UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 

 

 

COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES 

 

 

DYNAMICS OF PUBLIC TRANSPORT IN GHANA: THE CASE OF THE 
USE OF TRICYCLES IN THE GREATER ACCRA METROPOLITAN AREA 

(GAMA) 

 

 

BY 

 

VICTORIA TANTI WILSON 

 

(ID. NO. 10162920) 

 

 

 

THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, 
LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE 
AWARD OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES 

DEGREE 

 

INSTITUTE OF STATISTICAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC RESEARCH 
(ISSER) 

 

AUGUST 2023 

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 ii 

DECLARATION 

I hereby declare that this thesis is the result of my independent investigation undertaken with 
meticulous supervision. I have consulted and used other scholarly works which have been duly 
acknowledged. I confirm that this thesis is original and has never been submitted, in part or 
whole, at the University of Ghana or any other institution for the award of an academic degree. 

      28th August 2024 

VICTORIA TANTI WILSON                  DATE 

           (Candidate) 

 

                 28th August 2024  

PROF. GEORGE OWUSU                    DATE 

    (Principal Supervisor) 

 

 

 

         28th August 2024 

DR ABA OBRUMAH CRENTSIL                     DATE 

         (Supervisor) 

                28th August 2024.  

DR MUSYIMI MBATHI                      DATE 

          (Supervisor) 

 

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 iii 

ABSTRACT 

Transportation serves as a critical enabler for human mobility, goods movement, and service 

delivery. Most urban commuters rely on public transport systems to satisfy their mobility 

needs. Although transportation is not an end in itself but a means to various goals, urban 

residents face intricate challenges tied to their location, income, time constraints, objectives, 

mode feasibility, accessibility, and other factors while accessing transportation services. To 

address these challenges, SDG 11.2 promotes affordable and sustainable transportation 

systems, with access to public transport as a key indicator. In Ghana, public transport is 

provided by buses, minibuses (trotro) and car taxis. However, the dynamics of public transport 

in Ghana have changed since the advent of tricycles as a mode of public transport. Tricycles 

have gained popularity among urban commuters due to deficiencies in transportation 

infrastructure, regulations, heavy traffic, and high fares associated with traditional modes. Yet, 

the long-term sustainability of tricycles as a public transport solution remains uncertain. This 

study investigates the evolving dynamics of public transport in the Greater Accra Metropolitan 

Area (GAMA), examining the evolution, adoption factors, and public opinions regarding 

tricycles as a sustainable transport option. Furthermore, it delves into the legal and institutional 

framework of tricycle transport services in urban Ghana. Employing a mixed-method approach 

integrated in rational choice theory and Alphonzo's (2005) social-ecological framework, data 

were collected through a survey involving 610 users and riders. In addition, qualitative insights 

were gathered from 40 participants which included government transport officials through in-

depth and key informant interviews as well as observation. Accessibility emerged as the 

foremost factor influencing tricycle adoption, while safety ranked as the least significant. Over 

90% of respondents attributed the proliferation of tricycles to factors like serving underserved 

routes, ability to move through alleys, affordability, unemployment, and the high costs of 

alternative modes. The most notable challenges discovered included rivalry with 

other transport network operators, reckless riding and poor licensing. Regulatory 

institutions such as the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority (DVLA) and the Ghana Police-

Motor Traffic and Transport Department (GP-MTTD) were found to be scrupulously carrying 

out their responsibilities to promote sustainable urban transportation, but greater coordination 

is required to solve the dilemma of public tricycle transport operation. In order to prevent 

accidents and effectively control their operation, a revision of LI 2180 is recommended, in 

addition to interim strict adherence to traffic regulations and training. 

 

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DEDICATION 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I dedicate this work to God Almighty and to Mr. P. Y. Agyekum, a very kind and fine gentleman. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 

I am thankful to the Almighty God for bringing me this far. My profound gratitude goes to my 

supervisors, Prof. George Owusu of ISSER, University of Ghana (UG), Dr Aba O. Crentsil 

(ISSER, UG) and Dr Mbathi Musiyimi (University of Nairobi) for their unflinching support in 

the writing of my thesis. Throughout the journey, their counsel, advice, constructive criticism, 

and critical reviews provided me with clear direction.  

My deep appreciation also goes to the Pan-African College for Sustainable Cities project hosted 

by the Centre for Urban Management Studies (CUMS), UG, for the financial sponsorship of 

my doctoral studies. This project was funded by the Robert Bosch Stiftung, Germany, and it 

included four African universities – the University of Ghana, the University of Cape Town, the 

University of the Witwatersrand and the University of Nairobi. 

I owe tons of gratitude to all the faculty members, staff, and fellow PhD students of ISSER. 

Those words of encouragement on the corridors meant a lot. I especially acknowledge the help 

of the late Dominic Alhassan of the ISSER/RIPS (Regional Institute for Population Studies) 

library, Ms. Damaris Adjei Frimpong and all the young ladies who have assisted her over the 

years to give me timely support as a graduate student. You were a blessing. My journey could 

not have been smoother without the friendship and support of my course mates, Innocent, 

Petronella and Rahman as well as Stephany and Benjamin Bonzo our co-opted office mates. 

You were there for me in the most difficult times and words cannot express how blessed I am 

to have met you. I also want to acknowledge the privileged support of all the fellows and 

Faculty members of the Pan-African College for Sustainable Cities.  

The role of participants from tricycle stations, users and key informants from the 

Environmental Protection Agency, Ga East and Adentan Municipal Assembly Transport 

Offices, Driver and Vehicle Licencing Authority, Ghana Police Service-Motor Transport and 

Traffic Department, and National Road Safety Authority is deeply appreciated. 

A big thank you to Pastors Abraham Nachiah and the Winners Family at Nkawkaw, Ms. Emelia 

Botwe and her family, and Uncle George and his family. Your prayers and godly counsel have 

contributed to this success. I am grateful. Lastly, I thank my mom, Ms Emelia Nkromah, Gloria 

my younger sister and ‘nurse’, Lady Sap and my awesome Uncles and Aunties. Thank you for 

supporting me in various ways and for cheering me on. You always showed me that family is 

everything. I love you all and God bless you always.  

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 vi 

TABLE OF CONTENT 

 

DECLARATION ....................................................................................................................... ii 

ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................. iii 

DEDICATION .......................................................................................................................... iv 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ......................................................................................................... v 

TABLE OF CONTENT ............................................................................................................ vi 

LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................... x 

LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................. xiii 

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................. xiv 

CHAPTER ONE ........................................................................................................................ 1 

INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 1 

1.1 Background to the study ................................................................................................... 1 

1.2 Problem statement ............................................................................................................ 5 

1.3 Main objective .................................................................................................................. 9 
1.3.1 Specific objectives ..................................................................................................... 9 

1.4 Main research question ..................................................................................................... 9 
1.4.1 Specific research question ......................................................................................... 9 

1.5 Justification of the study ................................................................................................ 10 

1.6 Organization of chapters ................................................................................................ 10 

CHAPTER TWO ..................................................................................................................... 12 

LITERATURE REVIEW, THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND CONCEPTUAL 
FRAMEWORK ....................................................................................................................... 12 

2.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 12 

2.2 The evolution of tricycle transportation in Ghana ......................................................... 13 
2.2.1 The nature and historical development of tricycles as a means of public transport 13 
2.2.2 Tricycles in the Ghanaian context ........................................................................... 17 
2.2.3 Tricycles as informal transportation ........................................................................ 23 
2.2.4 The logic of survival and the informality of tricycle transportation in urban areas 25 
2.2.5 Exploring the roles, benefits and implications of tricycles on urban transportation29 
2.2.6 A review of the institutional and policy environment of transportation in Ghana 
with a focus on tricycle transportation ............................................................................. 34 
2.2.7 Is it a wave or a new space? Lessons from India and Other African Countries ...... 38 

2.3 Determinants of mode adoption: Modelling mode choice ............................................. 41 
2.3.1 Users’ demographic features as determinants of mode choice ................................ 42 

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2.3.2 Generic and latent transportation attributes ............................................................. 44 
2.3.3 Characteristics of physical environment .................................................................. 46 

2.4 The concept of sustainable transportation ...................................................................... 48 
2.4.1 Tricycles as sustainable transport ............................................................................ 52 
2.4.2 Challenges associated with tricycles as sustainable means of urban public transport
 .......................................................................................................................................... 53 

2.5 The theoretical underpinning of the study ...................................................................... 55 
2.5.1 Rational choice theory (RCT) .................................................................................. 56 
2.5.2 Alfonzo’s hierarchy of walking needs and the social-ecological model of walking 
based on Maslow (1943) ................................................................................................... 59 

2.6 Conceptual Framework .................................................................................................. 63 
2.6.1 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 66 

CHAPTER THREE ................................................................................................................. 68 

METHODOLOGY AND STUDY AREA ............................................................................... 68 

3.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 68 

3.2 Description of study locations ........................................................................................ 68 
3.2.1 Ga East Municipality and Dome ............................................................................. 70 
3.2.2 Ga West Municipality and Pokuase-Amasaman ..................................................... 72 
3.2.3 Kpone Katamanso Municipality and Oyibi ............................................................. 74 

3.3 Research Methodology ................................................................................................... 75 
3.3.1 Philosophical assumptions and research paradigm ................................................. 75 
3.3.2 Research Approach .................................................................................................. 77 
3.3.3 Methods of data collection ...................................................................................... 78 
3.3.4 Recording and storing data ...................................................................................... 88 

3.4 Measuring sustainable transportation ............................................................................. 88 
3.4.1 Measuring sustainable transportation using composite index ................................. 90 

