Incentives For Participation In Forest Management In The High Forest Zone Of Ghana: Gender, Age and Social Origin By Mercy Serwah Boafo A Graduate Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment For The Master of Science In Forestry Degree Faculty Of Forestry And The Forest Environment Lakehead University Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Lakehead University OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH Name of Student: Mercy Boafo Title of Thesis: Degree Awarded : Incentives for Participation in Forest Management in the High Forest Zone of Ghana: Gender, Age and Social Origin M.Sc,F. This thesis has been prepared under my supervision and the Candidate has complied with the Master's regulations. y z ^ jn - Signature of Supervisor Date University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ABSTRACT Boafo, M. S. 1999. Incentives For Participation In Forest Management In The High Forest Zone Of Ghana: Gender, age and social origin. M.Sc.F Thesis, Faculty Of Forestry and Forest Environment, Lakehead University, Thunder Bay, Ontario. 142 pp. Major Advisor Crandall A. Benson. Keywords: Social and economic incentives, participation, local communities, forest management activities, forest resources, Ghana, gender, age, social origin, natural resources, non-timber forest products, Migrants, Indigenous. The social and economic incentives for community to participate in forest management activities to achieve sustainable management of forests have received very little attention in West Africa. In particular, differences in relation to gender, age and social origin have not been examined. Local communities use the forest for different purposes and have participated in different ways towards the sustainable management of the forest depending on their livelihood and social differences such as gender, age and social origin. Ninety people from four communities comprising two migrant communities, an admitted settlement in the forest reserve and a forest land­ owning community served as participants for this study. The study utilized participant observation, participant interviews and strategic planning workshops. Local communities value and use forests and forest resources for household subsistence and as a supplementary source of cash income depending on gender, age, social origin and household responsibilities of each individual. Local communities have participated in the management of the forest through forest boundary cleaning, forest rehabilitation, monitoring for illegal activities, prevention of fire outbreaks and forest management planning. Participation in each activity depends on the gender, age and social origin and to some extent the access to collect and gather forest resources. Many people in the local communities were interested in participating effectively and efficiently in the management of the forest if sustainable and secured social and economic incentives are in place. Local communities are interested in participating in forest boundary cleaning, monitoring and reporting illegal activities, controlling and protecting of forest fires, rehabilitating degraded areas of the forest, including thinning and harvesting operations, and in forest management planning. Appropriate incentives for participating effectively and efficiently are dependent on the gender, age and social origin of each individual. These include social and economic incentives such as payment of wages for each activity, access to the forest for gathering and collecting forest resources for both household subsistence and income generation, community development projects, increase in revenue rates, regular payment of revenues, employment for the Juniors and a share in the final crop planted in the forest through rehabilitation work. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT-------------------- ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ......... iii LIST OF FIGURES ...... v ii LIST OF TABLES .......... ....viti 1.0. INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................1 1.1 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM................................................................................. 3 1.2 BACKGROUND AND STUDY OBJECTIVES.......................................................5 1.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY................................................................................... 9 2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW........................................................................................10 2.1 BACKGROUND AND SETTING IN GHANA.......................................................10 2.2 ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE............................................................................... 12 2.3 DESCRIPTION OF THE HIGH FOREST ZONE OF GHANA.......................... 12 2.4 PARTICIPATORY FOREST MANAGEMENT....................................................15 2.5 BENEFICIARY RIGHTS TO LOCAL COMMUNITIES IN GHANA’S FOREST RESERVES................................................................................................................... 19 2.6 GENDER AND FOREST RESOURCE MANAGEMENT..................................22 2.6.1 The Ghanaian Situation................................................................................. 24 2.7 LAND OWNERSHIP AND PARTICIPATORY FOREST MANAGEMENT 26 2.7.1 Security Of Rights In land .............................................................................. 27 2.8 COMMUNITY......................................................................................................... 29 2.9 INCENTIVES.......................................................................................................... 30 2.9.1 The Ghanaian Situation................................................................................. 33 2.10. QUALITATIVE RESEARCH............................................................................33 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.11 SOCIAL DIFFERENCES...................................................................................34 3.0 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 36 3.1 STUDY AREA ........................................................................................................ 37 3.1.1 DESCRIPTION OF COMMUNITIES.................................................................38 3.2. SOCIAL GROUPS ............................................................................................ 44 3 2.1 Aae.....................................................................................................................44 3.2.2. Social Origin....................................................................................................45 3.2.3. Gender.............................................................................................................45 3.4. FIELDWORK...................................................................................................... 45 3.5 RESEARCH METHODS.......................................................................................47 3.5.1 Participant Observation....................................................................... 47 3.5.2 Key Informants.................................................................................................49 3. Group and Individual Interviews..........................................................................51 3.5.4. Strategic Planning Workshops..................................................................... 53 3.6 DATA ANALYSIS PROCEDURE........................................................................ 56 3.6.1 Chi-squared Analysis ......................................................................................57 4.0 RESULTS ..... 61 4.1. ACCESS, BENEFITS AND USES OF FORESTS............................................61 4.1.1 Forest Foods....................................................................................................62 4.1.2 Forest Medicines And Spices.........................................................................64 4.1.3. Construction Materials....................................................................................64 4.1.4. Household Goods.......................................................................................... 66 4.2.5. Access. Benefits and Gender....................................................................... 67 4.1.6. Access, benefits and Age..............................................................................68 4.1.7 Social origin, access benefits and Uses.................................................... 69 4.2. PAST INVOLVEMENT IN FOREST MANAGEMENT..................................... 71 4.2.1 Forest Boundary Cleaning and Maintenance.............................................. 77 4.2.2 Monitoring and Reporting o f Illegal Operations in the Forest....................73 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.3 Forest Rehabilitation....................................................................................... 74 4.2.4. Planning and Decision Making Process...................................................... 76 4.2.5. Controlling And Prevention O f Fire Outbreak............................................. 77 4.2.6 Involvement In Forest Management Activities Bv Gender......................79 4.3.7. Involvement In Forest Management Activities By Age ..............................81 4.2 8 Social Origin and Past Involvement In Forest Management Activities ... 82 4 3 INTEREST IN FORFST MANAGEMENT ACTIVITIES...................................84 4.3.1 Forest Rehabilitation.....................................................................................84 4 3.2. Fire Protection.................................................................................................86 4.3.3 .Forest Boundary cleaning and Maintenance.............................................. 86 4.3.4. Monitoring and Reporting Illegal Operations.............................................. 87 4.3.5. Interest In Forest Management Activities by Gender................................88 4.4 6. Interest In Forest Management Activities by Age ....................................90 4.3.7. Interest in Forest Management Activities by Social Origin........................92 4.4. INCENTIVES FOR COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN FOREST MANAGEMENT............................................................................................................94 4.4.1. Social and Economic Incentives...................................................................96 4.4.2. Incentives for Participation bv Gender........................................................99 4.5.3. Incentives for Participation by Age .............................................................101 4.5.4. Incentives For Participation by Social Origin............................................. 101 5.0. DISCUSSION .................................... .......... ................................................ 102 5.1. ACCESS, USES AND BENEFITS FROM FORESTS AND FOREST RESOURCES BY GENDER, AGE AND SOCIAL ORIGIN.................................. 102 5.2. PAST INVOLVEMENT IN FOREST MANAGEMENT ACTIVITIES 105 5.3. LOCAL COMMUNITY INTEREST IN FOREST MANAGEMENT................ 108 5.4. INCENTIVES FOR PARTICIPATION IN FOREST MANAGEMENT ACTIVITIES................................................................................................................. 111 6.0. CONCLUSIONS 114 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6.1 COMPARATIVE SUMMARY.............................................................................119 6.2. RECOMMENDATIONS....................................................................................123 7.0. LITERATURE CITED....................................................................................... 126 APPENDIX 1 : QUESTIONNAIRES FOR INTERVIEWS..................................... 133 APPENDIX 2 CHI-SQUARED ANALYSIS..............................................................138 vi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh F igure 1. P hys ical Features and A dm in istrat ive Reg io ns of G h a n a ................... 10 F igu re 2. E c o lo g ic a l zones o f The H igh F o r e s t Zone of G hana (H F Z ) .............. 13 F igure 3. Study A r e a ....................................................................................................................37 F igure 4 . R esearch ass istant conduct ing group in t e r v iew s ..................................52 F igure 5. Part ic ipant present ing group d iscuss io ns ...................................................52 F igure 6. M en G roup d iscuss ion dur ing w orksho p .......................................................55 F igure 7. W omen present ing group d iscuss ion in tu r n s ............................................ 55 F igu re 8. A ccess t o F o re s t by Men and W om en ............................................................. 6 7 F igure 9. A ccess to Forest by Jun iors and S e n io r s ....................................................68 F igu re 10. A ccess t o F o r e s t by M ig ra n ts and In d ig enous .......................................70 F igu re 11. P a s t Invo lvem en t in F o r e s t M anagem ent by Men and W om en..........71 F ig u re 12. P a s t Invo lvem en t in F o re s t M anagem ent by Jun io rs and S e n io r s ............................................................................................................................................... 72 F igure 13. Past Involvement in forest management by Ind ig enous and M ig rants ......................................................................................................................................75 F igu re 14. In te r e s t in f o r e s t management by Men and W om en ............................... 88 F igu re 15. In te r e s t in f o r e s t management by Jun io rs and S e n io rs .....................91 F igu re 16. In te r e s t in f o r e s t management by Ind igenous and M ig ra n ts 93 LIST OF FIGURES University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF TABLES Table 1. S ummary of C ommun ity D if f e r e n c e s ................................................................. 