Urban Governance 3 (2023) 219–227 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Urban Governance journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ugj Towards a paradigm shift in social protection in developing countries? Analysing the emergence of the Ghana national unemployment insurance scheme from a multiple streams perspective Frank L.K. Ohemenga, ∗ , Rosina Foli b a Department of Political Science, Concordia University, 1455 De Maisonneuve Blvd. W., Montreal, QC H3G 1M8, Canada b Department of Political Science, University of Ghana, Legon-Accra, Ghana a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t Keywords: The COVID 19 pandemic continues to cause a lot of uncertainty around the world. At the onset of the pandemic, Ghana governments responded with policies and programs to curb its devastating effects on citizens, and Ghana was Multiple streams framework no exception. Although the Ghanaian government introduced various stop-gap measures to mitigate the effects National unemployment insurance scheme of the pandemic, the inadequacies of the extant social welfare system was badly exposed. Consequently, as the social policy pandemic seethed on, there were calls for reform of the existing social protection system and the introduction of Transformation new programs, especially for those in the informal sector. In response, the government introduced a new National Unemployment Insurance Scheme (NUIS). How did this happen? What led the government to accept tentatively the need to reform and transform the social welfare system after years of policy padding and the dragging of feet? Drawing on Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework, we argue that the pandemic created a policy window, which enabled policy enntrepreneurs to push the unemployment insurance idea to reform the existing social welfare system. The introduction of a NUIS, is seen as a paradigm shift in social protection and more broadly in social policy. The objective of this paper is to examine how the NUIS got on government’s agenda, and whether the NUIS is a game changer in social protection in Ghana. We sourced information mainly from secondary sources. I i t t C a C ( C A d w h t p r l t o o s u 2 t b F i d ( s D e s f h R A 2 ( ntroduction In March 2020, the World Health Organisation (WHO) declared OVID-19 (SARS-CoV-2), a viral infection first identified in Wuhan, hina, in the latter part of 2019, a pandemic. Since its emergence, OVID 19 has affected almost all countries globally, both directly and in- irectly. The impacts of the pandemic which continues till date spanned ealth, social, economic, and political dimensions of peoples lived ex- eriences. Besides the loss of human lives1 and livelihood, and the chal- enge that the pandemic posed to national health systems and the econ- my in general, it was noted that “…tens of millions of people are at risk f falling into extreme poverty…informal economy workers are partic- larly vulnerable because the majority lack social protection and access o quality health care and have lost access to productive assets ” ( ILO; AO; IFAD; WHO, 2020 ). Consequently, countries all over the world eveloped measures to deal with the pandemic and its effects, notwith- tanding the uncertainty surrounding it. Policymakers globally had difficulty managing the pandemic due its uddeness, uncertainty, and unpredictable nature. Countries with ex-∗ Corresponding author. E-mail address: frank.ohemeng@concordia.ca (F.L.K. Ohemeng) . 1 The total confirmed death as of July 22, 2022, was about 6.38 million. ttps://doi.org/10.1016/j.ugj.2023.05.002 eceived 26 August 2022; Received in revised form 17 April 2023; Accepted 6 May 2 vailable online 10 May 2023 664-3286/© 2023 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier B.V. on behalf of Shanghai http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ) sting strong health and social support systems may have had a bet- er start in dealing with the pandemic, while others without such sys- ems or with weak systems (a concerning problem for the WHO), such s poor/developing countries, particularly those in sub-Saharan Africa SSA), had to put in place stop-gap measures to deal with the pandemic. lthough the fears of most people bothering on how SSA countries with eak health facilities could survive the pandemic is abated to some ex- ent, the consequences of the pandemic and the nature of governmental esponse calls for the reform of social protection programs and the in- roduction of new ones where appropriate. In Ghana, the government had to put in place ad hoc interim mea- ures, especially during the partial lockdown from March 30 – April 19, 020 ( Foli & Ohemeng, 2022 ). During this period, the government, led y the Ministry of Gender, Children, and Social Protection (MoGCSP) n collaboration with the National Disaster Management Organisation NADMO) and Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies (MM- As) distributed food and other essential supplies, as well as provided mergency shelter for the underprivileged. In addition, the government or a limited time, supplied water freely and provided a 50% waiver on023 Jiao Tong University. This is an open access article under the CC BY license F.L.K. Ohemeng and R. Foli Urban Governance 3 (2023) 219–227 e j e t I s G n ( t b t o w i F a i n ( F c c t p d m p s b t t c t p f s p e p d s h n s s J e t t O i m i E a o c c t a v i h l s i m i p i m p i f a 2 b w i p “ w f e c a S m p t i w m f s ( p m t i i ( e o p t s p w d i o t g i a b a c i o N m lectricity consumption from April – June 2020. Frontline health work- rs were also offered a 50% increase in basic salary, as well as a Life nsurance cover. These measures formed part of a three and half year hana COVID-19 Alleviation and Revitalization of Enterprises Support CARES), titled, “Obaatan pa ” programme by the government to help etter manage the effects of the pandemic. It is noteworthy that the social protection measures instituted to deal ith the pandemic and its effects were criticized as being inadequate n addressing the needs of Ghanaians, and especially the most vulner- ble in the society ( Bukari et al., 2021 ; Centre for Democratic Gover- ance (CDD)/Afrobarometer 2022 ; Foli & Ohemeng, 2022 ; HRW, ISER, oN, 2021 ). Others attributed the problem to the fragmentation of so- ial policies, which made it difficult for the government to address the roblems that emerged from the pandemic in a holistic way ( Foli & Ohe- eng, 2022 ). Critics consequently called for the harmonisation, expan- ion, and the strengthening of the existing social welfare measures by ransforming the current social welfare system in the country. To these ritics, the pandemic had not only exposed the inadequacies of social rotection, but also the need for a comprehensive and transformational ector to meet future vulnerabilities ( Foli & Ohemeng, 2022 ). Public officials acknowledged these criticisms and the failure of the revailing system to cater for Ghanaians under such an extreme circum- tance. There has, therefore, been a consensus for the need to introduce ew social welfare regime that can overcome the failures of the present ystem. For instance, at the height