
post-colonial ones thus the departure from colonial ones was considered very difficult and more 
costly. Following on this trajectory, the current inequality, poverty and development trends has 
been linked to the pattern of development started by colonial masters around the world (MacBeath, 
2010). The progress in social, economic and educational development in Ghana were initiated 
during the years of British administration of the Gold Coast particularly in the twentieth century. 
Communications were greatly improved. For example, the Sekondi-Tarkwa railway, which begun 
in 1898 was extended until it connected most of the important commercial centres of the south. 
By1937, kilometres of roads (9,700), telecommunication and postal services were initiated as well 
(Miller et al., N.D.).  
15 
 
It is argued that most of the developments by the colonial masters were centred on resource rich 
areas where the colonizer could benefit (Settles, 1996).  For instance, the construction of railway 
lines and roads were predominantly in cocoa, gold and bauxite rich areas. Those areas that received 
development in terms of educational, hospital and school infrastructure were centred on the white 
settled areas which were largely in the south. The resultant inequality in development is linked to 
this phenomenon where those areas that were poor in terms of resources had received less 
development (Kees van der Geest, 2010). The colonial administration thus, left uneven 
development which has been re-enforced by current governance practices and processes (Obeng-
Odoom, 2016). Indigenes in urban areas often become an invisible population despite being the 
larger population because of the abstract and non-geographically clustered nature of the 
community, coupled with the continued existence of stereotypes regarding them (United Nations, 
2009). These local areas remain as smaller pockets within a bustling modernized city. Daly and 
Smith (1995) suggests that indigenous families experience substantial and multiple forms of 
economic burden arising from the size, structure of families and households. Individual households 
are more likely to be multi-generational with the aged sharing room with the younger relations or 
residing /competing for space on the same small compound. 
2.4 Migration and Urban Poverty in Ghana 
 There has been much evidence indicating that the flow of migration in Ghana is largely linked to 
socio-economic circumstances in places of origin and place of target. According to the 2000 
Population and Housing Census (GSS 2012), there is a positive relationship between levels of 
socio-economic development and the quantum and course of migration in Ghana. For instance, 
Accra which is classified as the most developed and urbanised settlement in Ghana received a net 
growth of 310 per 1000 inhabitants in the year 2000. Upper West and Upper East regions which 
16 
 
are classified as the least developed regions, recorded net losses of 332 and 219 per 1000 
inhabitants respectively suggesting a movement of people from the poorer regions to Accra 
(Awumbila et al, 2014).  
Similar to trends from other developing countries, the population of Ghana is becoming 
increasingly urbanized. For instance, the urban population in 2010 was 50.9 percent which was in 
excess of more than 5 percent compared to 48.3 percent in year 2000 (GSS 2012). By 2025, the 
urban population in Ghana is projected to reach 63% of the entire population of Ghana. This rapid 
urbanization has been attributed to a complex multiplicity of factors including rural-urban 
migration; natural increase in towns and cities; and re-classification of villages into towns once 
they attain the threshold population of 5000 or over (Songsore,2009). 
It is key to note that there is a simultaneous relationship between migration and urbanization trends 
leading to a decline in poverty levels across the country (Awumbila et al., 2014).The absolute 
numbers of the poor has declined from about 7.4 million individuals in 1992 to about 6.2 million 
individuals in 2006, more than 10 percent reduction (GSS, 2007). Even though comparatively the 
situation of poverty in urban areas is relatively lower than rural centres, current statistics indicate 
that poverty levels in the urban areas are on the rise (GSS 2007;Owusu and Yankson, 2007). 
Although, Accra is considered the least poor across Ghana with more economic activities in the 
country, evidence show that after four rounds of the Ghana Living Standards Survey (GLSS), 
Accra more than doubled its standard poverty incidence from 4.4 percent in 1999 to 10.6 percent 
in 2006. The increase in poverty has been partly blamed on net migration of poor migrants to the 
city (GSS, 2007). Some have asserted that the poverty situation in urban Ghana especially in Accra 
has been underestimated. This is based on the fact that the adjustments made in the setting of the 
poverty line in terms of the non-food consumption are very low in relation to the cost of housing, 
17 
 
transport, water and other needs which must be paid for by the poor in urban areas (Owusu and 
Yankson, 2007).  
According to Awumbila et al.(2014), the view that rural migrants bring their poverty to the urban 
centres, contributing to urban poverty, is too simplistic and needs a further probe. This view is 
further supported by Ravallion et al. (2007) who assert that as a country’s population become 
urbanized due to rural-urban migration, poverty levels begin to fall mainly due to higher economic 
growth associated with more rapid urbanization rather than due to re-distribution. More 
specifically for Ghana, Cavalcanti (2005) notes that the rapid reduction in poverty levels at least 
in the last two decades (from about 52 percent in 1991 to 28 percent in 1996) can be partly 
attributed to urbanization leading to a movement away from agriculture toward urban economic 
activities. Therefore, while rural-urban migrants may be poor before their initial movement into 
urban centres, they become less poor with time, leading to actual reduction in poverty levels 
(Awumbila et al., 2014).  
The linkages between urbanization, migration and poverty are multivariate with each having either 
a direct or indirect relationship on the other. People can migrate because of severe poverty or as a 
livelihood chosen by a household to improve their wealth and living conditions (Awumbila et al., 
2014). This is corroborated by the rampant migration in Ghana during the economic crisis from 
the 1970s to 1980s where people adopted migration as a basic strategy to survive (Awumbila et al, 
2011; Kwankye & Anarfi, 2011) .The receipt of remittances from migrants in urban areas by those 
in rural areas has led to the motivation for more people especially women to migrate to urban areas 
such as Accra and Kumasi to work as domestic workers and head porters (Awumbila et al. 2008, 
2011).  
18 
 
The perception harboured by some people that migrant households are better compared to 
indigenous households (Clemens and Pritchett, 2008; Sabates-Wheeler et al, 2007) coupled with 
the variances in income and living standards between places (Awumbila et al. 2011b; Murrugarra 
et al, 2011) also serve as incentive for people to migrate. Moreover the search for job has been 
relevant for people to migrate (Awumbila et al. 2011b;Black et al, 2006;Kwankye et al, 2009; 
Mensah-Bonsu, 2003). In situations where official employment figures decline for formal jobs, the 
informal sector has a lot of opportunities for migrants (Songsore, 2003). Large cities in many 
developing countries have large migrant populations that are poor, frequently living in slums and 
relying on the informal sector for employment (Park & Wang, 2010). 
Conversely, some studies have also revealed that poverty can serve as a limit on migration and 
other employment opportunities. For instance, Sabates-Wheeler et al. (2007) found that poor 
international migrants from Ghana were more likely to travel irregularly (without documents) than 
non-poor migrants. Irregular international migrants find it more difficult to accrue assets and 
savings. They face much more risk during travel and at end point, and may be compulsorily 
returned. Poverty can also control possible distances of migration. For instance, in the Upper West 
region of Ghana, well-off migrants were found to move more often to the urban centres of the 
south, including Accra, while the poor and uneducated migrated over shorter distances, usually to 
the Brong Ahafo region (Van der Geest, 2011).The Metropolitan Area of Accra-Tema is a 
particularly striking example of the impact that migrant communities can have on the growth of 
cities (both in terms of population and space). Migrant communities in Accra include Sabon 
Zongo, Accra New Town, Nima, Maamobi and Old Fadama. Migrants are motivated by many 
elements including social networks, exclusion from housing or employment in indigenous 
neighbourhoods, racism and protection in numbers, and in order to claim land to farm (Agyei-
19 
 
Mensah and Owusu, 2009; Yaro et al, 2011). Many of these migrant communities end up in slums 
(Owusu et al, 2008). The total number of people living in slums in Ghana increased from 4.1 
million in 2001 to 5.5 million in 2008 (GNA 2012). Owusu et al. (2008) describe urban slums as 
‘the new face of poverty in Ghana’, which are host to many internal and international migrants. 
2.5 Urban Poverty in Ghana 
Ghana like most developing countries and their economies have not been immune from the 
incidence of urban poverty. The situation is pronounced in the urban areas of Accra, Kumasi and 
Tamale. The Ghana Statistical Service (2012) using population threshold explain ‘urban centre’ as 
any settlement with a population of 5,000 or more. Previous estimates such as GSS (2012) 
indicated that urban population in 2010 accounted for 50.9 of the total population indicating a 7.1 
percent increase in urban population from the 2000 census. Another report by Index Mundi (2015) 
estimates that approximately 54% of Ghana’s population lives in urban areas with annual 
urbanization rate of 3.4%. The growing number of urban population over the years has served the 
country well in terms of availability of skilled and unskilled labour to undertake many 
developmental projects.  
However, one striking feature of Ghana’s urbanisation is the growth in the population of smaller 
cities compared to the big cities (Yusupha, 2015). Despite the role of urbanization in national 
development, uncontrolled urbanization has been singled out as a major cause of urban poverty in 
Ghana. This is evidently so since increasing levels of urbanization move in tandem with urban 
poverty. In terms of the rural-urban dynamics, Glewwe and Twum-Baah (1991) based on the third 
Ghana Living Standard Survey reported that rural poverty is more prevalent than urban poverty. 
Edgar et al (2016) opined that households in rural areas 37.9 percent have a higher average rate of 
poverty than those in urban areas 10.6 percent. While poverty eradication in Ghana especially 
20 
 
before the 1990’s focused on rural poverty, the uncovering of the veil thereafter led to the 
understanding that urban poverty deserves equal attention if not more than rural poverty.  
The incidence of poverty has not been uniform across Ghana. Using a national poverty line of 
GHC 1,314 per annum, Ghana Living Standards Survey (GLSS 6) revealed that there has been 7.7 
percent fall in urban poverty between 2006 and 2013.  The percentage fall recorded could be 
attributed to social interventions policies such as Livelihood Empowerment Adjustment Program 
(LEAP), National Youth Employment Program (NYEP), and National Health Insurance Scheme 
(NHIS) among others that sought to reduce poverty and all forms of inequality.  The report further 
indicated that Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA) has the lowest poverty incidence of 3.5 
percent among the other geographical areas in Ghana. 
Edgar et al (2016) found out that while urban poverty experienced almost a quarter decline, the 
number of people living in urban poverty decreased by just 10 percent. It therefore suggests that 
whereas there is the tendency for policy intervention to bring a change with respect to poverty 
reduction, such changes may not be cross cutting and all compassing due to existing inequalities 
in information, accessibility and resource distribution. The inequalities become glaring in the 
urban centres where the rich always outbid the poor. The poor is always marginalized and 
subsequently trapped into cyclical poverty. 
2.6 Marginalisation and Social Exclusion in Service Provision 
The Ghanaian economy has seen some degree and level of improvement ever since it attained a 
middle income status. However, Emmerij (1997) posits that there is an obvious increasing 
challenge of inequality and some degree of informality in the economy. Bafana (2016) also 
indicates rapid urbanization in the cities of the developing world has led to new set of challenges 
such as equitable distribution of crucial resources. A research by Kakwani (1993) also found out 
21 
 
that poverty in a country is affected by changes in these economic growth and inequality. 
According to (Amis 1995; Moser 1995), there are two main approaches to urban poverty which 
includes physical infrastructure problems of housing, sanitation, water, land use and transportation. 
While the second approach focuses on economic and social infrastructure issues such as 
employment, education and community services. However, imbalances in these approaches have 
led to the urban poor living a life of insecurity and suffering from basic social deprivations. Income 
inequality aside, there are also inequalities in the quality of service delivery and in the access to 
and control of urban resources such as water (UN-Habitat,2014).  
However, it has become common that the rapid growth of urban populations has led to worsening 
in absolute and relative poverty in urban areas (Masika et al, 1997).This is especially in severely 
dysfunctional urban landscape for which the term ‘slum’ serves as shorthand for low income 
communities. The United Nations Human Settlements Program (2003) predicted that in the 
absence of new government interventions, current urbanization trends over the next 30 years will 
lead to one in every three people worldwide living in urban slums characterized by poor public 
health, inadequate public services and widespread violence and insecurity. Nevertheless, some 
have questioned the definition of the term ‘slum’, and argued that it is a relative concept that is 
viewed differently according to social class, culture and ideology (Gilbert,` 2007). The United 
Nations Agency Habitat (2003) estimated that there are approximately one billion people living in 
slums globally. While only 6% of the city populations of developed countries live in slum 
conditions, the slum population constitutes a staggering 78.2 percent of the urban population in 
less developed countries (Davis 2006; UN-Habitat 2003; 2006; UNFPA 2007).There is however 
high level of stigmatization of the urban poor in terms of geographical location. These dimensions 
22 
 
of stigmatisation have direct effects on households’ vulnerability, livelihoods strategies and 
outcomes (George Owusu et al., 2008). 
Songsore in his paper, “The urban transition in Ghana; urbanization, national development and 
poverty reduction” opined that, “poverty and marginality within the city is becoming structural 
with a growing number of the youth who have nothing to offer to these globalizing and liberalized 
economies except to add to the growing problem of street children, child prostitution, child labour, 
urban violence and the drug/criminal economy.” These are the repercussions of such marginalities 
and inequalities in a country. Clearly, one can tell that urbanization levels have not being at par 
with infrastructural and social development in the country, hence posing great challenge to its 
development. Amartya Sen (1999) conceptualizes development as having the improvement of 
lives at its core. ISSER (2013) also suggests that development is “a process of change that may 
lead to improvement in social, political, environmental and economic well-being and increased 
confidence of people.” It is in the backdrop of this concept of development that Ghanaians see it 
imperative to be concerned with social issues and matters relating to development. 
2.7 Coping and adaptation by the urban poor  
Even though urbanization is viewed as a key variable in social and economic change according to 
Zarate et al (1975), much of such economic prospects are not seen much in the African context. 
Over the years, successive governments that assume the reigns of this country have tried and tested 
several development plans. The country has seen development plans such as the Ghana Poverty 
Reduction Strategy (GPRS I and II) 2003 to 2009, the First Step (1996-2000) and the Ghana Vision 
2020. These plans are to consolidate the gains achieved so far in the area of political, economic, 
social development and the resultant reduction in poverty through economic growth. However, the 
challenges have been overwhelming partly due to the poor management of urbanization situation 
23 
 
in the country. Urbanization in Ghana is that which is characterized by unfortunate circumstances 
like slum development, poor planning, and inadequate infrastructure, pressure on existing 
facilities, crime and unemployment among others. Even if successive governments have achieved 
any of these plans, life in the city has not been favourable to all but few. Lewis (1959; 1966) 
“culture of poverty” perspective maintains that people living in poverty develop values, attitudes 
and behaviors that are different from the rest of the population. For Lewis, such differences 
represent a cultural strategy used to face a history of personal and collective failures and the lack 
of opportunities experienced on daily basis. 
Poverty is not a desirable phenomenon and for that matter, the poor also adapts certain measures 
in order to survive. Nevertheless, the coping strategies adapted by the poor against poverty and 
food insecurity depend on whether the household is female headed or male headed (Owino et al., 
2013).  Most poor female headed households either minimise the meals they take per day or have 
imbalance meals. Some women drop some children, most especially the eldest child out of school 
to work in support of the other children. Other women send some of their children to live with 
other relatives to ease the pressure of dependency on them. Some heads even go into prostitution 
to earn enough money to pay for their rent. Alternatively, some female migrants perch and depend 
on their male counterparts in the cities. This makes them more vulnerable.  
Men on the other hand sell their assets or find secondary jobs to support the earnings from the 
initial jobs. Some also reduce the intake of meals per day. Some youth and most especially the 
unemployed turn into bad behaviours like theft and armed robbing. Currently in Ghana, some of 
the youth have become regular sperm donors to fertility homes and are paid for their services. 
Others seek spiritual solutions especially the help of fetish priest and priestesses. Money rituals or 
“Sakawa” as popularly known is the order of the day. 
24 
 
2.8 Conceptual Framework 
According to Shields and Rangarajan (2013), the way ideas are organised to achieve a research 
project’s purpose is a conceptual framework. The frame work is an important aspect of this 
research due to its role in the organization of the various ideas about the topic. It also guides the 
process of data collection and its analysis. Whereas the previous sections examined all the relevant 
concepts and also the overall theory, an illustration of the connection between them within this 
study is shown. 
2.9 Definition of Terms 
2.9.1 Poverty 
Poverty is a multi-dimensional phenomenon, thus assessing it presents a number of challenges. 
The most common approach to measuring poverty is quantitative, money-metric measures which 
use income or consumption to assess whether a household can afford to purchase a basic basket of 
goods at a given point in time (Chamhuri et al, 2012). A household is a person or  group of people, 
related or non-related living together in the same housing unit, share the same housekeeping  and 
kitchen arrangements and identify an adult male or female as the head of the household 
(GSS,2014). Contemporarily there have been other approaches such as social inequality, political 
exclusion, deprivation and vulnerability in defining poverty. In this study poverty is defined to 
involve both the money-metric measures and the contemporary approaches. This is manifested in 
the various interpretations given by informants in section four of the work. Poverty is also analysed 
at both the individual and the community level. It’s a social problem rooted in historic and 
contemporary social structures, policies and values that support the inequitable distribution of 
resources among individuals and communities (Abramovitz 1998; National Association of Social 
Workers, 2009).  
25 
 
While the dimensions of poverty are many, there is a subset of characteristics that are more 
pronounced for the poor in urban areas and may require specific analysis (Baharaoglu & Kessides, 
2002). Urban poverty is characterised by substantial dependence on cash economy (Chamhuri et 
al., 2012), inseparable social problems including sexism, ageism, homelessness, hunger, poor 
health, inadequate health care, lack of educational opportunities and limited access to community 
resources (Rank, 2005). One other major characteristic of urban poverty is the creation of slums 
or shanty towns. Poverty is therefore a barrier to wellbeing. 
2.9.2 Vulnerability 
The Vulnerability Context forms the external environment in which people exist and gain 
importance through direct impacts upon people’s asset status (Devereux, 2001). According to the 
Sustainable Livelihood Framework, it comprises Trends (i.e. demographic trends; resource trends; 
trends in governance), Shocks (i.e. human, livestock or crop health shocks; natural hazards, like 
floods or earthquakes; economic shocks; conflicts in form of national or international wars) and 
Seasonality (i.e. seasonality of prices, products or employment opportunities) and represents the 
part of the framework that lies furthest outside stakeholder’s control. 
2.9.3 Agents 
This is the core and primary concern of any given framework. In the context of this study, it refers 
to the households. Sen (2001) in his book, “Development as freedom” explains that an agent is 
someone who acts and brings about change, whose achievement can be evaluated in terms of his 
or her own values and objectives. Sen’s definition means the agent determines the height he wants 
to attain in every endeavour he undertakes. The agent is also guided by some goals or objectives. 
These guides can also be achievements which he needs to follow (Sen, 1992).For instance as a 
household in Chorkor, the goal is to get a permanent job and a good salary so as to enjoy the 
26 
 
benefits of a “good living”. This ability to act and take a decision for one’s own betterment makes 
one an agent. According to Sen (1996), the “good life” is partly a life of genuine choice, and not 
one in which the person is forced into a particular life —however rich it might be in other respects. 
Friedrich Nietzsche reasoned that man has the opportunity of choice however, he makes such 
choices constructed around his own egoistic desires - “will to power” (Nietzsche, 2011).  
Conversely according to Karl Marx in his famous book “The Communist Manifesto”, the modern 
society sees people as agents even though to him, the principles of the bourgeoisie control these 
agents (Marx & Engels 1967). 
2.9.4 Structures 
Structures are products of the intended and unintended actions of people. They also subsequently 
shape people’s action; not by strict determination but by providing flexible orientation points 
which may either constrain or enable what is possible” (Leach et al., 1999: 230). According to 
Barker (2005) the recurrent patterned provisions in a society which impact or limit the choices and 
opportunities available to people is known as structures. These can be laws, policies, institutions, 
ideologies, norms and so on in any given society. For the purposes of this work, structures refers 
to hierarchical societal authority (Lin et al., 2001), policies, interventions and the resources that 
are at the disposal of agents to help them arrive at the desired goals (Sen, 2001). Figure 2.1 gives 
a pictorial representation of the conceptual framework. 
 