3.5 Analysis and interpretation of quantitative and qualitative data .................................... 91 

3.6 Empirical models for the study ...................................................................................... 93 
3.6.1 Multinomial Regression Model ............................................................................... 93 
3.6.2 Ordinary Least Square Regression Model ............................................................... 95 

3.7 Ethical considerations .................................................................................................... 98 

3.8 Challenges encountered .................................................................................................. 99 

3.9 Summary and conclusion ............................................................................................. 100 

CHAPTER FOUR .................................................................................................................. 101 

NATURE AND EVOLUTION OF TRICYCLE TRANSPORTATION IN GAMA ............ 101 

4.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 101 

4.2: Background characteristics of riders and users (quantitative) .................................... 101 

4.3 Who are the actors in tricycle transportation? .............................................................. 106 

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Table 4. 3: Characteristics of participants for key informant interviews (KIIs) ................ 110 

4.4 The types of tricycles for public transport in GAMA .................................................. 111 

4.5 Evolution of tricycle transportation .............................................................................. 120 

4.6 Tricycle transportation in Accra: Structure, practices, and discipline ......................... 125 
4.6.1 Group name and leadership ................................................................................... 126 
4.6.2 Fees and financial contributions ............................................................................ 127 
4.6.3 Ethics and discipline .............................................................................................. 128 
4.6.4 Welfare, group support and recreation .................................................................. 131 
4.6.5 Loading at tricycle stations .................................................................................... 133 

4.7 When and where does tricycle ridership take place? ................................................... 135 

4.8 Mapping usage with the most recent travel log ............................................................ 139 
4.8.1 Purpose of trip ....................................................................................................... 141 

4.9 The reasons for the proliferation of tricycles ............................................................... 143 

4.10 Summary and conclusion ........................................................................................... 146 

CHAPTER FIVE ................................................................................................................... 149 

DETERMINANTS OF TRICYCLE ADOPTION AND PERCEPTIONS OF ITS 
SUSTAINABILITY IN GAMA ............................................................................................ 149 

5.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 149 

5.2 Determinants of tricycle adoption in GAMA ............................................................... 149 
5.2.1 Transport need and user characteristics as determinants of tricycle adoption ...... 150 
5.2.2: Monetary considerations as a determinant of tricycle transportation ................... 157 
5.2.3 Psychographic considerations in tricycle adoption ............................................... 162 
5.2.4: Other travel situations that may influence tricycle adoption ................................ 165 

5.3: Multinomial Regression Analysis of tricycle adoption ............................................... 169 

5.4 Perceptions of tricycles as sustainable means of transport .......................................... 175 
5.4.1 Perceived social sustainability of tricycles ............................................................ 176 
5.4.2 Perceived economic sustainability of tricycles ...................................................... 178 
5.4.3 Perceived environmental sustainability of tricycles .............................................. 178 
5.4.4 Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) Regression Analysis of sustainability of tricycles
 ........................................................................................................................................ 179 

5.5 Users’ and riders’ perspectives of challenges with tricycle transportation .................. 181 

5.6 Summary and conclusion ............................................................................................. 190 

CHAPTER SIX ...................................................................................................................... 192 

SUSTAINABLE TRICYCLE TRANSPORTATION: POLICIES AND THE ROLE OF 
GOVERNMENT TRANSPORT AGENCIES ...................................................................... 192 

6.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 192 

6.2 Streamlining the roles of government transport agencies in tricycle transportation .... 193 
6.2.1 The DVLA ............................................................................................................. 193 
6.2.2 The NRSA ............................................................................................................. 196 

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6.2.3 The District Transport Office ................................................................................ 197 
6.2.4 The GPS-MTTD .................................................................................................... 199 
6.2.5 The EPA ................................................................................................................ 201 
6.2.6 Dovetailing the roles of government transport agencies in tricycle transportation
 ........................................................................................................................................ 202 

6.3 Limitations and challenges of government transport agencies regarding tricycle 
transportation ...................................................................................................................... 205 

6.3.1 The dilemma: Legality versus leaving no one behind ........................................... 209 

6.4 Addressing the excesses and embracing ambivalence in tricycle transportation ......... 214 
6.4.1 Addressing the excesses besides LI 2180 .............................................................. 216 
6.4.2 Sustainable urban transport: Looking beyond tricycle transportation ................... 220 

6.5 A future with or without tricycle transportation: Implications for policy and practice 225 

6.6 Summary and conclusion ............................................................................................. 228 

CHAPTER SEVEN ............................................................................................................... 229 

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS .......................... 229 

7.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 229 

7.2 Conceptualization and theoretical grounding of the study ........................................... 229 

7.3 Findings and conclusions ............................................................................................. 231 
7.3.1 Evolution of tricycle transportation in the GAMA ................................................ 231 
7.3.2 Determinants of tricycle adoption, perceptions of sustainability and challenges .. 233 
7.3.3 Policies and the role of government transport agencies in sustainable tricycle 
transportation .................................................................................................................. 237 

7.4 Conclusions .................................................................................................................. 238 

7.5 Recommendations and implication for policy ............................................................. 241 

7.6 Contribution to knowledge and areas for further research ........................................... 243 

REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................... 244 

APPENDICES ....................................................................................................................... 258 

APPENDIX I: QUESTIONNAIRE ................................................................................... 258 

Appendix II: Key Informant Interview Guide .................................................................... 268 

Appendix III: In-depth Interview guide for users and riders ............................................. 272 

Appendix IV: Observation ................................................................................................. 274 

Appendix V: Indices (variables) computed using principal component analysis (PCA) ... 275 

Appendix VI: Ethical Clearance ........................................................................................ 276 

Appendix VII: Post-estimation test for M-Logit ................................................................ 277 

Appendix VIII: Time of respondents’ first and last trip ..................................................... 278 

Appendix IX: Post-estimation test for OLS ....................................................................... 279 

GALLERY ............................................................................................................................. 282 

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LIST OF FIGURES 

FIGURE 2. 1: THE HIERARCHY OF WALKING NEEDS ................................................................... 62 

FIGURE 2. 2: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK .................................................................................. 64 

FIGURE 3. 1: MAP OF GAMA SHOWING STUDY LOCATIONS ...................................................... 69 

FIGURE 3. 2: THE SEQUENTIAL MIXED METHODS APPROACH ..................................................... 77 

FIGURE 4. 1: TWO MAIN TYPES OF TRICYCLES IN GAMA ........................................................ 111 

FIGURE 4. 2: DRIVING MIRROR WITH STICKERS ....................................................................... 115 

FIGURE 4. 3: IMAGES OF OLD AND FAIRLY USED TRIKES .......................................................... 118 

FIGURE 4. 4: TRICYCLES WAITING TO LOAD PASSENGERS ....................................................... 129 

FIGURE 4. 5: SEIZED SLIPPERS AND RIDERS WEARING GROUP T-SHIRT ..................................... 130 

FIGURE 4. 6: TRIP ORIGIN OF TRICYCLE TRANSPORTATION AMONG USERS .............................. 137 

FIGURE 4. 7: TRIP DESTINATIONS OF TRICYCLE TRANSPORTATION AMONG USERS .................. 138 

FIGURE 4. 8: PURPOSE OF TRIP FOR MOST RECENT TRAVEL LOG .............................................. 141 

FIGURE 4. 9: FACTORS INFLUENCING THE PROLIFERATION OF TRICYCLES ............................... 144 

FIGURE 5. 1: TRANSPORT-NEED-INDUCED REASONS FOR TRICYCLE TRANSPORTATION ........... 151 

FIGURE 5. 2: PSYCHOGRAPHIC REASONS FOR MODE CHOICE ................................................... 163 

FIGURE 5. 3: RESPONDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF TRICYCLES AS SUSTAINABLE MEANS OF URBAN 

TRANSPORT ...................................................................................................................... 176 

FIGURE 5. 4: CHALLENGES OF TRICYCLE TRANSPORT ............................................................. 182 

FIGURE 5. 5: VARIATIONS IN RESPONDENTS' PERCEPTIONS OF TRICYCLE TRANSPORT 

CHALLENGES ................................................................................................................... 185 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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 xiii 

LIST OF TABLES 

TABLE 3. 1: SAMPLE SIZE ......................................................................................................... 81 

TABLE 3. 2: QUALITATIVE RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS, SAMPLING, SAMPLE SIZE AND TOOLS ...... 88 

TABLE 3. 3: FRAMEWORK FOR MEASURING SUSTAINABLE TRANSPORTATION ........................... 89 

TABLE 3. 4: DESCRIPTION OF RESEARCH VARIABLES ................................................................ 98 

TABLE 4. 1: SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND OF RIDERS AND USERS ...................................... 102 

TABLE 4. 2: CHARACTERISTICS OF PARTICIPANTS FOR IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS ........................ 109 

TABLE 4. 4: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF TRICYCLES FOUND IN GAMA ............................ 113 

TABLE 4. 5: CROSS-TABULATION OF ORIGIN AND DESTINATION  ............................................. 140 

TABLE 4. 6: VARIABLES ASSOCIATED WITH TRIP TYPE ............................................................ 142 

TABLE 5. 1: VARIATIONS IN TRANSPORTATION NEEDS BASED ON RESPONDENTS' PRIMARY MODE, 

LOCATION AND INCOME ................................................................................................... 154 

TABLE 5. 2: MONETARY CONSIDERATIONS AND RELATED DETERMINANTS OF TRICYCLE 

ADOPTION ........................................................................................................................ 158 

TABLE 5. 3: TRIP SITUATIONS OR CONTEXTS THAT INFLUENCE THE USE OF TRICYCLES ........... 167 

TABLE 5. 4: MULTINOMIAL LOGISTIC REGRESSION MODEL FOR TRICYCLE ADOPTION ............. 171 

TABLE 5. 5: THE RESULTS OF OLS REGRESSION FOR TRICYCLE SUSTAINABILITY .................... 180 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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 xiv 

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 

BBC-    British Broadcasting Corporation 

CAPI-    Computer-Assisted Personal Interviews 

CBD-    Central Business District 

CNG-    Compressed Natural Gas  

DUR-    Department of Urban Roads 

DVLA-   Driver Vehicle and Licensing Authority 

EPA-    Environmental Protection Agency 

GAMA-   Greater Accra Metropolitan Area 

GNFS-   Ghana National Fire Service 

GPRTU-   Ghana Private Road Transport Union 

GPS-MTTD-   Ghana Police Service- Motor Transport and Traffic Department 

GSA-    Ghana Statistical Authority 

GSS-    Ghana Statistical Service 

IDI-    In-depth Interviews 

IMTs-    Intermediate Means of Transport 

IPT-    Intermediate Public Transportation 

JHS-    Junior High School 

Kg-    Kilogrammes 

KI-    Key Informant 

KII-    Key Informant Interview 

Kmh-    Kilometres per hour 

LI-    Legislative Instrument 

Limited-   Ltd. 