of the pandemic, some top gov- rnment officials, and civil society organisations (CSOs) proposed that he country should develop an unemployment insurance system ( Foli & hemeng, 2022 ), targeted at those who lost their jobs (and those who ay lose their jobs in the future) due to the coronavirus ( Darko, 2020 ; ditorial, 2020 ; Graphic, 2020 ) and other unforeseen events. To these fficials, such a program should reflect what exists in most developed ountries. The government accepted these criticisms and suggestions and de- eloped a National Unemployment Insurance Scheme (NUIS), with the ope that such a scheme may help deal with future unforeseen circum- tances and uncertainties in the country. According to the government, a ajor outcome of the pandemic was the unprecedented levels of unem- loyment and joblessness recorded ( Ofori-Atta, 2020 ). To the govern- ent, while Ghana largely avoided serious health ramifications, includ- ng public sector job losses, private sector jobs were lost and that there re still unique set of socioeconomic challenges to overcome. Hence, the est way to resolve some of these problems in the future is through the ntroduction of the NUIS, which has been described as a “game changer ” that would help bring calm on the labour front as it would provide hope or people who lost their jobs during the pandemic…help ensure the se- urity of their jobs ” ( Korankye, 2022 ). It is within this milieu that NUIS was introduced. The scheme is pri- arily a contributory system with defined benefit for the sole purpose of roviding income support and re-employment services to workers who nvoluntarily become unemployed due to unexpected future events and eet specified eligibility criteria. A key component of the scheme is a ystematic training and retraining of the unemployed from such unex- ected shocks to enable them regain employment in the shortest possible ime. The training and retraining programme is, thus aimed at preserv- ng and upgrading the human capital and skills of workers who lose their mployment or are under-employed because of the current and future andemics. It is, therefore, the hope of the government that this new cheme will transform the country’s employment landscape since many ill be given the opportunity to get on board the programme. The objective of this study, therefore, is to expand the existing studies n COVID 19 and social protection by examining the factors that led the overnment to respond and accept the need for a new social program nd transform the sector by moving away from what has been described s policy padding that has characterised the social welfare system since ndependence in 1957 ( Foli & Ohemeng, 2022 ) and to see whether the UIS is a paradigm shift from the predominant social welfare system or220 ust another policy padding of the system. In short, the study attempts o explain the acceptance, the introduction of new the NUIS, and the ubsequent expansion of social protection measures that can serve the eeds of the populace beyond the pandemic. This study asks: what led he government to accept tentatively the need to reform and transform he social welfare system after years of policy padding and the dragging f feet? How did Ghana come to formulate and implement NUIS? To answer these questions, we turn to Kingdon’s Multiple Streams ramework (MSF), which scholars continue to utilise in understand- ng policy making, especially when it comes to agenda setting Kingdon, 2003 , 2011 ). Consequently, we argue that government’s ac- eptance to transform the social welfare system and the introduction of he NUIS is due to the window of opportunity created by the COVID pan- emic ( Mintrom & True, 2022 ), the exposure of the limitations of the resent system, and the coupling of the three policy streams identified y Kingdon ( Kingdon, 2003 , 2011 ) by policy entrepreneurs. Without he COVID pandemic, we doubt whether the idea would have gained raction and ended on the institutional agenda. It is our view that the ramework offers an important insight into Ghana’s formulation and im- lementation of the NUIS, and provides an appropriate context for the stablishment of a new well coordinated social welfare system in or- er to alter the contours of social policy in the country ( Cairney & Za- ariadis, 2016 ; Pragati & Morris, 2016 ). In addition, the approach is een as most suitable for case study-based empirical work ( Cairney & ones, 2016 ), which this paper is. Our selection of Ghana is based on the idea that the country continue o serve as a importan case for reforms in Africa. At the same time, it s one of the countries praised by the international community concern- ng how it dealt with the pandemic. Thus, this initial response served as flashpoint which other countries could emulate. Yet, as already dis- ussed, the failure of the existing welfare regime to sufficiently address he social welfare problems as exposed by the COVID pandemic and the cceptance of the need to transform the system has once again put Ghana n the limelight. Thus, the proclivity of the Ghanaian experiment as a eading reformer on the continent, makes it a good case to study how deas to transform a sector gets onto the formal or institutional agenda n developing countries. Furthermore, it has been noted that develop- ng countries have consistently been called upon to implement unem- loyment insurance, the most common public income support program or the unemployed in developed countries ( Cirelli, Espino & Sánchez, 021 ; Sehnbruch, Carranza & Prieto, 2019 ; Vodopivec, 2009 ). Thus, ith Ghana heeding this call, it is imperative to study and perhaps rovide lessons for other developing countries, and in particular Africa here unemployment insurance is not a major policy of government, specially if Ghana gets it right in designing a program that many have cknowledge is difficult to successfully design ( Obinger & Schmitt, 2022 ; ehnbruch et al., 2019 ). The study contributes to knowledge in a number of ways. First, it akes up the call to study public policymaking in developing countries, hich a number of scholars have been trying to do since Horowitz amously questioned whether there is a third world policy making Horowitz, 1989 ) with other scholars suggesting that these countries ay be considered as a pawn of the international community in the pol- cy making game or what Ikenberry has described as “bandwagoners ” Ikenberry, 1990 ). Second, while some scholars have rejected this notion f policy bandwagoning ( Conteh & Ohemeng, 2009 ; Onyango, 2021 ), heir studies have not focused on how ideas, therefore, gets on to the olicy agenda in these countries. Thus, this paper contributes to this iscussion by highlighting how governments come to accept a policy dea in developing countries. Thirdly, while the MSF is widely applied o the study of policy making, there is less application of the framework n developing countries. Thus, its utility in develoing countries is yet to e fully tested. It is therefore, our attempt to examine how the approach an be applied in this context. Finally, by focusing on the transformation f the social welfare regime, we are highlighting the need for govern- ents in developing countries to expend