39 Table 2 . C ont ing ency Table For A ccess to Forest by A g e .................................... 58 Table 3. Uses of Forest and N TFP s by Men and W o m e n ............................................ 62 Table 4 . U ses of fo r esta nd NTFPs by Jun io rs and S e n io r s ...................................66 Table 5. In ter est in Forest management by G en der , A ge and Social O r ig in ..................................................................................................................................... 94 Table 6 . L ist of S ocial and Econom ic Incent ives by G en d er , A ge and S ocial O r ig in .............................................................................................................................................97 Table 7. L ist of A ct iv it ies and Incent ives by G en der , A ge and S ocial O r ig in .................................................................................................................................. 100 Table 8. C omparat ive S ummary of C urrent Stu d y w ith Forest S erv ice Docum ent and A non . 1 9 9 6 ............................................................................................... 120 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my sincere gratitude to Prof. Crandall A. Benson, my major advisor and Drs. Connie Nelson and John K. Naysmith members of my advisory committee and my external Examiner for their guidance, support and useful suggestions. I am indebted to the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) for funding my studies and this thesis and the teaching and non-teaching staff of the Faculty of Forestry at the Lakehead University for their assistance throughout the program. I acknowledge the Contribution of the Ghana Forest Service especially the Forest Service Support Center in Kumasi for helping to select the study sites and providing logistic support during the data collection. I wish to thank Mr. E.O. Asare, Dr. Kyereh Boateng, Dr. Agyemang, Jane Grownow, Mr. Ameyaw (DFO, Gaoso), (DFO) Nkawie. Thanks to Margaret Owusu Agyemang, Charles, Peter Baffoe and Samuel Odoom, my research assistants and drivers, technical officers of Goaso and Nkawie Forest District. I also take this opportunity to thank all my friends and course mates B Wiredu, I.G. Amponsah, V. Asare, A. Eshun, Y.A.K Honu Valerie Fummey-Nassah, Vivian Essuman, Joe Kingsley Eyiah, A Ankudy. Thanks to my Christian Brothers and Sisters at the Thunder Bay Seventh-Day Adventist Church, especially my Pastor Dozilme and family, the Brown and Lawrence’s families, Martin and Evalyn Rusanga. My special thanks to my dear husband for his spiritual and moral support and my wonderful family, especially Mum and Daddy for their prayers and advice and for my in-laws for their support and advice in my difficult times. My greatest thanks to My LORD and My God who has been Faithful throughout my life giving me reason to live and continue especially in my most trying circumstances. He has been my joy and strength throughout this program. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh To God be the glory Frank, Ruthie and my family with love. DEDICATION University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIBRARY RIGHT STATEMENT In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the MScF degree at the Lakehead University, at Thunder Bay, I agree that the University shall make it freely available for inspection. This university thesis is made available by the authority solely for the purposed of private study and research and may be not be copied or reproduced in whole or in part (except as permitted by the copyright Laws) without my written Date Februrv 28. 2000 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh A CAUTION TO THE READER This MScF thesis has been through s semi-formal process of review and comment by at least two faculty members. It is made available for loan by the Faculty for the purpose of advancing the practice of professional and scientific forestry. The reader is reminded that opinions expressed in this thesis are the opinions and conclusions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinion of the supervisor, the Faculty of Forestry and The Forest Environment or the University. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) reiterated claims for an integrated approach to conservation and development. Statements issued from the UNCED stressed a combination of government decentralization, devolution to local communities of responsibility for natural resources held as commons, and community participation in environment interventions (IDS 1995). Specifically in forestry, a parallel shift in thinking has occurred. Connecting people's livelihood needs with forest resources arose during the fuel wood crisis in West Africa in the late 1970's and the introduction of social forestry designed to counter this shortage (Leach and Mearns 1988). Shepherd (1992), noted that forest management can no longer be discussed in technical isolation but within a social context taking into account a range of claims, interests and impacts on forest resources. International agencies have stressed the importance of addressing the needs of rural people in conjunction with promoting sustainable forest management. To this end, the Tropical Forestry Action Plan is founded on the principle that the active organized and self-governed involvement of local groups and communities with a particular focus on the most vulnerable, on women, and on commonly shared resources should be encouraged (Colchester 1992). The Forest and Wildlife Policy of Ghana aims at conservation and sustainable development of the Nation’s forest and wildlife resources for the 1.0. INTRODUCTION University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh maintenance of environmental quality and perpetual flow of optimum benefits to all segments of society. Furthermore, the policy emphasizes the management and enhancement of Ghana’s permanent forest estate for preservation of vital soil and water resources, conservation of biological diversity and the environment and sustainable production of domestic and commercial produce (Forest Policy 1994). The last decade has seen the emergence of The Women Environment and Development (WED) discourse, which has further influenced sustainable development theory and practice. It projects women as the main victims of environmental degradation, and as the most appropriate participants in environmental conservation programs (Dankelman and Davidson 1988, 1989). The WED approach has been criticized on various grounds: for focusing solely on women's roles, for assuming a special relationship between women and nature, and for falling into essentials and universalizing the experiences of women. The more recent emerging Gender and Economic Development (GED) approach attempts to overcome the shortcomings of WED by highlighting the need to understand gender relations as they operate within a larger social framework when addressing issues related to sustainable development (Leach 1992, Rocheleau 1991). The United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development defines sustainable development as that which ensures that the needs of the present are met, without compromising the ability of future generations to meet 2 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh their own needs. Sustainable development therefore aims at a broader, deeper and more dynamic process of learning and change to create appropriate equitable systems. It relates to all aspects of human activity; hence includes participatory forest management According to Norton 1988, participatory Forest management means involving the local population in the conservation and management of forest resources by creating a situation where forest dwellers derive sufficient benefit form the forest to give an incentive to guard and protect the resource. 1.1 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM Critics contend that participatory forest management (PFM) interventions have largely ignored the significance of the social variables of resource use such as social classes or gender relations, which shape access to, interest in and benefits from forest resources. Thus, in the course of implementing PFM, it has been found that the supposedly poorer groups (e.g. women, the youth and migrants) are more restricted in influencing the way forests are managed by communities and are disproportionately affected by new rules governing access (Hobley 1990, Loughhead et al 1993, Locke 1995). An alternative starting point begins with the recognition that communities are not bounded, homogenous entities but socially differentiated and diverse. Gender, caste, wealth, age, origin, status and other aspects of social identity divide the social community boundaries. Rather than shared beliefs and interests, diverse and often conflicting values, and resource priorities pervade 3 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh resulting in intense over utilization of the resource. (Carney and Watts 1991, Leach 1994, Moore 1993). Men and women are both affected, in different ways, when they have traditionally depended on natural resource base livelihoods. Therefore, men may also show concern for environmental protection when their interests are at stake. A focus on the analysis of specific gender roles in isolation from the overall context of social differentiation can project an artificial equilibrium difficult to sustain in the long run. Section 4.2.3 of the Forest and Wildlife Policy (1994) states the objective of the promotion of public awareness among rural people and the involvement of local people in forestry and wildlife conservation so as to maintain life-sustaining systems, preserve scenic areas and enhance the potential of recreation, tourism and income generation opportunities. To this end, Anonymous (1996) conducted a study to investigate how the flow of benefits to local communities can be negotiated and improved. An important issue, which came out of the study, was the fact that the local community is not just one unit with people having the same interest and viewpoint but rather represents diverse and conflicting community interests and viewpoints that are shaped by gender, age and social origin. 4 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.2 BACKGROUND AND STUDY OBJECTIVES Forest management in Ghana started in the 1920's on a collaborative note between traditional leaders (representing the local people)1 and the government (represented by the Forest Service). However, the 1948 Forest Policy shifted from a previous emphasis on protective functions of forests to promoting timber industry and values. Although the intent for collaboration is found in the policy, the events in the larger political arena conspired to make a continuation of the focus on the development of 'indigenous forestry administration extremely difficult. Forest Reserves were managed mainly for timber production with local interest relegated to the background. As forest management shifted from collaboration to exploitation of timber, forest managers became less familiar and aware of the needs of local people. Furthermore, they began to see their job primarily in terms of protecting the forests from the encroaching demands of local people and of promoting and sustaining the timber industry. In effect, they ensured that the concessionaire's interests were protected against that of the local people. Local people felt increasingly alienated and therefore exploited the forest resource as much as they had the opportunity to do so; thus worsening the relationship. The local people's customary rights were recognized and elaborated in the original working plans by which Forest Reserves have been managed since 1 In Ghana all lands are privately owned by groups or individuals. Forest reserve lands and some national parks are owned by communities. Similarly farmlands are owned by individuals or families. The government does not own any land. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1948. However, in the actual management of the reserves little attention was paid to how they could exercise these rights. The most significant way that local people have participated in forestry is the taungya system of plantation development and rehabilitation. Under the taungya system, farmers rehabilitated degraded portions of the forest where they planted their food crops and subsequently vacated the area when trees were well established. Unfortunately, the taungya system did not remain people focused, but rather was a means of obtaining cheap labor for establishing plantations. Local people were tools, rather than partners for achieving forest management objectives. Consequently, this system failed to sustain the forests. Non-timber forest products (NTFPs), which represented the direct benefit of the forest reserve to surrounding communities, have never been consciously managed. The Forest Service did not have the resources to maintain this form of non-timber forest resource management. This issue is further exacerbated by the fact that the Forest Service needed the assistance of the local people in order to effectively manage non-timber forest products. Unfortunately, the Forest Service did not trust the people enough to call on them. Conversely, the local people would have refused if the Forest Service had called upon them since they see no connection between cooperating with the Forest Service and access to non­ timber uses of the forest. In essence, even though collaboration with local people in forest management was not new to the Ghana Forest Administration, the form it should take to overcome the barriers to its reintroduction was not apparent. 