27 
 
 
Figure 2.1: Wellbeing, Vulnerability and Poverty Model (adopted from DFID, 2000)  
The major elements in this framework are poverty, vulnerability, agents, assets, structures, and 
wellbeing. Poverty is at the bottom. Poverty is explained in two terms; the community level and 
individual poverty. Individual poverty is the condition in which an individual lacks the basic needs 
for survival. These basic needs include adequate income, good housing, material possessions and 
improved food security. There is also a sense of marginality and social exclusion etc. Community 
poverty is the state where a community lacks infrastructural development. Infrastructural in this 
sense is the basic physical systems of a community. These include good roads and communication 
systems, sewage, water, electrical systems, schools, hospital and safety. There is also community 
disparity. Safety is the protection provided by the security services. In this research, vulnerability 
28 
 
means the risk of not being able to provide the basic necessities of life. A vulnerable person is 
unprotected and at the risk of abuse or neglect by society. Asset is something valuable that the 
individual owns, benefits from or generates income from. For this work, assets include physical 
and material possessions such as land. It also includes education. The agent is the main actor of 
which all the other concepts in this research revolve around. Agent represent households in the 
research community. The structures for the purposes of this work are institutional, policies and 
regulations that affect the decisions of the agent.  These regulations affect the actions and inactions 
of the agents. 
The ultimate target of the framework is wellbeing.  Wellbeing in this work is when an individual 
attains a certain level of satisfaction in life. This is the stage when one has higher income, good 
housing and improved food security just to mention few. Income is the monthly or weekly money 
one gets from the work he or she does. This is the money the individual relies on solely for survival 
and the upkeep of the household. Good housing is not just the mere structure but the comfort one 
needs in a structure.  A good housing facility must also be available and free from overcrowding. 
Improved food security means that an individual must be able to provide for him/herself and the 
family a three square meal and the food must also be a balanced meal.  
Households need capabilities in order to achieve wellbeing. The assumption is that the structures 
must provide agents with capabilities for them to achieve this wellbeing. Nonetheless, structures 
in society are generally to ensure the wellbeing of the entire society. However in this study, it is 
found out that in some cases, these structures also avert the agents from attaining their worth of 
life – wellbeing. This is why between structures and wellbeing, the connector carries the caption 
positive/negative. 
29 
 
In the framework, the assumption is that households are operating in the context of vulnerability. 
They either have access to an asset or have no access to any asset depending on the environment 
in which they find themselves. If the agents laid hold on an asset being it financial, social etc., 
these assets pass through a medium called the structures. The structures are institutions and polices 
that can facilitate or impede the progress of the agents. If the prevailing social, institutional and 
organisational environment are favourable, the agents are able to achieve their wellbeing. This 
means ,the agents enjoy the essence of life (Robinson,1989) with good jobs, good housing, enough 
food etc.  
In some cases it is found out that, these structures also avert the agents from attaining their quality 
of life – wellbeing. If these structures are not favourable, households retrogress back into poverty. 
The framework also shows that agents that could not laid hold on any asset, be it social, human, 
economic etc. also do not progress but remain in poverty. Agents with the least access to economic, 
social and political resources often live at great risk of dependence, homelessness and death in 
ordinary and extraordinary circumstances (Gardner et al, 2010). In totality the elements in this 
study work concurrently. 
  
30 
 
CHAPTER THREE 
PROFILE OF STUDY AREA AND METHODOLOGY 
3.0 Introduction 
This chapter presents the profile of the study communities as well as the methodology employed.  
The physical characteristics of both Chorkor and Old Fadama as well as their socio-economic 
factors are also presented. 
3.1 History and Location of Chorkor 
Chorkor is a Twi phrase “Tswa Kor” literally meaning “Cut and Go”. It was one of the oldest 
estates built by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of the Republic of Ghana for the military 
after the colonial masters left Ghana, the then Gold Coast. Subsequently, the estate became an 
alternative settlement for the people of James Town to ease housing pressures due to 
overcrowding. Formerly, the coastal side was for agricultural purposes, that is, for the cultivation 
of food crops such as tomatoes, pepper and maize. The other portions of the land were for human 
settlement. 
Presently, Chorkor is one of the oldest indigene communities in the Accra Metropolis in the 
Greater Accra region of Ghana. It is situated along the Atlantic Ocean and located on 
Latitude: 5°31'36.88" and Longitude: -0°14'31.74". It has an estimated terrain elevation of 113 
metres above sea level. It shares boundaries with Korle Gonno to the east, Agege to the west, 
Mamprobi to the North and the Atlantic Ocean washes its southern boundary. Chorkor was 
formerly dominated by the Ga-Adamgbe group. Even though the Ga -Adamgbes still dominates, 
there are other ethnic groups like the Akan and Ewe that are now found in Chorkor. Chorkor is 
one of the oldest fishing community along the shores of Accra. The main occupation of the people 
is fishing. Most of the men in the community are fishermen and the women are fishmongers.  
31 
 
According to Brown (1923), the sea fishing industry along the coast began in the second half of 
the 18th century. Tuesday Market which is the main market in the section was established in the 
1950s. The main aim was to establish a community fishing market. The name Tuesday was named 
after the market because it was the day that fishing activities were forbidden in Chorkor and the 
surrounding communities. The women sell their smoked fishes at the market on Tuesdays. 
Fishermen also use that day to mend their torn fishing nets and do any other repairs on their canoes 
and other fishing equipment. Apart from the fishing business, some few people are into other 
trading activities like the sale of food stuffs. Others are also into other vocations like hair dressing 
and sewing. 
Chorkor has suburbs with different classes of people. These suburbs are Chorkor Extra “O”, 
Chorkor Ojoo Gormli, Chorkor Tea Garden, Chorkor Chemunaa, Chorkor Galilea and Chorkor 
Lante Maamli. The community is noted for high illiteracy rate, poor housing conditions, improper 
waste disposal, poor drainage system, bad odour, filth and other insanitary conditions. The 
community is also noted for high level of teenage pregnancy in the Accra Metropolis. 
3.2 History and Location of Old Fadama 
Old Fadama popularly known as Sodom and Gomorrah is a slum community in Accra that 
occupies 146 hectares of land along the Odaw River and the Korle Lagoon. Old Fadama was a 
wetland in the 1960s and as the cities of Accra urbanized the wet land expanded. Settlement in this 
community has currently extended into some portions of the Korle Lagoon. These portions are 
filled with saw dust. Old Fadama was used as a refugee camp for people from the Kokomba 
Nanumba War in the 1980s and currently, it is the settlement area for large numbers of people. An 
enumeration undertaken in 2009 shows that the area has a total population of 79,684, with a 
population density of 2,424 persons per hectare according to the Housing the Masses 2010 report. 
32 
 
It is one of the largest informal settlements in Accra. The area was and continues to be a hub for a 
large number of migrants from around the country, the majority of whom are young people from 
the northern parts of Ghana. Today the place also serves as shelter for young women escaping 
early marriages and as an asylum for old women who are accused by their families as witches.  
Apart from the Northerners, the area is also home to a number of nationals from neighbouring 
countries in the West African region. The population size of Old Fadama continues to grow 
because of rural urban shift. More people have also moved to the area over the years and continue 
to do so because of affordable housing. This makes Old Fadama very attractive to young adults in 
search of greener pastures, particularly young females from the northern regions of the country 
who come to work in Accra as head porters (Awumbila et al., 2014). These head porters are 
popularly called “kayayei” in the Ga language. “Kaya” means load whiles “Yei” means women, 
hence the term, “kayayei”. A considerable number of residents are engaged in the small food 
markets, selling of food items such as yams, onions and tomatoes. There are a number of small 
economic enterprises and services for residents, such as hairdressing, food production and 
dressmaking (Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, 2008). 
Old Fadama is also popularly noted for the collection and sale of electronic waste materials which 
is mostly engaged in by young men and children. It is a strategically smart place to live because 
people find a network of relatives from their places of origin there, hence they can pool resources 
together (George Owusu et al., 2008). There is however filth, poor housing conditions and 
indiscriminate waste disposal and this has affected the aquatic lives in the Korle Lagoon. The 
community is ranked with bad odour. There is also the absence of a proper drainage system in this 
community. The community is also noted for frequent fire out breaks due to the unplanned building 
structures and the nature of materials used in building. 
33 
 
Presently, the various suburbs of the community are Abuja, Yam Market and the Onion Market. 
The Yam Market is the stretch nearby to the Korle lagoon. Abuja is along the Katamanto rail line 
and close to the Agbogloshie Market. 
Below is a map showing the study area and the selected communities for study. 
 
Figure 3.1: Map of the Study Area Showing the Study Communities 
Source: Author’s Construct 
 
 
34 
 
3.3 Research Design and Strategy 
The comparative case study design was used for this work. It embodied the logic of comparison. 
Social phenomena could be better understood when they are compared in relation to two or more 
meaningfully contrasting cases or situations. The comparative design also distinguishes the 
characteristics of the two cases and that serves as a springboard for further theoretical reflection 
on the nature of poverty in these communities ( Bryman, 2012). This helps to sharpen the focus of 
analysis of the subject under study by suggesting new perspectives (Linda Hantrais, 1995).  
This work employed the mixed method approach. Mixed method simply means the combination 
of different techniques for the collection and analysis of data  ( Bryman, 2001). The term mixed 
method is used as a simple shorthand to stand for research that integrates quantitative and 
qualitative research within a single project ( Bryman, 2012). The mixed method research provides 
a broader and more credible understanding of the research problem than a dichotomous 
qualitative/quantitative approach (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2010).  
This work also employed the use of both primary and secondary sources of data. The primary data 
sources for this research included survey questionnaires, observation, in-depth interviews and 
focus group discussions. Secondary data sources involved particularly Ghana Statistical Service’s 
(GSS) socio-economic and population reports, census reports and a review of existing literature 
on urban poverty, migrant and indigenous poverty, migration and livelihoods.   
3.4 Selection of Research Site 
The study sites were chosen based on indigene and migrant statues. Old Fadama was chosen 
because it is one of the fastest growing migrant communities and slum in the Accra Metropolis. 
The community is also located in the centre of the city. It is one of the largest informal settlements 
in Accra (Afenah, 2010) with a very high population size. More people have moved to the area 
35 
 
over the years and continue to do so due to rural urban drift and housing affordability, which makes 
Old Fadama very attractive to young adults in search of greener pastures, particularly young 
females from the northern regions of the country who come to work in Accra as head porters 
(Awumbila & Owusu, 2014). 
Chorkor was also chosen because it is one of the oldest indigene communities along the coast of 
Accra and under the Accra Metropolitan Assembly. It is also one of the coastal communities with 
a very high youthful population. The location and selection of both communities enabled an in-
depth appreciation of the issue under discussion for a better comparison among the two 
communities. It also enabled the researcher to define the problem more concisely (Kothari, 2004). 
3.5 Quantitative Data 
3.5.1 Survey 
The use of questionnaires ensure reliability and validity of research findings, this makes it ideal 
for this work (Teye, 2012). Questionnaires were administered to respondents in the household 
level in both communities. In terms of the migrant community, questionnaires were administered 
to both new and old migrants who were preferably household heads. Old migrants were those 
people that have stayed in the community a year and more. The new migrants are the new entrants 
that have stayed in the community less than a year. The old migrant respondents had stayed in this 
community long enough to be well abreast with much information concerning the area. With the 
indigene community, questionnaire administration did not have any time limit because most of the 
people are natives of the land. 
A structured questionnaire seeks to know the knowledge of respondents on poverty by certain 
indicators of basic needs. Both closed and open-ended questionnaire employed to seek 
information on the changes in service provision in the communities over time.  Also, basic 
36 
 
background characteristics of respondents such as age, sex, marital status, highest education level, 
household size, income sources and ownership of assets were captured in the questionnaire. 
3.5.2 Sample method and size  
According to the 2010 Population and Housing Census Report, the total number of households in 
Chorkor was 7,396 and that of Old Fadama as 8,873. In summation, both households amounted to 
16,269.Using Yamane (1967), a simplified formula to calculate the sample size at 95% confidence 
level and assuming maximum variability to be .5 (p=5) with a 5% level of precision the equation 
is assumed as follows: 
 
Where n is the sample size, N is the households in the study communities, and e is the level of 
precision.  When this formula is applied to the population size, the results is as follows: 
𝑁
𝑛 =  
1+ N(𝑒)2
16269 16269
𝑛 =                    𝑛 =  
1+ 16269(0.05)2 1+ 16269(0.05)2
16269
𝑛 =       
40.675
 𝑛 =    399.98                 𝑛 = 400      
                             Proportionately:  Chorkor =   04546*400 
                                                                       = 181.84 
                                                        Old Fadama = 0.5435*400\ 
                                                                              = 218.36 
                           Using 200 questionnaires: Chorkor =91  
                                                                     Old Fadama =109 
37 
 
A sample size of 200 households was used. The sample size for the communities was selected 
based on the number of households of each community and using the Yamane table (1967).  
Proportionally, Chorkor was represented with 91 households and that of Old Fadama 109.This is 
based on the 2010 Population and Housing Census report which shows more households in Old 
Fadama as compared to Chorkor.  
 
3.5.3 Method of Sampling 
The sampling method used was stratified random sampling. Subpopulations within the various 
suburbs of both communities were formed. With the assistance of the Kish Grid the selected 
structures were listed and the households in the selected structures were ordered. Then with equal 
probability households were selected from the sampled households. The respondents were 
preferably the heads of the selected households. In other instances where the head was not available 
any responsible and knowledgeable member of the household was interviewed. 
 
3.6 Qualitative Data 
Apart from the use of questionnaires, this research also employed the use of in-depth interviews 
and focus group discussions. According to Sarantakos (2005), the central principles of the 
qualitative methodology include the fact that its aims are open and explorative; it involves 
communication between researchers and respondents and its flexibility with regard to choice of 
research instruments and procedures .Also according to Quinn (1980), the strategy in a qualitative 
research is to allow important dimensions to emerge from analysis of the cases under study without 
supposing in advance what those dimensions will be. This gives a clear understanding on the 
spatial variations in poverty among these communities. 
38 
 
3.6.1 In-depth Interview 
Interviews invoke the deep thinking and knowledge of respondents. It is extremely useful method 
for developing an understanding of an issue which is not fully understood or appreciate the 
experiences of people. An in-depth interview which allows person-person discussion was also 
employed. It also asked questions that led to increased insight into individual thoughts, feeling and 
behaviour on the issue of poverty. A total of 20 in-depth interviews conducted, 10 interviews in 
each community. 5 interviews were conducted for women and 5 interviews for men in each 
community. The criteria for selection of respondents for the migrants were both old (one year stay 
and above) and new migrants (less than a year stay). Also the young and old were considered. The 
same criteria were applied to the selection of indigenes. 
 
3.6.2 Expert interview 
Expert interviews were also conducted with personnel of the Accra Metropolitan Assembly, basic 
service providers and NGOs. Also, assembly men and the traditional chiefs of both communities 
were interviewed. The assembly men and chiefs were asked about their knowledge of poverty in 
the study communities and the initiatives put forward to minimise the phenomenon in both 
communities. The personnel from NGOs were questioned on their participation in reducing 
poverty in the study communities. Personnel from ECG and GWCL were asked on services they 
provide to the communities, the terms and charges involved in the provision of those services. 
Questions were also asked on the satisfaction and the reactions of the people in terms of payment 
to the services rendered to them. The personnel from AMA and the MP of Ablekuma South District 
were also asked about government interventions and plans for both communities (Old Fadama and 
Chorkor) 
39 
 
3.6.3 Focus Group  
The focus group method is a form of group interview in which  there are several participants; there 
is an emphasis in the questioning on a particular fairly tightly defined topic; and the accent is upon 
interaction within the group and the joint construction of meaning ( Bryman, 2012).It is also a 
carefully planned discussion design to obtain perceptions and opinions in a defined area of interest 
in a permissive and a non- threatening environment (Gibbs,1997). Denzin and Lincoln (1994) also 
defined focus group as a situation in which the interviewer asks group members very specific 
questions about a topic of interest after considerable research has already been completed. 
One focus group discussion was organised in each community. It was an 8 member group and a 
mixed group. A mixed group was preferred for different views on the issue in an interactive 
manner. It comprised of 4 men and 4 women. Among the 4 women were the unemployed woman, 
traders and women leader. The same criteria was applied to the men. The mixed group was 
considered in this research work to better enlighten on the different shapes and meaning to poverty.  
The men/women leaders were important because they might have much knowledge of the 
communities. The main reason for the discussion was for the people to give their meaning and 
understanding of poverty in the communities and also give detailed examples too. Also the 
researcher  developed an understanding about why the  people feel the way they do (Bryman, 
2012) when it comes to issues relating to poverty. 
                         
 
 
 
 
40 
 
 
Below is a summary of the qualitative data collection process: 
Table 3.1: Summary of Qualitative Data Collection 
Qualitative Research Tools Number of Participants Number of Interviews 
                                                               Chorkor Old Fadama 
In-depth interviews:    
Men  5          5                20                       
Women 5          5 
Interviews with key informants:   
Officials from Accra Metropolitan                                                                           
Assembly, Electricity Company of   
Ghana, Ghana Water Company                  8 8 
 Zoomlion, Assembly men and Chiefs 
Focus group discussion:                                                        
Men   4           4                   2 
Women  4           4 
Field observation                                     Researcher 
                                    Researcher 
Field notes 
 
 
 
 
41 
 
3.7 Data Analysis 
The quantitative data analysis was aided by the use of the software Statistical Package for Social 
Scientists (SPSS). Within this package, descriptive statistics was used to analyse and describe 
quantitative data from questionnaires. Frequency tables were generated to show patterns in 
education, type of employment, income level, housing conditions, water accessibility and waste 
disposal. A Pie chart was used to examine the strategies that households adopted or did not adopt 
in terms of economic hardship to examine the effectiveness of households’ strategies in meeting 
their objectives such as to achieve food security and increase family income. For presentation, 
simple frequencies, cross tabulation and bar graphs were used to describe and discuss results 
obtained from the field. Chi square was used to test the level of significance of variables between 
the two communities in terms of the differences in housing characteristics, income differentials, 
asset ownership, availability and access to water, sources of fuel and ranking of social problems. 
The qualitative data from the in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were recorded on 
the field with the aid of phone and manually analysed. The recordings were then transcribed. 
Various themes such as the perceptions of poverty, strategies of households and the effectiveness 
of household strategies were outlined. Codes were assigned to these themes. Responses that fitted 
the same themes were given the codes of those themes. After the coding, all responses with the 
same code were pasted under the theme they matched. 
 