resources, if they are to over- F.L.K. Ohemeng and R. Foli Urban Governance 3 (2023) 219–227 c 2 a c [ w i m i G a t Z a s p t a T i f o t d e a o c i a b c r i e g n s w A a n a t a p a n d p o v ( i c w t o c e B w O p m 2 s d d t c p c n d f w i c w d t i T d p i p o e c e p a T p s d o t t a h g o o o 1 w w i d [ n g a a ome the difficulties experienced at the height of the COVID pandemic nd how they can do so in the future. This introduction is followed by a discussion of the theoretical frame- ork, which guides the discussion. The next section briefly explains the ethodology. What then follows is a discussion of social protection in hana since the inuaguration of the fourth republic in 1993. Using the heoretical framework, we analyse how the NUIS emerged on the policy genda in the next section. We conclude by drawing implications for olicymaking in developing countries. he multiple streams framework perspective Before procceding to discuss the MSF, it is important to acknowledge he framework’s utility in understanding how public policies are made, specially how the ideas related to policy, problems, and politics gets n to what the literature has described as the agenda stage in the pol- cy making process ( Kingdon, 2003 , 2011 ). Furthermore, the idea has een applied in a number of different policy areas, and, therefore, has eceived and continues to receive wide usage in the policy science lit- rature ( Hoefer, 2021 ; Howlett, McConnell & Perl, 2017 ). It would be aïve on our part to review all these areas, and thus end up regurgitating hat has been said already. So, the essence of this section is to provide n overview of the framework for the sake of our readers and then try to pply it to the Ghanaian case. In both cases, we would be contributing o knowledge as expected, especially on the utility of the framework in olicymaking in developing countries. To understand the MSF, a brief background will suffice here. King- on began his search for alternative explantaion about how things get n the policy agenda, in particular, the formal or institutional agenda Cobb & Elder, 1983 ). He was displeased with the “idea of a linear pro- ess in which, in this order, a policymaker identifies a problem to solve, he bureaucracy produces a range of possible solutions, and the poli- ymaker selects the best choice ” [( Cairney & Zahariadis, 2016 ) p. 87]. ased on his admiration of the Garbage Can model ( Cohen, March & lsen, 1972 ), Kingdon sought to examine and understand the policy aking process and this led him to develop the MSF ( Kingdon, 2003 , 011 ). In acknowledging the limitations of the rational approach, King- on further suggested that while periods of uncertainty make the ra- ional policymaking process impractical, such periods also provide op- ortunities, or simply a window of opportunity, for the introduction of ew policy proposals, which are most likely to receive positive responses rom both policymakers and citizens. What then is the MSF and what are its characteristics? There is no onsensus amongst scholars about a strict definition of the framework espite the bourgeoning literature on it. Rather what has proliferated n the literature is a description of it. In fact, Kingdon himself did not efine the idea but instead used a metaphor of streams to describe how ssues get onto the agenda of government. The MSF is thus, a process f understanding of the coming together, what has been described as oupling of three metaphoric streams, which are policy, politics, and roblem or simply the three (3) Ps. he structure of the framework: problems, policy, and politics treams Kingdon, as already noted, saw agenda setting as the convergence of hree streams, which are problems, policies, and politics. These streams, owever, are seen as independent streams. Despite this, the confluence f the three streams in the form of coupling helps to push some issues nto the agenda. Thus, Kingdon is of the view that issues find their ay on the formal agenda when “a problem is recognised, a solution s available, and the political climate makes the time right for change ” ( Kingdon, 2011 ), p. 88]. The problem stream deals with the recognition of public issue as problem by the society. Howlett at al. [( Howlett, McConnell & Perl,221 015 ), p. 2] define this stream as essentially “policy problems in so- iety that potentially require attention. ” According to Howlett at al. ( Howlett et al., 2015 ), p. 67], this stream “contains perceptions, opin- ons, and attitudes held by various members of the public and pol- cy communities. ” It is noted that problems are conditions that devi- tes from policymakers’ or citizens’ ideal states ( Herweg, Zahariadis & ohlnhöfer, 2018 ), or as Beland and Howlett ( Beland & Howlett, 2016 ) ay, the “perceptions of problems that are seen as “public ” in the sense hat government action is needed to resolve them ” (p. 222). A key issue in this stream is about how a problem is defined by policy ctors ( Knaggård, 2015 ). While the idea of policy problem is pronounced n the literature, there is no definition of it. Rather, a description is of- ered by Peters ( Peters, 2018 ) who identifies three main components f policy problem definition. These are: description of influential con- itions and interests, history of prior governmental action or inaction, nd persuasive argument, bearing in mind that a public problem is a ondition that at least some people in a society view as being undesir- ble. We subscribe to Peters’ idea that a policy or public problem is a ondition that at least some people in a society view is undesirable. This s interesting since a public problem may be found at different levels of overnment. The problem can also be context specific or international uch as environmental pollution or the COVID-19 and other pandemics. problem can be tractable or obdurate, or simply “wicked ”, which does ot lend itself to easy solution ( Head, 2022 ). Another key issue in the problem stream is how to frame an issue s a problem that needs attention. In short, framing is about how issues re crafted so that the public may understand why it is a problem which eeds to be resolved. Framing thus helps to focus attention on some ublic problem rather than others ( Baumgartner & Mahoney, 2008 ; an Hulst & D, 2016 ). Framing, however, involves persuasion of pol- cy actors, as there are many of these, who may not see anything wrong ith the status quo, for example, and therefore, may resist the change r may also be eager to push their own ideas by framing the issue differ- ntly. In addition, a window of opportunity may open during this stage, hich then will enable either a policy and/or political entrepreneur to ush their ideas onto the agenda. The second stream is what he described as the policy stream. This tream, according to him consists of various ideas or proposals to ad- ress the problem at hand. The main actors in this stream are bureau- rats, political staffers, academics, interest groups, and researchers, who onstitute the policy community ( Kingdon, 2003 , 2011 ). These actors, escribed as policy entrepreneurs, are defined as “energetic actors who ork with others in and around policymaking venues to promote pol- cy