6 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The former Chief Conservator of Forests stated in 1992 that It was quite clear to me that we were having a difficult time coping on the ground that we needed more support on the ground floor. We did not have enough staff to have eyes all over the place. We needed the support of the local people and yet these are the very people who are disillusioned with us. It is only when the forests have a real value to the local people will we be able to gain their cooperation and energy for forest protection and management. Without that cooperation the future of the forests cannot be guaranteed, except at the prohibitive cost of a vast army of forest guards (Boateng 1995). Without a shift in focus of forest management and benefits from the timber contractors back to the forest owners, nothing will change at the community level. Who the reserves are managed for is a critical issue in forest management and protection. Prior to 1993, forest reserves were managed mainly for timber. The local communities that owned the forests were ignored. The new approach or strategy in the current Forest and Wildlife Policy for involving people in forestry envisages that local communities can help improve the efficiency of forest management. However, if forest management is to be attractive and encourage local community participation, then clearly any decision made must be based on a sound knowledge of what the communities want and need. In no case should it ignore the actual needs of the people it hopes to involve, the socioeconomic pattern of the community, and the prevailing production system and mechanisms of the affected locality. Globally, the most common problem with any form of public participation is the reluctance of decision makers to accept public input where it threatens an established power base as to what they perceive to be best for the community. 7 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Thus, it is important to study how community structure, demographic and values can affect forest resources management strategies. It is in the light of this that this study seeks to find out from the communities what they think are appropriate social and economic incentives, and hence which incentives may motivate communities to participate in forest resource management. This will enable the necessary recommendations to be made to the Forest Service to guide them in the design and implementation of programs that involve communities in forest management. The objectives of the study are as follows: • to identify the extent to which local communities have access to the forest and how they benefit from forest management by age, gender and social origin. • to investigate the extent to which local communities have participated in the management of the forest reserve by age, gender and social origin. • to identify the incentives local communities need to participate in forest management by gender, age and social origin. • to explore the potential to involve local communities in forest management and to identify in which forest management activities communities are interested in participating by gender, age and social origin. 8 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.3 JUSTIFICATION OF STUDY The Forestry Department of Ghana is moving out of the national civil service to become a semi-autonomous organization. One of the activities earmarked by the institutional reform is the potential to involve local communities in forest management practices. However, before the communities can be involved it is important to understand and identify in which forest management activities community people are interested to participate and the incentives that will encourage them to participate effectively and efficiently with regards to social differences such as age, gender and social origin. This will ensure that the best practices can be implemented to effectively improve the involvement of the local people in sustainable forest development. The sustainability of forest ecosystems must include the sustainability of the communities. 9 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.0 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 BACKGROUND AND SETTING IN GHANA Ghana is located on the western coast of the African continent, the southern edge of the country is situated along the Gulf of Guinea (Fig. 1). URKINAFASO N offHERNIVORY SAVAMAH TOGO COAST BRONG-AHAFO H i i ! Sunyarfi lES? IpforWifaf- WESTE GREAT ACCRACENTRAL UPS Cape Coast di-Takoradi Guff of Guinea Figure 1. Physical Features and Administrative Regions of Ghana 10 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh To the north is Burkina Faso, while the Togo and Ivory coast borders the east and west respectively. Administratively, the country is divided into ten regions; Greater Accra Region (the capital), the Eastern, Western, Central, Ashanti, Brong-Ahafo, Volta, Upper East, Upper West and the Northern Regions (Fig. 1). The population of Ghana is approximately 19 million and the majority of people live in rural areas. Population density is higher in the High Forest Zone (HFZ) than the Savanna with less than 100 people per km2. The highest population densities are in the Central, Eastern and Ashanti Regions. The lowest densities are in the Western and Brong-Ahafo Regions. While population densities in the HFZ are not very high as compared to South Eastern Asia or Nigeria in the West Africa region, the intersect of rising population and marked social differentiation in the ownership of land holdings results in problems of land shortage in many regions. The population in the High Forest Zone is highly diverse reflecting a complex process of pioneer frontier settlement. Many people have migrated from the old frontier districts in the Eastern, Central and Ashanti Regions into the last frontiers in Ahafo and Western Regions (Fig 1). Many people have also migrated into the High Forest Zone from the Northern Savannah area. (Amanor 1996). l l University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.2 ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE In Ghana, agriculture is the main economic activity accounting for approximately two-thirds of the labor force (World Bank 1989). The timber industry accounting for 4.5 percent of the GDP (IUCN) (1988), is the third largest export industry following cocoa and gold. Ghana’s forests are therefore valued primarily as a source of commercial timber (Ardayfio-Schandorf 1992). The forest also plays a vital role in the stability and fertility of soils and the quality of water (Frangois 1987). Forests also contribute to all aspects of rural life providing food, fuel, medicines, building materials and household items, as well as other tangible and intangible benefits such as cultural symbols and ritual artifacts. Throughout the regions, forests serve critical functions, especially, during seasonal food shortages and other periods of hardship (Falconer 1990). 2.3 DESCRIPTION OF THE HIGH FOREST ZONE OF GHANA Ghana covers an area of 23.9 million hectares spanning two major ecological zones. The High Forest Zone (HFZ) is confined to the southwestern third of the country (Fig. 1 & 2) with savanna dominating the north and east. Within the HFZ approximately 21 percent of the area (1.63 million hectares) is permanently protected as Forest Reserves (Fig. 2). Many of the Reserves were initially established as shelter belts against the savanna winds and to protect headwaters, rather than to supply industry. Thus, while there are more than 200 reserves, many of them are small. Forest resources are also found outside the reserves either in small forest patches or as individual trees on farms. 12 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh H Wet Evergreen H f M oist Evergreen Upland Evergreen Southern Marginal p p l Dry Semi-deciduous Wm& (Fire Zone subtype) Dry Semi-deciduous (Inner Zone subtype) Ivory Coast Moist Semi-deciduous (North-west subtype) Gulf o f Guinea Moist Semi-deciduous (South-easi subtype) Figure 2. Ecological zones of The High Forest Zone of Ghana (HFZ) Over the past three decades, some forest reserves have experienced intensive logging from a proliferation of chainsaw operators both legal and illegal, bushfires in formerly fire-free zones, failed plantations, and farm encroachment in a few reserves. Most of the land in the High Forest Zone is dedicated to agriculture, especially to cocoa and oil palm production. Much of the remaining timber resources outside the reserves are found on cocoa farms. Logging operations cause considerable damage to food crops and timber contractors refuse to pay any compensation for those damages hence there is considerable conflict between farmers and concessionaires over these trees. Consequently, instead of planting trees on their farms, farmers destroy those that regenerate 13 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh naturally in order to prevent potential future logging by a concessionaire. The Akan people, who are predominantly matrilineal tribes, dominate the High Forest Zone. Traditional institutions retain considerable authority at the local level as they influence most land use decisions. Communities are governed by a Chief and Elders who represents the community. This collectivity of Chief and Elders constitutes a Stool. A community is defined by the land, which past, present and future generations own - this is known as Stool Land. The Stool also owns all natural resources of the land, including timber trees. In southern Ghana, the chieftaincy system is hierarchical represented by the paramount or Stool Chief. Caretakers known as ODIKRO who serve the Stool Chief govern individual villages. While individuals do not own land, families have the right to use land, which is passed from one generation to another. There are various mechanisms within the Stool system for leasing and using land, but outright purchase is generally not possible. Forest resources are managed by the Forest Service (FS). However, the Forest Service does not own the reserve land, or the trees, but is responsible for the protection, maintenance and development of these forests. Timber harvesting is regulated by a contract system, working plans and logging rules prepared by the Forest Service without input from the local communities who own the forest. Revenue generated from reserve management is divided between the government (for management costs), local government institutions 14 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh (the district assemblies and the traditional councils) and the Stool land owners2. The High Forest Zone embraces five administrative regions, (Central, Eastern, Western Brong-Ahafo and Ashanti regions), which are further subdivided into administrative districts (which are not necessarily the same as the FS's districts). A centrally appointed executive by the government and an elected District Assembly govern administrative Districts. The present national government has been pursuing a decentralization policy for the past few years and hence the District Assemblies are assuming a more important role at the local level. In the High Forest Zone, there are critical differences between the situation in forest reserves and the situation outside reserves. Forest resources, both timber and non-timber, are monitored by the Forest Service in the forest reserves. However, only the exploitation of timber trees is monitored by the Forest Service outside reserves. 2.4 PARTICIPATORY FOREST MANAGEMENT A history of forest degradation and the emergence of people’s action groups have shown that the scientific management of forests cannot always be 2 The Forest Service classifies all revenues and rent from forest product both on and off forest reserves as “Stool” revenue including the share which is taken by the government to meet improvement costs. While the original intent of forest reservation was that all these revenue would go to the people of the land owning communities it is now divided between the Stool Chief, the Traditional Council and the District Assemblies and little actually gets down to individual community members. The Forest Service deducts 70% before passing the remainder to the Administrator of Stool lands who disburses the revenue as follows: 10% is deducted by the administrator to cover costs and the remainder is divided between the District Assembly (55%), The Traditional Council (20%) and the Stool only (25%). 15 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh carried out in isolation from the aspirations and cooperation of people who depend on the forest for their livelihood without severe negative consequence for the indigenous population (Bahuguna et al. 1994). The desire to protect and enhance the use of forest resources and to ensure improvements in the socioeconomic conditions of rural inhabitants is of much concern in most developing countries. The determination of best practices in forest management is being debated in many developing countries (Bahuguna et al. 1994). Following Bird (1996) and Milton (1998), participatory forest management (PFM) is adopted here as a generic term encompassing a diversity of forest management approaches labeled as Social Forestry, Joint Forest Management in Asia, Community Forestry, Collaborative Forestry in Ghana, and Shared Forest Management. A key element in participatory forest management (PFM) is that decisions are based on local input and can be modified in response to site-specific experiences. From a PFM approach, the conservation of natural resources, such as forests, is not possible without the active involvement of local people (Bahuguna et al 1994). For example, PFM is “the sharing of products, responsibilities, control, and decision making authority over forest lands, between managers and local users based on a formal agreement”. The underlying assumption is that there is a convergence between the private incentives of forest users and the national objective of maintaining forest resources, and that people will protect the forest because they have a stake in 16 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the outputs. PFM focuses primarily on the transfer of rights and responsibilities and only secondarily on transfer of resources. (Hill and Shields 1997). In Ghana, forest management started in the 1920’s on a collaborative note. The colonial government encouraged local people and their chiefs to set aside some of their lands for forestry for environmental protection needed to safeguard agriculture as well as to secure benefits into the future. At this time, local people were viewed by the Government as the client. The Forest Service’s role was to provide professional advice to forest owners and to ensure that they benefit from setting aside their land under forests. However, as timber production became a matter of increasing national interest, the relationship between the Forest Service and local people deteriorated. Forest managers focused primarily on protecting the forest from the encroaching demands of local people and on promoting and sustaining the timber industry. In effect, ensuring that the concessionaires' interests were protected against the interests of the local people. As a result, local people became alienated and exploited the forest resources (timber and non-timber by helping and encouraging illegal exploitation), worsening this relationship. In order to reverse the situation, a type of participatory forest management called Collaborative Forest Management was introduced to increase the flow of benefits to local people and to enhance forest management by integrating local communities in forest management planning. The most obvious ways to increase the benefits to the local people are to increase the revenue and rent rates so that 17 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh overall forest income increases; and/or to develop new sources of revenue. An additional method for ensuring greater benefits to local people is by involving them in participatory forest management, where they contribute directly to the Forest Service management efforts and benefit directly from this partnership (Anonymous. 