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LPG-    Liquefied Petroleum Gas 

LUSPA-   Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority 

MCE-    Municipal Chief Executive 

MNL-    Multinomial Logistics  

MoT-    Ministry of Transport 

MRH-    Ministry of Roads and Highways 

NADMO-   National Disaster Management Organization 

NRSA-   National Road Safety Authority 

OLS-   Ordinary Least Squares 

PAARI-   Police Action Against Rider Indiscipline 

PCA-    Principal Component Analysis 

PM10-   Particulate Matter 

PROTOA-   Progressive Transport Owners' Association  

SDG-    Sustainable Development Goals 

SHS-    Senior High School 

SPSS-    Statistical Programme for Social Sciences 

SSA-    Sub-Saharan Africa 

TO-    Transport Officer 

UITP-    Union Africaine des Transports Publics 

UN-    United Nations 

UN-DESA-   United Nations-Department of Economic and Social Affairs 

UN-HABITAT-  United Nations Human Settlements Programme 

VIF    Variance Inflation Factor  

WCED-   World Commission on Environment and Development 

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 1 

CHAPTER ONE 

INTRODUCTION 

1.1 Background to the study 

It is undeniable that urban transportation in Africa and certainly some parts of Ghana have 

experienced new dynamics for varied reasons related to the exigencies of urban life (Hasan, 

2013; Mbara, 2016; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021). Regardless of the efforts made by governments 

and private entities to improve the conventional forms of public transport such as shared car-

taxis, mini-buses and half-licit motorbikes, auto-rickshaws (motor tricycles) have become 

popular as a relatively new trend of transportation in some urban areas in Ghana. The 

proliferation and acceptance of tricycles have been stronger in areas where intermediate public 

transportation (IPT)  like taxis, auto-rickshaws, motorbikes and cycle rickshaws remained the 

major forms of transportation (Asafo-Adjei et al., 2017). These forms of vehicles are often paid 

for by users except when they are used for private purposes. Inarguably, the process of using 

IPTs like motor tricycles and -bikes is catching up in the southern parts of Ghana (Obiri-

Yeboah et al., 2021) amid policy debates regarding the acceptance of motorbikes as 

conventional means of public transport (Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014).  

Literature (Cervero, 2000; Cervero & Golub, 2007; Kashi & Carello, 2020) suggest that 

Africa’s transportation sector is largely informal due to inadequate formal transportation 

services. With similar situations in other African countries (Ehebrecht et al., 2018), the use of 

motor tricycles has exposed the disparities in transportation services, providing essential 

assistance to urban residents with low to middle incomes (Mbara, 2016; Onyango, 2018). Aside 

from the cost of transportation, this transformation is mainly the result of changing land-use 

dynamics such as sprawling or urban expansion, which compels labour to live in distant 

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peripheral communities while accessing livelihoods at city centres (Kashi & Carello, 2020; 

Poku-Boansi & Adarkwa, 2014).   

The urban form in Ghana, like those in other developing countries, is characterized by the 

centrality of urban facilities in the core of the city (Acheampong et al., 2017; Cobbinah & 

Amoako, 2014; Doan & Oduro, 2012). This implies that the location of jobs, housing facilities 

as well as commercial hubs in urban areas largely influence travel behaviour. Studies like Zhao 

and Li (2018), Zhao (2013), Zhao (2010) and Oppong-Yeboah and Gim (2020) have shown 

that commuting behaviour is significantly related to the built environment where people live 

and work. Moreover, travel behaviour in Ghana usually revolves around economic activity, 

health and education (GSS, 2013) leading to increased motorized trips as urbanization 

increases. Consequently, this suggests that people need to make trips to these central points for 

reasons related to their livelihoods, education, and health.  

Nasri and Zhang (2018) have further indicated that travel behaviour does not only depend on 

urban sprawl but also on other indicators such as accessibility, housing composition and 

centrality of the area. People therefore make travel decisions based on their location, 

accessibility and affordability of the transportation options available (Oppong-Yeboah & Gim, 

2020; Kashi & Carello, 2020). Increasing population, and subsequently urbanization and 

conurbation, denotes a higher demand for transportation services (Amoh-Gyimah & Aidoo, 

2013; Cobbinah & Amoako, 2014; Poku-Boansi & Adarkwa, 2014; Poku-Boansi & Cobbinah, 

2017); hence, the transformation presented by tricycles in addressing the high demand for 

motorization (Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014) within and between communities. 

The tricycle is a relatively new dimension and addition to the transportation sector in Ghana; 

and generally previous studies have treated it as a form of intermediate transportation (Asafo-

Adjei et al., 2017; Acheampong, 2017), public transport (Agyemang, 2017; Oppong-Yeboah 

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& Gim, 2020) or informal transportation (Cervero, 2000). Existing literature also suggests that 

it is more entrenched in the northern parts of Ghana with acceptance being mixed in the south 

of Ghana (Abane, 2011; Asafo-Adjei et al., 2017; Ehebrecht et al., 2018; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 

2014) partially because Ghanaian road traffic laws, specifically, the Legislative Instrument  

(LI) 2180 which is the road traffic regulatory act in Ghana prohibit their usage.  

Largely, specific studies regarding motor tricycles have revealed that motor tricycles are 

transportation gap fillers as they serve as feeders to larger transportation services (Asafo-Adjei 

et al., 2017; Bradley, 2014; Mani et al., 2012; Mani & Pant, 2012; Mbara, 2016; Onyango, 

2018). More so, tricycles have become attractive to urbanites mainly for their ability to 

penetrate and navigate through traffic (Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Cervero, 2000; Onyango, 

2018), which is a major challenge in most developing countries (Kashi & Carello, 2020; 

Tekolla et al., 2021). The tricycle’s flexibility in terms of routes, timing and fares (Asafo-Adjei 

et al., 2017; Bradley, 2014; Onyango, 2018; Tichagwa, 2016) is an added advantage to 

unserved groups who would have been otherwise cut off. In addition, it does well in areas 

without a formal road network, thus allowing many individuals and households to move around 

at a relatively lower cost.   

Irrespective of the positive aspects of motor tricycles, researchers have often raised concerns 

about their safety (Cervero & Golub, 2007; Dinye, 2013; Priye & Manoj, 2020; Tuffour & 

Appiagyei, 2014), the fact that they are largely unregulated (Bradley, 2014; Mbara, 2016) and 

illegal in the case of Ghana (Jack et al., 2021). Furthermore, they are purported to be a leading 

cause of accidents in Accra and researchers often cite concerns about their legitimacy (Jack et 

al., 2021; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014).  

This study is sited in the Greater Accra Metropolitan area, which is predominantly urbanized 

with a large bustling central business district and known for its critical transportation challenges 

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similar to most metropolitan cities in the Global South. Transportation needs continue to rise 

in these areas due to the increasing population and urbanization. Therefore, the improvement 

and increased supply of transportation to address transport inadequacies, such as road traffic 

congestion and high transportation fares, is imperative (Ashiagbor et al., 2019; Kashi & 

Carello, 2020; Møller-Jensen, 2021; Oppong-Yeboah & Gim, 2020). Typical of most cities 

around the African continent, Accra is wildly expanding and the increase in car ownership has 

led to congestion and high volumes of traffic. Travel time has increased due to sprawling and 

government is unable to catch up with transportation demands due to poor and inconsistent 

planning (Oteng-Ababio & Agyemang, 2015). These deficits are then taken care of by informal 

transport service providers, mainly trotros (local name for the shared minibus system), some 

of which are old vehicles sometimes overloaded with passengers and paid load. This practice 

potentially threatens the safety of passengers and other road users (Kashi & Carello, 2020). 

Consequently, the proliferation of tricycles has become a convenient alternative to dodge 

traffic, increase accessibility and meet affordable transportation costs in parts of Accra. It also 

demonstrates an expansion in commuting options, especially for low-income people in these 

locations (Jack et al., 2021).  

Following the current increased use of tricycles for short-distance journeys in Accra, it has 

become imperative to investigate their nature, evolution and operation as well as perceptions 

of their sustainability. As portrayed in literature, the economic contexts and the changing land-

use patterns in Accra have contributed to the dynamics in transportation in recent years. 