innovations ” [( Mintrom, 2019 ), p.1]. These actors, are therefore, illing to “invest their resources-time, energy, reputation, and some- imes money-in the hope of a future return ” [( Kingdon, 2011 ), p. 122]. his future return with such an investment may come in the “form of olicies of which they approve, satisfaction from participation, or even ersonal aggrandizement…” [( Kingdon, 2011 ), p.123]. Their focus is ssentially policy change with personal fulfilment stemming from how ffectively their actions brought about such change in the community t large ( Mintrom, 2019 ; Mintrom & Norman, 2009 ). The stream can be categorised as an arena where many ideas and pro- osals are floated around and competing for attention in what has been escribed as the policy community, which includes “a loose connection f civil servants, interest groups, academics, researchers, and consul- ants, who engage in working out alternatives to the policy problems of specific policy field ” [( Herweg, 2016 ), p. 132]. This attention seeking ame has been described as “policy primeval soup, ” where a wide range f ideas is possible and considered to some extent [( Kingdon, 2003 ), p. 22]. In this “soup game ” then some ideas gain the needed attention, hile others fade away quietly. The ideas that gain the attraction may be ue to the calibre of policy entrepreneurs pushing it, as well as their con- ection with political, as well as institutional entrepreneurs ( Bakir, Ak- unay & Coban, 2021 ; Christopoulos, 2006 ; Ohemeng & Grant, 2022 ). In ddition, policy entrepreneurs take advantage of policy windows, which F.L.K. Ohemeng and R. Foli Urban Governance 3 (2023) 219–227 “ s l t D i i t e w i a e t o o i p o i t p ( c o a e t m m o I i w c d o w d p l t e t p c p h i “ a l s o i a f f w t b o n t o n H h p a p w w i i B e o t 2 t s r a t e ( d f f e A a n a t b t t n p i i i d b e ( p are exceptional, fleeting periods of time when there is a greater like- ihood of initiating policy change than usual ” [( Michaels, Goucher & an, 2006 ), p. 984]. Such windows tend to open when the existing pol- cy environment is disturbed, mainly through exogenous factors such as conomic downturn, pandemic or a ‘focusing event’. The next stream is the political stream, which is more about politics tself. In this stream, Kingdon’s focus is more on the actors in the gov- rnmental arena; the push and pull factors that may affect the thinking f these actors. The stream has components which include the swings n national mood, vagaries of public opinion, election results, change f administration, shifts in partisan or ideological distribution and in- erest group pressure campaign ” [( Kingdon, 2003 ), p. 87]. Angervil Angervil, 2021 ) says that the politics stream consists of party ideol- gy found within institutions and relevant to issues, balance of inter- sts/interest group campaigns, referring to relevant group positions, ad- inistrative or legislative changed and national mood being the public pinion about issues and solutions. The national mood refers to the shar- ng of issues by several people within a time-lapse, creating favourable onditions, or not, for some ideas to arise ( Macedo, Valadares & Ro- rigues de Melo, 2021 ). Kingdon ( Kingdon, 2003 ) is of the view that the streams are indepen- ent. He argued that the three streams of processes develop and operate argely independently of one another and are largely governed by differ- nt forces, different considerations, and different styles. However, for a roblem to be solved, the three streams come together, especially during ritical times. Thus, the coming together is what he described as cou- ling. In short, all three streams must congregate for a policy change to appen. This idea of independent streams and its confluence has been crit- cized by some scholars. Dolan ( Dolan, 2021 ) for instance argues that complete couplings between problems, politics, and policies streams re rare, and are particularly difficult to achieve ”. She, therefore, has ooked at what she describes as multiple partial coupling, which she de- cribed as a strategy used by policy entrepreneurs to get policy change to ccur. She wrote “multiple partial couplings reflect a strategy that pol- cy entrepreneurs regularly practice. If all three streams are not ripe for single issue, the traditional means of coupling the streams is unlikely or that particular issue. In such cases, policy entrepreneurs may tack he blocked issue onto an existing policy package with a high chance f making it to the decision agenda and hope their pet solution slips hrough unnoticed ” (p. 181). Be that as it may, the theory holds sig- ificant sway in understanding policy changes, and we believe it will elp us to examine and explain the change from institutional path de- endency and padding to a new and transformational policy on social rotection, which will then create a new path for the future of the social elfare system in Ghana. asic assumptions of the framework There are several basic assumptions in the framework ( Herweg et al., 018 ; Herweg, Zahariadis & Zohlnhöfer, 2022 ). The fundamental as- umption of the MSF, as already indicated, is that policy making is char- cterised by ambiguity. Ambiguity in this situation refers to the idea hat there are multiple ways to define or frame and interpret policies Cairney & Zahariadis, 2016 ; Zahariadis, 2008 ) and makes it difficult or policy makers to rationally define policy problems affecting soci- ty. At the same time, policymakers have no time to rationally think bout an issue, define it well, identify solutions and their alternatives s the rational comprehensive model proposes ( Simon, 1947 ). This is ecause, according to Kingdon ( Kingdon, 2003 , 2011 ), policy makers end to identify and attend to a long list of problems although they only ay serious attention to a fraction of them. Indeed, this is what prevails n developing countries where even family problem may end up on the esk of the policy maker. A second assumption of the framework, according to Hoefer Hoefer, 2021 ), is that time and other resources are limited. As a re-222 ult, “individual decision-makers have only so much time and capacity o tackle problems whereas the world seems to be full of almost unlim- ted problems that might be addressed ” ( Obinger & Schmitt, 2022 ). In his context, time constraint is the enemy of the policymaker. A third assumption of the MSF is that “independent processes occur hen policy decisions are made. Thus, policy problems, policy solutions, nd political conditions shift constantly and without clear linkages to he others ” ( Hoefer, 2021 ). These constant shifts make it difficult for ne to know and predict the future of a policy problem. In this scenario, olicymakers become what Simon ( Simon, 1947 ) has described as “sat- sficers ”, which is the seeking of good enough solution(s) to a policy roblem. In short, when policymakers face policy difficulties and time onstraints, like the COVID pandemic, they go back to history and look t how they might have dealt with a similar problem in the past and used he same approach to attempt to resolve the new one. Thus, the policy- aker’s aim is to find a satisfactory result, rather than