1996). From an anthropological point of view, Croll and Parkin (1992) have argued that the local communities should share in the management and be permitted uncontrolled access to their own natural resources. The current interest in combining community participation with forest conservation has increasingly highlighted the relevance of indigenous peoples’ experiences. An important body of work has drawn attention to the importance of forest management by those immediately dependent on forest resources rather than devaluing or ignoring local experience and knowledge. During the last two decades or so, the context of forest conservation has been broadened. In 1980, IUCN described conservation as being the management of human uses of the biosphere so that it may yield the greatest benefit to the present generation while maintaining its potential to meet the needs and aspiration of future generations. This type of conservation is positive, embracing preservation, maintenance, sustainable utilization, rehabilitation and the enhancement of the natural environment. It is evident that utilization and management are interconnected, and that both must comprise a major element in any forest conservation strategy to provide timber and non-timber forest 18 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh resources. Traditional resource management systems have received the attention of national and international agencies particularly since the mid 1970’s. Studies have focused on many types of resources. For instance, in 1983, UNESCO supported a series of studies on traditional knowledge and management of coastal systems (Ruddle and Johannes 1985), the FAO has paid attention to forestry for local community development and IUCN produced a publication including culture and conservation (McNeely and Pitt 1985). The concept of shared rights and responsibilities, in which management targets and approaches are mutually defined and agreed through a participatory process is likely to provide a more sustainable solution. Where people hold rights, there is a strong willingness to assume responsibility. 2.5 BENEFICIARY RIGHTS TO LOCAL COMMUNITIES IN GHANA’S FOREST RESERVES. In the 1920’s, the Forest Ordinance was introduced giving the government the power to establish permanent forest reserves, which in turn prohibit farming. However, these laws did not nationalize those forests or the forest resources outside reserves. The ultimate ownership, of the permanent forests and the forest resources outside reserves has remained with the traditional groups: the Stools in Southern Ghana; Skins clans and alienation holders in Northern Ghana. However, the Forest Ordinance gives the government of Ghana the mandate to manage the forest reserves stating in section (18(2)) that 19 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Every forest reserve shall be managed (protected and preserve as shelterbelts) in one of the following ways a) by the owner under the direction of the Forest Service or b) by the government for the benefit of the owner or owners. Subsequent legislation strengthened this management authority. In legal terms, all lands in forest reserves are vested in the President in trust for the Stools, Skins or alienation holders [Act 124(16)]. All timber resources outside reserves are similarly vested in the President. However, according to the law any revenue (after deducting management costs) derived from these vested rights both on and off reserves must be disbursed by the Chief Conservator of Forests into the Stool or Skin land accounts for the benefit of the people in the area in which the particular lands are situated (Act 123,17,20). Thus, the beneficiary rights remain with the land-owning people. The 1992 Ghana Constitution names the Stool and Skins, who represent the Traditional Authority and District Assemblies as recipients of Stool revenues (Article 267(6)). The national Forest and Wildlife Policy aims to provide benefit to all segments of society and emphasizes the right of local communities’ involvement and access to the forest to maintain a basic standard of living (principle 3.2.1). However, neither the 1992 Constitution nor the Forest and Wildlife Policy distinguishes between the beneficiaries identified in the Reserve Settlement Agreement and By-laws of (those who are legally entitled to the benefit of forest management) and the national interest, which represents the interest of many stakeholders. In establishing the forest reserves, the Commissioners (Government and 20 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Traditional Councils3) identified existing rights of use which people traditionally had to forest products to meet their basic household needs (including personal, family, community, cultural and spiritual needs) referred to as communal or customary rights. The Reserve Settlement Agreements and by-laws safeguarded these rights • the right of access or customary rights to the reserve to meet specific basic needs • the right to be consulted in forest management planning ; • the right to a share of revenue from the management of forest resources Oniang’o (1995) noted that restriction of access reduces people’s livelihood options at times of prolonged drought as well as reducing supplies of daily necessities. If women were assured customary rights to forest produce, they would have a major stake in protecting local forests. Similarly, if men held these rights they would also be interested in protecting local forests. Villagers do not need to be told the importance of common forest land. They know it well and are willing to manage it but they must first be assured that the benefits will go to them and not to the government or the contractor. They will gladly manage the forests jointly if they know that they will get a fair share. (Agarwal and Narain 1989). 3 The District Administration, District Assemblies, and all Stool a particular region forms the Traditional Council. 21 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.6 GENDER AND FOREST RESOURCE MANAGEMENT Growing evidence points to the fact that members of rural communities do not have singular sets of shared concerns. (Rocheleau, 1991, Leach 1992, Leach and Fairhead 1992, Fortmann and Bruce 1991). These studies have shown that men, women and other social groups may have conflicting and complimentary interest in relation to natural resources. In many developing countries, the subordinate position of women is exacerbated not only by patriarchal attitudes but also by economic crises and the legacy of colonialism. The traditional model for women has been housework and child care. However, new socio-economic demands and individual motivation have created new opportunities. (Kinnaird and Momsen 1993). Current research initiatives have a strong leaning toward environmental issues. Women, Environment and Development Network (WEDNET) for example seeks to draw African women into a network to develop conceptual frameworks and methodologies for studying women and the environment in Africa. In many developing countries, rural women are primarily responsible for household and farming activities as well as the management of local resources (Abruquah 1996). Therefore women’s traditional experience, knowledge and concerns about local problems are essential in solving emerging environmental problems such as deforestation, soil erosion and scarcity of food, fodder, fuel wood and water. Forestry and forest products are primarily used for fuel, fodder, food, 22 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh medicine, and purposes such as conservation and income generation. Evidence has shown that women have traditionally combined all the above uses, thus accumulating knowledge and values, as well as behavior patterns that form an integral approach in their relationship to the environment. Women are among the most experienced rural activist and resource managers (Hyma and Nyamwange 1993). Molnor (1991), reported that there has been progress with the involvement of women in management decisions for the rehabilitation of forests in a number of countries such as Zimbabwe, Rwanda and north India where women are traditionally more outspoken. Chen (1990), also reported that women in West Bengal have encouraged their men to form Forest Protection Committees for forests consisting of non-timber forest products. In many African societies, household relationships are characterized by inequality in the distribution of work, land, income, consumption and contribution to productivity, based on gender and age. Household inequalities are reinforced in the judicial, political and traditional cultural realms where family members are considered dependent on the head of the household who is taken as a spokesman and legal representative of that household. Currently the male dominated nature of land, particularly farmlands give men more decision making power. Both in forest resource utilization and production work, a clear gender disparity exists (Wickramasinghe 1993, 1995). A study undertaken in India by Meera and Shah, (1995) noted that, men and women came out with comparable lists of useful tree species which, contrary 23 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh to popular belief, that men’s knowledge of forest and trees is equal to that of women. Generalizing that women rather than men will take the initiative to protect natural resources, prevents a more useful analysis. The context within which woman and men operate as defined by their livelihoods and the prevailing tenure systems are all critical in determining the nature, extent and sustainability of action by common interest groups. 2.6.1 The Ghanaian Situation Colonialism (1470-1956) introduced an institutional system, which transformed the economic behavior of Ghanaian men and women. Men were encouraged to cultivate export crops for the metropolitan market using their own lands. Those with less opportunity to engage in such agricultural production migrated to the cocoa growing areas to sell their services as laborers on cash crop farms. As more men went into cash crop production, women who were discouraged from participating in agricultural export economy were narrowly restricted to the production of subsistence crops for feeding their family. Through this system, inequality between men and women (under colonialism) emerged as an aspect of social differentiation characteristic of a capitalistic society, where sharp differences exist between persons on the basis of unequal access to the means of production. Abruquah I996 noted that in Ghana women contribute in various ways towards household sustenance and this involve substantial reliance on the forest as they have limited access to agricultural lands. She noted that the fact that 24 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh rural women in Ghana receive little or no financial support from their husbands force them to rely more on forest produce to meet basic needs than men. As Ghanaian men were required to enter into cash-based productive work, they were favored in their access to productive resources. In the process, the attention of men shifted from domestic production (which became the responsibility of women) to cash and export crop production (Ardayfio-Schandorf 1986). Women assisted their husbands to maintain cash crop farms by weeding and harvesting. Thus, the pattern of economic development that emerged during the colonial period in Ghana reduced the relative value of the economic contribution of women as measured by GNP Since women lack formal education and many of the skills required in modern society, they are unable to take advantage of technical developments. Furthermore, women normally own smaller acreage than men, thus limiting the use of modern equipment and their access to credit. As woman are deprived of access to large-scale cash-based production, they organize and adopt strategies that will reap certain survival benefits from the land that is based on their intimate knowledge of the environment. Ardayfio-Schandorf (1992), noted that environmental degradation is putting increased pressure on Ghanaian rural women. The extent of their dependence on natural resources is clearly demonstrated through the essential household income they derive from agricultural produce and other small scale economic enterprises. In this respect, changes in environmental conditions are a threat to the economic survival of 25 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh women and their dependents particularly for those in the savanna where natural resources are limited. 