42 
 
CHAPTER FOUR 
ASSESSING POVERTY DIFFERENTIALS AND LIVELIHOODS 
4.0 Introduction 
The focus of this chapter is to discuss the poverty differential and livelihood activities of 
respondents in the two study communities. In assessing the levels of poverty a number of variables 
were used and the similarities and differences are assessed between the two study communities. 
These variables include housing characteristics, level of income, expenditure on basic needs and 
items and ownership of assets. Further, livelihoods of the two communities are assessed including 
alternative livelihoods, working hours and working conditions. Before discussing the issues of 
poverty and livelihoods, the socio-demographic characteristics of respondents are presented. 
4.1 Socio-demographic characteristics of respondents 
Table 4.1 presents a summary of the demographic background of respondents from the two 
communities (i.e. Chorkor and Old Fadama). The results show that out of the 91 respondents 
sampled from Chorkor, 46 percent were males while 54 percent were females. A similar pattern is 
observed for the distribution of sex at Old Fadama. For instance, out of the 109 respondents 
sampled at Old Fadama, 48 percent are males while 52 percent are females. The distribution of sex 
in the two communities is in sync with the national and regional figures (i.e. Greater Accra where 
the two communities are located) which shows that nationally males are 49 percent while females 
are 51 percent. Also, within the Accra metropolis, males are 48 percent whiles females are 52 
percent. 
Table 4.1 shows that out of the 91 respondents in Chorkor, 56 percent fall within the 18-35 age 
bracket, 30 percent fall within the 36-45 age bracket, 13 percent fall within the 45-60 age bracket 
43 
 
and just 1 percent fall within the above 60 age bracket. The result of Old Fadama, shows that out 
of the 109 respondents sampled, about 81 percent of the respondents were within the 18-35 age 
bracket, whereas 14 percent of the respondents were within the 36-45 age bracket. Indeed, if you 
take the whole sample for the two communities, about 70 percent of respondents fall within the 
18-35 age brackets. The result thus indicate that most respondents are youthful and also within the 
active working population group. The percentage of youth sampled in the two communities is 
above the national percentage which is about 41 percent. For Old Fadama in particular, the result 
corroborates a study conducted by Housing the Masses, which reported that about 74 of the 
population were below 35 years (Housing the masses, 2010). 
The results indicate that out of the 200 respondents sampled from the two communities, about 35 
percent have had Junior high school education while about 30 percent have had secondary or high 
school education. Similar pattern is observed within the two communities. For Chorkor, those who 
have had senior high school education is about 31 percent while for Old Fadama, the percentage 
recorded is about 28.4 percent. In the case of Junior high school, the proportion recorded for 
Chorkor is about 34 percent while that of Old Fadama is about 36 percent. The results indicate that 
a huge proportion of respondents in both communities are literate.  
 
 
 
 
44 
 
 
Table 4.1: Summary of demographics within the study communities 
Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
Socio-demographics 
# % # % # % 
Gender       
Male 42 46.2 52 47.7 94 94.0 
Female 49 53.8 57 52.3 106 53.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Age of respondents       
18-35 51 56.0 88 80.7 139 69.5 
36-45 27 29.7 15 13.8 42 21.0 
45-60 12 13.2 6 5.5 18 9.0 
Above 60 1 1.1 0 0.0 1 0.5 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Duration       
Below 1 year 0 0.0 15 13.8 15 7.5 
1-5 12 13.2 39 35.8 51 25.5 
6-10 14 15.4 25 22.9 39 19.8 
11-15 6 6.6 16 14.7 22 11.0 
16-20 15 16.5 5 4.6) 20 10.0 
Above 20 44 48.4 9 8.3 53 26.5 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Education       
No formal education  17 18.7 12 (11.0 29 (14.5) 
Primary 6 (6.6) 25 (22.9) 31 (15.5) 
JHS/JSS 31 (34.1) 39 (35.8) 70 (35.0) 
SHS/SSS/Vocation/Tech 28 (30.8) 31 (28.4) 59 (29.5) 
Tertiary 9 (9.9) 2 (1.8) 11 (5.5) 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Religion        
Christian 86 (94.5) 52 (47.7) 138 (69.0) 
Muslim 3 (3.3) 53 (48.6) 56 (28.0) 
Traditional 2 (2.2) 0 (0.0) 1 (1.0) 
Others 0 (0.0) 4 (3.7) 4 (2.0) 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
 
45 
 
Table 4.1 shows the duration of stay in the two communities. When the result of the individual 
communities is reviewed, it is observed that in Chorkor, 48 percent of respondents have resided in 
Chorkor for more than 20 years whiles at Old Fadama just about 8 percent have resided in the 
community for more than 20 years. However, at Old Fadama, out of the total sample of 109, about 
36 percent have resided in the community between 1-5 years. Those below a year, it make up about 
14 percent. The result thus shows that Chorkor is an indigenous community where respondents 
were probably born and raised there. In the case of Old Fadama which is a migrant community, 
largely residents are not permanent settlers and may move out of the community at a later stage in 
life, either back to their place of origin or to other parts of the city when they hopefully have 
accumulated some wealth.  
Table 4.1 shows the distribution of the religious background of respondents. The result indicates 
that overall, a large proportion of the respondents are Christians and this is 69 percent of the total 
sample. This is a true reflection of 2010 Population and Housing Census which indicated that 
majority of Ghanaians are Christians (Ghana Statistical Service, 2012). The proportion of Muslims 
in the sample was 28 percent and traditional religion is 1 percent. However, distribution within 
community shows some amount of variation. For instance, in Old Fadama, the proportion of 
Christians was about 47 percent, while that of Muslims was about 49 percent. The result shows a 
Muslim majority which can be attributed to the large presence of migrants from northern Ghana 
(i.e. Northern Ghana used in this context refers to the two upper regions and northern region) who 
mostly belong to the Muslim religion. 
Lastly, there is the ethnic composition of the study communities. The results from table shows that 
68 percent of respondents are Ga-Adamgbes, whereas 23 percent of respondents from Chorkor are 
Akans. Thus, ethnic composition of Chorkor is not diverse which is not surprising, especially when 
46 
 
it is an indigenous community in Accra. On the other hand, the sample from Old Fadama shows 
that the population in Old Fadama is more diverse. For instance, 19 percent are Dagbons, one of 
the tribes in Northern Ghana. Other tribes represented include Kokomba (22), Nanumba (6) and 
Gonja (8). In all, the percentage of people from the northern extraction is about 55 percent of the 
sample. The Akan ethnic group was 29 percent and that of Ewe is about 14 percent. This 
demographic difference in Old Fadama is partly attributed to the influx of the non-northern ethnic 
groups from other parts of the city of Accra (Yankson, 2000). 
 
Old Fadama
Chorkor
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Chorkor Old Fadama
Ga-Adangbe 68.1 1.8
Dagbon 2.2 19.3
Ewe 5.5 13.8
Akan 23.1 29.4
Kokomba 1.1 22
Nanuma 0 5.5
Gonja 0 8.3
 
Figure 4.1: Summary of ethnic background of respondent   
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
 
 
 
47 
 
4.2 Examining the patterns of poverty among indigenes and migrants  
The first objective of the study sought to examine the poverty situation among indigenes and 
migrants in Chorkor and Old Fadama. This analysis was conducted by assessing a number of issues 
both within and across the two communities. The latter is more of a comparative approach and 
seeks to highlight the degree of the problem between the two communities. In order to know 
whether this in turn has any relationship with the status of the communities i.e. be it migrant or 
indigene communities. 
Just as the literature has different view point of poverty and its complexity, I also found out from 
my informants their perception of poverty. The various definitions given vary from lack of basic 
necessities of life such as food, good housing, social discrimination, disparity and economic 
disadvantage. Some respondents also defined poverty in religious terms. It is also interesting to 
note that the definitions given to poverty vary by location, sex, age, culture, economic, social and 
economic settings. The men defined poverty as lack of physical assets and the women defined 
poverty as food insecurity and being vulnerable. The aged defined poverty in relation to social 
status in society whiles the young men and women defined poverty as unemployment and the 
inability to gain income. These are the views or thoughts of some respondents of what poverty is. 
Poverty as lack of Economic Wellbeing and Food Security 
Until recently poverty was discussed in economic terms as shown in the various literature. Income 
and consumption were the main indicators for measuring economic wellbeing (Hurd and 
Rohwedder, 2006). However, unemployment and low income are macroeconomic factors that 
affect households and in turn contribute to food insecurity (Bartfeld et al. 2006). Food security as 
defined by the United Nations’ Committee on World Food Security is the condition in which all 
people at all times have physical, social and economic access to sufficient safe and nutritious food 
48 
 
that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life. This involves the 
food availability, accessibility and affordability. A household is considered food secure when its 
occupants do not live in hunger or fear of starvation (World Food Summit, 1996).  
 Poverty means unemployment or jobless. I completed the university in the year 2008. I 
did my national service the following year. I even did voluntary service for a year and 
completed in the year 2010.Since then I have struggled all these years looking for a job. I 
am still struggling to get a job. My father takes care of me even though I am 33 years. He 
also takes care of my son. (Nii Lamptey, unemployed graduate, Chorkor)  
 
I am 29 years of age and a truck pusher. I have been in this community and in the business 
for three years. I do work a lot but the money I make from the business is nothing to talk 
about. I am not able to send money to my wife and children in the village regularly. Living 
in the city is very difficult for me. I struggle but earn little. (Mahama, Old Fadama) 
 
I am a head porter and a single mother with two children. I have stayed in this                       
community for five years. I came to Accra purposely to join the kayayoo business. 
Unfortunately the money I get from this work is small. I spend most of the money on rent 
and pain killers. Rent in my community is paid daily. You are evacuated when you fail to 
pay. Imagine what will happen if my children and I are sacked from the kiosk we occupy. 
To avoid this problem of evacuation, I eat once a day and the children eat twice a day. The 
nutritional value of the food is less important to me. The most important thing is to get 
something to eat and feed especially the children. Most at times we eat foods we do not 
like. (Ramie, 38 year old woman, Old Fadama) 
 
 
 
49 
 
I am married with four children. My husband was a fisherman but currently suffering from 
stroke. Due to the illness he cannot go for fishing anymore. Before then, when he returns 
from his fishing activities he gives his catch to me. I sell the fish and we use the money to 
take care of ourselves and the children. When the unexpected happened the usual business 
activity has been cut off. We don’t get money like before. The little money we saved has 
been spent on his medication. We live in a family house so we do not spend on rent. We 
have stopped using electricity because we cannot afford. Our situation is worse now 
because we have to be begging for food from family members. I wish I can get some work 
to do but the question is; who will take care of my husband when I leave him? We now 
live on the generosity of family members and friends. (52 year old woman, Chorkor) 
  
The quotations above suggest that both men and women household heads in both communities 
(migrant and indigene) are poor. Men related poverty to a situation which challenges their 
traditional gender role as heads of homes due to their inability to support their households as 
expected (Wrigley-Asante, 2008). They are not able to support their families as expected because 
of unemployment and low income. Women understood poverty as food insecurity. However, 
women household heads’ poverty are severe compared to their male counterparts (Wrigley-Asante, 
2008).  Nevertheless, both men and women in both community interpreted the phenomenon as 
income poor. 
Poverty as lack of material and Social wellbeing 
Many informants regard material needs as very important in their lives. These involve lack of 
shelter, access to water, clothing etc. Interestingly according to the informants, the moment you 
lack these basic needs you are not respected anymore and you will lack certain opportunities in 
society. This is in line with the assertion that the inability to access these basic essentials of life 
results in aggravated frustrations, humiliation, powerlessness, loss of faith in the future, and a lack 
of control over one’s life (Adepoju 2000). 
 
50 
 
Poverty can only be defined by the one who has experienced or is experiencing it. Poverty 
is an animal that lures you and finally puts you into nothing. It is the only thing that can 
cause an elderly man to say “yes sir” “yes sir” even to the littlest boy because of something 
small he might get from him. In fact, poverty is total death. (65 year old fisherman, 
Chorkor) 
 
I am a man with four children, two grandchildren and a wife. We are staying in my wife’s 
family house because I do not have money to rent a room. The fact that I am staying in my 
wife’s family house is a disgrace. Whenever there is a misunderstanding between my wife 
and me, nobody supports me. Rather the family call me names. I am not regarded and my 
views are not important because I am poor. Whenever my wife cooks, everybody in the 
house would eat with the exception of me. Even the day that she gives me some of the 
food, everyone will hear of it. |I receive insults while eating the food.  Family members sit 
behind our window to listen to our conversations. Anytime I get home from town people 
are seated infront of my door chatting. Who am I to tell them to move from the entrance of 
the door? All they say is; do you know the cost of cement? Life has not been easily at all. 
I have lost my dignity and respect. Poverty is selling your right. (50 year old man, Chorkor). 
 
Life in the city has being hell and full of torments. I have stayed in the city for six months.         
I followed a friend who has migrated from Kpandai in the Northern Region to Accra. We 
arrived in Accra in the evening around 8:00 pm. She helped me carry my belongings but 
to a mosque. She also bought some food for me to eat. Around 11:00 pm I told her I was 
tired and needed to sleep. She asked me to be patient enough for a provision shop owner 
to close his business for the day so we can sleep in front of his shop. To my surprise there 
was no home. For the past six months we have been sleeping in front of the provision shop. 
We are exposed to harsh weather conditions. Whenever it rains in the evening or at dawn, 
we stand the whole night. Whenever we are going to sleep in the evening, we put on three 
to four jeans because of rapists. Sometimes we are beaten at dawn and raped even with the 
jeans trousers on. We are not respected but abused. When we report to the police station, 
51 
 
nothing is done to arrest the criminals. To me poverty is homelessness, abuse and shame. 
(Modesta, 19 year old woman, Old Fadama) 
From the above quotations, it is clear that the status of individuals (migrant or indigene) is of less 
relevance when it comes to the definition of poverty but rather the circumstances in which the 
individual finds him/herself. Poverty is however equated with deprivation and lack of social power 
(Golding 1986, cited in McDowell & Sharp 1999). The phenomenon is not limited to shortage of 
income but also the deprivation of rights, liberties and opportunities (Dreze & Sen 2002). 
Religiosity and Spiritualization of Poverty. 
A new dimension to the definition of poverty is the Religiosity of poverty. This is defined in 
religious term. There are three major religions in Ghana, namely: Christian, Islamic and the 
Traditional Religion. Christianity is the largest religion in Ghana with approximately 71 percent 
of the population being member of various Christian denominations as of 2010 Census (Ghana 
Statistical Service, 2012). Faith is an important element when it comes to matters of religion. Faith 
simply means belief. This is an acceptance and trust in divinity. Christian believe in the Holy Bible. 
They believe it is a book written and inspired by the Holy Spirit. The Muslims believe Mohammed 
is a true messenger of Allah. They also believe in the Koran. The Traditionalist believe in their 
smaller gods. Interestingly, all the three religions believe in the Supreme God. Majority of the 
migrants are Muslims while the indigenes are Christians.  
Poverty is from God. When God sees how bad you can become when you get rich, 
he simply makes you poor. When you are poor, you always draw closer to your 
maker. You become humble and respect fellow human beings (35 year old Muslim, 
Old Fadama) 
 
52 
 
Poverty is a demon, it turns adults into children and make beautiful people ugly. I 
am 39 years of age, very beautiful but not married. Any man who proposes to me, 
when he sees me the following day runs away. They always tell me they see 
something different that scares them. What I know is that I walk alone but they see 
other beings walking with me. I believe this is more spiritual than physical .I am 
accepted today and rejected tomorrow. Life has not be fair to me. (Naa Adoley, 
Chorkor) 
 
Poverty is a life without Jesus Christ. Jesus Christ is the son of God .You can have 
all the basic needs of life.  You can live in a mansion. You can drive the big and 
the newest cars. You can even eat the richest foods. You can also have all the 
dignity and respect of this life .But when you do not have Jesus Christ you are a 
poor person and you are worse than the homeless man with Christ. You see my 
house is not a mansion. My household does not feed on three square meals but we 
are happy. We have inner joy. This is because we believe in God. If I die, I have a 
better place in heaven (48 year old woman, Chorkor) 
It is quite interesting to note that the interpretation of poverty in religious terms has mostly been 
women. Religion is an important part of the lives of women. Women always had a big stake in 
developing their relation with the Devine, hence getting closer to God. Women are faced with the 
daily issues of life, the struggles and the survival. This is evidenced in church attendance on 
Saturdays and Sundays in the Christian settings in Ghana. More women attend religious functions 
compared to males (Pew Research Center, 2018). 
 
 
 
53 
 
Poverty as lack of Psychological Wellbeing 
Psychological wellbeing simply means positive mental state. It is sometimes referred to as 
subjective wellbeing (Diener, 2000). This involves one’s satisfaction in life (a feeling of having 
achieved something with one’s life). 
Poverty is a mental problem. Everybody has some small madness but not easily 
seen. When you are poor, your madness is easily detected. You are always 
aggressive and ready to fight. (31 year old man, Old Fadama) 
 
Poverty is how one thinks and do things. If you think you are poor, then 
you poor. (23 year old woman, Old Fadama)  
 
Poverty is the lack of knowledge not necessarily the absence of resources. 
You can have all the available resources in life. If you are not able to use 
the resources well, you are poor (29 year old man, Chorkor) 
The various quotations give different meanings to poverty and show the multi-dimensional nature 
of the phenomenon. Economic wellbeing has been central and it’s manifested in the various 
definitions. All the other definition of poverty given revolve around economic satisfaction. 
This study further assessed the income and expenditure patterns of respondents within the two 
communities. Subsequently, the housing characteristics of respondents are assessed and finally 
assets owned by respondents. In assessing the differences in levels of poverty between the two 
communities on these indicators, two statistical approaches were used, all of which were non-
parametric tests. These were the Chi-square test of independence and the Mann-Whitney U test. 
The chi-square test was used in cases where the variables were nominal variables, while the Mann-
Whitney U test was used in cases wherever the dependent variable was ordinal variables. 
54 
 
4.2.1 Differences in income earned  
An assessment of income differential between the two study communities is important in the quest 
to gauge levels of poverty between the two communities. Whether one will be able to purchase 
goods and services will depend on what one earns, that is to say if there are no other restrictions 
which may be influenced by social or political factors. Thus, insight into income differentials 
helped in understanding consumption patterns between the two communities and access to other 
social services between the two communities. In other to make the analysis much easier, first the 
overall pattern is analysed. It is followed by patterns within each community and also across the 
two communities. Overall, the results indicate that a large proportion of the respondents, i.e. about 
47 percent earned between GHC 201-500 as their monthly income. This is followed by those who 
earned between GHC 501-1000 which was also about 27 percent, and those who earned between 
GHC 101-200 which was also about 17 percent. If you compare the income distribution across the 
two communities, there are some differences as well as similarities. For instance, majority of 
respondents in the two communities i.e. 48 percent for Chorkor and 46 percent for Old Fadama 
earned between GHC 201-500. However, 37 percent of respondents at Chorkor compared to 17 
percent of respondents at Old Fadama earned between GHC 501-1000. Again, 28 percent of 
respondents at Old Fadama compared to 3 percent of respondents at Chorkor indicated that they 
earned between GHC 101-200. 
 