the best solution. t is, therefore, about being pragmatic and using strategic ideas to deal ith the problem. The fourth is window of opportunity, which is a period or situation f the uptake of policy knowledge. Policy windows provide the context ithin which the three streams are coupled and illuminated in the policy rocess ( Zahariadis, 2008 ). Kingdon ( Kingdon, 2003 , 2011 ) described his as an opportunity for policy entrepreneurs (and policy advocates) o push their policy proposal to policy makers. As stated, … [a]dvocates lie in wait in and around government with their solu- tions at hand, waiting for problems to float by to which they can at- tach their solutions, waiting for a development in the political stream they can use to their advantage. Sometimes the window opens quite predictably. The scheduled renewal of a program, for instance, cre- ates an opportunity for many participants to push their pet project or concern. At other times, it happens quite unpredictably. Policy en- trepreneurs must be prepared, their pet proposal at the ready, their special problem well-documented, lest the opportunity pass them by ” (p. 165). Policy windows, however, opens occasionally and does not stay open or long. Consequently, policy actors, especially policy entrepreneurs ho intend to push specific policy solutions, must act precipitously efore the opportunity passes by, or they will have to wait until the ext chance comes along ( Guldbrandsson & Fossum, 2009 ). Thus, the pening of such window can be predictable or unpredictable ( Beland & owlett, 2016 ). A fifth assumption of the model is the role of policy actors, who re described as policy entrepreneurs, who are “energetic actors who ork with others in and around policy-making venues to promote pol- cy innovations ” [( Mintrom, 2019 ), pg. 1]. These policy entrepreneurs nclude governmental officials or political elites, bureaucrats, civil soci- ty organisations, individuals, academics, and officials of international rganisations. They play an important role by shaping the course of the hree streams by linking or “coupling ” policy problems and policy solu- ions together with political opportunities. They also point to the central ole of agency within the MSF ( Jones et al., 2016 ) ( Fig. 1 ) There are also issues such as time constraints, problem policy pref- rences, unclear technology, fluid participation, and stream indepen- ence ( Herweg et al., 2018 ). Time constrains deals with the schedule or making decisions amidst uncertainties, including meeting deadlines. s explained by Herweg et al. ( Herweg et al., 2022 ), policy makers have ext to no time to think through policy problems and potential solutions o them. Apart from the frequent need to respond quickly to a problem, hese time constraints originate from the many issues that policy makers eed to attend to, which leaves extremely limited time to consider each ndividual problem thoroughly. Vice versa, policymakers’ limited capac- ty to attend to problems also leads to competition between issues (and etween the policy entrepreneurs who promote them) for policymak- rs’ attention. Similarly, policy makers may be unaware of their policy references with regards to any issue, as they joggle amongst various al- F.L.K. Ohemeng and R. Foli Urban Governance 3 (2023) 219–227 Fig. 1. Diagram of the multiple streams ap- proach. Source: Jones et al. (2016) . t a t s t g p t m a i p i f t a c l p M c s I C 2 d G s t i 2 s m d t f t m a p d s s e e r t g p m 2 f i N i s e i t H u a p ( m T ( t G c ernatives that may be presented to them. This may affect their level of hinking and understanding of a particular issue and the kind of choices hey have. Thus, in most cases, intuition is employed in the selection of olicy preferences. At the same time, the choices policy makers make ay be affected by unclear technology, which deals with policy makers’ nability to know the inputs and outputs of how procedures are carried n each context. Such unclear technology has serious implications for he decision-making process, especially in a time of rapid technological hanges ( Herweg et al., 2018 ). ethodology This study is a qualitative case study of Ghana’s response to the OVID 19 pandemic and builds on the response to make recommen- ations for social protection in post COVID Ghana. It is part of a larger tudy on social policy and social protection in Ghana. Considered an nterpretive approach to the study of social phenomena, a qualitative tudy aims at attaining in-depth understanding through exploration and escription ( Rossman & Rallis, 2012 ). It adopts multiple methods and ocuses on the context. Data for the study was sourced through docu- entary analysis ( Bowen, 2009 ) of published journal and newspaper rticles, and government publications, as well as part of interviews con- ucted so far on the ongoing larger project on social policy reforms and ocial protection in Ghana. As a case study, this study seeks depth of comprehension of Ghana’s esponse to the pandemic and the introduction of new policies and pro- rams, to draw conclusions and guidelines for post-pandemic policy- aking ( Tripathy, 2009 ). The fundamental idea is to understand the orces that shaped these new policies and programs, and especially the UIS. Although extensively focused on a particular context, the depth of nformation that is obtained is helpful for explanation, description, and xploration, to provide pointers for the future ( Yin, 2011 ). The qualita- ive case study method, therefore, was adopted for this study to enable s to obtain in-depth information and to make recommendations for olicy reforms. he state of social protection: a brief overview Chapter 6 of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana ( Republic of hana. 1992 ) calls for social protection for the poor and vulnerable223 nd the general promotion of social development of the country. Con- equently, social policy constitutes one of the major policy tools that overnment continues to deploy towards national development. Over ime social programs have become subjected to political rationalization, s politicial campaigns are ladden with promises to provide one social rogram after another. Unfortunately, the political turn of social policy ormulation, means that governmental turnovers could mark the end of program. Social protection under the first government of the Fourth Repub- ic led by Jerry J. Rawlings (1993 – 2000), initially continued with rograms established to mitigate the social costs of adjustment, which overed those disproportionately affected by the implementation of tructural adjustment and economic recovery programs in the 1980s. n 1995, the government developed the Ghana Vision 2020 (1996– 000) ( Leite et al., 2000 ; McKay, Pirttilä & Tarp, 2016 ; Republic of hana. 1995 ), which underpinned the provision of social protection un- il 2001 when a new government was inaugurated. The Ghana Vision 020 strongly focused on facilitating well-being, welfare, and develop- ent. This was done through development of human resources – educa- ion and training, increasing employment, strengthening social infras- ructure and services. In education, the free compulsory universal basic education (FCUBE) rogram encouraged enrolment with a particular focus on eliminating patial inequalities between the north and the south, and gender in- qualities ( Republic of Ghana. 