2.7 LAND OWNERSHIP AND PARTICIPATORY FOREST MANAGEMENT Over the past thirty years there have been significant shifts in thinking concerning how tenure, or property rights in land and natural resources of the land affect farmer incentives for adoption of agro-forestry practices (Bruce and Fortmann 1989). Traditionally throughout Ghana, absolute right to land is vested in communities. In the forest areas, dominated by the Akans, the communities are represented by chiefs and the sovereign rights are generally vested in them. The traditional councils are the customary administrative units of land.. The councils settle boundary disputes between communities. The Traditional Councils in communities protect the land against encroachment or claims by other states. In the past, such protection was through warfare and since colonial rule, by litigation. (Amanor 1996).Under the system of collective ownership, land cannot be allocated by the custodian without the consent of the group. An individual can obtain the right to use the land as a member of the land owning group, and as long as he or she continues to farm, it cannot be taken away. (Amanor 1996). While these traditional arrangements for managing communal land still persist though variations may be found in different areas. Currently, the Chiefs and Elders of communities (in particular those who read and write) are tending to ignore the old processes of decision making in matters of land as in other areas 26 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh of communal life. Also, the modern courts have to a certain extent superseded the traditional councils as land courts in the resolution of boundaries and other claims. (Arhin 1994). Furthermore, land tenure has become complicated by the intervention of government and the emergence of a cash economy. While traditional ownership still remains, a complex system of multiple land rights dominate land tenure systems. In these areas, land is no longer managed as part of a communal pool, rather, individual ownership and individual usage and share cropping have become the norm. Surveys on land ownership show a highly skewed distribution with considerable inequality. A 1987 survey of 151 cocoa farmers in four villages in the Ashanti revealed that 40 percent had holdings of less than 10 acres and occupied 14 percent of land, while 11 percent of farmers had holdings of about 30 acres and occupied 44 percent of land (Commander et al. 1989). 2.7.1 Security Of Rights In land Bruce and Fortmann (1989), noted that tenure reforms may partly be the answer to the question of how to create adequate incentive packages for farmers to plant more trees. Migrant tenants are often concerned about the security of their rights to the land, rather than the actual terms on which they obtained the land. Many tenant cocoa farmers are worried that landlords will take the land away from them when plantations have matured. In some areas such as Ashanti, the chiefs 27 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh refuse to sell land to migrants and often gave it on abusa\ With the decline of unsettled land, avenues for land purchase are becoming scarce and farmers have to resort to sharecrop arrangements or renting on existing family lands. Tenant agreements, rather than ownership, discourages farmers from making productive investment in the land for profit. The main problem is in establishing long term security and independence of tenure which will enable tenants to acquire tracts of land over a long duration that they can manage as they choose (Amanor 1996). In Kenya, as in many African countries Oniang’o (1995) noted that ownership of land bestows on the owner a right to grow permanent cash and tree crops and to control income from it. Conversely, lack of ownership is a deterrent to such activities. Land owners are concerned with gaining reliable and quick sources of income rather than in releasing lands to develop new farming methods. This has serious implications for developing strategies, which seek to promote tree planting activities and environmental conservation in farmlands (Amanor 1996). In a study undertaken by Flathery and Jengjalern (1995), they noted that insecure land tenure was an important factor contributing to forest loss. If people do not have ownership of the forest, there is little incentive to protect it. 4 Abusa is a system of land agreement where proceeds from farm are divided into three parts. The farmer takes two parts and the landowner takes the third part. 28 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.8 COMMUNITY Recent approaches to community-based sustainable development appear as diverse as their varied implementing agencies and natural resource settings. Yet they rest on a set of common assumptions about community environment and the relationship between them. One fundamental assumption is that a distinct community exists. While definitions vary, approaches commonly focus on the people of a local administrative unit, of a cultural or ethnic group, or of a local urban or rural area such as the people of a neighborhood or valley. (IUCN/WWF/UNEP 1980). For Example Holdcroft (1984), noted that in the social science literature on community development approaches, serious attention to social structure differences and its implications has been remarkably absent from the recent wave of community concern in environmental policy debates. In particular, those with different modes of livelihood or who carry different responsibilities within divisions of labor may need to draw on very different environmental resources and services; and hold different views of what constitutes environmental degradation or improvement within that context. We need to ask how different people gain access to and control over such resources so as to use them to sustain their livelihoods. And we need to ask how different people transform different components of environment through resource management. The problem of natural resources management based on common property is to deal with the dynamic requiring assimilation of a multitude of interests held by distinct social groups within communities. 29 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Another fundamental assumption is that the social structure of local communities is complex, comprising a hierarchy from individuals, through households or families to the community cluster as a whole. Within this community based structure, gender as a socially structured and culturally embedded feature determines the activities of men and women in both forest activities and non-forest work. Furthermore, activities related to forest resource management are not undertaken on an individual basis but by groups, led by the most experienced members especially the elderly, who are respected for their knowledge and experience. However, these Elders typically perform rituals primarily as leaders of the community rather than as members of individual households where they are not currently engaged in the management task. 2.9 INCENTIVES Incentives can be thought of as catalysts or guideposts to make people aware of what is being rewarded. They may be negative providing a deterrent; or they may be positive motivation indicating a preferred action (Mayers, et al. 1996). Whereas encouragement is generally accepted as preferable to constraint for the achievement of a set of objectives, there is considerable debate on the manner of what constitutes an economic incentive (FAO 1990). Economic incentives are usually accompanied by widely disparate and poorly defined legal notions. Though these incentives are financial or fiscal in nature, they often employ techniques, which are not directly related to financial or fiscal encouragement. 30 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In a broad context the word incentive can apply to both the financial factors and other factors (social advantages, training, education, research, etc.). In a narrower context, however, economic incentive indicates purely financial or fiscal incentive, as in the case of subsidies, grants contributions, loans, cost refunds, tax concessions. Incentives may be basically a temporary substitution of income for a permanent increase in productivity as in the case of assistance given by the state to farmers in the form of soil conservation incentives. (FAO 1990). Incentives for forestry include all the public financial allocations (direct or indirect) to persons exercising an immediate economic activity, whether these be private bodies or public entities managing enterprises along private sector lines. Financial allocations include a wide range of public intervention such as, contributions to infrastructure work, donations in kind or capital, free technical assistance, credit supply, tax concessions etc. (FAO 1990). The relevance, effectiveness, success, failure and final selection of a particular economic incentive depends on a range of political, economic, social, cultural and juridical factors that are context specific. If the same economic incentives are applied in the differing contexts, the results will vary as will the degree of usefulness, depending on the interplay of these factors. An incentive is meant to encourage a process, but this objective is not always achieved in practice. What is perceived to work at the macro level may not be viewed as such at the community level. Often an incentive not only 31 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh misses its target but also may accomplish the opposite of what it sets out to achieve; instead of stimulating growth, it may slow it down. Encouragement, therefore becomes discouragement. (Nhira and Matose 1996). Incentives are often measures designed to encourage the resource manager to take greater responsibility for the sustainability of the resource. (Mayers et al. 1996). A direct incentive to the farmer, without an intermediary, is of immediate use for a specific work, (cash or kind) such as low interest credit with a grace period, payment of daily wages for work on neighboring farms or government work, payment of work carried out as agreed (cost sharing). Incentives in kind include food for work, farm implements, hand tools, home improvements, etc. (FAO 1990). An indirect incentive that benefits a farmer occurs over a longer time period. Fiscal indirect incentives include tax exemptions on income and property, differential rates, price supports, bonuses and deductions etc. Social incentives include infrastructure such as access electricity, schools, religious centers, health facilities and sport centers etc. Services include technical assistance, marketing, storage, road works, fellowships, etc. (FAO 1990). Participatory forest management (PFM) requires some modification of a number of traditional practices related to use of the forest resources, which may have short term impact on villagers. The primary motivating factor appears to be employment generation through activities taken up in the area as a result of PFM. Plantation work is therefore, often the starting point for successful PFM. 32 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Support activities are also perceived as a major incentive, partly as a source of employment, but also because of the benefits of agriculture to the village. Incentives will operate effectively only where the policy and regulatory framework is coherent and where the land user is integrally involved with the concept, planning, design and implementation of the management strategies. Mayers et al. (1996). Flathery and Jengjalern (1995), found that, unless efforts are made to ensure a greater sharing of the benefit of development, there is little incentive for the rural poor to cooperate with the government in implementing forest rehabilitation and conservation programs that beneficially might affect their immediate welfare. 2.9.1 The Ghanaian Situation. A few studies have been conducted on the role of incentives for sustainable management of the forests in Ghana, among them are Mayers et al.; (1996). They studied the role of incentives for all stakeholders in the sustainable management of the forest. Social differences such as gender, age and social origin were not considered. The purpose of this study was to identify appropriate incentives in relations to social structure differences such as gender, age and social origin in terms of the preference and needs of the communities. 2.10. QUALITATIVE RESEARCH Qualitative research is often referred to as an interpretive study, hermeneutics, or ideographic description. It includes a set of research methods 33 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh intended to cover a group’s social, cultural or normative patterns of behavior and interaction. A qualitative study provides in-depth descriptions and analysis of social settings, organizations, culture, individuals, daily activities, motives and meanings, actions and reactions, and the negotiation of roles within the context of daily life. Rothe (1993) noted that qualitative analysis is more systematic and interpretive because it is done with other people or with the help of others. It is understanding the way things are within people’s free movement in situations. It is designed to uncover questions and answers, which create verifiable descriptions of social phenomenon. Corbin and Anselm (1990), defined qualitative research as that which produces findings not arrived at by means of statistical procedures or other means of quantification. It is further said by Mustafa and Kasam (1982) that qualitative data techniques tends not to be structured even with interviews of large numbers of people. 2.11 SOCIAL DIFFERENCES As mentioned in Chapter 1, at the methodological level, policy oriented studies of forest use and management with community involvement have not adequately addressed the issue of social differences within communities. Moore (1993) noted that accounts of resource use and environmental relations pay little attention to the issue of differentiation and state that “ with their focus on the land 34 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh users and social relations in which they are intertwined, the studies often miss local differentiation among resource users, particularly those involving critical productive inequalities mediated by class, gender, ethnicity and age”. In Ghana, several writers have explored social differentiation and patterns of resource access and use (Koning 1986; Berry 1993, Milton 1998). These and other case studies in West Africa demonstrate the importance of social identity in determining resource access and use in specific forest environments. The approach used in this thesis for understanding the impact of social differences on degrees of benefits from forest management, level of past and present involvement in forest management, types of incentives preferred to enhance participation in forest management and of interest in forest management activities were taken from Berry, (1989, 1993) and Milton (1998). Briefly, both studies identified social identity on the basis of differences in gender, age and social origin (Migrants or Indigenous) as central criteria in understanding differential access to and control over productive resources. 