 
 
55 
 
Table 4.2: Income of Respondents 
Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
Income of respondents 
# % # % # % 
0-100 3 3.3 6 4.6 8 4.0 
101-200 3 3.3 31 28.4 34 17.0 
201-500 44 48.4 50 45.9 94 47.0 
501-1000 34 37.4 19 17.4 53 26.5 
1001-1500 7 7.7 0 0.0 7 3.5 
Above 1501 0 0.0 4 3.7 6 2.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
A number of observations can be made about this results. First, respondents’ earnings at Old 
Fadama are distributed in three main income categories which range from GHC 101-1000. In other 
words, the income of migrants is more spread. This also gives an indication that within Old Fadama 
there are inequalities in terms of levels of income. Despite this point, a large proportion of them 
earn between GHC 201-500. The aforementioned point is the same for Chorkor, but in the case of 
Chorkor, the distribution is within two main income brackets i.e. between GHC 201-1000. The 
Chi-square result indicated that there was a significant difference between the two communities 
with respect to income earned (X2=39.389 p=.000 <0.05). Based on this result, we can surmise that 
respondents at Chorkor and for that matter indigenes are slightly better-off in terms of income 
earned compared to migrants at Old Fadama. Nonetheless, further inference is made from the result 
after assessing the other indicators. The results further showed that about 80 percent of respondents 
earned above the minimum wage as set by the country (i.e. when you calculate percentage of 
56 
 
respondents earning from GHC 201 and above). This thus suggest that even though the two 
communities may be lagging in infrastructure development and community members may be 
undergoing some form of hardship as they strive to eke their way through the urban economy by 
the standards of the country they may not be classified as poor. But this point does not gloss over 
the difficulty they face, especially when the focus of poverty in the case of this study extends 
beyond income poverty and include expenditure and other accessibility issues. More so, the fact 
that prices of goods fluctuate and are more expensive in the urban setting can even make their 
situation more precarious. 
4.2.2 Assessing expenditure patterns in indigenous and migrant communities 
In addition to income differentials which is an important indicator of poverty, expenses made on 
basic needs is also another indicator for determining the relative levels of poverty. The point here 
is that, expenditure is an important means of ascertaining other livelihoods one is engaged in since 
people are mostly engaged in different economic activities as a way of making a living. In this 
regard, this section examines the expenses of respondents in the two communities on basic social 
services. Specific amounts expended on the basic items are compared between the two 
communities. Similarities and differences on these expenditure items between the two 
communities are also discussed.  
The first expenditure item to be discussed is accommodation. It can be observed from Table 4.3 
that overall, 47 percent out of the total sample of 200 respondents indicated that they do not spend 
anything on accommodation. For those who spent on accommodation, out of the total respondents 
surveyed, 31 percent spent between GHC 101-300, while about 14 percent spent between GHC 
50-100. A careful observation across the communities shows some differences. For instance, quite 
a large proportion of respondents at Old Fadama i.e. 49 percent out of the total sample of 109 spent 
57 
 
between GHC 101-300 on accommodation, while about 35 percent did not pay for 
accommodation. Those who have not spent on accommodation in Old Fadama are the new entrants 
who are perching other relations and also the homeless. In the case of Chorkor, about 62 percent 
of the total sample of 91 respondents indicated that they do not pay for accommodation. The results 
therefore showed that people spend more on accommodation at Old Fadama as compared to 
Chorkor. This result is further corroborated by the chi-square test which indicates that there is a 
significant difference between the two communities when it comes to expenditure on 
accommodation (X2=44.687 p=.000 <0.05). During an in-depth interview in the study 
communities, a question was asked on expenses on accommodation. Atta Otoo, 57 years of age 
and a fisherman from Chorkor responded; 
“The room I occupy is my father’s share of his inheritance from his father. When my father 
died I also inherited this room from my father since I am the only child. I am 57 years now 
and have never spent any money on accommodation. The size of my room is very small but 
it is better than a rented apartment” 
Iddrisu from Old Fadama also responded; 
“Staying in Old Fadama is pay as you go. Rent in this area is by day. I am a labourer who 
earns 450 Cedis a month. I occupy a single kiosk with some friends. We are eight in 
number. Each of us spend 10 Cedis every day on accommodation. This means that at the 
end of the week each of us spend 70 Cedis. The day I am not able to pay rent, I have to 
double the following day’s payment. Too much arrears lead to evacuation which I would 
not like to experience”. 
58 
 
The quotes above provide further insight on the survey results from the two communities. A 
number of factors account for this variation between the two communities and need to be 
explicated. As indicated earlier, Chorkor as an indigene community has a lot of family houses 
which make most residents rent-free occupants. On the other hand, at Old Fadama most residents 
are there purposely for economic reasons because of the closeness of the location to the Central 
Business District, where most of them make their living. Thus, accommodation is very important 
and most residents are ready to pay for this, though this kind of accommodation may be of low 
quality and standard (Amankwaa et al, 2017). However, for the reason that they are better than 
other accommodation in other parts of the city in terms of price, residents are willing to pay for 
this amount i.e. GHC 101-300 per month. Again, when the result is  against the income earned, 
results on expenditure on accommodation at Old Fadama is not surprising as more people earned 
between GHC 201-500 in this community.  
Table 4.3 further shows expenditure on food, another important item that takes a large proportion 
of people’s expenditure. The result indicates that 65 percent out of the total 200 respondents spent 
between GHC 101-300 on food per month. The result is quite interesting especially when 
compared with results of that of income earned. This is because majority of respondents earn 
between GHC 201-500 and if they are spending GHC 101-300 on food then it means food alone 
will be taking about 70 percent of their earnings. What this means is that the remaining 30 percent 
is used on other items such as water and accommodation. The result thus shows the poverty 
situation of respondents, especially when they spend much of their earnings on food (Housing the 
masses, 2009). When observed across the communities, the result shows that both indigenes and 
migrants spent between GHC 101-300 on food. The above result was confirmed by the chi-square 
test which showed no significant difference on food expenditure between the two communities 
59 
 
(X2=6.339 p=.275>0.05). In other words, expenditure on food items between the two communities 
is likely to be the same.   
Table 4.3 further shows monthly expenditure of respondents on water. It can be observed that 
about 49 percent of the entire population spent between GHC 50-100 on water. 22 percent of the 
total respondents spent between GHC 101-300, while 25 percent of the respondents spent GHC 
301-700 on water. There are variations when observed critically across the two communities. For 
instance, at Chorkor about 63 percent of respondents spent between GHC 50-100 on water, while 
those who spent between GHC 101-300 were about 21 percent. In the case of Old Fadama, about 
38 percent of respondents spent between GHC 50-100 on water, 23 percent spent between GHC 
101-300 on water and 35 percent also spent about GHC 301-700 on water.  In a focus group 
discussion in both communities, question was asked on expenditure on water. These were the 
responses from both communities. 
Atongo, 29 years from Old Fadama; 
“I am staying here with my wife and three children. Every day we fetch eight buckets of 
water. We use seven buckets of water to bath for the day and the remaining one bucket for 
household chores. Each bucket cost 0.50 pesewas. It means that I spend 4 Cedis each day 
on water. The cost goes higher whenever we need to wash our dirty clothes.” 
Fulera from Old Fadama; 
“I am a single mother with two female children. My children and I fetch ten buckets of 
water every day. We use two buckets each to bath for the day (morning and evening) and 
the remaining four for household chores. We also buy sachet water for drinking. Every day 
I spend 5 Cedis or more on water”. 
60 
 
Nii Armah from Chorkor; 
“I am staying with my wife and seven children. Every day we spend 7 Cedis on water both 
for drinking and household chores. A bucket of water cost 0.30 pesewas each”. 
Thus, it can be observed that at Old Fadama, respondents were almost evenly distributed across 
expenditure brackets ranging from GHC 50-700. However, the situation at Chorkor showed a more 
skewed distribution. The differences in expenditure on water is corroborated by the chi-square 
results which showed that there was a significant difference between the two communities 
(X2=18.682 p=.002 <0.05). The main argument that can be made from this result is that migrants 
spend more on water compared to indigenes. This situation can be understood within general 
context of Old Fadama. Old Fadama as a community have had to grapple with serious challenges 
with access to basic services due to its informal residential status. The penchant of past 
governments not to give it any recognition has led to a situation where the community have had to 
grapple with accessing social services such as water, thus leading to a hike in prices in the 
community. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
61 
 
 
Table 4.3: Expenditure differentials between the two study communities  
Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
Expenditure of respondents 
# % # % # % 
Monthly expenditure on       
accommodation 
0 56 61.5 38 34.9 94 47.0 
Below 50 8 8.8 3 2.8 11 5.5 
50-100 18 19.8 9 8.3 27 13.5 
101-300 9 9.9 53 48.6 62 31.0 
301-700 0 0.0 6 5.5 6 3.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Monthly expenditure on food       
Below 50 1 1.1 5 4.6 6 3.0 
50-100 14 15.4 23 21.1 37 18.5 
101-300 63 69.2 66 60.6 129 64.5 
301-700 12 13.2 10 9.2 22 11.0 
Above 701 1 1.1 4 3.7 5 2.5 
       
 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Monthly expenditure on       
water 
Below 50 2 2.2 3 2.8 5 2.5 
50-100 57 62.6 41 37.6 98 49.0 
101-300 19 20.9 25 22.9 44 22.0 
301-700 12 13.2 38 34.9 50 25.0 
Above 700 0 0.0 2 1.8 2 1.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Monthly expenditure on       
electricity 
0 (no expenses) 13 14.3 28 25.7 41 20.5 
Below 50 63 69.2 71 65.1 134 67.0 
50-100 15 16.5 8 7.3 23 11.5 
101-300 0 0.0 2 1.8 2 1.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Monthly expenditure on       
health  
0 (no expenses) 24 26.4 38 34.9 62 31.0 
Below 50 56 61.5 55 50.5 111 55.5 
50-100 7 7.7 10 9.2 17 8.5 
101-300 3 3.3 6 5.5 9 4.5 
301-700 1 1.1 0 0.0 1 0.5 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
62 
 
Results for electricity shows that, overall a large proportion of respondents i.e. 67 percent spent 
below GHC 50 on electricity, while 21 percent of respondents made no expenses on electricity. 
The 21 percent are those who have no access to electricity and those who rely on other relations 
expenses. .About 12 percent of respondents spent about GHC 50-100 on electricity. While the 
proportion of respondents who spent below GHC 50 where almost the same for both communities 
i.e. 69 percent for Chorkor and 65 for Old Fadama, the proportion for those who made no expenses 
on electricity as well as those who spent between GHC 50-100 were different in  both communities 
as shown in Table 4.3. Comparing the proportion of respondents who paid GHC 50 and less for 
electricity between the communities, it can be observed that the number of people who fell within 
this category is slightly higher for Old Fadama (90.8%) compared to Chorkor (83.5%). The above 
view is corroborated by the chi-square result which shows a statistically significant difference 
(X2=8.545 p=.036 <0.05). 
The last expenditure item to be looked at is health. Table 4.3 shows that out of the total sample of 
200 respondents, about 56 percent spent below GHC 50, while 31 percent made no expenses at all 
on health. There were similarities in terms of expenditure patterns for the two communities. For 
instance, 62 percent of respondents at Chorkor spent below GHC 50 of their income on health, 
whiles in the case of Old Fadama it was about 51 percent of the total number of respondents. For 
those who spent nothing on health, it was about 26 percent for Chorkor and 35 percent for Old 
Fadama. The result on health is quite perplexing and requires further interrogation. The low 
expenditure on health may be attributed to the low earning among respondents in the two 
communities. Also, people resort to other forms of medication because formal health service is 
very expensive. Again, the fact that a large proportion of respondents do not spend on health, 
especially at Old Fadama provide some insights on the poverty situation of the two communities 
63 
 
and especially at Old Fadama. The chi-square test performed revealed that, there was no significant 
difference between the two communities when it comes to expenditure on health 
(X2=4.5113p=.391 >0.05) 
4.2.3 Aggregate expenditure patterns of migrants and indigenes 
The chi-square results in the previous section have provided insights on differences in expenditure 
patterns for the two communities. In other words, the results have shown that there are similarities 
and variations in terms of amounts expended on specific items in the two communities. For 
instance, when it comes to accommodation there was significant difference (they are not the same), 
but when it came to food there was no difference (almost same amount spent on food). However, 
it is important that an overall assessment in terms of total expenditure between the two 
communities is made. In view of this, the items or variables for the expenditure were summed up 
and a Mann-Whitney U test was employed to assess whether the total expenditure for the two 
communities varied.  
Table 4.4: Differences in aggregate expenditure patterns 
Statistics Chorkor Old Fadama 
N 91 109 
Mean rank 84.40 113.94 
Sum of ranks 7680.50 12419.50 
Mann-Whitney U 3494.500 
Wilcoxon W 7680.500 
P-value .000 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
The results as shown in Table 4.4 indicate that, overall residents at Old Fadama spent more on the 
various items discussed above as compared to residents of Chorkor. This is indicated by the mean 
64 
 
rank score which shows that Old Fadama had a higher mean rank compared to Chorkor (i.e. spent 
more compared to Chorkor) Further, the test shows that there was a significant difference between 
the two communities. Thus, we can make a tentative conclusion that migrants at Old Fadama may 
be going through difficult financial burden compared to Chorkor. Most especially when the results 
in Table 4.2 also showed that respondents at Chorkor were slightly better off when it comes to 
income earned. 
4.2.4 Housing characteristics in study communities  
The United Nations recommended definition (UN, 2008) of a house as “structurally separate and 
independent place of abode such that a person or group of persons can isolate themselves from the 
hazards of climate such as storms and the sun. This part of the analysis seeks to understand the 
problem relating to shelter poverty within and between the two communities, with the latter of 
utmost importance so that there will be a basis to conclude that being a migrant or indigenous 
community shapes the extent of deprivation of residents in such a community. 
Table 4.5 shows three variables of housing characteristics. In regard to type of dwelling unit, the 
results indicate that a large proportion of respondents resided in compound houses, and this was 
about 55 percent of the total number of respondents. This was followed by those who resided in 
kiosk/containers which also constituted about 43 percent of the total number of respondents. 
Within the respective communities, the result showed some variations. It can be observed that at 
Chorkor, all respondents resided in compound housing units. In the case of Old Fadama the results 
showed that about 78 percent of respondents did indicate that they resided in kiosk/containers.  
The Chi-square results indicate that dwelling unit of residents varied between the two communities 
(X2=136.614 p=.000 <0.05). It can be argued that the residential status influences the type of 
dwelling dominant in these two settlements. For instance, Old Fadama which is a migrant 
65 
 
settlement also doubles as an informal settlement. Residents do not have title to the land or are 
residing there illegally (Awumbila et al, 2014). Since they can be evicted at any time, residents are 
not motivated to invest in quality housing. They are made to live in temporal structures. The use 
of wood for kiosk significantly has risk on residents as they are almost always affected by fire 
outbreaks and floods (Awumbila et al, 2014; Farouk & Owusu, 2012). For Chorkor in particular 
where most of the inhabitants are indigenes, there is the likelihood that there will be strong 
attachment to the community. Expectedly, there are a lot of family houses, some dating to colonial 
period (Aguello et al, 2012). The cosmopolitan nature of Accra and the demand for houses has led 
to a situation where most of these are being changed to compound housing units for family use 
and rental purposes (Owusu, 2008). The pictures below show the housing conditions of both 
Chorkor and Old Fadama. 
66 
 
Plate 1:   Housing Condition in Old Fadama 
 
 
67 
 
                                      
Plate 2: Housing Condition in Chorkor 
  
 
68 
 
 
 Table 4.5: Differences in housing characteristics in study communities 
Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
Housing characteristics # % # % # % 
Dwelling of respondent       
Semi-detached 0 0.0 3 2.8 3 1.5 
Compound house 91 100.0 19 17.4 110 55.0 
Kiosk/container 0 0.0 85 78.0 85 42.5 
Other 0 0.0 2 1.8 2 1.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
 
 
Occupancy status       
 
Owner occupied 39 42.9 8 7.3 47 23.5 
Renting 32 35.2 81 74.3 113 56.5 
Renting Free 15 16.5 9 8.3 24 12.0 
Perching 5 5.5 9 8.3 14 7.0 
Other 0 0.0 2 1.8 2 1.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
       
Average number of       
people in a room 
1-2 1 1.1 2 1.8 3 1.5 
3-5 90 98.9 107 98.2 197 98.5 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
With regards to occupancy status, the results indicate that out of the  total number of respondents, 
about 57 percent were renting, 24 percent were owner occupiers and 12 percent were rent-free (i.e. 
they were not renting). There were however variation between the two communities. For instance, 
it can be observed that at Old Fadama about 74 percent of respondents were renting while in the 
case of Chorkor it was about 35 percent of respondents. For owner occupiers, the proportion was 
69 
 
43 percent at Chorkor and 7 percent at Old Fadama. The Chi-square result in this case, shows that 
when it comes to occupancy status among respondents in the two communities, there was a 
significant difference (X2=45.083 p=.000 <0.05). In other words, occupancy status varies between 
migrants and indigenes. For example, at Old Fadama where a lot of inhabitants are migrants, 
renting is the dominant form of occupancy status. There are a number of factors that explain this 
observation. For instance, one may argue that because family housing units dominate in Chorkor, 
it is likely that ownership may be passed from one person to the other. This is because the house 
belongs to a family, all members of the family may have similar rights of ownership even though 
there may be a family head who sees to the overall maintenance of the house. This might not be 
the case at Old Fadama where most residents are migrants and just want to find a place to stay for 
a period. In this case, rental housing arrangement will be more dominant at Old Fadama compared 
to Chorkor. Indeed, studies have indicated that the housing sub-market at Old Fadama has 
developed specifically to address the different housing needs of residents and thus have given rise 
to different rental arrangement in the community (Morrison, 2017).  
Table 4.5 also shows results for average number of people in a room in the study localities. This 
is a measure of the level of crowding in a room which is an important measure of shelter poverty. 
The chi-square result shows no statistically significant difference in average number of people 
dwelling in a room (X2= .183 p=.568 >0.05). Indeed, it can be observed from the results that 99 
percent of the total 200 respondents indicated that, average number of people in a room is between 
3 and 5. This proportion of respondents was the same in the two communities. For instance, at 
Chorkor about 99 percent of respondents indicated an occupancy rate of 3-5 persons while at Old 
Fadama it was about 98 percent. For instance, Aguello et al (2012) have indicated that 
overcrowding in rooms in indigenous Ga communities is a major issue owing to population 
70 
 
expansion and lack of space to expand housing units. Similarly, at Old Fadama studies have also 
indicated high occupancy rates which can be attributed to the high rental charges in the city which 
makes them unable to look for other alternative shelter.  
Even though on the average 3-5 people occupy a room, there are instances in Old Fadama that the 
single, separated or divorced women including their children mostly about 15-30 people occupy a 
room. For these women, sleeping is scheduled, mainly; in the afternoon and in the evenings. 
Alternatively, it also depends on who gets to the room first to sleep. Moreover some of these 
women who are shareholders of a kiosk but due to the large numbers decide to sleep in front of 
the kiosk whiles their luggage occupy space in the kiosk. They decide to sleep outside their room 
for better ventilation as compared to sleeping in the room. But all these arrangement are in groups 
not individuals. For instance, a lady Murijana, 28 years of age during a FGD session at Old Fadama 
responded to why a large group of women sleep together in a small single kiosk. She remarked:  
“We cannot afford to rent a kiosk individually .We the women and children are the 
most vulnerable in this community, but we find strength in our numbers. For 
example, a rapist will find it easier attacking a woman living alone in a separate 
structure than a woman in a large group of women. The worst moments in our lives 
are during the raining season where we have no choice but sleep in one small 
room”. 
This means that in as much as both men and women in this community are poor, the women   
turn to be more vulnerable as compared to their male counterpart, just as previous study 
also noted (Wrigley-Asante, 2008). There are also the homeless that sleep in open space at 
the market, by the street, in front of peoples’ shops or mosques. These groups of people 
own no physical assets than their causal clothes. The homeless are either the new migrants 
71 
 