Moreover, the motor tricycle, locally known as ‘Pragiya’, is operating parallel to the usual car 

taxi and ‘trotro’ transportation systems in the provision of short-distance transport services in 

portions of Accra.   

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Accra is critical for this study due to the fact that it is the capital and serves as a reference point 

in issues of development for Ghana; and that the Greater Accra Municipal Area (GAMA) has 

seen an upsurge in the use of motor tricycles in recent times regardless of Legislative 

Instrument (LI) 2180. Previously, the use of tricycles as a short-distance public transport mode 

was an inexistent phenomenon; with most short-distance journeys made by bicycle, on foot or 

through other motorized options like the car taxi or ‘trotro’ (Abane, 2011; Poku-Boansi, 2020). 

This study was specifically carried out in Dome, in the Ga East Municipality, Oyibi in the 

Kpone Katamanso Municipality and Pokuase-Amasaman in the Ga West Municipality because 

they are among the communities in GAMA where the use of tricycles has evolved and 

proliferated. Although Accra is predominantly urban and has access to a variety of 

transportation services, it is saddled with an inadequate supply of these services for reasons 

related to the intricacies of urbanization and high population growth.  

 

1.2 Problem statement 

The use of motor tricycles as an alternative form of public transport is becoming commonplace 

in some parts of Accra irrespective of LI 2180 (the road traffic regulatory act), which prohibits 

the commercial usage of tricycles for public transport (Jack et al., 2021; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 

2014). Regardless of the debates about its operational legitimacy, safety and regulation issues, 

the motor tricycle has exploded in popularity over the last couple of years (Dinye, 2013; Obiri-

Yeboah et al., 2021). For instance, in 2017, the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Authority 

(DVLA) registered 8174 tricycles. This figure shot up by 153% by the end of 2018; by March 

2022, there were 143,617 trikes registered by the DVLA. Thus, from 2017 to March 2022, the 

registered number of tricycles had multiplied about 17 times or saw a percentage increase of 

1657 (DVLA, 2022). This shows the significant increase in the use of tricycles over the period 

in Ghana. Although it is a relatively recent development in the southern part of Ghana, it is 

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rapidly becoming an attractive solution to various transportation needs. Apart from carrying 

passengers, it is very instrumental in garbage collection as well as the freight and delivery 

industry. Recently, the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) won an international award for 

integrating informal garbage collection1 into its waste management strategies, in which 

tricycles played a major role (Oduro-Appiah et al., 2019). 

Currently, the city has sprawled such that people live farther away from commercial areas 

where public transport and other services are not easily accessible. The monocentric nature of 

urbanization in Ghana further necessitates the movement of people from the peripheries to 

central business areas to conduct business on a regular basis. As a result, there is a higher 

demand for motorized transportation due to sprawling on the edges as well as the development 

of new less dense communities (Abane, 2011; Poku-Boansi & Cobbinah, 2017). Thus, whiles 

some researchers (Oteng-Ababio & Agyemang, 2015; Poku-Boansi & Adarkwa, 2014) allude 

to transportation infrastructural deficits generally, research on tricycles (Onyango, 2018; 

Oteng-Ababio & Agyemang, 2015;Mbara, 2016) have concentrated on unserved routes, traffic 

and traffic management systems and infrastructure, for example, road networks, and 

availability of different modes, and increased motorized travel as being the cause of 

proliferation and adoption of tricycles (Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021). These assertions are often 

without the intricate roles of government transport agencies who play major roles in a context 

of weak planning and poor transport infrastructure (Oteng-Ababio & Agyemang, 2015). 

Furthermore, Accra’s transportation condition is particularly characterized by rapid 

motorization, congestion, road and transport network infrastructural inadequacies, and 

 
1 Joy Online (2019). Accra wins award for Informal Waste Collection Expansion Project. 

https://www.myjoyonline.com/accra-wins-award-for-informal-waste-collection-expansion-
project/ 
 

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declining travel speeds by all motorized modes, especially public transport (Kashi & Carello, 

2020). Thus, studies on tricycle transport (Jack et al., 2021; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Tuffour 

& Appiagyei, 2014) often focus on how it is solving numerous transport challenges but little 

or no attention is given to its sustainability. In literature, the tricycle has often been researched 

as a form of informal and intermediary transport (Asafo-Adjei et al., 2017). However, its 

sustainability, in terms of social, economic and environmental perspectives is yet to be 

sufficiently addressed. Being aware of the multifaceted and complex nature of sustainability as 

well as the pros and cons of the tricycle, which is the newest addition to the modes of road 

transportation in the urban south of Ghana, few studies on tricycles have explored it as a 

sustainable form of transportation in Ghana. Rather, it has often been researched in terms of its 

contribution to sustainable development focusing on sustainable livelihoods and access to 

transportation (Afukaar et al., 2017; 2019; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021). 

Additionally, low density and bad road conditions result in irregular access to transport services 

pre-empted by unavailable commercial vehicles on irregular routes. This situation has led to 

increased car ownership and traffic volumes with implications for how transportation needs are 

met in the metropolis (Kashi & Carello, 2020). Also, these shortfalls have ramifications for 

transportation rates, which are already high and steadily increasing. Hence some studies 

(Asafo-Adjei et al., 2017; Onyango, 2018) have emphasized limited transport access which 

generates a lot of grey areas that leave some urbanites out of transportation supply or frustrate 

their efforts to meet transport needs due to, for instance, their location or income levels.  

Therefore, it is evident that a person’s location can cause them to be left behind. Thus, the 

United Nations Sustainable Development Group (UNSDG) recognizes geography as one of the 

five key factors associated with vulnerability. Their analyses suggest that people may be left 

behind on a geographical basis when they are at risk of exclusion because of their location, 

inaccessible transportation, and mobility-related transport disparities. Moreover, other key 

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factors, such as socioeconomic status, for example, income and governance in terms of policies 

and legal frameworks, can increase their vulnerability and further leave them behind (United 

Nations Sustainable Development Group, 2022).  

The increased use of tricycles for public transport has also been attributed to high rates of 

unemployment in Ghana, which compels young people to engage in the tricycle business. This 

has culminated in researchers (Doherty, 2020; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021) giving more attention 

to the economic efficiency aspect of the business. However, it is important to explore the social 

and the environmental aspects to help provide different policy directions. 

In meeting the versatile needs of contemporary urbanites and driven by the market forces of 

demand and supply, transportation in Ghana has evolved to include the motor tricycle, which 

provides invaluable services in some parts of Accra (Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Tuffour & 

Appiagyei, 2014). Thus, considering all these debates and gaps in literature, it is important to 

understand why commuters use a vehicle that is illegal and generally perceived to be unsafe by 

users and government transport agencies. Further, it is imperative to know how this vehicle 

operates, identify users, and appreciate why and how they use it for urban transport planning 

and expansion purposes. Moreover, it is equally important to know whether such a vehicle can 

be a sustainable mode and help achieve an inclusive urban transport system in congruence with 

Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) target 11.2, which seeks affordable and sustainable 

transport systems.  

As a result, this study investigates the operation of tricycles and furthers the conversation by 

elucidating their evolution in the urban south of Ghana. It also investigates the reasons for 

adoption and examines respondents’ perceptions of the tricycle as a sustainable means of public 

transport.  

 

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1.3 Main objective 

The main objective of this study is to examine the evolution of tricycles as a public transport 

system in GAMA elucidating the drivers of this change and what the implications are for 

sustainable urban transportation. 

 

1.3.1 Specific objectives 

1. Examine the nature and evolution of tricycle transport in the GAMA and the factors 

underlying its development.  

2. Analyse factors that influence the adoption of the tricycle as a means of urban transport 

and its associated challenges. 

3. Assess sustainability perceptions of tricycles using sustainable transport anchor points.  

4. Evaluate the existing policy, legal, and institutional infrastructure governing tricycle 

transport services in urban Ghana. 

 

1.4 Main research question 

The main research question is ‘how has the tricycle become a popular means of transport 

among a cross-section of Ghanaian urbanites and what factors are influencing this change? 

 

1.4.1 Specific research question 

1. What is the nature of the tricycle and what are the factors underlying its 

development as a form of urban transport? 

2. Why do urban commuters adopt the tricycle as a means of public transport and 

what are the associated challenges?  

3. How is the tricycle perceived as a sustainable means of urban transport? 

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4. To what extent do the existing policy, legal and institutional infrastructures 

governing tricycle transport in Ghana address the tricycle transport dilemma?  

 

1.5 Justification of the study 

The proliferation of auto-rickshaws or motor tricycles as a form of public transport is 

phenomenal but literature from Ghana is limited. More so, as an entrenched means of 

transportation in the northern parts of Ghana, which is gradually gaining acceptance in the 

south, it is imperative to investigate this shift. This study contributes to the broader 

conversation on transportation by evaluating the sustainability of the tricycle and identifying 

reasons for its utility in Southern Ghana where it is gaining more popularity. Furthermore, 

insights from this study have implications for urban transportation and urban planning. Above 

all, the completion of this study is an addition to the literature on auto-rickshaws or motor 

tricycles in Ghana. 

Furthermore, insights from this study provide information on commuters and what their real 

transportation needs are, which are crucial for transportation planning purposes. In the same 

vein, the result of this study is an ingress into streamlining the operations of tricycles and help 

to appreciate any decision on a future with or without tricycles. This is because the study 

identifies actors and their justification for the use of tricycles with implications for transport 

inclusion, livelihoods, and the environment generally.   