1995 ). In 2005, the capitation grant (cov- ring primary education) and school feeding programs were introduced o eliminate all forms of barriers to accessing education amongst the oor. Additionally, free uniforms, and textbooks were provided between 009 and 2016. In 2017, the free Senior High School (SHS) program was ntroduced to facilitate accessibility to secondary education. In health care, the Hospital Fees Act of 1985 made provisions for ome categories of patients to be exempted from paying for service, ncluding those determined to be poor, students, and health workers. owever, the user fees introduced by this Act, popularly refered to s the ‘cash and carry’ resulted in underutilization of health facilities Yevutsey & Aikins, 2010 ). This resulted in the introduction of the com- unity health insurance schemes, which were piloted across the country Agyepong & Adjei, 2008 ). In 2003, a National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) with both con- ributory and non-contributory aspects was introduced to replace the ash and carry system, as well as many existing community health insur- F.L.K. Ohemeng and R. Foli Urban Governance 3 (2023) 219–227 a o o a e i t i H e p e b t i p F s a ( a c t p s b t o A o c e t t v a h d g c l a 2 b t s t e t l g w a ( t P a j h o S d i g t s a t n t c g f s ( a n p i w a ( c n c t i C i t l ( s a y t w ( s t p p a i s p o t O p N unce schemes to provide basic health care to citizens in the framework f risk pooling, characterized by member-paying premiums towards any ventuality ( Agyepong & Adjei, 2008 ). In 2012, the government enacted he National Health Insurance Act (Act 852) to replace the National ealth Insurance Act (Act 650) of 2003. Section 29 of Act 852, further rovided exemptions for the poor and vulnerable in terms of their contri- utions to the scheme. The exemptions covered “…a child, (b) a person n need of ante-natal, delivery and post-natal healthcare services, (c) a erson with mental disorder (d) a person classified by the Minister re- ponsible for Social Welfare as an indigent, (e) categories of differently- bled persons determined by the Minister responsible for Social Welfare, f) pensioners of the Social Security and National Insurance Trust, (g) ontributors to the Social Security and National Insurance Trust, (h) a erson above seventy years of age, and (i) other categories prescribed y the Minister ” ( Republic of Ghana 2012 ). In 2008, the government introduced the Livelihood Empowerment gainst Poverty (LEAP) program, a cash transfer program with both onditional and unconditional provisions to provide support to the ex- remely poor and vulnerable. LEAP beneficiaries include orphans and ulnerable children (conditional), people living with disability without ny productive capacity and the aged – 65 years and above – (uncon- itional). With a coverage of 1645 households in 2008, the program urrently covers 344,023 households (about 1.5 million people). Besides the LEAP, a national pensions scheme was introduced in 009 to support retired formal sector workers, as well as workers in he informal sector who contributed towards their pension while in ac- ive working life ( Kpessa, 2011 ). Employment programs such as, the na- ional youth employment program and the national apprenticeship pro- ram were also introduced to facilitate capacity building, particularly mongst the vulnerable youth population without income and some- imes without any skills. A Labour Intensive Public Works (LIPW) was lso introduced to provide wage earning opportunities to poor farming ouseholds during the off-season ( Labour Intensive Public Works 2022 ). ocial welfare services (overseen by the Department of Social Welfare) ncluding the provision of shelter and care, counselling, and training o cover beneficiaries including poor and vulnerable children, the aged nd differently abled persons were also introduced. It was within this climate that the COVID-19 pandemic hit the coun- ry. For effective management of the COVID 19 pandemic in 2020, the overnment introduced some temporary social protection measures to upport the vulnerable and poor. These included the distribution of food nd other supplies to the underprivileged within the communities and rovision of shelter during the lockdown; free water supply, and a 50% aiver on electricity consumption for residents from April-June 2020 Foli & Ohemeng, 2022 ). In spite of all these programs, social protection continues to face a umber of challenges. The challenges include fragmented programs, ex- lusion of eligible populations due to weak targeting, which increases he social protection expenditure since programs tend to be universalise n order to capture the deserving poor ( Ofori-Addo & Lawrence, 2013 ). onsequently, since 2007, there have been attempts to link the programs n a wholistic and coherent manner, which led the development of a Na- ional Social Protection Strategy in 2007 ( MMYE 2007 ), which further ed to the development of the National Social Protection Policy in 2015 MoGCSP 2015 ). In the last three years, attempts to make the delivery of ervices coherent has resulted in the Integrated Social Services Initiative nd the Single Window Citizen Engagement Service. At the height of the pandemic, business shut downs and/or reduced ork hours affected individual workers, especially those in the informal ector, which is a major source of employment for the majority of the opulace, accounting for over 80% of the workforce, and disproportion- tely dominated by women ( Baah-Boateng & Vanek, 2020 ). The partial hut down of the economy and its impact led to calls for some form f support for people who had lost their jobs due to the crises ( Foli & hemeng, 2022 ). The repeated calls resulted in the formulation of the UIS, first announced in the 2020 mid year fiscal review by the Minister224 f Finance on 23rd July 2020. According to the Minister of Employment nd Labour Relations, the program will provide income support, capac- ty building through training and retraining, and job search support for ndividuals who lose their sources of livelihood due to future social and conomic crises ( Graphic 2020 ). The program focuses on two sectors, ducational and hospitality and tourism that suffered the most during he pandemic and the lock-downs. indings and discussion Here, we discuss how the three streams came together and provided suitable context for new policies such as the NUIS and general accep- ance of the need for a well transformed and coordinated social welfare ystem. It is noteworthy that and particularly as it relates to social pro- ection reform, the pandemic served as a focusing event and a window of pportunity ( Mintrom & True, 2022 ), and highlighted the inadequacies f the existing system, and the need for change. Thus, the pandemic, and specially the associated locked downs and other policies, have all led o the acceptance for the need for change in the social welfare system. From the problem stream perspective, the social welfare system is ighly fragmented with