in the community who have no links or the unemployed that cannot afford to pay daily 
rent. Thus the high occupancy rates recorded is a combination of population increase, 
shortage in housing supply and the low income levels which leaves no alternative for 
people than to pack themselves in small rooms. 
The result from the housing conditions thus shows variations among residents in the two 
communities. On the whole it can be assumed that people at Chorkor may be better-off compared 
to Old Fadama even though this is not to suggest that everything is fine at Chorkor. For instance 
the fact that more people at Old Fadama live in kiosk is a serious issue and falls short of the 
international standards of decent housing, which should offer protection against weather and other 
forms of insecurity. However, on the issue of room occupancy rate, the problem is peculiar to both 
communities. 
4.2.5 Ownership of assets in study communities 
Another important way of ascertaining levels of poverty of people is an examination of their assets 
and properties owned. In other words, knowledge about people’s asset and properties provide 
insight regarding progress that they have made in their lives. It also shows the extent to which they 
are deprived of certain basic things in life. For this study in particular, effort is made to relate asset 
ownership to community characteristics and the peculiar conditions that individuals find 
themselves in. The first asset to be discussed is land. The result in Table 4.6 indicates that there is 
a significant difference with regards to ownership of land between residents in the two 
communities (X2=4.927 p=.023 <0.05). For instance, it can be observed that 90.8 percent of 
respondents at Old Fadama did not own land, whiles this was 69.2 percent in the case of Chorkor. 
This result resonates with earlier arguments that the community is an informal settlement and 
residents are occupying the land illegally. However, in the case of Chorkor, it can be assumed that 
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since a number of the respondents were owner occupiers, then the argument can be extended that 
the land on which the house is built belongs to them. The quote below present views of an 
informant from Old Fadama on the issue of land: 
“Land is a very expensive property to acquire these days. You should be 
having a lucrative job to get money to acquire a land. For me if I can buy a 
land I can’t say it for now, since I have to make sure that I get some basic 
stuff in place before that. I also have to support family back home in the 
north. Even if I will buy a land in future, it will be in my hometown and not 
in Accra here. Where will I even get the huge money to buy a land in Accra? 
–Baba, a 37 year old migrant at Old Fadama” 
The results further show statistically significant difference in the ownership of other assets which 
included electric fan, cooking stove, television and bicycle. The result shows that even though 
bicycle is an important asset, it may not be relevant in the circumstances. For instance, most 
respondents at Old Fadama have their work places close by and it is just a walking distance from 
where they reside. Again, the settlement is congested which makes it is virtually impossible to 
move freely with a bicycle apart from walking. Similarly, there are congested places in Chorkor, 
even though the situation there is far better than that of Old Fadama. In this scenario, we cannot 
jump into conclusion that people are poor because they do not own bicycles. Again, an asset like 
cooking stove may be considered very basic since it is used in food preparation. However, the 
results showed that a larger proportion of respondents at Old Fadama did not own cooking stoves 
as compared to respondents at Chorkor. This can be attributed to the fact that, most respondents 
are single person households who share rooms with other similar single person households. With 
the small room sizes it is virtually impossible to own so many assets and also get the space to cook 
when it is easier to buy food which may be much cheaper. 
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Table 4.6: Asset ownership in the study communities 
Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
Asset ownership 
# % # % # % 
Ownership of Land       
Yes 28 30.8 10 9.2 38 19.0 
No 63 69.2 99 90.8 162 81.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Ownership of bicycle        
Yes  16 17.6 8 7.3 24 12.0 
No 75 82.4 101 92.7 176 88.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Ownership of motorcycle       
Yes 7 7.7 5 4.6 12 6.0 
No   84 92.3 104 95.4 188 94.0 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Ownership of car       
Yes 8 8.8 3 2.8 11 5.5 
No   83 91.2 106 97.2 189 94.5 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Ownership of cooking       
stove 
Yes 54 59.3 40 36.7 94 47.0 
No   37 40.7 69 63.3 106 53.0 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Ownership of television       
Yes 75 82.4 75 68.8 150 75.0 
No   16 17.6 34 31.2 50 25.0 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 200.0 
       
Ownership of electric fan       
Yes 76 83.5 72 66.1 148 74.0 
No   15 16.5 37 33.9 52 26.0 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
 
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Further, there were other assets that showed that there were no differences with regards to 
ownership. For instance, if you take assets like motorcycle and car, the results indicate that large 
proportions of respondents do not have these assets. Apart from the fact that, these assets are 
exorbitant and may be beyond the purchasing power of respondents, it is not also a necessity or 
something that the resident’s livelihood may hinge on.  But on a whole, the results show that, apart 
from television and electric fan, most respondents did not own most of the assets captured. A 
further analysis showed that respondents at Old Fadama did not have most of these assets.  
4.3 Differences in Livelihood between Chorkor and Old Fadama 
The last section of this chapter looks at the livelihood activities in the two study communities. In 
particular, the chapter looks at the major livelihood activities, working conditions, work 
satisfaction and alternative livelihoods in the two communities. Apart from the fact that it 
addresses the second objectives of this study, it provides valuable insight regarding routine 
engagement of the residents in the two communities and how they are able to maneuver themselves 
through a harsh environment that provides little opportunities for them. It is also meant to foster 
understanding about the fact that people in lower income brackets or social status strive and work 
hard to eke a living in the urban environment. 
Table 4.7 shows a cross tabulation of community, livelihood and income distribution. The analysis 
is meant to provide insights on income earned within a particular livelihood activity at the various 
communities. It is also meant to assess whether being an indigene or migrant could be a 
differentiating factor for one’s level of income even if it is the same activity that a person is 
engaged in. The first part of Table 4.7 shows the link between income distribution and type of 
livelihood activities at Chorkor. The result shows that fishing is the most dominant economic 
activity at Chorkor. For instance, out of a total of 91 respondents at Chorkor, 15 percent of 
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respondents at Chorkor were civil servants, 17 percent were artisans, 12 percent were into transport 
service and 54 percent were fisher folks.  
Results from the table also shows income earned across the various livelihoods. It is observed that 
out of the 44 respondents who earned between GHC 201-500, 16 percent were civil servants, 23 
percent were artisans and 55 percent were fisher folks. Out of the 34 respondents who earned 
between GHC 501-1000, 21 percent were civil servants, 14 percent were artisans and 53 percent 
were into fishing. The result shows that income earned across all the livelihoods are between GHC 
201-1000, but with majority earning between GHC 201-500. However, it can be concluded based 
on the results that fishing continues to be the mainstay of the economy as it employs a lot of people. 
Further, fishing as an economic activity encapsulates other forms of livelihoods. A detail 
description of the fishing industry and how it is socially organized is presented in the subsequent 
discussion.   
Results for Table 4.7 shows a more diverse livelihood activity at Old Fadama compared to 
Chorkor. For instance, out of the 109 respondents at Old Fadama, 24 percent were porters and 48 
percent were scrap collectors and dealer. The table also shows other livelihood activities at Old 
Fadama, albeit the proportion was relatively smaller. These livelihood activities include artisan, 
commercial sex work, food vending, transport service, traders and those who happen to be 
unemployed. The large proportion of respondents engaged in scrap activities and porterage. It is 
not surprising because these are the activities the community is popularly known for. 
With regard to income distribution across various livelihoods, the result indicate that 50 out of the 
109 respondents at Old Fadama earned between GHC 201-500 .Out of this 60 percent were scrap 
collectors and dealers, 16 percent were porters, 8 percent were traders with the other livelihood 
marginally distributed within this income bracket. 31 respondents out of the 109 respondents 
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earned between GHC 101-200 at Old Fadama, while for those who earned between GHC 501-
1000 were just 19 respondents. It can be observed that out of the 19 respondents who earned 
between GHC 501-1000 at Old Fadama, 42 percent were into porterage while 26.3 percent were 
engaged in scrap activities. It is also observed that all those who earn above GHC 1501 are scrap 
dealers and armed robbers. 
 Table 4.7: The link between community type, livelihood and level of income 
Level of Income   
community livelihood 101- 201- 501- 1001- Above 
0 Total 
200 500 1000 1500 1501 
Chorkor Civil servant 0.0 0.0 15.9 20.6 0.0  15.4 
Artisan  0.0 0.0 22.7 14.7 0.0  16.5 
Transport service 0.0 0.0 6.8 11.8 57.1  12.1 
Fisher folks 33.3 100.0 54.5 52.9 42.9  53.9 
Unemployed 33.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0  1.1 
Student  33.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0  1.1 
3 3 44 34 7 91 
Total N (%)  
(100.0) (100.0) (100.0) (100.0) (100.0) (100.0) 
Old Civil servant 0.0 0.0 2.0 0.0  0.0 0.9 
Fadama Porter 40.0 25.8 16.0 42.1  0.0 23.9 
Transport service 0.0 0.0 2.0 5.3  0.0 1.8 
Scrap dealer 0.0 48.4 60.0 26.3  50.0 47.7 
Artisan 0.0 22.6 4.0 0.0  0.0 8.3 
Prostitute 0.0 0.0 4.0 10.5  0.0 3.7 
Trader 0.0 0.0 8.0 15.8  0.0 6.4 
Unemployed 40.0 0.0 0.0 0.0  0.0 1.8 
Student 40.0 0.0 0.0 0.0  0.0 0.9 
Armed robbery 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0  50.0 1.8 
Food service 0.0 3.2 4.0 0.0  0.0 2.8 
5 31 50 19 109 
Total N (%)  4 (100.0) 
(100.0) (100.0) (100.0) (100.0) (100.0) 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
Table 4.7 points out that livelihood activities are diverse at Old Fadama compared to Chorkor. 
Secondly, it can be observed that some livelihood activities had different income groups. For 
instance, at Chorkor, there were fisher folks who were earning between GHC 201-500 while others 
were also earning between GHC 501-1000. This can be explained by the diversity in the fishing 
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industry. Again at Old Fadama, there were traders who earned between GHC 201-500 and those 
who earned between GHC 501-1000. In addition, it must be highlighted that trading at Old Fadama 
constitute a later stage in the transitioning process of most migrants. During interactions with some 
respondents in the course of the data collection exercise, it was revealed that a number of them 
who were residing at Old Fadama had previously engaged in head porterage before venturing into 
trading. It is not surprising because the location of the community is closer to the second largest 
market in Accra. 
The chi-square result shows a significant difference between choice of livelihood and income 
earned from that livelihood. Chi-square results for Chorkor was (X2=82.923 p=.000 <0.05) whiles 
that Old Fadama was (X2=1199.431 p=.000 <0.05). Explaining further, the results suggest that 
there are some livelihoods which are likely to contribute more to one’s earning compared to others. 
4.3.1 Qualitative insight of complexities of livelihoods in study communities 
In the discussion that follows, details regarding the economic and social organization of the 
dominant livelihood activities in the study communities are presented. The first part focuses on 
fishing which is the main activity at Chorkor. This is then followed by the main livelihoods at Old 
Fadama. 
4.3.1.1 Fishing as a main source of livelihood at Chorkor 
Fishing remains an important livelihood activity for most people in Chorkor. The location of the 
community along the Atlantic coast is a major factor influencing the choice of activity. Most of 
the men are fishermen and the women are fishmongers. When the men return from their fishing 
activities, the women who are mostly their wives receive their outputs at a price. The women then 
sell the fresh or smoked fish. The women give the cost price to their husbands and keep their share 
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of profit. Fishermen without wives also appoint women; agree on certain terms of conditions with 
these women to sell the fish. 
Fishing activities in this community proceed in all the days of the week with the exception of 
Tuesdays. Customarily, people do not fish on this day as a form of obedience and respect to the 
gods. It is also believed that Tuesday is also the day that the sea regains its depleted resources. 
This day has therefore become a resting day for the fishermen to regain their strength too. They 
also mend their broken fishing nets and use this day to purchase other materials needed for work 
in that week. On this same day, the women also send their smoked fish to the popular Tuesday 
Market where people from neighboring communities come to buy fish. The pictures below shows 
the main source of livelihoods in Chorkor. 
Plate 3: Main source of livelihoods in Chorkor 
 
 
79 
 
  
Fishing in Chorkor is a group activity just as in other communities. Each group may be 3-10 
persons depending on the size of the canoe. Special roles are given to each individuals. Fishermen 
can continuously be on the sea for two to six days and even more before landing. Some also go for 
fishing for weeks depending on the available resources. The canoe or fishing net owners may be 
the head of the various groups. The wife of the canoe owner mostly called “Lele Nye” is also 
acknowledged after every successful return from fishing. She is honored with the first share of 
output. There are men and women who also own canoes or nets but are not into direct fishing. 
They are paid for the use of their equipment. There are some who have also retired from direct 
fishing but enjoys their retirement benefits from the rentals of fishing equipment. 
There is also the head by custom, the chief, who presides over all fishermen and fishing groups. 
He holds periodic meetings with the fishermen and addresses their challenges in relation to the 
job. These meetings are mostly held on Tuesdays and on other special days when necessary. 
80 
 
Despite the presence and availability of the sea, fishing is a seasonal job. There are two main 
harvest seasons in the industry. These are the dry and wet seasons. Harvest within the dry season 
is between the months of January to early April. The wet season fall between the months of August 
and September. Any other month which do not fall within these two seasons is not profitable to 
the fisherman. 
4.3.1.2 Main Source of Livelihood in Old Fadama 
Old Fadama remains the largest informal settlement in the country. The major livelihood activities 
for people in this community include scrap business and head porterage popularly known in the 
Ga language as “Kaya”. The men in this community are into the scrap business though most 
women are porters. The scrap business is used here to refer to various work categories within the 
chain and include scavengers or e-waste collectors, refurbishers and scrap dealers. For women 
head porters, they carry loads of customers on their head for a fee. There are some few men who 
also carry loads but on wooden trucks. They are mostly found in the major markets including 
Makola, Kantamanto and Agbogbloshie.  
4.3.1.3 Scrap Dealing and Electronic Waste 
This business is one of the most profitable at Old Fadama. It usually comprises the youth despite 
how hectic it is and the health implication involved. Scrap metal collectors are the frontline 
participants in the scrap supply chain. They are the suppliers to the scrap dealers. Scrap collectors 
move from place to place over long distances in search of scrap metals. They move around with 
trucks or sacks collecting these materials from refuse dumps. Sometimes they go to people’s homes 
to collect some of these materials at a fee. These scraps are then sent to the central points and 
weighed. The scrap is delivered or sold to the scrap dealers who then give them out to other 
workers within the e-waste chain of business for further processing. These workers include 
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dismantlers who separate them into different parts and the burners who burn and extract important 
metals. The final product is given out to middle men or scrap dealers who sell them out to other 
business entities who need to extract or dismantle metals for other end products. For example, 
aluminum extract is sold out to factories at Tema for aluminum products (Amankwaa et al, 2017). 
Currently, due to its profit gains, children are involved in the business to the neglect of their 
education. Despite the economic opportunities associated with the business, the exposure to lead 
and other toxic metals arising out of incessant burning have a wide range of effects on the health 
of workers and more importantly children. Even when exposed to small amounts of lead levels, 
children may appear inattentive, hyperactive and irritable. The pictures below show scrap related 
activities in Old Fadama. 
Plate 4: Scrap Collection and related activities 
  
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4.3.1.4 Head Porter (Kayayoo) 
Kayayoo (plural: kayayei) is a term in the Ga language for a woman head porter. This business 
was started by the elderly women from the northern part of Ghana. Presently, the business has 
been taken over by the female youth and children from the north. It is the first point of call for the 
female migrants before transitioning to any other business. Their main work is to provide valuable 
service in the Ghanaian market especially in the urban centers. They charge customers according 
to the type of goods, quantity and distance. In this activity, new head porters and children move 
with their counterparts who are old in the business. This is probably a year to familiarize 
themselves with the market communities. They are also oriented on load charges before they start 
working on their own. These new entrants are also accommodated for a period of time by the older 
ones before finally they are initiated into full business.  
It is ill-fated that some kayayei sleep in open space, in front of shops and on pavements along the 
roads. This has led to many of them being raped which sometimes result in teenage pregnancy. 
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Most of these girls carry their babies tied at their backs though carrying heavy loads on their heads. 
Some are even infested with sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS. 
Most of the women in Old Fadama who are now into other business such as petty trading, sewing, 
sale of cook foods and even prostitution were once kayayei. In recent times, many young girls 
migrate to the city every year to join the Kayayoo business. This includes both the educated and 
the uneducated. The educated ones are those who have completed junior high school. In an in-
depth interview, Lady Kudewurah, 17 years was asked about new entrants. She responded; 
“Every year there are new entrants. Immediately after completion of junior high 
school, the next plan is to move to Accra in search for job. I have been here for 
three years. There are no alternative jobs that you can enter into apart from this. 
And you can’t also say because the job is laborious and risky you wouldn’t do it. 
Moreover you do not need much to start the business. The only thing needed is 
strength which I have and an aluminium pan”  
Plate 5: Kayayoo Activity 
 
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4.3.2 Assessing alternative livelihoods among residents in study communities 
The study further sought to understand if residents in the two communities had alternative 
livelihoods apart from their main source of livelihoods. The results show that, out of 200 
respondents, 76 percent indicated that they had no alternative livelihood. The result was similar 
for the two communities which showed that 78 percent of respondents at Old Fadama and 70 
percent of respondents at Chorkor did not have any alternative livelihood apart from what they 
were currently engaged in. The result in table 4.8 thus, show the precarious economic situation of 
the respondents. This is because with most having a single source of livelihood, it will be hard for 
them to live in such a harsh urban environment. Again, current livelihoods of respondents can be 
termed as survivalist and largely dependent on other economic activities within the city. The 
problem is more acute at Old Fadama where majority of the respondents indicated that they had 
no alternative livelihood. 
Table 4.8: Alternative source of livelihood 
Any other source of Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
livelihood # % # % # % 
Yes 27 29.9 24 21.8 51 25.5 
No 64 70.1 85 78.2 149 74.5 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
The chi-square result (shown in the above table) shows a significant relationship between the two 
communities (X2=7.951 p=.019 <0.05). In other words, significant differences exist between the 
two communities with regard to other sources of livelihoods. However, further insights can be 
85 
 
drawn from this result beyond the chi-square results. For instance, it can be observed that out of 
200 respondents, 149 respondents indicated that they had no alternative livelihood. The result 
shows the precarious economic situation of the respondents. This is because with just one 
occupation, it will be hard for respondents to manoeuvre themselves through the harsh urban 
environment. 
But further interrogation of the results make it quite perplexing. If we examine critically, it can be 
observed that respondents’ expenditures are beyond what they actually earn from their main source 
of livelihoods or occupations. Further, it is noted from the result that most of the respondents from 
the two communities had no alternative livelihoods apart from the one they are currently engaged 
in. The question we need to ask then is that where do respondents’ get additional incomes from to 
meet the expenditure they have indicated earlier. A number of factors may explain this perplexing 
situation. Either respondents did not provide correct monthly income earned due to the fact that 
most earned daily wages or may not be willing to report other livelihoods they are engaged in to 
present a picture that they are indeed having a difficult time living in the city. Recent studies 
conducted in Old Fadama have shown that some residents have multiple livelihoods apart from 
their main source of livelihood as a way of meeting other needs within and outside the city (see 
e.g. Amankwaa et al, 2017) 
4.3.3 Occupational working hours of respondents 
Table 4.9 shows the working hours per week for respondents for the two communities. The result 
shows that majority of respondents, i.e. 81 percent of the total respondents worked between 36 to 
72 hours per week. Within the respective communities, majority of the respondents i.e. 82 percent 
in the case of Chorkor and 79.8 percent in the case of Old Fadama indicated that they worked for 
36 to 72 hours per week.  
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Table 4.9: Working hours of respondents in their occupation 
Work per week of Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
respondents # % # % # % 
0 2 2.2 3 2.8 5 2.5 
Below 6 0 0.0 1 0.9 1 0.5 
       
 
6-24 3 3.3 2 1.8 5 2.5 
24-36 8 8.8 11 10.1 19 9.5 
36-72 75 82.4 87 79.8 162 81.0 
Above 72 3 3.3 5 4.6 8 4.0 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
This number of working hours is above what has been set by the Ghana Labour Commission which 
states that maximum working hours should be 40 hours in a week. The result is in tandem with 
literature on informal economic activities which mentions that the sector is flexible and does not 
adhere to regulations on labour. The point is that respondents determine when they will start and 
close from work. But this also presents a picture of how residents in the two communities have to 
struggle and go beyond the normal limit to cater for their basic needs. This is in line with recent 
literature which stresses on contrary views that, the urban poor are not doing anything meaningful 
or making the best of their lives in the city. The result shows they are indeed working hard and 
doing beyond what is legally acceptable. The problem is lack of opportunities for them to easily 
transition to a better job or expand their businesses. Again, urban development in our part of the 
world has hardly been inclusive. Most people residing in these settlements have been sidelined 
with focus given to a section of the populace and into other areas of the economy. 
 