 

1.6 Organization of chapters 

The study is organized into seven chapters. Chapter One gives an introduction, which is a 

general overview of the study, and it covers major aspects such as a general background to the 

study, problem statement, objectives and research questions. These provide an entry point into 

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the topic, explicating the problem and clarifying the objectives of this study. Following the 

introductory chapter are the intervening chapters, which include firstly, a literature review, and 

then the theoretical as well as the conceptual framework. These situated the problem in 

literature and described identified theories used to support the study. The third chapter is the 

methodology, which details how the study was conducted. This is followed by three empirical 

chapters on the four objectives of the study.  

The first empirical chapter is on the nature and evolution of tricycle transportation. This chapter 

encapsulates the development of tricycles as a means of urban transport and it is followed by a 

chapter on the adoption of tricycles. This chapter elaborated on factors influencing adoption, 

how it is used, and assessed its sustainability using sustainable transport anchor points. The 

final empirical chapter is on sustainable urban transportation and the role of government 

transport agencies. This chapter explored the policy and institutional landscape of tricycle 

transportation, elucidating the various processes to which government transport agencies 

predispose tricycles in order to ensure sustainable transportation. The conclusion constitutes 

the final chapter of the study, and it highlights candid views as well as recommendations based 

on the analyses of data and the whole research process. 

  

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CHAPTER TWO 

LITERATURE REVIEW, THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND 

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 

2.1 Introduction 

This chapter concentrates on the review of relevant literature in the area of the pervasive use 

of tricycles as a means of public transport. It focuses on urban intermediate transportation; the 

institutional and policy parameters; and the sustainability of the use of tricycles. The review 

situates tricycle transportation within the broader conversation on urban intermediate 

transportation; public (informal) transportation; and further within the theory of need and 

rational choice theory. The chapter debates some of the existing knowledge on tricycles 

beginning with a historical development from Asia and how it is used around the world; and 

shows how this study builds on it in a conceptual framework.  

The chapter is in six parts with 15 subsections. The first part includes seven subsections that 

give an overview of how tricycle transportation evolved in Ghana focussing on the nature of 

tricycles and the policy and institutional environment. It also explores tricycles as an informal 

means of transportation and examines their benefits and implications for urban transportation. 

The second part explored the determinants of mode selection while the third part deals with 

sustainable transportation and the contentions on tricycles as sustainable means of public 

transport. Part four looked at the challenges involved with the use of tricycles as public 

transport while part five unpacked the theories in which the study was situated. The final part 

of this chapter comprises the conceptual framework derived from the review of related 

literature and the conclusion, which also summarizes the whole chapter. 

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2.2 The evolution of tricycle transportation in Ghana  

2.2.1 The nature and historical development of tricycles as a means of public transport 

The auto-rickshaw, also known as the motor-tricycle rickshaw, possibly originated from the 

Mazda Go three-wheeled vehicle; the very first of its kind in history designed in Japan in the 

1930s for the carrying of goods (MAZDA, 2021; Pistonudos, 2021; The Economist, 2014). It 

is a motorized version of the manually pulled rickshaw popularly used in India where it serves 

as the most common IPT (Dike, 2012; Elmardi Suleiman Khayal, 2019; Mani & Pant, 2012).  

The auto-rickshaw is a cheap but compact and adaptable three-wheeled vehicle; hence, it is 

known for its unique and versatile functions (Ehebrecht et al., 2018; Elmardi Suleiman Khayal, 

2019; Jack et al., 2021; Onyango, 2018; The Economist, 2014). Apart from its three-wheeled 

feature, the tricycle uses handle-bar controls similar to that of a motorbike and is powered by 

pedals or hand cranks in some models (Jack et al., 2021; Mani, 2012). It is made up of metal 

frames roofed with canvass material or leather with dropdowns of the same material on the 

sides. It has a capacity for a maximum of four adult passengers including the driver and is 

powered by an electric motor or car engine with a fuel tank capacity of 10.5 litres. It has ample 

space for luggage and a maximum speed level of 80km per hour. Consuming a litre of fuel 

every 38km travelled, it has been argued that the tricycle is an adequate means of intra-city 

commuting (Dike, 2012; Jack et al., 2021; Mani & Pant, 2012). 

The growth of tricycle transport in the Global South, notably in Sub-Saharan Africa, South 

Asia, and Southeast Asia, demonstrates both the problems and adaptations of urban 

transportation in fast-growing cities. Motorised tricycles have thus become a popular means of 

transportation due to their low cost, adaptability, and ability to negotiate crowded metropolitan 

areas (Jack et al., 2021; Mbara, 2016; Onyango, 2018). In the Philippines for example, tricycles 

are the predominant form of transportation in many cities and towns (Ong et al., 2023; Recio 

et al., 2019). In India, auto-rickshaws provide a similar service (Mani, 2012) and in Africa, 

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tricycles are used for passenger and cargo transportation, catering to the different demands of 

urban and peri-urban regions (Al-Hasan et al., 2015; Bamidele, 2016; Busari, 2024; Dike, 

2012; Ehebrecht et al., 2018; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021). The rise of tricycle transportation in 

Southern urbanisation is a dynamic facet of urban mobility, reflecting the specific difficulties 

and opportunities that cities in the Global South confront (Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Oteng-

Ababio & Agyemang, 2015). 

Although it originated from Asia as a cheaper means of public transport, it has permeated most 

developing countries for similar reasons (Dike, 2012; Jack et al., 2021) and it is currently 

changing the scope of transportation in several other African countries (Ehebrecht et al., 2018; 

Evans et al., 2018; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014). The Economist (2014) reported that 

Bangladesh, Egypt, India, Nigeria, Peru, Sri Lanka and Thailand remain the largest market in 

the motor-tricycle business. Some of its common names around Africa include Pragiya in 

Ghana, Keke in Nigeria, Boda Boda in Uganda, Tuk-tuk in Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania, 

Pousse-pousse in Madagascar, Raksha or Tuk-tuk in Sudan and a host of other names in other 

African countries (Elmardi Suleiman Khayal, 2019; Jack et al., 2021; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 

2014).  

As an emerging phenomenon, its proliferation across Africa and the value users derive from it 

has often been captured in how it is described. Regarding its benefit of penetrating and 

manoeuvring in traffic, a British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) Africa report stated that 

motor tricycles, which are the traffic dodging staple of India, are making their way to Africa 

as several thousand are being shipped (BBC, 2017). In terms of employment, Obiri-Yeboah et 

al. (2021) describe the operators as the new players in Africa’s transportation sector where the 

operation of motor tricycles has provided a source of income to several hitherto unemployed 

youth. Mbara (2016) likewise described it as the new kid on the block because it fills a 

transportation gap by providing first and last-mile trips for low-income groups. 

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Tricycles have emerged at a point in history when transportation is almost a dilemma for 

urbanites in developing countries, especially the poor and middle class, needing cheaper and 

quicker transportation due to the high cost of transportation from conventional modes and 

excessive rush hour traffic (Oteng-Ababio & Agyemang, 2015). An example of this mobility 

dilemma was identified by Møller-Jensen (2021) who used qualitative methods to demonstrate 

that traffic congestion in Accra, Ghana’s capital city, contributes to women’s unpleasant 

experience of mobility in the city. Poku-Boansi and Cobbinah (2017) likewise found that some 

urbanites reduce motorized travel due to traffic congestion and resort to the use of mobile 

applications. Evidently, traffic congestion is a major challenge in Accra and generally in 

African cities and it impedes effective and efficient mobility experiences. It is often attributed 

to rapid population growth, urbanization and poor transportation infrastructure (Kumar & 

Barrett, 2008; Møller-Jensen, 2021; Poku-Boansi & Cobbinah, 2017; Tekolla et al., 2021).  

Growing populations and increasing urbanization are two major concurrent phenomena that 

generally influence challenges and expansions in transportation services (De Soto, 1990). As a 

country’s population incessantly grows, expansions in transportation services are required if 

economic growth is an expected end. As has been argued by Oteng-Ababio and Agyemang 

(2015), failure to invest adequately in transportation has resulted in transportation challenges 

being experienced. Appropriate investments in transportation are fundamental because 

transportation turns the wheels of the economy through the movement of people, goods and 

services (Kaufmann, 2014; Victor & Ponnuswamy, 2012).  

Additionally, urbanization has implications for land and spatial dynamics (Cobbinah & 

Amoako, 2014 ; Poku-Boansi & Cobbinah, 2017). As Boansi (2020) rightly concluded, urban 

growth and urbanization shape the travel behaviour of urbanites; and as Fillone and Mateo-

Babiano (2018) have noted, the urban structure of a historic urban centre in Manila, for 

example, has influenced how people travel in the district.  

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Moreover, with the kind of monocentric urbanization taking place in Ghana where facilities 

and jobs are concentrated in the Central Business Districts (CBDs) (Acheampong, Agyemang, 

& Abdul-Fatawu, 2017; Doan & Oduro, 2012; Nasri, Arefeh & Zhang, 2018), bustling and 

congestion have become the norm in these central points. Consequently, as populations 

increase and communities become more urbanized, these should be paralleled with adequate 

urban transportation facilities as suggested by Cascetta (2001). However, this is often not the 

case in most developing countries, including Ghana; thus, creating a problematic transportation 

system where demand often exceeds supply leading to transportation poverty (Dinye, 2013; 

Kashi & Carello, 2020; Oteng-Ababio & Agyemang, 2015). 

Another factor that has influenced the influx of tricycles as a means of public transport is the 

role of the government as a regulator of public transport and not the sole provider. It began 

with the privatization of transportation through the Structural Adjustment Programme of the 

1980s when the government’s role of being the sole provider of public transport was consigned 

to a regulator. This allowed private operators to enter the transportation business in significant 

numbers (Poku-Boansi, 2020), which is still the practice.  