35 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.0 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY. This section describes the study areas, the social groups including the desegregation of the groups into three categories Gender, Men and Women, Social Origin, (Indigenous and Migrants), Age (Seniors and Juniors). The method used for the field work is described (participant observation, key informant interviews, group and individual interviews and strategic planning workshops). In addition, the data analysis procedure is described. To achieve the objectives of the study specific information was gathered: the access uses and benefits from the forest and its resources, history of settlement, access to land, use of forest reserves, past involvement in forest management, interest in forest management and incentives that can encourage local communities to participate in forest management. Specific forestry related activities performed by individual and groups were also identified. Each of these was determined with regards to the three categories of social groups (gender, age and social origin). Information was gathered from different types of communities defined in Table 1. However, the purpose of the study was not to identify differences in communities but rather differences from the standpoint of the three categories of social groups (gender, age and social origin) within each community. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.1 STUDY AREA Four communities, were chosen for the study that are situated in the High Forest Zone of Ghana (Figs. 2 & 3). All four communities are located in areas that have two rainy seasons, between May to August and in September to October. Two of the communities are located in the Nkawie Forest District under the jurisdiction of the Atwima Administrative District in the Ashanti Region of Ghana. Regions h™ ASHANTI BRONG AHAFO Tano Ofin Bonsam Bepo Rese Figure 3. Study Area Upon consultation with the District Forest Manager, Kyekyewere, an admitted 37 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh random selection of the second settlement Apenimedi located about 1 km outside the forest reserve boundary (Fig. 3). The size of Tano Ofin is 402 km2 and was designated as a reserve in 1929. The forest land is owned by the Nkawie and Nyinahene Stool. The second two communities are located in Goaso Forest District in the Brong-Ahafo Region of Ghana (Fig. 3). It falls within the jurisdiction of Asunafo Administrative District. The District Forest Manager was consulted in the selection of one forest land owning community, Akrodie, located about 3 km outside the reserve and a migrant community Ahantanbo, located about one-half kilometer outside the reserve. The study was conducted around the Bosom Beep forest reserve that is owned by Akrodie Stool. The size of this reserve is 124.3 km2 and was designated as a forest reserve in 1934. 3.1.1 DESCRIPTION OF COMMUNITIES. Kyekyewere. (Admitted Settlement) Kyekyewere, the first community, is located within the Tano Ofin forest reserve. It has a population of one thousand including children (Table 1). The number of households is approximately eighty with five to twenty people per household. Although there are more Women than Men in the community, only a few women participated in the study. Kyekyewere is an admitted settlement, which means that the community forms part of the forest reserve. 38 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 1. Summary of Community Differences Community Type of Community Type of People Participants Population Road/School Farm sizes Cash crop Kyekyewere Admitted settlement Migrants 40 1000 one road, one school 0.5-5 acres Cocoyam plantain, Corn, Cassava Apenimedi (1 km outside forest) Migrant and Indigenous Migrant and Indigenous 21 1200 one road, one school 5-20 acres Corn, Plantain Cassava, Pineapple Akrodie Stool land Migrant and Indigenous 20 3000 Three roads, Three schools 5-40 acres Cocoa, Corn Plantain, Cassava, oil palm Ahantanbo (One half km outside Forest Migrant Migrants 13 100 2 roads, No school 5-.30 acres Cocoa, Corn Plantain, oil palm Cassava, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh People in the community have small farm lands because they were demarcated during the creation of the forest reserve. As a result, there is no further land for farm expansions. The community is bound on every side by the forest reserve. There is one access (Table 1) road linking the village to the nearest town Nyinahene, about 15.2 km away. Traveling is usually on foot as there is only one vehicle, which leaves the village at dawn to the nearest town and then to Kumasi the capital city of the Ashanti Region. The village has one public school; primary and junior secondary school. The main occupation is farming. Farmland is acquired through family inheritance. For most of the Migrants, however, land is acquired through marriages with Indigenous community members. However, a few individuals, have moved from the community and have given their lands on a sharecrop basis to some Migrants. The common share cropping system is abusa -a farming system where proceeds from the farm are divided into three parts; the farmer takes two parts and the land owner takes the third part. People farm on leased land for a specified period agreed between the landowner and the farmer in the presence of two or three witnesses. Agreement on leased lands can be renewed as long as the farmer or any member of his household does not need the land for farming. Farms range in size from one-half to five acres depending on the individual’s social origin, age and gender. Indigenous Senior Men have larger farms than Migrants, Women or Juniors. Food crops cultivated are cocoyam, plantain, corn and cassava (Table 1). 40 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh However, cocoyam is the main cash crop because it grows well in the poor soils. Almost every person in the community grow cocoyam. People may earn as much as 2.5 million Cedis (approximately $1000 USD) annually from selling cocoyam while, most Migrants, earn about 100,000 Cedis (approximately $40 USD) annually. The second source of income is from cultivation of plantain, which yields between $500 and $20 USD, depending on gender, age and social origin respectively. Plantain is cultivated on the farms and any space behind their houses. Cassava and corn are produced for household subsistence. Only a few people cultivate cassava and corn usually on the small spaces behind the households. The Migrant population in this community is approximately 3%, probably because of land scarcity. Most of the youth have migrated to the urban areas and come to the village during the farming season to cultivate cocoyam on family lands. They go back to work or school until the harvesting season. Apenimedi (Stool Land/Migrant) Apenimedi is located about one km from the forest reserve. The population is approximately 1200 (Table 1). There are about ninety households in the community with three to twenty-five people per household. The community has a primary (Table 1) school but shares a junior secondary school with the next village. One road links the village to the nearest town of Nkawie. Farm lands are readily available to the people with the farms ranging between five to twenty acres (Table 1), depending on gender, age and social origin. Land is acquired as 41 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh in Kyekyewere except that many people do sharecropping. As a result, there are more Migrants than in Kyekyewere. The main occupation is farming and the major food crops produced are corn, plantain, cocoyam, and cassava (Table 1). Some Indigenous people have tree crops like cocoa, and fruits like oranges and pineapples mixed with vegetables. The major sources of income vary according to the type of crop cultivated by the individual or household. Cocoa generates the highest annual income of approximately $1800 USD followed by the plantain, approximately $400 USD, and corn $400 USD and then the fruit crops $600 USD. Cocoyam is produced for subsistence and cassava is produced on a commercial basis. Akrodie (Stool Land). The third community Akrodie owns the Bosom Beep forest reserve around which the study was conducted. The population is approximately 3000, with about 200 households and five to twenty persons per household. There is a primary, a junior secondary school, and a senior secondary school (Table 1). Two access roads serve the community. Other than farming residents in this community are involved in many activities such as trading, bush managers (because of exploitation of timber) seamstresses, hairdressing, driving, carpentry etc. Regardless, most people are farmers, even those involved in other activities. Many of the Women gather non-timber forest products NTFPs5. The town has a 5 Non-timber forest products are all forest resources other than timber. In terms of their uses they can be grouped into one of four categories: forest foods, construction materials, forest medicines and household items. 42 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh big market center and on Tuesdays, people from the surrounding villages bring their food crops and NTFPs for sale. Many people from surrounding towns and cities buy items from this market since they are comparatively cheaper. Access to land is easy because of land availability. As a result, the population of Migrants is higher in this community than the first study area. Sizes of farms range from five acres to forty acres (Table 1) depending on the gender, age and social origin. Many Indigenous people own two or more farms and employ some Migrants as caretakers on their cocoa farms. Both Migrants and Indigenous people are involved in sharecropping, leasing or outright purchase of land for farming. The major cash crop is cocoa. Other cash crops include oil palm and tree fruits. The main food crops are plantain and corn produced on a commercial basis, cassava, yam and vegetables for subsistence uses but in times of crisis for commercial purposes. Income from cocoa and oil palm are high compared to the first study area (Table 1). Cocoa generates incomes as high as $1800 USD annually depending on the social status (Migrants and Women have smaller cocoa farms). Oil palm earns about half as much. Plantain and corn yield approximately $500 USD each. Other sources of income include gathering, processing and trading of NTFP by both Migrants and Indigenous people. AHANTANBO (Migrant Community) The fourth community is Ahantanbo in the Brong-Ahafo Region. It is about one-quarter of a kilometer from the Bosom Bepo Forest Reserve (Table 1). The 43 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh farm lands share a common boundary with the forest reserve. Many farmers complained bitterly about the destruction caused by elephants from the forest to their farm produce. The population is about 100, with twenty households having three to seven people per household. Two access roads serve the village. They share schools with the next village about two km away. The village was originally settled by cocoa farmers from the Ashanti Region. The only occupation is farming and the main cash crop is cocoa. Corn, plantain, yam, cassava and vegetables (Table 1) are cultivated for both subsistence and commercial purpose. Many ancestors of the first settlers own large cocoa farms, averaging 30 acres each. Almost every person in this village visits the forest for gathering and collection of NTFPs for commercial purposes. The types of NTFPs varied in relation to gender and age. 3.2. SOCIAL GROUPS This study identified three main categories: gender (Men and Women), age (Seniors and Juniors) and social origin (Indigenous and Migrants). These categories are defined below. The age category encompass two age classes: Seniors comprised of persons age 36 and over and Juniors, persons ranging in age from 18 to 35. Seniors include both Men and Women who belong to the Indigenous and M igrant groups both defined in 3.2.2. Juniors are typically related by kingship to 3.2.1 Aae 44 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Seniors Men and Women and include unmarried persons who are included in the parental household, married young people who are heads of newly established households, and persons who are approaching the upper limits of the chosen age group and who are heads of well established households 3.2.2. Social Origin. The social origin category encompasses two classes of people. The first class, Migrants refers to Ghanaian Men and Women immigrants from the regions of Ghana than the study regions specifically, from the Central, Western, Volta, Upper West, Upper East, Northern, Eastern, and Greater Accra regions (Fig 1). The second class, Indigenous includes to Men and Women who originate from within the study regions. 3.2.3. Gender The gender category encompasses Men and Women and is the most inclusive of all the categories. It refers to both married and unmarried Men and Women, Indigenous and Migrants, Juniors and Seniors. In desegregating Men and Women as discrete groups, the intention was to draw out broad gender differences. 