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4.4 Conclusion 
Comparison of income and expenditure showed variation between the two communities and for 
that matter indigenes and migrants. It was revealed that respondents at Chorkor earned slightly 
higher than those at Old Fadama. In terms of expenditure, even though no difference was found of 
items such as food and health, overall respondents at Old Fadama spent more of their earnings than 
those at Chorkor. Given that respondents’ earnings were slightly higher at Chorkor, it can be 
suggested that migrants are likely to be worse off compared to indigenes. As revealed by the 
housing characteristics, residents of Chorkor were quite better off since most lived in compound 
houses while those at Old Fadama resided in kiosks and wooden structures. However, the 
occupancy rate showed overcrowding in both communities. In terms of livelihood it was revealed 
that there were more livelihood activities at Old Fadama compared to Chorkor. The dominant 
livelihood activity at Chorkor was fishing whiles that of Old Fadama were scrap dealing and 
porterage. Further, it was revealed that apart from the current livelihood activities respondents 
engaged in, few of the respondents in both communities had alternative source of livelihoods. 
 
 
 
 
 
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CHAPTER FIVE 
 ASSESSING BASIC SOCIAL SERVICES AND INFRASTRUCTURE 
5.0 Introduction  
This chapter continues with the assessment of other dimensions of poverty defining the quality of 
life of people. Specifically, it looks at the access to basic services in the two communities. These 
services include water, electricity, fuel, sanitation and waste management practices. Differences 
in accessibility is discussed. The chapter also examines general problems confronting residents 
and their communities using ranking as a tool. The last section examines the coping mechanisms 
put in place by residents to deal with access to basic services and problems. This was done by 
allowing respondents to rank these social problems and the differences between communities are 
also noted. A brief discussion is also made with regards to how respondents are coping with these 
pressing issues in their communities. 
5.1 Access to water services in study communities 
Access to basic services and infrastructure is an important measure of the extent of poverty. Since 
inability to access basic services and infrastructure deprives a person of a need or want that can 
enhance his or her wellbeing, understanding the extent to which people can access these basic 
needs is important to understanding the poverty situation of a group of persons. Again, this 
measure may not necessary hinge on a person’s income or earning. This is because even if one has 
the means, but the service is unavailable, then the person will be deprived of that service. Further, 
this may increase price for this service which may be out of reach for the urban poor. In this section, 
we will examine various services required for living in the urban setting. These include water, fuel, 
sanitation and waste management. 
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Table 5.1 shows that when it comes to access to drinking water for households in the two 
communities, there is a significant difference between the two communities (X2=26.662 p=.000 
<0.05). These differences can be observed from the responses of respondents in the various 
categories. For instance, it can be observed that majority of respondents used sachet water as their 
main source of drinking water. Comparatively a large proportion of respondents at Old Fadama 
(95%) compared to that of Chorkor (69%) used sachet water as their main source of drinking water.  
Table 5.1: Availability and access to water in study communities 
Availability and access to Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
water # % # % # % 
Drinking water for       
household 
Pipe-borne inside dwelling 15 16.5 5 10.0 20 10.0 
Public tap/standpipe 13 14.3 0 6.5 13 6.5 
Sachet water 63 69.2 104 83.5 167 83.5 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Water for domestic usage       
Pipe-borne inside dwelling 21 23.1 9 8.3 30 15.0 
Public tap/standpipe 69 75.8 99 90.8 168 84.0 
Borehole/Pump/well 0 0.0 1 0.9 1 0.5 
Sachet water 1 1.1 0.0 0.0 1 0.5 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Distance to nearest source       
of water 
None 14 15.4 6 5.5 20 10.0 
1-5 minutes 72 79.1 100 91.7 172 86.0 
6-12 minutes 3 3.3 3 2.8 6 3.0 
17-30 minutes  1 1.1 0 0.0 1 0.5 
30 minutes and above 1 1.1 0 0.0 1 0.5 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
 
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This result suggests that accessing sachet water is not something difficult, probably because of 
how cheap the price is. Again, it is readily available for everyone to buy. The result is a departure 
from figures from the Accra Metropolis which shows that 30 percent of inhabitants in the 
metropolis use sachet water (GSS, 2014). In regard to the high usage of sachet water at Old 
Fadama, it can be suggested that, the current status of the community as an informal settlement 
has led to its neglect in terms of provision of social services like water on the part of the state. 
Indeed, during the fieldwork it was observed that the number of public taps were wholly inadequate 
for residents. This may account for the high dependence on sachet water in this community. 
The result shows that there is a significant difference on the type of water used for domestic 
purposes between the two communities (X2=10.623 p=.014 <0.05). Out of the 200 respondents 
surveyed, 84 percent use public stand pipes. Similar result is found in the respective communities 
where a huge number of respondents use public stand pipes as their main source for domestic 
purposes. However, the result shows that about 91 percent of respondents at Old Fadama, 
compared to 76 percent at Chorkor used public stand pipes. Again, at Chorkor about 23 percent of 
respondents used in-house taps, while in the case of Old Fadama it was just 8.3 percent of the 
residents.  
This result is not surprising since at Old Fadama, housing structures do not have compounds where 
spaces can be shared by occupiers. Virtually all available stand pipes are located outside and at a 
point of maximum accessibility. Pipe-borne water is also sold to residents by private individuals 
who seem to make business out of this need. Similar situation can be said of Chorkor. It can be 
observed that most respondents (168) use public tap/stand-pipe. In the case of Chorkor, it can be 
argued that most houses do not have basic infrastructure and services due to the downgrading of 
the community and the difficulty of house owners accessing utility services due to the high cost 
91 
 
involved. Thus, the alternative for most residents is to go and access public stand pipe for a fee. 
While standpipes are scattered all over, the problem of water should be more of regularity of flow. 
From a focus group discussion in Old Fadama, for instance, Alhassan 37 year old man and a 
participant started that: 
“Sometimes the taps stop flowing for a long time.  It sometimes takes more than a 
month to start flowing again. When it happens this way, we have to carry galloons 
and walk more than 5 kilometers and join a long queue to fetch water. During this 
period the cost of galloon of water goes high.” 
The next variable to be looked at is distance to nearest water source. The chi-square results shows 
that there is no significant difference between the two communities when it comes to distance 
taken to access water for domestic usage (X2=8.205 p=.084 >0.05). The result shows that 86 
percent of the total respondents surveyed used just 1 to 5 minutes to access water. This result is 
positive as the commuter distance is quite low. This result is also not surprising especially when 
looked at in relation to the characteristics of these two communities. A key advantage that urban 
areas offer when it comes to social services and infrastructure is that there is the ease of accessing 
these facilities because of the concentration of people around these infrastructures. Also the fact 
that they are normally placed at vantage points to increase accessibility (Pacione, 2009). The 
compact nature of these communities suggest that it is easier for residents to access these facilities 
as long as they are available.  
Access from this point of the discussion is basically about the availability of the water for usage. 
However, as discussed in the previous section, the expenditure on it may be an issue and may put 
some strains of respondents’ budget. Nevertheless, we can tentatively assume at this point that the 
facility (water) is available for use but there were some differences between the two communities. 
For instance, more people at Chorkor used stand pipe for drinking compared to those at Old 
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Fadama. Again, more people at Chorkor used stand pipe for domestic purposes as compared to 
those in Old Fadama. This however is attributed to the housing structure at Old Fadama which has 
no in-house compounds. 
5.2 Access to energy for cooking in study communities 
Table 5.2 shows respondents response to source of energy for households. Source of energy is 
important for most households as it is used for cooking, lighting and for other activities. For this 
question, the intention basically was to solicit residents’ opinion about energy used for cooking. 
The results indicate that there is a significant difference between the two communities regarding 
some of the items used as sources of energy (X2=35.837 p=.000 <0.05). For instance, even though 
63 percent of the overall respondents indicated that they used charcoal as their main source of 
energy, there were variations in the two communities about other sources of energy. In the case of 
gas, 35 percent residents at Chorkor compared to 9 percent of residents at Old Fadama used gas as 
their main source of energy. About 28 percent of respondents at Old Fadama did not use any energy 
at all. These are mostly individual male households. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 Table 5.2: Sources of fuel for households in study communities 
Source of energy for Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
household # % # % # % 
       
None, no cooking 2 2.2 30 27.5 32 16.0 
Wood/cooking 57 62.6 69 63.3 126 63.0 
Gas  32 35.2 10 9.2 42 21.0 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
This result is not quite surprising. As indicated earlier, Old Fadama is mostly made of single person 
households and residents living in single rooms. Additionally, people hardly get enough time to 
cook personally due to daily life struggles. That is why when it comes to cooking, more people at 
Old Fadama comparatively do not cook. The result further shows that 63 percent of the total 
respondents (200) use wood and charcoal as their main source of fuel. This result shows the 
dependence on wood fuel for domestic usage, including cooking and lightening. Mostly wood fuel 
is used by women who sell food and need to produce on a large scale. The qualitative quote below 
provides further insights on these responses. 
“I sell kenkey here at Chorkor. For this job the best fuel to use is firewood 
because it is cheaper comparatively. And if you buy some few sticks it can 
last for a week but with gas it will be much less”. (Awo komi, 50 year old 
woman) 
Some respondents also indicated that they use firewood to prepare food for their household 
because it is relatively cheaper and can be purchased as and when one needs it. Result for the use 
of gas as the main source of fuel shows that more people at Chorkor use gas compared to Old 
Fadama.  
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5.3 Access to toilet facilities in study communities 
Table 5.3 shows respondents responses to access to toilet facilities in the two study communities. 
The result shows that there is a significant difference between the two communities when it comes 
to access to toilet facilities (X2=11.821 p=.003 <0.05). For instance, the results indicate that even 
though a majority of respondents opined that they used public toilets/WC/KVIP, there were 
differences in regard to those who resorted to open defecation as a means of easing themselves. 
The table shows 13 percent of respondents at Chorkor compared to 3 percent at Old Fadama 
resorted to open defecation. Indeed, open defecation has been a major issue to grapple with and 
this is mainly due to the inadequate toilet facilities in poor communities in the country’s capital. 
The closeness of Chorkor to the sea, couple with the inadequate toilet facility is the main reason 
why people go to the beaches to ease themselves. From a focus group discussion in Chorkor, for 
instance, a participant, Naa Shika 63 year old woman stated that: 
“My house is very close to the beach. It will take me a short distance to access the 
beach than a public toilet that I will join a long queue. At my age a delay to nature’s 
call will be disastrous” 
 
Another man, 38 year old Atta Kwei remarked: 
“There is free ventilation at the beach. There is no queue and it is absolutely free” 
The two quotations above show how serious open defecation is a problem in the communities 
along the coast of Accra. Several attempts have been made by governments and other private 
institutions to curtail the menace but little achieved. 
 
 
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Table 5.3: Availability of toilet facilities in study communities 
Availability and access to Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
toilet # % # % # % 
Toilet Facility for       
household 
No facility (e.g. 12 13.2 3 2.8 15 7.5 
bush/beach/field) 
KVIP 3 3.3 0 0.0 3 1.5 
Public toilet (e.g. WC, 76 83.5 106 97.2 182 91.0 
KVIP) 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Average distance       
No distance 15 16.5 3 2.8 18 9.0 
1-5 minutes 66 72.5 102 93.6 168 84.0 
6-12 minutes 10 11.0 4 3.7 14 7.0 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
In the case of Old Fadama, there are no open spaces and people do not have an option to defecate 
openly. For instance, even though majority of respondents used public toilets (i.e. KVIP or WC) 
as their main toilet facility when one compares the two communities, it can be observed that 
majority of respondents who indicated that they used public toilet were from Old Fadama. The 
study unfortunately did not go further to ask the number of toilet facilities available in the two 
communities. This could have been very useful, since it would have provided insights regarding 
the ease of access and the ability to maintain these facilities. Nonetheless, in subsequent result 
about pressing challenges facing the communities, the issue of sanitation is given further attention.  
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Table 5.3 further shows respondents’ view regarding distance covered to access toilet facilities. 
About 84 percent of the overall respondents indicated that they spent between 1 to 5 minutes to 
access toilet facilities. Nonetheless, a critical observation of the results show some differences, 
which is also supported by the Chi-square test (X2=16.802 p=.000 <0.05). For instance, about 17 
percent of respondents at Chorkor indicated that they do not move at all to access toilet facilities, 
while at Old Fadama, it was just 3 percent of respondents. Again at Chorkor, about 11 percent of 
respondents indicated they take 6-12 minutes to access a toilet facility, for Old Fadama just about 
4 percent of respondents used the same time. But if you look at the larger picture, it is suggested 
that this finding corroborates the argument that urban communities are quite compact. But beyond 
distance, it is important to understand how many are available for use in these two study 
communities. But without such information, it can be assumed that the communities do have toilet 
facilities and these facilities are accessible with regards to distance. Nonetheless, there are some 
concerns that need to be addressed especially in the case of Chorkor, were the figures indicate that 
some people do not have access to toilet facilities and defecate openly. This practice is more of an 
attitudinal problem and culturally motivated. 
Another major issue with these communities is bathing facilities. According to Ghana Statistical 
Service classifications, bathing facilities available in dwelling units can be categorized primarily 
into four main types: bathroom for exclusive use, shared bathroom in the same house, shared open 
bathing cubicle and others. Almost all the people in Old Fadama and Chorkor use the public bath. 
Unlike Old Fadama some houses in Chorkor have baths but no toilet facilities. Some of the baths 
in Chorkor have also been rehabilitated into sleeping rooms. Even though some structures in 
Chorkor also have bathing facilities, majority of the people prefer to use the public shower.  From 
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a focus group discussion in Chorkor for instance, 28 year old woman Naa koikoi , a participant at 
Chorkor stated that: 
“I use the public bath because the taps are located there, there is no tap in 
my house. It will take me an extra effort to carry water from the public tap 
just to bath. So if only I have money it is better to bath at the public shower. 
I also use the public shower to avoid the periodic problems and quarrels of 
who to scrub the bath when it gets dirty. Going to the public shower, I am 
free from family quarrels.” 
It is evidenced that both communities are influenced by the limited availability of space backed by 
a highly dense population. It is therefore difficult to have such facilities in the structures located 
in these two communities. This has led to a massive commercialization of bath and toilet facilities 
in both communities and serve as new income sources and employment for some residents. 
5.4 Waste management practices in study communities 
Waste management is the chain of activities that involves the inception and disposal of waste, 
either solid or liquid. Waste is a by-product of human activities and as part of efforts to enhance 
sustainable and liveable cities; there is the need to properly manage waste in urban communities. 
In most cases poor communities bear the brunt of poor waste management since local governments 
do not do much to address local problems about waste (Owusu, 2008). Access to efficient waste 
collection system is important in reducing threats to health problems and reducing the health 
burden of the urban poor.  
 
 
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Table 5.4: Waste management practices in study communities 
Availability and access to Chorkor Old Fadama Total 
toilet # % # % # % 
Household disposal of       
solid waste 
Public dump (open 18 19.8 85 2.8 103 51.5 
dumping  
Collected 13 14.3 3 78.0 16 8.0 
Public dump  42 46.2 8 7.3 50 25.0 
(container) 
Dump indiscriminately 15 16.5 7 6.4 22 11.0 
Buried by household 2 2.2 2 1.8 4 2.0 
other 1 1.1 4 3.7 5 2.5 
Total 91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
       
Household disposal of       
liquid waste 
Through the sewage system 0 0.0 3 2.8 3 1.5 
Thrown into street 25 27.5 56 51.4 81 40.5 
Thrown into gutter 31 34.1 42 38.5 73 36.5 
Thrown onto compound 29 31.9 3 2.8 32 16.0 
Other 6 6.6 5 4.6 11 5.5 
Total  91 100.0 109 100.0 200 100.0 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
Table 5.4 provides respondents’ responses to access to waste collection system. The results show 
that overall about 52 percent of respondents used public dump (open dumping) system. This was 
followed by the public dump (container) system where 25 percent of respondents indicated they 
used. With this system, a container is placed at a particular location in the community for people 
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to dispose off their waste. After it is full, a vehicle truck comes for the container and replaces it 
with a different one. In the case of the container collection system, the problem also is that they 
get full up for days and the authorities fail to collect it for days.  
 However, there were variations across the study communities with regard to waste management 
practice which also corroborated the chi-square results which showed that there was a significant 
difference (X2=76.663 p=.000 <0.05). For instance, at Chorkor, the main waste disposal practice 
was the public dump (container) system which accounted for about 46 percent of the total 
responses. 20 percent of respondents used the open dumping system whiles 14 percent of the total 
responses were collected. With the collected system individual garbage men move to peoples’ 
homes and collect their rubbish at a fee. At Old Fadama, the collected system was the main waste 
collection practice accounting for 78 percent of the responses from the respondents. Other forms 
of practices included burying of waste by households and use of container. However, 
indiscriminate waste disposal has been a problem in both communities. During a focus group 
discussion in Chorkor, Kweku 40 year old man, a participant started: 
“We the people along the coast throw waste at the seashore because it 
serves as sea defence. This prevents the sea waves from washing into our 
homes and destroying our properties”. 
Another participant, 30 year old woman, Odarley stated; 
“It takes a long distance to walk to the public refuse dump and the charges 
too are high for me to pay” 
Indiscriminate waste disposal has been a major problem in both Chorkor and Old Fadama. The 
Sea and the Korle Lagoon have being receptacle of both liquid and solid waste. Recently a lot of 
100 
 
plastic waste is been thrown into the sea. These bad practices have affected aquatic life and fishing 
activities. Unlike the Sea the Korle Lagoon is totally depleted. There is no fishing activity in the 
lagoon. The stench from the lagoon makes the water body and its environs unpleasant and 
unattractive. Despite this stench, the lagoon is partially filled with saw dust and occupied by the 
people of Old Fadama. This has been a major concern to government for many years. Many actions 
have been taken by government to evacuate the people of Old Fadama but subsequent actions have 
not yielded any good result. 
Plate 6 and 7 show waste which has been openly dumped at the beach at Chorkor and into the 
Korle Lagoon at Old Fadama.  
Plate 6: Indiscriminate dumping of refuse in Chorkor  
 
 
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 Plates 7: Indiscriminate dumping of refuse into the Korle Lagoon 
 
 
Table 5.4 further shows respondents’ response on disposal of liquid waste in the two communities. 
The results indicate that there is a significant difference between the two communities with regard 
to disposal of liquid waste (X2=76.663 p=.000 <0.05). It can be observed that about 34 percent of 
respondents at Chorkor indicated that they threw liquid waste into gutters. 32 percent of 
respondents at Chorkor also threw waste unto their compound, while 28 percent threw waste into 
the street. 39 percent of respondents at Old Fadama threw waste into gutters, 51 percent of them 
threw their waste on the streets. The result indicates that managing liquid waste is a serious 
problem in the two communities. This kind of disposal can easily expose people to the waste and 
lead to increase communicable disease. Chorkor for instance is among communities which are 
vulnerable to cholera outbreaks in the Accra metropolis  
102 
 
5.5 Concerns about community problems 
Table 5.5 shows a Mann-Whitney U test results. The results provide information on the extent of 
social problems in the two communities and whether the extent of the problem differs significantly 
between the two communities. The mean rank shows the extent of the problem; with lower mean 
ranks indicating that the problem is most severe in the community (i.e. the likert scale was 1-5, 
with 1 indicating most pressing to 5 less pressing). This section is important especially when it 
provides a context specific situation regarding the peculiar challenges faced by community 
members. More so, even though poverty broadly refers to deprivation of basic social services and 
needs, the extent of deprivation may vary depending on the community.  
Table 5.5 shows that the mean rank of housing concerns at Chorkor is 68.02 while that of Old 
Fadama is 127.62. The result also shows that there is a significant difference in regard to the extent 
of housing problems in the two communities. This result therefore suggests that residents at 
Chorkor considered housing as a major issue compared to those at Old Fadama. The explanation 
for this may be that, Chorkor over the years has been experiencing poverty and neighbourhood 
decay due to lack of social and economic investment. Again, the high population turnover and the 
inability to meet the housing needs of the community may be accounting for this problem. On the 
other hand, at Old Fadama, even though housing quality and supply is a challenge, most 
respondents are also aware of their temporal residential status and are not prepare to invest in 
housing. Even though housing condition is poor, the fact that they would not be staying for long 
does not make them bother much. After all, their priority is making money and doing something 
meaningful with their lives. 
 