Irrespective of increasing population and urban expansion, successive Ghanaian governments 

have generally made huge annual investments in the transportation sector (Ministry of Finance, 

2020). However, mismanagement and financial inadequacies often cripple governments’ 

efforts to completely meet the transportation needs of the Ghanaian populace (Poku-Boansi, 

2020; Poku-Boansi & Cobbinah, 2017). Kumar (2011) has indicated that political and 

economic deregulation as well as other regional and national level factors like reduced 

shipment cost of motorbikes and tricycles opened up the system for private operators into the 

hitherto government domain. Since governments relinquished their responsibility of providing 

adequate transportation to that of the regulator, private individuals, companies and cooperatives 

have been the major suppliers of road transportation in Ghana (Poku-Boansi, 2020). 

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Although the motor tricycle has not been accepted as a legal means of public transport in 

Ghana, the reality is that many urban commuters resort to it for various transportation needs 

(Jack et al., 2021; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Oteng-Ababio & Agyemang, 2015) for various 

reasons. The next sections discuss how tricycles have been researched as informal 

transportation and some of the benefits commuters derive from their use. 

 

2.2.2 Tricycles in the Ghanaian context 

This sub-section focuses on what tricycles are in the Ghanaian context, how they have been 

researched by various authors and the debates generated in the past few years. The Pragiya is 

one of the two main types of tricycles used for commercial purposes in Ghana. There is the 

freight type with a bucket, mostly used for carrying loads but occasionally some passengers 

and it is popularly called “Motor King or Aboboyaa”. The cycle rickshaw type generally used 

in carrying passengers and sometimes loads is the Pragiya or Mahama Can Do; two of the 

popular names for the auto-rickshaw in Ghana (Dinye, 2013; Jack et al., 2021). Most of the 

studies on tricycles in Ghana have however concentrated on employment (Dinye, 2013; Jing, 

Dzoagbe, Amouzou, & Ayivi, 2019), policy dimensions (Afukaar et al., 2019; Jack et al., 2021; 

Oteng-Ababio & Agyemang, 2015), activities, operation and management of operators (Jing et 

al., 2019; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014) and safety (Jack et al., 2021; 

Sebiawu et al., 2014). 

According to DVLA (2014) as cited by Afukaar et al. (2019), tricycles are mostly found in 

Northern Ghana. This shows major regional disparities, as motorcycles and motor tricycles 

account for over 90% of all registered vehicles in northern Ghana but only around 15% of 

registered vehicles in Southern Ghana. This is corroborated by the findings of Abane's (2011) 

study on travel behaviour in Ghana. Above all, there are city-wide disparities (Tuffour & 

Appiagyei, 2014) as tricycle operation is not visible in all cities in the south of Ghana.  

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As noted by Obiri-Yeboah et al. (2021), very few studies have been done on tricycles in Ghana; 

obviously because it is quite a recent phenomenon even though its spread in some parts of 

southern Ghana has been dramatic. Consequently, most previous studies were done on Okada, 

the motorbike that serves similar purposes as the tricycle. In effect, both the tricycle and the 

motorbike are forms of informal transportation and they are both used for short-distance 

journeys or as intermediate transportation (Afukaar et al., 2019). As a result, some authors 

(Dinye, 2013; Jack et al., 2021) study them together. Most of the studies were conducted at the 

rural (Afukaar et al., 2019; Asafo-Adjei et al., 2017) or urban (Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; 

Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014) levels with some distinguishing between the urban and rural parts 

of northern Ghana (Dinye, 2013).  

In terms of how tricycles have been researched in Ghana, different approaches have been used 

to study this phenomenon. Authors have used quantitative methods when they needed to 

establish relationships and how widespread these relationships were. For example, Obiri-

Yeboah et al. (2021) used descriptive statistics and logistic regression analysis to show the 

interactions between variables; and Oteng-Ababio and Agyemang (2015) employed a mixed 

study approach to uncover nuances through interviews as well as preponderance through a 

questionnaire survey. Predominantly qualitative studies focused on users and non-users to 

explore the extent of significance or implications of the tricycle for transportation. Asafo-Adjei 

et al. (2017) and Dinye (2013) could be cited as examples in this regard. 

It is worth noting that aside from academics, the media has made an input in this ongoing 

conversation through their news articles regarding the activities of motorcycle operators. These 

reports have taken economic, social and political dimensions and many times a little of each 

aspect. Annang (2018) in the Finder Online wrote about the proliferation of motor tricycles 

that were hitherto common in Muslim communities and were making their way into non-

Muslim communities in the south of Ghana. Dogbe (2020), on the other hand, reported on 

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centralized stations for motorbike operators. The parliamentary debate about the review of LI 

2180 on whether to accept or not to accept motorbikes and tricycles as conventional means of 

transport has been reported on by Ayisi (2019). The adjoining paragraphs describe the focal 

points of some of the studies conducted on tricycles in Ghana. 

Using qualitative methods, Dinye (2013) sought to elucidate the significance of motorcycle 

transport on social and economic development in the Wa Municipality of the Upper West 

Region. The study revealed that although motorcycles seem risky (Sebiawu et al., 2014; 

Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014), they serve as a primary mode of transport to most urban residents. 

Besides it being seen as an element of honour and economic success, its high patronage has 

contributed to the economic and social development of the municipality by making inaccessible 

roads accessible and substituting for the inadequate public transport system in peri-urban areas. 

Furthermore, it has become an avenue for employment in areas such as spare parts dealerships, 

fuel stations and motorcycle mechanics with remarkable spill overs (Dinye, 2013; Owusu-

Ansah et al., 2022). This validates the critical role of the motor tricycle in deprived and 

unserved communities, which cannot be ignored for both rural and urban Ghana despite its 

safety implications. 

Oteng-Ababio and Agyemang (2015) likewise recognized the versatile use of the motorbike 

considering the challenging state of urban transportation but do not dismiss the risks involved 

either. They, however, argued that inadequate urban transportation infrastructure has given rise 

to the okada business as they traced the current okada war to the breakdown of the formal bus 

system at the onset of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). By employing a mixed 

study approach and with the use of questionnaire surveys and interviews in Accra, the authors 

noted gross policy failures even though efforts are being made to improve transportation 

services. In their view, the outcomes of these interventions in recent times have been, at best, 

discouraging because most of the strategies do not solve the problems they are supposed to 

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address; instead, they create additional ones and therefore are cost-ineffective. They also found 

that although okada is an illegal business according to LI 2180, it is a thriving business in the 

country (Oteng-Ababio & Agyemang, 2015). In essence, despite these monumental 

complementary roles tricycles play in urban transportation, their operations are considered 

illegal. 

 In a quest to provide data to shape policy on rural transportation due to its significance for 

access to markets and other services, Afukaar et al. (2019) carried out a study on rural 

transportation using mixed methods in three distinct ecological zones in Ghana. Their major 

finding was that the banned motorcycle was the most commonly used vehicle in rural Ghana. 

The authors advocated the continuous usage of motorbikes in rural areas and their restricted 

commercial use in urban areas. This study highlighted the contextual transport challenge 

regarding the use of intermediate transport. It showed that in rural areas where car taxis are 

cheaper than motorbikes, commuters were saddled with the problem of overloaded cars, long 

waiting hours and poor service predictability (Afukaar et al., 2017). Thus, the fact remains that 

motorbikes are the best alternative for rural transportation even though it is slightly more costly. 

Regarding motorbikes and tricycles as intermediate means of transport (IMT), Asafo-Adjei et 

al. (2017) evaluated the critical role IMTs play in addressing the transportation needs of 

Ghana’s rural poor. Unlike Dinye (2013), Afukaar et al. (2019) used qualitative data collection 

methods for depth and accordingly found that IMTs have a favourable influence on the 

transportation of light and medium loads that are difficult for humans to carry but expensive to 

transfer by other means. Although the authors do not dismiss the determinants of IMT adoption 

as outlined by other authors, they believe that other factors, such as culture, in recent times 

contributes to the disparities in IMT adoption in northern and southern Ghana overlooking the 

impact of poverty in property acquisition. Undoubtedly, poverty can limit a person’s options 

for acquiring a vehicle to cheaper types like motorbikes and tricycles instead of a car or bus. It 

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is common knowledge that poverty incidence is higher in the northern parts of Ghana than in 

other places (Ghana Statistical Service 2019); hence, the role of poverty could have opened up 

different perspectives to this discussion (Jittrapirom, 2015).  

Tuffour and Appiagyei (2014) further investigated the management and operation of 

motorcycle taxi services in Accra. They focused on the perspectives of operators, users, and 

non-users of motorbikes. It was discovered that motorcycle taxi services in the Accra 

Metropolis are primarily used by short-distance daily commuters, particularly during periods 

of significant traffic congestion (Jittrapirom, 2015; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021). Concerning the 

commercialization of motorbikes even when the law on its restriction is being reviewed, this 

study revealed that public opinion is divided. While a slight majority of non-users are 

concerned about safety and legality issues, a greater majority of users perceived the use of 

motorbikes as convenient in beating traffic (Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 

2014). 

Using Ho in the Volta Region of Ghana as a case study, Jing et al. (2019) looked into the 

influence of tricycles on Ghana's economy and transportation. They aimed to determine how 

tricycles have improved economic activity; determine how tricycles have improved 

transportation and find solutions to overcome issues associated with the operation of motor-

tricycles in Ghana. With the use of interviews and focus group discussions, they found that the 

introduction of tricycles in the municipality has a favourable impact on citizens' socio-

economic development and well-being. In line with previous studies (Dinye, 2013; Obiri-

Yeboah et al., 2021; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014), the study found that tricycles had a 

considerable impact on transportation and commercial activity, as well as the creation of 

various jobs and providing a stable source of income for the Municipality's young people. This 

is suggestive of the fact that in both urban north and south of Ghana, tricycle operation has 

proved to be a viable business transforming local economies. 