3.4. FIELD WORK The research problem required a complete interpretation of the social differentiation that exists within the communities with regards to incentives and interest in forest management. A case study method was chosen as a basis for the qualitative approach. This choice was justified because it facilitates an in­ 45 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh depth contextual analysis of social relations and interactions and generates a detailed picture of different interests in forest resources within local communities Though different types of communities were selected, it was not the intention of this research to identify variation among the communities in terms of type (Table 1). Instead the purpose of the study was to identify variation within the communities in terms of the social groups defined above (age, gender and social origin). Social groups were purposely selected on the basis that the interests, benefits and incentives would vary with respect to gender, age and social origin of the individual. It was assumed that these differences were reflected in the forest management activities in which each person was interested. The people in the communities were informed about the study and their consent to participate was sought. The field work was conducted over a period of three months from May to July 1998. It entailed residence for a period of six weeks in each of the study areas with intermittent stays in the Forest Service Support Center, Kumasi. These periods at the Forest Service Support Center facilitated review of the data and field work progress. In each study area, the researcher lived in one of the communities. The research was enhanced by the fact that both the research assistants and the researcher spoke the local dialect (Twi) of the Akan people. They were therefore accepted easily by the people as one of them and all of the participants felt comfortable talking to them. On arrival in the village, the Chief (ODIKRO) gathered all the people upon 46 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the request of the researcher. During these gatherings the purpose and methods for conducting the research was explained so people could participate freely. 3.5 RESEARCH METHODS As part of the study, a combination of qualitative research methods were used. This included direct observation involving participation, extensive interviews including conversational interviews with groups, semi-structured interviews with individuals and detailed work with key informants, followed by three workshops. 3.5.1 Participant Observation In order to facilitate participant observation, the research assistants and the researcher became residents in the study areas. While the researcher intended to focus on interviewing as the key method of data collection, she considered that a resident presence in the area over some weeks enabled her to establish a better rapport with people, observe how people related to each other and to their environment; and refine and enhance data collection through interviews. As the basis for anthropological fieldwork, participant observation in its ideal form, entails a total immersion in the social life of the people studied over an extended period of time. As noted by Wright and Nelson (1995), the meaning of the method has changed over time and that “initially participation was a means of gaining close enough access for accurate observation. Now, anthropologists 47 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh consider physical and emotional involvement through full participation in everyday life as an essential means of learning about the society studied”. In practice, participant observation in this study was more related to what Casley and Lury (1995) call “personal observation” which for some periods and events may develop into participation. It is therefore a more direct and intimate method of social research. According to McCall (1969) participant observation emphasizes direct observation, informants interviewing, document analysis, respondent interviewing and direct participation which is made possible by repeated social interactions with the members of the organization understudy. Participant observation was an appropriate method for the study because it encouraged a strong and friendly relationship between the participants and the researcher. This made it possible to gather information, which would not otherwise be available. The “known observer” approach of participant observation was adapted which ensured that the people being observed knew that the researcher was observing them. During farm and forest visits written notes were not taken until after the visit because most participants felt uncomfortable with note-taking. Pictures were taken during such visits by seeking the consent of participants. The researcher and her assistants participated in different village events; such as farming or forest product gathering activities. By living in the village, they visited people in the evening to engage in informal conversation. All of these interactions enhanced the data collection process and provided valuable insights. The Chiefs and their Elders 48 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh encouraged the people to participate as much as they could. 3.5.2 Key Informants In each of the study areas, the researcher developed a relationship with a number of the community members who became key informants. These included teachers, traders, individuals of relatively high social status, (such as Chiefs and or one of his Elders Migrants, Men and Women). Children participated in the study, as key informants in each village. It was very easy to get information and input from children as long as written notes were not taken. These individuals, (key informants) played a very important role in support of the study. Key informants provided background information on a number of topics, including social and resource histories of the area; the composition of the local population and perspectives on social relations (e.g.; relations between M igrants and Indigenous groups); ecological characteristics and changes in land and forest In Akan households, it is customary for the Men to receive visitors. Also, it is customary for the village Chief (ODIKRO) to take responsibility for the welfare of the strangers or visitors to the area. In general, every stranger or visitor to a village must first identify himself or herself to the linguist who inquires of his/her mission and then takes him or her to the village Chief. Sometimes, it is required of a visitor to offer a drink to the Chief and his Elders, but most often, the Chief makes the offer. The drink is shared among all present during the meeting with the visitor. It is not compulsory for the visitor to drink for religious or health 49 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh reasons. The researcher went through these procedures so she would be accepted as a member of the community. The researcher and her assistants tried as much as possible not to show favoritism to a particular household, group or individual. In general, the research was presented to participants in each community as a study of how different people in the area • have benefited from the forest in terms of access and uses • have participated in forest management in the past • have interest to participate in particular forest management activities and • a discussion of the incentives they need to participate effectively and efficiently in forest management activities. While the researcher worked with several Senior Men as key informants, she also selected individuals from other social groups. A series of key-informant interviews were used to build up a profile of participation in the forest resource activities. Individuals were identified on the basis of their involvement in particular activities (hunting, NTFP gathering or processing) and interviewed about aspects of activities prevalent in the area. The research also took the form of participating with individuals or groups in particular activities (e.g. selling NTFPs in the local market). The use of key informants was central in the field work as a method of quickly generating data on a number of topics for refining interviews and facilitating cross checking of data collected in group or individual interviews. 50 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.5.3. Group and Individual Interviews In each study area, group interviews were conducted in order to build up a picture of the social relations and to probe broad differences between social groups with access to and control of resources, and benefits and uses of the forest. The interviews were guided by a checklist of topics. Within a given interview, great weight was given to extended discussion of particular topics especially those that are directly related with the objectives of the study rather than coverage of the whole list. These interviews were undertaken with groups of Men, Women, Migrants, Indigenous people, Seniors and Juniors. The group interviews varied in size from three to five persons depending on availability. In conjunction with the group interviews, (Figs 4 & 5) individual semi­ structured interviews were conducted by selecting a number of interviewees belonging to each of the three social categories (Men/Women, Juniors/Seniors Migrants/Indigenous). These were undertaken in order to gather individual cases of access to resources, livelihood strategies, past involvement in forest management, benefits from the forest, incentives needed for participating, and forest management activities in which individuals are interested in participation. They were guided by a questionnaire (Appendix 1). administered by or interviewed with the help of research assistants as most of the participants were unable to read and write. 51 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4. Research assistant conducting group interviews pen''-'-1 Figure 5. Participant presenting group discussions 52 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The number of interviews conducted and the method of selection varied between the study areas. The interviewees were selected from among the participants in group interviews and also on their availability and willingness on specific issues where the researcher felt the need for clarification. 3.5.4. Strategic Planning Workshops 0 v The planning workshops brought representatives from all the categories" under study in the communities. Participants were selected based upon their interest during the group and individual interviews. Most of the key informants participated in the workshops. The Forest Service also participated in each of the workshops. To encourage participation, each participant identified him or herself with one of the categories being studied. This made it easy for group discussion as each member felt comfortable with the group with which he/she identified herself/himself-as Migrants or Indigenous, Seniors or Juniors. Each grouping has been defined above. Each workshop took the form of discussions (Figs. 6 & 7) within a group and presentation of results under the following topics • Benefits and use of the forest reserve under the heading: What do we get from the forest reserve and from the management o f the forest? • Past and present involvement in forest management under the heading: What have we done to help in the management o f the forest ? 53 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh • Interest in forest management activities under the heading: What we can do to help in the management o f the forest ? • Incentives for participation under the heading What do we need in order to participate in these activities ? Though it was not part of the study to understand how people want to be organized in performing forest activities, the group discussed this during the workshop. Each group ranked benefits, uses, incentives and activities in order of importance by using different colors of cards and also explained why they preferred a particular activity. In order to get participants focused on issues being discussed, each group had a leader and a recorder who took notes and reported to the larger group. Group discussions and presentations were recorded on a tape to capture as much information as possible. Recording group discussions was useful, as reporters did not present all discussions from groups or sometimes they left out some issues, thinking it was not important or relevant. 54 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 6. Men Group discussion during workshop 55 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.6 DATA ANALYSIS PROCEDURE Data obtained from observations, interviews and workshops were classified into four categories containing the basic elements necessary to understanding the situation as well as to meet the objectives of the study as follows: • Access benefits and uses from forest by age, gender and social origin • Past Involvement in forest management activities by age, gender and social origin • Interest in forest management activities by age, gender and social origin • Incentives for participation in forest management by age, gender and social origin. Inductive analysis was used to find patterns and develop categories for the data from participant observation, workshops and interviews. This method isolates essential characteristics that determine a phenomenon. In addition, the categorization aimed to have each characteristic be mutually exclusive and stand out clearly from others. Graphs and tables were used to explain the variations and trends under each classified category. Chi-squared analysis was performed to identify significance differences between the data sets. The first three categories were analyzed from data obtained from the participant observations and interviews while the incentives were analyzed from the results of the strategic planning workshops. To ensure confidentiality, names of participants 56 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh are not mentioned. However, a few quotations from participants are presented to emphasize and clarify some findings. 