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The next social problem is sanitation. Table 5.5 shows that mean rank for sanitation concern at 
Chorkor was 93.69 compared to that of Old Fadama which was 106.19. The test of statistics shows 
that there is no significant difference between the two communities when it comes to sanitation. 
The fact that sanitation problem is not different for both communities can be attributed to the fact 
that residents over the years have been exposed to insanitary conditions and as a result, the situation 
has become normal for them in order to focus on essential and critical needs such as 
accommodation and shelter (Bagah et al, 2015). 
Table 5.5: Ranking of social problems in study communities 
The extent of social 
Groups Mean rank U W p-value 
problems 
Housing concern Chorkor 68.02 
2003.500 6189.500 .000 
 Old Fadama 127.62 
sanitation concerns Chorkor 93.69 
4339.500 8525.500 .114 
 Old Fadama 106.19 
unemployment concerns Chorkor 124.76 
2752.000 8747.000 .000 
 Old Fadama 80.25 
water concerns Chorkor 115.48 9591.500 
3598.500 .000 
 Old Fadama 88.00 
crime and safety concerns Chorkor 102.39 8939.00 
4753.000 .593 
 Old Fadama 98.23 
Concerns over social Chorkor 101.10 
problems 4904.500 10899.500 .707 
 Old Fadama 100.00 
Source: Fieldwork, 2017 
 
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Regarding employment, the result shows that unemployment is a major concern at Old Fadama 
with a mean rank of 80.25 compared to Chorkor where the mean rank was 124.76. The test 
statistics indicated that there is a significant difference between the two communities. In other 
words, concerns about employment are not the same for the two communities. The result point to 
the fact that unemployment seems to be a major issue at Old Fadama compared to Chorkor. This 
is not surprising because one of the major reasons why people move to this settlement is because 
they want employment in the city, especially in the central business district, and because they want 
cheaper accommodation, most prefer to stay at Old Fadama. In most cases when people move in 
there, it takes a while for them to get a job or start a business on their own. Thus, getting a job or 
doing something for a living is a priority and without this, it would have been a waste of time to 
have moved into the settlement. It is probably because of this that people seem to have ranked it 
as a major issue at Old Fadama.  
Another issue of concern in the study communities is crime and insecurity. It can be observed that 
the mean rank for Chorkor was 102.23 compared to that of Old Fadama which 98.23. The result 
shows a slight difference in regard to crime concerns in the two communities with Old Fadama 
being the community with major concerns. However, the test statistic shows no significant 
difference between the two communities. The prevalence of crime at Old Fadama may be 
attributed to both the spatial and the social characteristics of the area. This view confirms with the 
findings of many studies on crimes in slums and poor inner cities (Frimpong, 2016;Adjubi, 1997) 
which have found such places to be plagued with serious crimes. Spatially, the poor housing 
condition seems to offer little protection for people and their property. Those who sleep outside, 
especially women can be exposed to sexual violence. Theft and violent crime are major issues in 
the community. The popular nickname “Sodom and Gomorrah” obscures the humanity of the  
105 
 
 
slum’s residents (Graphic Online, 2013).  Again, the fact that they are migrant settlers also means 
that the strong bond in families that allow for social control may be absent. In other words, there 
is no informal control of the youth thus they can engage in different forms of crimes. 
To provide insights as to which community faces more social problem than the other, Table 5.5 
further presents a composite measure of the various social problems. This is captured in the last 
row of Table 5.5. The result indicates that the mean rank for Chorkor was 101.10 and that of Old 
Fadama was 100.00. The text statistic shows that there were no significant differences between the 
two communities with regard to the social problems they are encounter. Even though there were 
variations to specific problems, overall no community encounters more problems than the other. 
The results thus indicate that even though migrants and indigenes face different social problems, 
we cannot conclude that one’s problem is bigger than the other. 
5.6 Coping Strategies of the urban poor 
 
How do indigenes and migrants cope in an urban environment that offers them few opportunities 
to lift themselves out of poverty? This question is important as it will provide some information 
about the coping strategies adopted by residents in the two poor urban communities. The analysis 
of this section is based on qualitative data collected during the field work. The discussion also 
presents perspectives about the resilience and precarious situation of indigenes and migrants at 
Chorkor and Old Fadama respectively and how this exposes them to further risk. 
 
 
 
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5.6.1 Job diversification  
Discussions with informants revealed that some of them adopted a range of strategies to cope in 
the two study communities. One strategy that residents adopted was to diversify their livelihood 
sources. Even though the survey results as shown in Table 4.7 indicate that majority of respondents 
depend on one livelihood source, others resorted to other sources of livelihood. The choice of 
another livelihood source is important as it helps residents to meet their daily needs as well as 
those of their dependents. In the case of Old Fadama, which is a migrant community, engaging in 
other sources of livelihood help residents to meet needs at both their present location and back 
home were they migrated from. Similarly, engaging in other sources of livelihood at Chorkor is 
important for residents or indigenes especially in the wake of increasing poverty and economic 
hardship. The two boxes below present stories of two informants, one being a migrant and the 
other being an indigene. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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Box 1: Working in the morning and during the night: Memuna’s story (Old 
 
Fadama) 
 I am 29 years of age and have stayed in Old Fadama for seven years. My first time in 
Accra I slept at the Agbogbloshie market because I had nowhere to sleep. I later joined 
 
the Kayayoo business and worked for three years. Things were quite difficult because I 
was not earning much. I needed money to cater for my children and family I left in my 
 
hometown. In the fourth year, I joined some friends who were prostitutes. We do the 
 Kayayoo business in the morning and go for prostitution in the evening. Later, I realised 
I was gaining more money being a prostitute than a Kayayoo. I know being a prostitute 
 
is risky but I have nothing much to offer than sex to earn cash. I even earn more if my 
clients appreciate my services. Now I am able to cater for my children and family. I have 
 
been able to rent a kiosk and cater for my other needs. 
  Box 2: When necessity leaves you with no option: the case of Naa Dedei (Chorkor) 
 I am 19 years of age and a hairdresser. I am also a single mother of two children. When 
I got pregnant with my first child, things were very difficult for me. I used to sleep in the 
 same room with the man who got me pregnant.  He sacked me from his house when I 
became pregnant. I later have to move and stay with a friend. The father of my child 
 
refused to take responsibilities as a father. No one was ready to lend me money or support 
me in any way. I could not afford anti natal care. What to eat as a pregnant and expectant 
 
mother was a problem. There was no one to support me financially. When I ask people 
 money too they would like to sleep with me before giving me 5 Cedis. In the quest to 
change the situation of hunger and get some money to cater for myself and the unborn 
 baby I started sleeping with men. 
 
 
 
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The stories in boxes 1 and 2 present interesting perspectives on the adoption of alternative source 
of employment in the two study communities.  Even though this job is not dignifying and leads to 
various health risk, the stories of the two research participants shows that their difficult 
circumstance was a compelling factor for their decision to go into this work, especially when they 
needed to make ends meet. The two stories show that, following their engagement in commercial 
sex work in addition to their initial livelihood activity, they have been able to cater for some of 
their immediate problems which include accommodation. In the case of Memuna, she is now able 
to remit some money back to her family in the north. However, this work is likely to expose them 
to a number of health risks, especially sexually transmitted diseases. 
5.6.2 Spiritual solution  
In addition to job diversification, there were some respondents who resorted to spiritual solutions 
for their financial predicaments. This practice seems to be more common in Chorkor. A number 
of factors have occasioned this and include the proliferation of churches and messages from men 
of God which seems to suggest that all problems including poverty can be assuaged when a person 
visits them to be prayed for. Interviews with informants indicated that they have a belief their 
current financial challenges are beyond the physical and is attributable to unforeseen 
circumstances which are in most cases spiritual. The stories in the boxes below provide some 
perspective on this issue. 
 
 
 
 
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Box 3: Where does the money fly to: Spirituality and poverty: Korshie’s story (Chorkor) 
I am 45 years of age. I am very hardworking and never lazy. I wake up very early in the morning 
by 5 am and go to Makola market to sell kitchen ware. People buy my stuffs but I am not able to 
account for what I use the money for. My son stays with the father. This means that I don’t have 
any child to cater for neither do I have land nor a house built for myself. I do not have any money 
in my savings too. The question then is; where does the money fly to? This is more spiritual than 
physical. A pastor told me there are witches in in family. These witches at midnight spiritually 
burn my money into ashes making it worthless. I am always in need and the only way out is to be 
more spiritual too. I need to fast and attend prayer meeting always. In so doing my situation will 
change. I will be able to fight spiritually   
 
 
Box 4: It is a generational curse: Nii Odoi’s story (Chorkor) 
I never came from a rich family and has never been rich too. My father told me he has struggled the 
whole of his life. It was the same with his father too. He lived in poverty till his died. Right now my 
father too is very old and sick. I don’t see any difference between what happened to my grandfather 
and the situation of my father now. If I do not take any action now, the same thing will happen to 
me too. I can never embrace poverty as a friend. It is a generational curse that can only be broken by 
God. I need to get closer to God for this generational poverty to break. Because of this I spend most 
of my evenings in church praying. I never miss Sunday services too. 
 
 
 
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The stories above provide some interesting insights on people’s perception and knowledge about 
poverty. The first point is that there is a belief among informants that the cause of their poverty is 
no fault of theirs but rather through forces they have no control over. Second is that, they seem to 
be powerless in their present circumstances and that it is only through spiritual means that the 
problem can be addressed. Story in box 4 is even more interesting as it tells a story of an 
intergenerational transmission of poverty. However, what is interesting from the stories is that 
none of them indicated that there has been improvement in their lives after resorting to prayers. 
Overall, the stories depict that the link between poverty or financial challenges and spirituality is 
a strong belief among most people in the study communities.  
5.6.3 Social Poverty  
 
Box 5: There is no comfort in that, but life still goes on: Fatima’s story (Old Fadama) 
I am from the Northern Region of Ghana. I have stayed in Old Fadama for the past five years. I 
came here purposely to work and save money to marry in my hometown and start a new family. 
Where I am coming from, marriage ceremonies are special occasions especially for the woman. 
The ceremony brings respect and recognition to the woman’s family. For this reason, women take 
this occasion special and exhibit wealth. It means that to meet that standard, a woman has to work 
extra hard to earn more money to buy all incentives needed to grace the occasion. However, it is 
costly to rent in this community. If I don’t take care I will spend all my savings on rent and would 
not fulfil the purpose of coming to work here in Accra. I joined other women with similar motives 
to rent a kiosk because I could not afford to rent a kiosk solely. We are forty in number including 
children. To avoid overcrowding, we sleep in turns most especially in the afternoons and 
evenings. There is no comfort in that but life still goes on. 
111 
 
 Box 6: The old bath was idle and not in use: Nii Odoi’s story (Chorkor) I stay in a family 
house with other relatives sharing the same compound. I shared a single room with my four 
siblings, mother and grandmother. I am 25 years now and a shop attendant. I have been saving 
money in attempt to rent a room but has all turned futile. I used all my savings on emergencies in 
the family. Recently, I decided to roof and renovate an old bathhouse which has not being in use 
as my abode. I fixed the door and finally moved in. I renovated the bathhouse because we were 
many in the single room and there was no comfort staying in that room.  
I would have prefer building even a wooden structure to occupy but there is no available space 
on the compound to build. Moreover, the old bath was idle and not in use. The family prefer using 
a public shower to avoid family quarrels of who to scrub the bath when it becomes dirty. Besides, 
there is no standpipe in the house and people would not prefer to carry water from the public 
standpipe to the house to bath 
 
The stories in boxes 5 and 6 present a different dimension of poverty.  In the case of Fatima and 
the friends occupying a single kiosk, it is of great interest how they manage to sleep in turns.  The 
question then is; how are they able to sleep in turns during the rainy seasons? However, 
overcrowded rooms have serious health implications on households (GSS, 2012). Crowded 
environments enhance the spread of infectious and respiratory diseases. Also considering the 
climatic conditions of our part of the world, overcrowding in hot conditions may affect sleep 
leading to psychological distress. Like Fatima said, the problem of overcrowding is not totally 
solved but a step has been taken to manage the situation. Nii Odoi also renovated an old bathhouse 
in order to move from a single room been occupied by a large number of people. 
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In addition to the above strategies, informants also indicated that they also borrowed from friends, 
siblings and close acquaintances that are close by. At Chorkor, it was revealed that for most 
fishermen during the lean season, they borrowed from their friends or wives to make ends meet. 
These monies were paid back during the harvest season. Similarly, at Old Fadama, informants 
interviewed indicated social networking among community members. This social networking 
seems to be stronger among groups of similar ethnic and tribal background. Informants relied on 
these forms of social organization to survive in the urban environment. For instance, informants 
revealed that they borrowed from close friends and family members and later pay back when they 
work and get the money. 
Lastly, informants at both communities indicated that they have to cut down a number of expenses 
to be able to cater for their immediate needs and that of their dependants. Discussions revealed 
that food is of utmost importance here. Some informants indicated that they have to forgo 
electricity or even rent for accommodation in order to cater for their expenses on food. Some 
informants also indicated that they have to eat less so that they can pay their utilities and other 
essential services. In order words, coping in this kind of urban environment involves juggling 
through different options and decision making process. It must be pointed out that opinions shared 
about cutting expenses as a coping mechanism seems to be a common strategy adopted in both 
communities. 
 
 
 
 
113 
 
5.7 Conclusion 
In conclusion, Chapter Five has provided further details regarding poverty and problems facing 
the two study communities. The focus of this chapter has been on access to basic services and 
infrastructure as well as coping strategies of the urban poor. In summarizing important issues that 
emerged, the chapter showed that respondents relied heavily of community stand pipes which they 
have to access by paying a fee for the water. There was also no distance that was covered to access 
the water and this was mainly due to the compact nature of the settlements. There was also heavy 
reliance on charcoal and firewood for household cooking chores due to the cost of using gas. 
Differences existed with regards to access to toilet facilities. Whiles most respondents used public 
toilets, majority were from Old Fadama. In the case of those who engaged in open defecation, 
majority were from Chorkor. In ranking of community problems, there were also some variations. 
For instance, in terms of housing most respondents who considered it a major challenge were from 
Chorkor, while for unemployment which is an economic issue, most respondents who considered 
it as a major challenge also came for Old Fadama. A number of measures were taken to cope with 
the hardship and poverty situation. These included mostly cutting down on expenditure, engaging 
in alternative livelihoods and finding spiritual solutions to the financial predicament. 
  