government after government introducing pro- rams incentivised by political returns rather than careful thoughtouts, eading in some cases, to policy overlaps or layering, which have cre- ted confusion in the system. Consequently, policies and programs have een padded overtime, and as such not well coordinated due to politici- ation. Besides, the programs were also inadequate as regards the cov- rage of the vulnerable, especially the borderline poor. This was high- ighted during the pandemic as unemployment rates soared but there as no program to support people who lost their sources of livelihood particularly those in the informal sector). The Ghana Socioeconomic anel Survey (GSPS) on the pandemic reported that the income of ma- ority of people was reduced (about 84% of respondents) or lost (41.9% f respondents) due to pandemic dynamics such as lost of jobs and lock- owns ( Schotte, Danquah, Osei & Sen, 2021 ). Furthermore, in the re- ions which were locked down, the inadequacy of the social welfare ystem was highlighted as individuals suddenly realised that without heir source of livelihood (work/jobs), they could not meet their basic eeds such as food. A report on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on hildren, indicated how the pandemic forced children into finding dif- erent sources of livelihood as their parents could not provide for them Human Rights Watch; Friends of the Nation; Initiative for Social & Eco- omic Rights 2021 ). The glaring nature of the effect of the pandemic on ndividuals livelihood, caused some people to ask: what support systems re in place in times like this? As noted by the Executive Director of So- ial Enterprise Ghana, a non-profit organization, [ t ]he Covid-19 pandemic has brought to the fore the lack of social protection measures for the poor, marginalised women, and unem- ployed youth who are at the mercy of the economy’s downturn. The situation of some persons in the media losing their jobs calls for pol- icymakers, private sector, and insurance companies to develop solu- tions like basic income, unemployment insurance, salary for start-up founders, insurance for self-employed. This will at least give these vulnerable individuals who have become victims of circumstance have peace of mind and good health ( Myjoyonline.com 2020 ). The problems enumerated above have been recognised over the ears. For instance, in the development of the National Social Protec- ion Strategy ( MMYE 2007 ) and the National Social Protection Policy MoGCSP 2015 ) in 2014, policy entrepreneurs recognised the fragmen- ation of social protection programs and attempted to harmonise these rograms and link them together, so that citizens could benefit by hav- ng access to all appropriate programs through a single window ap- roach. Unfortunately, while there were streams coupling, the defeat of he incumbent government in the 2016 general elections decoupled the olitical stream, which made it difficult for the policies to gain traction ntil the COVID pandemic hit. F.L.K. Ohemeng and R. Foli Urban Governance 3 (2023) 219–227 e t t K s fl d p [ a 2 v i d s c - t a b l b t r T t a t t p i q t I p v e v s l h t p o d t t p l A h s f c e s C g t s d T h a t c t o C p o e s p i e i t e e s e a t s s m t g s t v i w I i n p t w w i p u n T f t h & t n f n e t f h w a o s As already noted, the policy stream is dominated by policy en- repreneurs, and is characterised by various policy proposals in what ingdon metaphorically described as a primeval soup with various ideas oating in it. The pandemic opened the policy window, which enabled olicy entrepreneurs and policy brokers to come up with policy ideas to ddress the social welfare system ( Kuhlmann, Bouckaert, Galli & Reiter, 021 ; Mintrom & True, 2022 ; Richter et al., 2021 ). In Ghana, and sim- lar to what Kingdon ( Kingdon, 2003 ) described, policy entrepreneurs panned across governmental officials – political elites and bureaucrats at all levels of government, civil society organisations, individuals, cademics and international organisations. These entreprenuers high- ighted the plight of the poor and vulnerable, especially during the par- ial lockdowns of Accra and Kumasi using the various media platforms. hus, the voices of these entrepreneurs grew louder during the period nd as the locked down continued, there were suggestions for the need o reexamine the existing social welfare system and the promotion of deas to expand welfare programs to cover many. One such key sugges- ion was the introduction of unemployment benefit as the numbers of eople who lost their jobs (tourism and hospitality, and private school mployees) rose. A proposal to support the unemployed through an in- urance scheme was mentioned by the President Akuffo Addo in one of is special updates on the COVID measures and as already noted, in the resentation of the mid-year budget review in July 2020 by the Minister f Finance. Prior to this, civil society organisations like the Social En- erprises Ghana, have also recommended the introduction of an unem- loyment insurance and basic income policies ( Myjoyonline.com 2020 ). s argued at the height of the pandemic, “the situation of some person- …losing their jobs calls for policymakers, private sector and insurance ompanies to develop solutions like basic income, unemployment in- urance, salary for start-up founders, insurance for self-employed…to ive these vulnerable individuals who have become victims of circum- tance peace of mind and good health ” ( Myjoyonline.com 2020 ). The rades Union Congress supported the announcement by Mr. Ofori-Atta nd called for the swift implementation of the scheme. The third stream, which is the politics stream, is specifically for gett- ing policy actions done from a favourable disposition of governmental fficials or political entrepeneurs, and the general populace to accept olicy proposals. As already stated, the exposition of the inadequacies f the existing social protection program, as a result of the COVID en- rgised policy entreprenuers to make a forceful push for the need for a olicy change, which subsequently forced the government to acknowl- dge the problem, as well as accept to change the system, leading to he adoption of the NUIS, which had been proposed by these policy ntrepreneurs. This acknowledgement and the need for change were mphasized by the president during the various updates he provided to he general public during the period. Indeed a key theme, which was tressed in the various presidential and ministerial speeches concerned he essence of reforming and transforming the existing social protection ystem. The president in a speeech noted that the “virus has also re- ealed the unequal distribution of healthcare facilities…” necessitating ncreasing health infrastructure across the country ( Akufo-Addo, 2020 ). n a radio discussion, a regional minister reiterated the need for eco- omic transformation as “the virus has taught us to go for domestica- ion….When we produce locally, it will create employment, the youth ill get jobs…This will directly or indirectly increase our income ca- acity. ” ( Eshun, 2020 ) The Centre for Democratic Development (CDD), oted that the pandemic is an opportune