3.6.1 Chi-sauared Analysis Many types of research experiments and business surveys seek knowledge that require the use of qualitative rather than quantitative response variables. Qualitative responses can be classified into nominal categories that indicate patterns of response. These nominal data can be presented as descriptive statistics and in chi-squared relationships. Further statistical analysis is not possible given the nominal response categories. Generally the data consisted of n = 90 trials and the outcome of each trial falls into one of k classes or cells. For example, the variable age consists of n = 90 participants and each of the participants falls under one of two age classes Junior ( 18-35 years) or Seniors (36 and over). A chi-squared will test whether there is a statistically significant difference between age (junior/seniors), gender (men/women) and social origin (migrants and indigenous) for access and interest in forest management Chi-squared analysis of this kind require the use of contingency tables where one method of classification e.g. age is contingent upon another e.g. access. In such a case the data are displayed using a cross classification in an array called contingency tables. This method is used to test whether there are significance differences between the various classification and to find out whether these classifications such as access to the forest or interest in forest management activities 57 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh depended on the categories of gender, age or social origin (Appendix 2). Using access and age for example, participants were classified as: Seniors or Juniors. At the same time within each age class I identified whether participants have access to the forest or not by considering their response as 1 = yes (which means the person had access or benefits from forest management), 2 = no (which means the person did not have access to/benefit from forest management and 3 = no response (which means the person did not respond to the question. These counts are presented as a contingency table below. (Note numbers in parenthesis are the expected cell frequencies). Table 2 . Contingency Table For Access to Forest by Age Age Totals Seniors juniors No response Row totals 1 (Yes) 9 (20.4) 26 (15.6) 19 (18.0) 54 2 (No) 8 (4.9) 0 (3.8) 5 (4.3) 13 3 (No response) 17(8.7) 0 (6.6) 6 (7.7) 23 Column Totals 34 26 30 90 Let Ps be the unconditional probability that a respondent is a Senior. Similarly let Pj and Pn be the probability that a respondent is a Junior or did not indicate his age respectively. The column probability will satisfy the requirement that Ps+Pj+ Pn=1 Also, let P| (| =1,2,3) be the row probability (signifying a yes, no or no response to access by a particular age group Q where 58 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Then if the two probabilities are independent of each other, a cell probability will equal the product of its respective row and column probability in accordance with the multiplication law of probability. For example, the probability that a Senior had access to the forest is (P ^P ^ and a Senior who did not have access is (PsX^)- The null hypothesis specifies that each cell probability will equal, the product of its receptive row and column probabilities, a condition that implies independence of the two classification. The column probability equals the total divided by n = 90. Let the total of the column j = C, then for this particular case of age and access, PS = C1=34 , Pj = C2_= 26 (n) 90 (n) 90 The row probabilities may be estimated using the row totals R1, R2, Rs Pi=R i-= 54, P2 = R2-=13, P3 = E3=23 (n) 90 (n) 90 (n) 90 Denoting the observed frequency of the cell in row , and column j of the contingency table by nib the expected value of n^ is E ( n ^ =n(Pj Pi)=n(RiXCi)= R1C1_= 54x26 (n) (n) 90 where PjP1 is the estimated cell probability. Similarly, we may find the estimated expected value for any other cell e.g. E(n23) is E(n23)= n (P2P3) = (B2XQ3) = R2C3 = .C3-4).(23) (n) (n) 90 Hence the estimated expected value of the observed cell frequency ny for a P1+P2+P3- 1 59 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh contingency table is equal to the product of it’s row and column totals divided by the total frequency E(ny) = R A n The expected and observed cell frequencies can then be used to calculate the value of the statistic test as X2" = I ,£ Inj]=_E(niiil2 E( na) The degrees of freedom associated with the contingency table possessing r rows and c columns always equals (R-1)(C-1). Thus for this example (3-1)(3-1) = 4 degrees of freedom. Therefore using a = 0.5 I rejected the null hypothesis that the two classification are independent if X2 is greater than 9.488. Since the value of the test statistic X2 = 34.11690 exceeded the critical value of X2, I will reject the null hypothesis. The data provided sufficient evidence that access varied and depended on the age of the individual. These same procedure was used to calculate the test statistic value for Access by gender, and Access by social origin, and for participation in forest management activities by gender, age and social origin. Furthermore, it was used to calculate the test statistic value for interest In forest management with age, gender and social origin (Appendix 2). 60 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ninety participants from four communities in the Ashanti and Brong-Ahafo Regions participated in the study to determine: • The type of access, benefit and uses derived from the forest by local communities; • The past and present involvement of communities in the management of the forest; • Communities’ interest to participate in forest management activities, and • Incentives or motivating factors that will encourage efficient and effective participation in the forest management. Each of these aspects of the study was determined in relation to gender, age and social origin of the participants. 4.1. ACCESS, BENEFITS AND USES OF FORESTS Both Men and Women collect, gather and process forest products for household and commercial uses (Table 3). Whereas Men concentrate on the commercial potential of forest products such as timber, bushmeat, canes for baskets and raffia matting for roofing, (Table. 3) Women viewed the forest as multi-functional providing both household needs and economic benefits. The forest provides useful products, which can be grouped as forest food; forest medicines and spices; construction materials and household goods (Table 3). 4.0 RESULTS 61 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 3. Uses of Forest and NTFPs by Men and Women NTFP TYPE MEN WOMEN Forest Food bushmeat, snails, wild yam, mushrooms snails, mushroom, fruits, wild yam, bushmeat Medicines/ Spices Tree barks, roots, leaves, Leaves, roots, spices (wedeaba, black and white pepper), House Construction trees saplings for building, Raffia palm branches for roofing, lumber for roofing, leaves for roofing Household Equipment pestles, cane for basket, chewstick, lumber for furniture Pestles, Sponges, Environmental protection of watershed and rivers, influence rainfall, protection against strong winds Protection of rivers Income generation activities bushmeat, wild yam, Raffia palm branches, cane for basket, honey. snails, mushroom, spices (wedeaba, black and white pepper), wrapping leaves 4.1.1 Forest Foods For Women, forests and forestry activities affect household security and maintain environmental stability. Forest food, which includes seeds, leaves, roots, tubers, snails and mushrooms etc. (Table 3), contributes to the diet of many households. They are very important especially during January to April when stored food supplies are reduced and new crops are being planted. Women, whose role in the household is to provide food for the family, value forest foods. Therefore, during the drought periods therefore, they use the forest more often than Men as sources of food and fuel for household consumption. During this season, Women gather, process and trade in forest products (Table 3) especially when they collect more than they need for the household. The common forest products sold by Women are snails, wrapping leaves, sponges and spices (Table 3). 62 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh For Men, the most important forest food is bushmeat (Table 3). Bushmeat is obtained in the forest by setting traps or hunting. The purpose of hunting, which is usually done during the night with a gun, is to kill big game animals for sale rather than for household consumption. When small animals are killed, they are either cooked separately from the household meals, cooked and shared with other Men or sold to them during group drinking when they return from their farms to their homes. Sometimes, during the season of snails and mushrooms, from March to May, hunters compete with Women in gathering snails especially when they are not successful in hunting. Depending on the quantity gathered, snails are sold or added to household meals. Some Women commented: During the snail and mushroom season some Men and especially children compete with us in the gathering process though they usually call it Women’s work. Some of the men even collect more than us and make more money than we do. This is not usually the case though. Wild yam locally known as ahabayere, a seasonal food is the next most important forest product for Men. It regenerates naturally in the forest. Because of the difficulty in the harvesting process Men are more accustomed to harvesting ahabayere than Women. Some Men actually devote time to harvesting and selling them. Generally for Men, wild animals (bushmeat) is the most valued products from the forest. The Men stated: We have guns and we know how to set traps. Although it is not a main activity, once in a while we go to the forest for hunting or trapping animals. If we are lucky and we get some game we kill it, but if not we try another time. However, there are some people who go to the forest for hunting everyday and some of them spend many nights until they get something. 63 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.1.2 Forest Medicines And Spices Forests medicines and spices are highly valued by local communities. The most common and important forest medicines is for self administered first aid. The study revealed that Women play an important role in first aid treatment as they are usually the first to diagnose and treat problems of their children. Forest medicine plays a vital role in the livelihood of most rural Women not only for treatment of their illness but also as sources of income. However, forest medicines are not traded among people in the same community. They are administered freely to each other when the need arises, and sold to outsiders. Usually, forest medicines are administered together with spices collected from the forest by Women. For curative treatment of serious illness using forest medicines, men are consulted since they know more about which leaves, barks, roots, or seeds of a tree, plant or shrub to use (Table 3). It is commonly known in Southern Ghana that, some forest medicines cannot be collected, prepared or administered by women because of the superstitious beliefs attached to these species. Forest medicines include both plant and animal products. In the local communities, the majority of the people believe that some illnesses are best treated using plants or animals cures. 4.1.3. Construction Materials Forests are sources of construction materials for most rural households especially in admitted settlements and Migrant communities. Although 64 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh alternative building materials may be available, many rural households cannot afford them and rely on products from the forests. Men ranked construction materials as very important because they are responsible for building and maintaining structures. Construction materials consist of saplings of different tree species, branches of oil palm and raffia palm, bamboo, and sometimes wrapping leaves (Tables 3 & 4). Some tree species whose saplings are used for construction are timber species. This often results in a conflict of interest between timber contractors who want these species to grow into timber and local communities who want to use them for construction and maintenance of their houses. Men weave raffia branches into mats for roofing. During the dry season, when there is less work on the farms, most of the Junior Men weave raffia and palm branches for sale. The demand for construction materials is very high during the dry season and shortly after the rainy seasons as they are usually accompanied by strong winds destroying the whole building or part of it, especially the roofs. At times, roofing mats are changed not because they are destroyed, but because they need to be replaced because of natural deterioration. During an emergency, one may place an order for roofing material at anytime with the weavers. Construction materials are also used for community buildings such as schools, churches, community centers, meeting places, public toilets etc. 65 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.1.4. Household Goods Almost all the households use items made from forest products in their day-to-day activities. The most valued item mentioned is the pestle (Tables 3 & 4). It can be made from different tree species but the most preferred is the sapling of Celtis, which is a timber species. Pestle is used by both rural and urban households in Southern Ghana for pounding Fufu the most common meal in many Ghanaian households. It is therefore not surprising that the most important household item for both Men and Women was pestle. This is also true for the Juniors/Seniors Migrants and Indigenous people. Pestles are sold by Women although they are harvested and re-manufactured into appropriate shapes by Men (Tables 3 & 4). Table 4. Uses of forest and NTFPs by Juniors and Seniors Access, benefit, NTFP type Juniors (Age 18-35) Seniors (Age 35 - over) Forest Food Snails, pestle, mushrooms, bushmeat, wild yam, honey pestles, bushmeat Forest Medicines and spices honey medicines, spices Construction materials saplings for building raffia for roofing, saplings for building, Timber for construction, Household Needs Pestles, chewstick, canes for baskets, Pestles, chewstick, canes Income generation activities. revenue from harvesting of timber, wrapping leaves, raffia for roofing revenue from harvesting of timber, wrapping leaves, revenue collection and marketing of NTFPs Environmental benefits protection of river Rainfall, protection of river, protection against strong winds, Other important household items listed included baskets for carrying food from the farm and also for food storage. Baskets are made from different species of canes. Canes are also used for making furniture, ropes and for tying poles University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh together in building construction and in joining raffia branches for roofing to the main beams. In recent years with the development of an urban cane market, supplies have become scarce as they have been heavily exploited. Forest products are also used to make furniture, sleeping mats and drying mats for cocoa and other food crops, stools, ladders. Sponges from climbers are processed and traded by Women, and brooms from palm branches by peeling off the leaves and binding the veins together. Uses of the forest are summarized in Tables 3 & 4. 4.2.5. Access. Benefits and Gender Of the Men who participated in the study, 56% said they have access to the forest for the collecting and gathering of NTFPs (Fig. 8). Access to the Forest and Forest Resources by Gender 60 n 50 £ 40