 
 
 
 
114 
 
CHAPTER SIX 
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 
6.0 Introduction 
This chapter presents the main findings of the study and draws conclusions based on the findings. 
The final section of the chapter presents recommendations that address the findings highlighted. 
In the final part of the section, areas that require further research attention are proposed. 
6.1 Summary of Findings 
The aim of this study was to assess the nature and level of poverty between two groups of urban 
poor i.e. those living in migrant communities and those living in indigenous communities. The 
research questions include (1) what was the patterns of poverty in the study communities (2) what 
livelihood are people engaged  in the two communities (3) are people able to access social services 
in the two communities and (4) what coping strategy are the urban poor adopting to withstand 
challenges they are going through. This study was relevant as extant studies on the struggles of 
urban poor often tend to gloss over the intra-urban differentials in regard to poverty experiences 
in the urban milieu. Insight will be provided for targeted attention that will address specific 
contextual factors that influences poverty and the daily struggles of the urban poor. Where there 
are similarities in experiences also, broad based policy can also be used to address the problem. In 
regard to methodological approach, a mixed method approach was used. The quantitative data was 
collected through a survey conducted in both study communities. In all, 200 respondents were 
sampled from the two communities. The qualitative data was also gathered through in-depth 
interviews and focus group discussions with selected informants. 
115 
 
The findings provided a number of insights into the research question. In terms of the demographic 
background of respondents in the two study communities, the findings revealed that majority of 
respondents were youthful in age i.e. 18-35. However, the proportion of youth at Old Fadama was 
more than those at Chorkor. This finding was understandable especially when younger people are 
likely to migrate as compared to older people and this accounted for the large representation of the 
youth at Old Fadama. Concerning the educational background, the results showed that a large 
proportion of respondents have had basic education, with about 30 percent having gone through 
senior high education. This pattern was similar for both study communities. The ethnic 
composition of the study communities revealed a diverse representation of ethnic groups at Old 
Fadama compared to Chorkor which had close to 70 percent of respondents being Ga-Adamgbes. 
In assessing the levels of poverty, a number of indicators were used and include income earned, 
expenditure on items, housing conditions and assets owned. Statistical tests were conducted to 
ascertain if these differences were significant. The findings revealed that respondents at Chorkor 
earned slightly higher in terms of income than respondents at Old Fadama. Again the findings 
indicated that income earned at Chorkor were more concentrated in the GHC 201-500 and GHC 
501-1000 income brackets. On the other hand, income earned at Old Fadama was more spread 
across the various income brackets. The findings were also supported by a Chi-square test which 
showed that there was a significant difference in income earned across the two communities in 
Chapter Four. Further on poverty differences between the two communities, the findings showed 
that while there were similarities and differences in expenditure patterns between the two 
communities, on a whole, respondents at Old Fadama made more expenses compared to 
respondents at Chorkor. Thus, the observation made from this finding is that respondents’ residents 
116 
 
at Old Fadama are facing serious financial burden compared to those at Chorkor. They may be 
poorer than residents at Chorkor. 
On the differences in levels of poverty, the findings showed that a large proportion of respondents 
at Old Fadama compared to Chorkor resided in kiosks/containers. This was different from the 
situation at Chorkor where all respondents resided in compound houses. Observations made from 
this finding is that living conditions of respondents at Old Fadama were more precarious than that 
of respondents at Chorkor. This is because the present housing condition at Old Fadama makes 
residents in this community more vulnerable to environmental and social hazards such as fire 
incidence (due to the wooden nature of housing accommodation) and crime. Nonetheless, it was 
also observed that the present occupancy rate in both migrant and indigenous communities was 
high and exposes residents in both communities to environmental health hazards. 
Findings on livelihood activities in the two study communities also showed that there were 
variations across the two communities in terms of livelihood activities. For instance, it was 
observed that livelihood activities at Old Fadama were more diverse compared to those at Chorkor. 
At Chorkor, the findings showed that the major livelihood activity was fishing. This livelihood 
reflects the custom and the environmental conditions prevalent in the community. First, it is closer 
to the sea and thus provides the natural condition for fishing. This livelihood is also gendered with 
men going for fishing using their boats, while the women take the fish to the market upon return 
of the fishermen. Further, the fishing business is also seen as a family business. In regard to Old 
Fadama, the results showed that the major activities in the community include trade, artisanal 
works, scrap business and head porterage. It was revealed that the scrap business is segmented into 
various categories and includes scavengers/collectors, refurbishers and scrap dealers. The e-waste 
117 
 
business as was revealed, has become a major industry in Old Fadama enclave and has apparently 
provided job opportunities for migrants who have currently settled in the area.  
The results on livelihood and income earned showed there could be variations in income earned 
among respondents within the same livelihood activity. For instance, at Chorkor, some respondents 
within the fishing business earned between GHC 201-500 monthly while others also earned 
between GHC 501-1000. Again, there were traders at Old Fadama who earned between GHC 100-
200 monthly, while others also earned GHC 201-500 and GHC 501-1000. The findings on 
livelihood also showed that majority of respondents in both communities did not have an 
alternative livelihood, thus indicating the level of vulnerability of the two communities.  
About the coping strategy adopted to address poverty concerns in the two study communities, the 
findings showed that residents in an attempt to survive in the urban settings have adopted a range 
of strategies. For instance, some residents have added other livelihoods in addition to what they 
are currently engaged in. This form of livelihood diversification is to help residents survive in the 
urban environment by providing them with the means to access essential services and to cater for 
the needs of their dependents. The problem observed with job diversification was that, women 
mostly engaged in commercial sex work which tends to expose them to various health hazards. In 
addition to this, some residents especially those in Chorkor have resorted to seeking spiritual help 
since they perceive their present poverty condition as something they have been ushered into 
through no fault of theirs. The last coping mechanism adopted was cut on expenditure. 
 
 
 
118 
 
6.2 Conclusion 
Urban poverty is a major problem in Ghana’s cities just as other developing countries’ cities. The 
extent of poverty in most cities, especially those in the global south undermines city authorities 
attempt to create a more liveable and sustainable city. It has become imperative therefore to gather 
more insights, both quantitatively and qualitatively about poverty in urban areas in developing 
countries in order to formulate formidable policies to tackle the problem. While acknowledging 
the above points, it is also important to indicate that poverty conditions are not uniform and vary 
within the urban space i.e. between communities and among different social groups. A number of 
conclusions are made based on the research questions. 
First the findings have shown that variations exist in regard to the nature and extent of levels of 
poverty in the migrant and indigenous community. Based on income and expenditure patterns for 
both communities, it is concluded that Old Fadama is facing worse economic conditions as 
compared to Chorkor. Again, other indicators also showed that poverty conditions at Old Fadama 
were worse as compared to Chorkor. These include housings conditions and waste management 
issues in the community. In addition to the economic conditions, there were other problems that 
both communities were differently faced with and these were the expenditure patterns of the two 
communities. For instance, residents at Old Fadama spent more on water compared to those at 
Chorkor, while those at Chorkor also spent more on electricity compared to those at Old Fadama. 
In regard to the livelihood activities in the two communities, the study concludes that livelihoods 
activities are more diverse at Old Fadama as compared to Chorkor. However, the problem is that, 
few of the residents are currently engaged in alternative livelihoods thus, they are likely to increase 
the vulnerability situation of residents in both communities. For those who are currently engaged 
in other forms of livelihood as coping capacity, the observation made is that even though this may 
119 
 
be addressing their immediate needs, the problem is that the nature of these livelihood, especially 
women engaging commercial sex work may have significant impactions on their health. 
6.3 Recommendation 
Government should have key interest in the three northern regions of Ghana namely; Upper East, 
Upper West and Northern Region. Government policy of One District One Factory (1D1F) should 
be started from these regions. The raw materials needed for production (crop and animal product) 
in the factories should be produce from local farmers. Also, since these three regions have a 
climatic condition which is less favourable to their major livelihood activities, government should 
build more dams which will help irrigate their farms and crops. In so doing, farmers will have 
work to do throughout the year irrespective of the dry and wet seasons. Farmers should further be 
equipped and supported with incentives and trainings that will impact knowledge and will boost 
production. This will subsequently reduce the inflow of young people into other regional capitals. 
In so doing, consequently, reduce congestion in the cities and reduce pressure on urban 
infrastructures.  
In relation to the fishing industry, the Fisheries Act 625 which mandates season openings and 
closure should be implemented to conserve marine species. This will positively affect the quality 
and size of subsequent yield. Government should involve local fishermen who use small vessels 
like canoes in decision making and should address their needs. Government should be solely 
involved in the sale of premix fuel. In so doing the product gets to local fishermen and reduce cost 
and economic pressure on fishermen. This also will prevent the opportunity for diversion of the 
product. Government and NGOs should build storage and preservation facilities in local fishing 
communities. This will help to preserve fish during bumper harvest and provide economic support 
for fishermen in the lean season. 
120 
 
Government and NGOs should extend vocational trainings to the youth in poor communities (both 
indigenous and migrant communities).Women should be empowered with skills and be assisted 
with the necessary logistics needed to enable them establish themselves after the training. In so 
doing, jobs will be created and social vices such as crime and prostitution will be reduced in the 
cities. 
 Also, government should encourage private participation in waste management and provide 
adequate resources for the management of waste. Poor communities should be subsidised in terms 
of the charges given for the collection of waste. The Accra Metropolitan Assembly should enforce 
building of toilet facilities in both new and old structures. The institution should help landlords 
with some building materials to encourage more people put up proper toilets in their structures. 
This will reduce open defecation which leads to the outbreak of diseases.  
Also, the main utility service providers, Ghana Water Company Limited and Electricity Company 
of Ghana should demarcate their meter areas in poor communities to improve current service 
needs. Government should also subsidize utility charges for poor communities. In so doing the 
disparity between poor communities and the well to do communities is minimised if not totally 
closed. 
Lastly, government should expand affordable housing especially to poor communities and relocate 
the poor in slums. Government should plan and deliver sanitation and infrastructure to all these 
areas in Accra.  
 
 
121 
 
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APPENDIX 1: The Questionnaire 
Survey Questionnaire 
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON. 
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF URBAN POVERTY AMONG MIGRANTS AND 
INDIGENES IN THE COMMUNITIES OF CHORKOR AND OLD FADAMA, ACCRA. 
QUESTIONNAIRE 
This is a research being undertaken by a student of The University of Ghana, on Urban Poverty 
among Indigenes and Migrant Low Income Communities in the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area 
(GAMA) with reference to ‘Chorkor’ and ‘Old Fadama’ as the study areas.  The researcher would 
be very grateful if you could provide answers to these questions. This information is being gathered 
for academic purposes and publications only and will be held in confidentiality. The identity of 
A. RESPONDENT DETAILS/ SOCIO- DEMOGRAPHIC DATA  
A.1  Verbal [ ]  A.2  Time interview started  
consent given 
(check)  
A.3 Questionnaire No.   
A.4 Neighborhood (circle)  i. Chorkor         ii. Old Fadama 
participants will not be disclosed and their privacy will be strictly observed. 
Please tick the appropriate answers where applicable 
A.5 Gender          
       a) Male                      b) Female 
A.6 Age of respondents …………………………… 
A.7 Ethnic Origin  
   a) Ga- Adamgbe         b)    Mole- Dagbani         c) Ewe           d) Akan        e) Grusi                                                                     
f) Mande             g) Guan          h) Gurma                     i) Others........................... 
 
 
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A.8 Educational level  
     a) Primary                     b) Middle/ JHS             c) SHS /O level            
    d)  Tertiary                         e) No Formal Education          f)    Others ……………….. 
A.9 Religion      a) Christian       b) Muslim    c) Traditional           d) Others………….. 
 
A.10 Marital status 
  a) Married          b) Living together       c) Widowed             d) Divorced           e) Single   
A.11 Where were you born? (town and region) ………………………………….. 
 
 A.12 Where were you staying before? ............................................................ 
 A.13 How long have you lived in this community?       
………………………………………………………………………………………. 
 
                               B: LIVELIHOOD PROFILE AND INCOME  
B.1 Are you gainfully employed?    a) Yes           b) No 
B.2 If YES which of the following categories do you work?  a) Formal     b) Informal 
B.3 If NO 
why…………………………………………………………............................................. 
B.4 What is your main source of Livelihood? 
      a) Primary………………………….                              b) Secondary………………………….. 
B.5 How many hours per week do you work in a typical week……………………………… 
B.6 How many are you in your household?  ……………. 
B.7 Which kinds of income do you and your household receive? 
a) Earnings from employment or self-employment 
b) Interest from savings, dividends, etc. 
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c) Pensions  
d) Other sources …………………………………. 
B.8Will you please tell me which group represents your total income in Ghana Cedis in a month? 
              a) < Gh¢ 200                       b) Gh¢ 200 - 500c                      GH¢ 500 - 1000  
              d) Gh¢ 1000 - 1500             e) > Gh¢ 1500 
 
B.9 How much money a week do you think is needed to keep your household? ...................... 
 
B.10 How far above or below that level would you say your household is? 
a) A lot above that level of income          b)   A little above              c)   About the same 
d) A little below            e) A lot below that level of income              f) Don’t know 
 
B.11 What percentage of your income do you spend on the following household needs  
 
Accommodation Food Water Health Waste Disposal Energy 
 
      
 
                 
C: ACCESS, SERVICES AND HOUSING CONDITION 
C.1 In what type of dwelling does your household live?      
       a) Separate house         b) Semi-detached house                   c) Flat/Apartment   
       d) Compound house     e) kiosk/ container      e) Other (Specify) 
 
C.2 What is the main material of the outer walls of this dwelling? 
       a) Mud bricks/earth    b) Wood    c) Metal sheet/slates    d) Cement blocks   e) Other…………… 
C.3 What is the present holding/tenancy arrangement of this dwelling? 
       a) Owner occupied         b) Renting       c) Rent-free    d) Perching      e) Other……………….  
C.4 How long have you lived in this house/dwelling? ….............................................................. 
C.5 How many rooms does your household occupy?  ............................        
C.6 How many people sleep in the room? …………………. 
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C.7What is the main source of drinking water for the household? 
      a) Pipe-borne inside dwelling        b) Public tap/Standpipe      c) Borehole/Pump/Tube well 
      e) Sachet water        f) Other (Specify)……………………….. 
 
C.8 What is the main source of water used by your household for other domestic purposes such as                 
cooking and washing? 
    a) Pipe-borne inside dwelling            b) Public tap/Standpipe  c) Borehole/Pump/Tube well                               
d)   Protected well                 e) Other (Specify)………………………..  
 
C.9 What is the distant to the nearest source of water? ………………. 
 
C.10 Do you use a public shower or household? …………………… 
  
C.11 How much do you pay per bath if public bath? ………………… 
C.12 What is the main source of cooking fuel for this household? 
      a) None, no cooking      b) Wood/ Charcoal            c) Gas 
      d) Electricity                  e) Kerosene                       f) Other (Specify)…………… 
 
C.13 What type of toilet facility is usually used by the household 
     a) No facility (e.g. bush/beach/field)             b) Pit latrine           c) KVIP 
     d) Bucket/Pan           e) Public toilet (e.g. WC, KVIP, Pit, Pan)    e) Other……………. 
C.14 If Public Toilet what is the average distance spent in accessing the toilet…………………… 
 
C.15 What is the average waiting time spent in accessing the toilet…………………………. 
 
C.16 How does the household dispose of rubbish (refuse)? 
     a) Collected     b) Public dump (Container)       c) Public dump (Open space) 
     d) Dumped indiscriminately      e) Buried by household     f) Other (Specify)……………….  
 
C.17 How does your household dispose of liquid waste?  
     a) Through the sewage system           b) Thrown onto the street   c) Thrown into gutter 
134 
 
     e) Thrown onto compound                f) Other ……………………….  
  
                 D. PATTERN AND PERCEPTION OF POVERTY 
 
D.1 Over the last past years, has poverty been…………… 
          a) Increasing                                                   b) Decreasing 
          c) Staying about the same                              d) Don’t know 
 
D.2 Over the next 10 years, what will be the trend of poverty in this community? 
             a) Increase            b) Decrease            c) Stay at the same level           d) Don’t know 
 
D.3 If the ladder has ten steps with the famous rich person in Ghana at the top (10) and the poorest 
person at the bottom (1) where do you place yourself now? 
 
 10 
 9 
 8 
 7                                 State the figure……….. 
 6 
 5 
 4 
 3 
 2 
 1                                                     
 
 
 
135 
 
D.4 Which of the following assets do you own? |Please tick 
Land  
Bicycle  
Motorcycle  
Car  
Cooking Stove  
Television  
Electric Fan  
Radio  
Mobile Phone  
Sewing Machine  
Refrigerator  
Cattle  
 
E. VULNERABILITY AND COPING STRATEGIES 
E.1 Rank in order of importance, on a scale of 1-5, in ascending order, which are the most serious 
concerns in your community. (5 being the most serious concern) 
                                          Concern                                                Rank 
a. Crime and safety   
  
b. Water   
 
 
c. Sanitation   
 
 
d. Housing  
 
 
e. Unemployment   
 
 
136 
 
E.2 Has there been any time that you did not have any money at all on you?  
                                     a) Yes                              b) No  
E.3 Over the past years, how often, if ever have you and anyone in your household gone without         
food to eat? 
     a) Everyday                       b) A few times a month                  c) A few times a month                               
d) Less than a month                                     e) Never 
 
E.4 What did you do at that time / in this state?  
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………..  
E.5 Over the past years, how often, if ever have you and anyone in your household gone without 
water to drink? 
    a) Everyday                           b) A few times a month                   c) A few times a month           
    d)  Less than a month              e) Never 
 
E.6 What did you do at that time / in this state?  
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 
E.7 In times of economic hardship, which one of these needs listed below would you reduce 
spending on first. Rank on a scale of 1-5 in decreasing order, (where 1= 1st to reduce spending on) 
and 5 last to reduce spending 
                                                                     Need                                   Rank  
1 Water  
2 Electricity  
3 Food  
4 Transportation  
5 Sanitation  
  
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 E.8 In times of hardship what do you do? 
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 
 
Thank YOU 
Time Completed…………………. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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APPENDIX 2: Focus Group Guide 
General information about Poverty (past and present), Source of Livelihood, Social 
Services (Availability and Accessibility) and Adaption Strategy. 
 
1. Can you give a brief history of this community? 
2. In general, what occupation do most people in this community engage in? 
3. What is the most dominant work men engage themselves in? 
4. Can you please tell me what work most women engage themselves in? 
5. Are there any other sources of livelihood for the people in this community? 
6. In what type of dwelling do most of the households live in?  
7.  Can you please tell me about the type of dwellings in this community? 
8. What type of toilet facilities are used by the households in this community? 
9. Which facility(s) is most preferred?  
10. How do the people dispose off waste (both liquid and solid)? 
11. What has been the effect of this system of waste disposal? 
12. What is the most preferred way of waste disposal? 
13. Rank in order of importance, on a scale of 1- 5 in ascending order (1 being the most 
serious concern), which of the following household needs do you spend much of your 
income on : Accommodation, Food, Water, Health, Waste Disposal, Energy 
14. Can you please tell me your understanding of poverty?   
15. Over the past years, what do you think poverty in this community has been?  
16. What are the most important occurrences that have taken place as a result of poverty? 
17. What are the problems that poor people face in this community? 
139 
 
18. What accounts for this situation of poverty in the community? 
19. Can you describe how these affect social amenities availability, quality, and accessibility? 
20. What contribution have you made as individuals to improve your life in your community? 
21. Over the next 10 years, what do you think poverty in this community will be? 
22. Rank in order of importance, on a scale of 1- 13, in descending order (13 being the most 
serious concern), which are the most serious concerns in your community: Crime and 
safety, Water, Sanitation, Housing, Transport, Harassment, Unemployment, Food, 
Electricity, Dispute, Education, Health and Disease, Flooding. 
23. Which categories of people are the most affected or vulnerable? Explain why. 
24. How do people manage in times of economic hardship? 
25. In your own opinion, what measures do you suggest to be put in place to cope with 
economic pressures?  
Thank you for your time and response! 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
140 
 
APPENDIX 3: In-Depth Interview Guide 
Background Information          
            Community: 
            Sex: 
            Age: 
            Ethnic Origin: 
            Religion: 
            Marital status: 
            Number of Household Members: 
            Highest Level of Education: 
            Place of Birth: 
            Where were you staying before? 
            How long have you lived in this community? 
Access, Services and Housing Conditions 
1. What type of housing facility do you use? 
 What are the conditions attached to this housing facility? 
 Is this housing facility always available?  
 What determines its availability? 
 How does it affect you and what are the outcomes of experience? 
2. What are the main sources of water that your household use for domestic purposes and for 
drinking? 
 What is the distant to the nearest source of water?  
 What determines its variability? 
 How does it affect what you do and the outcomes of experience? 
3. What type of toilet facility do you use? 
 How accessible is this toilet facility? 
4. How do you dispose off waste (both liquid and solid)? 
 
 
141 
 
Livelihood, Income and Expenditure 
5. What is your main source of Livelihood? 
6. What is your other source of Livelihood if any?  
7. What is your average monthly income? 
8. How much of your income do you spend on the following household needs in a month? 
Accommodation Food Water Health Waste Disposal Energy 
      
Pattern and Perception of Poverty 
9. Over the past years, how do you think poverty has affected your life?  
10. In the years to come, what will the situation be? 
11. What does poverty mean to you?   
12. What are the problems that you are facing in this community? 
13. What do you think accounts for these problems? 
14. What contributions have you made as an individual to improve your life in this community?  
15. Which of the following assets do you own?  
Land Electric Fan 
Bicycle Radio 
Motorcycle Mobile Phone 
Car Sewing Machine 
Cooking Stove Refrigerator 
Television Cattle 
 
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Vulnerability and Coping Strategies 
16. In times of economic hardship, which one of these needs listed below would you reduce 
spending on first. Rank on a scale of 1-5 in decreasing order, (where 1= 1st to reduce spending on)  
                                                                     Need                                   Rank  
1 Water  
2 Electricity  
3 Food  
4 Transportation  
5 Sanitation, Health  
 
 
17. What are your most serious concerns as a person in this community? 
18. How have these problems affected you? 
19. How are you coping with the situation?  
 20. In times of hardship what do you do?  
 
                                                               Thank You  
 
 
 
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