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In recognition of these socio-economic benefits of the tricycle coupled with the ban on its 

commercial usage as well as safety concerns regarding tricycle operation,  Jack et al., (2021) 

interrogated whether the legalization of motorbikes and tricycles in Ghana was enough to curb 

externalities and improve safety. Although their operations are considered to be a good source 

of income (Dinye, 2013; Jack et al., 2021; Jing et al., 2019; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021), Jack et 

al., (2021) noted that riders are aware that some of their colleagues use the same means to 

perpetuate robberies in and around the city. They however concluded that legalization, 

dependent on stricter measures was a necessary step for improved safety.  

Furthermore, it has been reported that centralized stations could be another way of improving 

safety in the tricycle business as averred by the NDC running mate during the events leading 

to the 2020 general elections in Ghana (Dogbe, 2020). Thus, while Oteng-Ababio and 

Agyemang (2015) articulated a more participatory stakeholder discussion on the policy that 

restricts the commercialization of motorcycles, Jack et al. (2021) advocated for legalization 

with stronger restrictions for operators. On the contrary, Afukaar et al. (2019) disapprove of 

the legalization of motorcycles for commercial use but advocated for a more nuanced 

regulation due to the special cases of regions in northern Ghana. Clearly, the need for a definite 

policy to address the peculiar transportation needs of commuters in certain circumstances is 

evident. Consequently, Afukaar et al. (2019) further suggested that if tricycles are allowed to 

operate in certain prescribed situations, it will foster regulation and safe practices. Presumably, 

safety regarding the operations of tricycles relies on legalization and recognition issues. 

Transportation has been found to be a male-dominated activity (Odoom et al., 2020) as well as 

other noticeable trends. In this regard, Obiri-Yeboah et al. (2021) set out to investigate the 

characterization of 429 tricycle operators in Kumasi. The study revealed that the tricycle 

business is dominated by young hitherto unemployed males (Al-Hasan et al., 2015; Dapilah et 

al., 2017; Doherty, 2020).  Their study further disclosed inadequate licensing and that more 

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educated operators serviced and kept their tricycles better than their counterparts who had less 

education. They also noted that the activities of tricycle operators contribute to the 

sustainability of the city of Kumasi in that they provide affordable transportation to enhance 

mobility while generating income with spill over effects (Dinye, 2013; Doherty, 2020; Jack et 

al., 2021). 

 

2.2.3 Tricycles as informal transportation  

This sub-section presents the tricycle as an informal means of public transport. It throws more 

light on the issues that generally surround informal transport and how they develop. Informal 

transportation is a global phenomenon but very popular in the Global South where governments 

lack the resources to provide standard transportation needs to all commuters  (Union Africaine 

des Transports Publics (UITP), 2021). Informal forms of transportation often include low-

performance small vehicles, privately owned and operated at commercial rates by individual 

entrepreneurs and small and medium-scale companies and cooperatives (Cervero, 2000; Poku-

Boansi, 2020; UITP, 2021). Its customer base is usually low-income people and some middle-

income workers. As pointed out by Obiri-Yeboah et al. (2021), the operators of informal 

transport systems have operational licensing and registration issues. They are known to work 

hard for long hours in extremely competitive environments and are often associated with 

significant externalities of urban life (Cervero, 2000; Doherty, 2020).  

Moreover, quality is often compromised because informal transport systems employ old, 

rickety vehicles often too costly to maintain. Drivers either work for different owners, drive 

their own vehicles or share as in the case of Uber car-sharing (Cervero, 2000; UITP, 2021). 

But the sector has seen significant growth in Ghana since 1992 despite its institutional, 

logistical and financial challenges (Poku-Boansi, 2020). The tricycle is considered an old form 

of informal transportation used around Africa providing jobs to thousands of unskilled young 

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people (Cervero, 2000; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Victor & Ponnuswamy, 2012). Informal 

transport operators are perceived to have little or no formal education (Cervero, 2000). On the 

contrary, studies like Al-Hasan et al. (2015) and Dapilah et al. (2017) found that respondents 

had gained a reasonable level of formal education but for lack of a more preferred job, remained 

in the tricycle business; and Hart (2016) acknowledged that unemployed male young adults 

have always been attracted to transportation as a job option.   

Similar to several other African countries, Ghana’s transportation sector is largely informal and 

dominated by the private sector (Cervero, 2000; Ehebrecht et al., 2018; Poku-Boansi, 2020). 

Tricycles and motorbikes have traditionally not been conventional modes of supplying public 

transport in Ghana except for private use in the northern parts of Ghana and for courier services 

(Abane, 2011; Asafo-Adjei et al., 2017; Jack et al., 2021; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014). Debates 

are currently ongoing regarding their commercialization in the southern parts (Jack et al., 2021; 

Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014).  

The tricycle has often been researched as an intermediate form of transportation that plays a 

significant role alongside the motorbike in rural and northern Ghana (Afukaar et al., 2017; 

Asafo-Adjei et al., 2017; Ehebrecht et al., 2018; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014). Regarding the 

importance of intermediate transport in Northern Ghana, Dinye (2013) for instance, has 

articulated the crucial economic and social role of these vehicles in the development of Wa, 

the capital town of the Upper West Region of Ghana. In the absence of public transport, 

tricycles were used to access inaccessible roads in the Wa town (Dinye, 2013). In other studies, 

it has been researched as a form of informal transportation in urban Ghana (Jack et al., 2021; 

Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021) where issues of licensing, safety and congestion seem to be clouding 

the social service these vehicles provide. 

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Clearly, the circumstances under which these vehicles are used generally influence their 

acceptance as a mode of public transport. Regarding its half-licit nature as a means of public 

transport, Jack et al. (2021) have questioned whether the legalization of tricycle operations will 

better the fortunes of unemployed young people and address the safety concerns of users. They 

concluded that it should be legalized but with recourse to adhere to strict operational 

regulations. In the same way, Bradley (2014) implicitly admits that the activities of tricycles 

cannot be disregarded entirely, considering the social and economic benefits they generate in 

Kampala. In another instance, Cervero (2007) cautioned against phasing out informal transport 

completely because it may be counter-productive due to the value users derive from their 

services. As observed by the UITP (2021), they are vital to urban life because they are available 

at any time and provide low fares. 

In addition to this, UITP (2021) argues that different scenarios could lead to the emergence of 

informal transport services. They disclosed that informal transportation services emerge where 

there is the absence of clear public policy on public transport or where they exist but are not 

strictly implemented. They added that it could also take place in car-oriented cities, areas where 

sprawling is rapidly occurring, and where public transport is mainly provided by the private 

sector. This implies that different conditions can influence the growth of informal 

transportation. 

 

2.2.4 The logic of survival and the informality of tricycle transportation in urban areas 

The visibility of informality cuts across various spheres including transportation but there is a 

lack of consensus on the value and utility of informality and how to operationalize it 

(McFarlane, 2019). This is because some authors allude to informality as an urban blight 

(Davis, 2006). Evans et al. (2018) have indicated that bikes serve the hard-to-reach 

communities as well as the very low-, low- and middle-income neighbourhoods. Albeit, 

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tricycle transportation has both value and utility in terms of the invaluable service it provides 

to low-income groups and the unserved as accentuated by other researchers (Asafo-Adjei et al., 

2017; Bradley, 2014; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014). Its value and utility are evident in how it 

meets the transportation deficits that the arm of government is too short to meet. As indicated 

by Kwakye and Fouracre (1998), Government leverages its cost of public transport provision 

by providing an enabling environment for the free market to operate within. In this scenario, 

governments making room for informal transportation should therefore be viewed from the 

complementarity role informal transport plays rather than as a blight (Lejano & Del Bianco, 

2018). This raises concern for those who would have been left out and what the costs could 

have been on the economy in the absence of cheaper informal transport systems. Evans et al. 

(2018) therefore recommend that informal urban transport be made more visible in the transport 

discourse because of the manner in which it weaves the lives of urbanites. 

Moreover, informality is amoral, it is neither good nor bad, but its outcomes could be classified 

as positive or negative (McFarlane, 2019). Informality is driven by the deprivation of certain 

social services like transportation, which is a reality in both rural and urban areas. These 

deprivations have further interlocking connections across different issues, socio-economic 

backgrounds and formal settings (Diaz Olvera et al., 2020). As shown in several studies (Asafo-

Adjei et al., 2017; Doherty, 2020; Mbara, 2016; Nutsugbodo et al., 2018; Obeng-Odoom, 2017; 

Møller-Jensen, 2021; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021) transportation has deep connections with 

gender, age, education, incomes, and location. For example, according to the Ministry of 

Transport (2012), lack of transportation is one of the key reasons for people’s unemployed 

status in Ghana. Azunre et al. (2021) have therefore averred that informality should be 

perceived as a productive concept because it has the potential to help achieve Ghana’s 

sustainable city development goals. Thus, rather than criminalizing policies on informality, 

they should be more inclusive and pro-poor. 

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Further still, the informal sector is rich in creativity and knowledge. Tricycle operation has 

emerged in a state of broken and unreliable transportation systems and a lack of decent jobs for 

the teeming youth. Consequently, local innovations, agency and ingenuity of deprived 

urbanites could be appreciated as a solution or a response rather than a problem. According to 

De Soto (1990) and Satterthwaite and Mitlin (2013), informality is a creative reaction to 

urbanization. It could also be viewed as people with genuine transportation needs who have 

found a way to have it resolved without the financial commitments of the government. 