time for socio-economic re- orms ( Asiedu, 2020 ). Thus, the general fervour was that the pandemic ad presented Africans and for that matter Ghanaians, with the oppor- unity to innovate and develop a better welfare protection system. The COVID pandemic has had and continues to have devastating ef- ects on people, especially the most vulnerable in the society, which the xisting system could not, and cannot address. This was clearly mani- ested particularly during the partial lockdown ( Foli & Ohemeng, 2022 ), hich although distressing, created a favourable context or a window f opportunity, for innovative ideas to emerge on how to reform the225 xisting social protection system. The pandemic, its diverse impact on he lives of individuals and the country, and the inability of the existing ystem to address or provide social protection thus, created a policy win- ow, providing the “…opportunities for action on given initiatives…. ” ( Kingdon, 2003 ) p.166] for the government to act. In Ghana, while there was a temporary provision of support to the ulnerable and poor spearheaded by the government with support from evelopment partners and some non-governmental organisations, in- luding the free delivery of food, provision of emergency cash transfers o the extremely poor and vulnerable who were not part of the existing eneficiaries of the LEAP, a signficant portion of the people were “left ehind ”, so to speak. In a survey, about 80% indicated that they did not eceive any pandemic relief while almost 50% were dissatisfied with he government’s provision to vulnerable households and about 67% of he respondents decried the unfair distribution of government support rovided at the height of the pandemic ( Afrobarometer 2022 ). Conse- uently, these underpinned the need to revamp of the existing system. t was this situation of being ‘left behind’ and the inability of such indi- iduals to feed their families, which led market women and other street endors to threatened and in some cases defy the government over the ocked down, as they claimed that the locked down would rather kill hem than the pandemic ( Foli & Ohemeng, 2022 ). To provide basic income to those who lost their jobs during the pan- emic and for others who might lose their sources of livelihood due o crisis and other unforseen situations in the future, the NUIS was aunched in June 2022. The NUIS is the first of its kind in the country’s istory. Even though there exist a social security scheme, it is mainly ocused on contributing towards retirement without any provision for ventualities which occur as a result of crisis like the one posed by the OVID pandemic ( Darkwa, 1997 ; Kludze, 2019 ; Kpessa, 2011 ). It can hus be surmised that but for the policy window presented by the pan- emic, the adoption and implementation of this initiative would not ave been possible. This also indicates that the country’s social pro- ection system is inadequate to manage crisis situations like what the ountry experienced during COVID 19. onclusion The COVID 19 pandemic, which devastated lives and livelihood pre- ented policy entreprenuers with the right context to push various policy deas and solutions to problem, which otherwise would not have made t to the formal agenda in many countries. This was the case in Ghana, specially when it comes to social policies. This is because, the country’s ocial policies have continuously followed a path dependence approach nd policy padding, despite many critical junctures, which could, and hould have been used to transform the sector. This lack of transfor- ation in the sector was exposed when COVID hit the country and the overnment embarked upon a partial lockdown in the major cities in he country The inadequacies inherent in the social protection system, which ere exposed during the pandemic thus created an opportunity for pol- cy entrepreneurs to redefine the problem and draw attention to their roposals, which many had stalled prior to the COVID pandemic. There ere calls for the reform of the existing social protection system as the nterim measures instituted during the pandemic were limited, partic- larly for employees in the informal sector, most of whom are women. he lockdown and other measures implemented to halt the spread of he virus had direct negative impacts on their lives and livelihood ( Foli Ohemeng, 2022 ). Policy proposals drew the attention of the public to the fragmented ature of existing programs and, therefore, led to the call for the harmo- ization and coordination of the various social protection programs in he medium to long term. In the short term, especially for those who ave lost their jobs, and the suggestion for an unemployment insur- nce scheme, similar to what exist in many developed countries, was een as a blessing for the future. With the policy window opened as a F.L.K. Ohemeng and R. Foli Urban Governance 3 (2023) 219–227 c C c a C h u u a C s C e t C m C n g C t C t D p o w D s p D i q E c E t t p F t s G D G R H R H A H A H A H H A H H A H B H B I B I B B J B K C K onsequence of the pandemic and the political support in the broader ontext where change was welcomed, a national unemployment insur- nce scheme was finally launched in June 2022 government with the ope that such a scheme will be able to protect the citizenry in future nexpected circumstances. The paper, therefore, attempted to examine how this scheme ended p on the institutional agenda ( Cobb & Elder, 1972 ) and its development fter years of government feet dragging and the failure to transform the ector by developing a social protection system, especially for employ- es. We argued that the development of the new policy was, therefore, he combination of what Kingdon has described as the coupling of three ains streams: problem, politics, and policy in his MSF.. In this sense, ot only did the MSF help us to answer the question of how the NUIS ot on the formal agenda of government, but it also helped us to explain he generally favourable consideration of the proposal for a reform of he existing social protection system for a post COVID society. The MSF, while well established and continues to be utilised in ex- laining the policy making process, has received less attention in devel- ping countries. Consequently, the paper has contributed to the frame- ork’s efficacy and applicability in developing countries’ context, where ome scholars keep wondering whether these countries make their own olicies or whether they are just pawns on the international policy mak- ng game ( Cairney & Zahariadis, 2016 ). The study has also shown the uest by the government to transform a sector, which should have oc- urred long before COVID pandemic hit. As the adage goes, better late han never. Hopefully, this policy has set a new path for transforming he sector and will enable government to effectively address future social roblems. Future research should, therefore, examine the implementa- ion and impact of the policy to see whether indeed it is a paradigm hift. eclaration of Competing Interest The authors declare no conflict of interest Frank Ohemeng and osina Foli eferences frobarometer, (2022)., January 25. New Release. 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