Interstices are easily recognizable by people in need; hence, informal transportation as niche-

driven suggests an agency and the need to meet a deprivation. Dinye (2013) and Onyango 

(2018) have, for instance, made the case that the use of tricycles was an answer to narrow and 

inaccessible roads in their respective study areas. The concern, however, should be how these 

innovations could be blended into the general society without creating other problems. As 

advocated by De Soto (1990), both informal and formal solutions must be employed to address 

urban problems.  

The informal transport sector, as discussed earlier, undoubtedly creates many job opportunities 

for a lot of people. Consequently, the tricycle comes across as an attempt to be resilient in an 

economically harsh urban environment. Obviously, without a source of income, it is difficult 

to withstand shocks and remain resilient in the process. For example, Obiri-Yeboah et al. 

(2021) found that tricycle operations employ several previously unemployed young males 

mostly from the northern parts of Ghana who have come to Kumasi in search of greener 

pastures. Recio et al. (2019) further recognize that transport hubs are economic spaces where 

many young people earn a living because they attract a lot of informal workers including 

vendors and transport operators. 

This notwithstanding, the normativity of formality impinges on the free performance of the 

tricycle as an informal transport system. Similar to the concept of self and other, formal 

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transportation is often seen as the self, whereas informal transportation is seen as the other. As 

the other, it is often associated with pollution, deviant behaviour, and unwieldiness, and is 

generally unwanted (Cervero, 2000; Jack et al., 2021; Tuffour & Appiagyei, 2014). Meanwhile, 

times are changing and the pervasiveness of informality makes it the norm (Lejano & Del 

Bianco, 2018; McFarlane, 2012, 2019) as shown in how the tricycle has made waves and 

several contributions in countries such as Nigeria (Al-Hasan et al., 2015), Kenya (Onyango, 

2018) and India (Mani et al., 2012; Mani & Pant, 2012).  

There is also a blurred functionality regarding the use of tricycles as it is for informality and 

formality. Studies have often recounted the use of tricycles as gap fillers connecting users to 

other means of transport (Bradley, 2014; Cervero, 2000; Mbara, 2016). Moreover, tricycle 

operators contribute to formal systems in terms of tax payments, costs of registration and 

licensing. Albeit not so ideal, they also give security officers tips to absolve them of harassment 

(Jack et al., 2021). This literal interpretation of blurred functionality is indicative of the 

difficulty of identifying the point at which informal transportation makes up for the 

government’s inability to provide adequate transportation and when it is being a menace. The 

main issue about formality and informality, however, is identity. According to Suryanto et al. 

(2020), self-organized groups have the capacity for collaboration in order to succeed. Thus, 

appropriate social development, urban planning, and design interventions can enable the 

informal economy to operate profitably and advantageously in urban environments. 

Similarly, Doherty (2020) has echoed how the working environments of motorbike operators 

are shaped by the stage, the platform, and the municipal registry as institutions that shape 

operators. These institutions are themselves fluid and further influenced by overlapping 

contexts. In his view, these conceptualizations aver the significance of the motorbike as a 

source of meaningful income, an avenue of transitioning into male adult life, capital for new 

businesses as well as other normative social obligations in Kampala’s neoliberal moral 

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economy. He concluded that these concepts that shape the transport sector serve as the moral 

landscape upon which a policy or reform initiated by the government will be accepted or 

rejected. Recio et al. (2019) have also admitted that transport hubs attract a lot of informal 

workers, and allow unemployed young people to make a living. Thus, instead of removing 

vendors from these economic spaces completely, city planners should have a rethink on how 

the formal and the informal coproduces each other. 

It is in light of these debates that Rekhviashvili and Sgibnev (2020) contend that informal 

transportation should be redefined to correspond with the growing literature on informality. 

According to them, while informality is being rethought in academic debates, informal 

transportation continues to receive negative connotations of being risky, environmentally 

unfriendly and associated with traffic congestion as well as posing health risks. They, therefore, 

questioned the dominant connection of informal transport with laissez-faire transport by 

unveiling the social dimension of informal transport and maintained that informality is not 

always about economic gains but can also be about culture and ways of living (Lejano & Del 

Bianco, 2018). Given all these debates, it is crucial to rebrand informal transportation to make 

it represent what it is to users, operators as well as the general public.  

 

2.2.5 Exploring the roles, benefits and implications of tricycles on urban transportation  

Mobility is a major tool for economic growth and development (Kaufmann, 2014). The rate of 

tricycle proliferation and acceptance among cross-sections of urban commuters in Ghana and 

some other African countries suggests the significance and utility derived from this vehicle by 

commuters, especially amidst widespread safety concerns. According to Cervero, (2000) and 

Ehebrecht, Heinrichs and Lenz (2018), tricycles as a form of informal transport have unique 

functions and meet the peculiar needs of users. This subsection highlights some of the roles 

and benefits of tricycle transport and what the implications are for urban transport.  

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A review of the literature on motor-taxis in SSA by Ehebrecht et al. (2018) indicated that 

tricycles are used for short-distance mobility and access to places like markets, social facilities, 

social gatherings, work and home. Serving as complementarity, it provides access to mobility 

options in rural areas as well as access to other transport modes in urban areas. According to 

Jittrapirom (2015), motorbike trips are shorter when compared to cars, the short trip time may 

explain why they are used to dodge traffic.  

Cervero (2000) and  Ehebrecht et al. (2018) further explain that the functions of these vehicles 

are often engrained in the local transport system in the sense that they serve the immediate 

community or local transport needs. For instance, they are used to cover distances that are too 

far to be made on foot and short enough to be profitably made by public transport. They are 

used for door-to-door travel services and used as a feeder in unserved settlements (Asafo-Adjei 

et al., 2017; Ehebrecht et al., 2018; Jack et al., 2021; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021). Other localized 

functions include the creation of jobs and the corresponding improvements in income levels 

even for spare part dealers and those who keep garages for tricycles and motorbikes (Dinye, 

2013; Ehebrecht et al., 2018; Jack et al., 2021; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Owusu-Ansah et al., 

2022).  

Largely, specific studies regarding motor tricycles have revealed that motor tricycles are gap 

fillers as they serve as feeders to larger transportation services (Asafo-Adjei et al., 2017; 

Bradley, 2014; Mbara, 2016; Onyango, 2018). As gap fillers, they are described as being 

territorial in terms of sticking to particular routes or carving a niche for themselves due to the 

nature of their clientele (UITP, 2021). However, Cervero (2000) perceives the concept of gap 

fillers as a disadvantage because it narrowly defines the market of informal transport operators; 

describing them as picking the leftover pieces from metros and buses. While this may be 

entirely true, it is this niche that meets the need of poor urban commuters whose peculiar needs 

cannot be met by the bus system (Mbara, 2016; Rekhviashvili & Sgibnev, 2020).  

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Motor tricycles’ flexibility in terms of routes, timing and fares is an additional advantage to 

unserved groups who would have been otherwise cut off (Asafo-Adjei et al., 2017; Bradley, 

2014; Onyango, 2018; Tichagwa, 2016). Onyango (2018), in particular, has reported that the 

pocked, rutted and often narrow roads in Kisumu, Kenya, have necessitated the use of 

motorbikes and tricycles in the area; and Mbara (2016) has admitted that motor tricycles 

operate in the early and late hours when formal bus transport systems are not in operation. 

Afukaar et al. (2017) and Ehebrecht et al. (2018) recognized the significance of tricycles and 

motorbikes for the transportation of agricultural produce in poor road-networked rural areas.  

Additionally, a much more recent study by Obiri-Yeboah et al. (2021) revealed that motor 

tricycles provide job opportunities to young male migrants in Kumasi, the second-largest city 

in Ghana. Although the operators may be young and may have license issues (Al-Hasan et al., 

2015; Dapilah et al., 2017; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021), they cannot be described generally as 

unskilled as suggested by Cervero (2000). Because in the case of  Dapilah et al. (2017), for 

instance, 47% of the operators had tertiary education and in the case of Al-Hasan et al. (2015), 

62% had at least secondary education. In terms of job provision, Obiri-Yeboah et al. (2021) 

perceive their operation as sustainable and a way of enhancing urban transport inclusion.  

Moreover, a number of  authors (Al-Hasan et al., 2015; Jack et al., 2021; Dapilla et al., 2017) 

agree with their proposition that the operations of tricycle drivers should be strictly regulated. 

Doherty (2020) has added that aside from incomes, young male adults take pride in working 

as motorcycle operators in a state of unacceptably high and persistent unemployment. 

More so, tricycles have become attractive to urbanites mainly for their ability to penetrate and 

navigate through traffic (Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021; Cervero, 2000; Onyango, 2018), which is 

a major challenge in most developing countries (Møller-Jensen, 2021; Tekolla et al., 2021). 

Although informal transportation offers a lower quality of service (Poku-Boansi, 2020), its low 

passenger capacity, as compared to a minibus, gives it the advantage to manoeuvre through 

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traffic to arrive on time. Furthermore, it takes less time to load and unload and makes limited 

stops (Cervero, 2000; Ehebrecht et al., 2018; Mani, 2012; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021) making 

it faster than other modes. 

Safety is an unlikely benefit of the motor tricycle due to the perceived imbalance emanating 

from its three-wheels (Harding et al., 2016). Nonetheless, a synthesis of literature by Mani and 

Pant (2012) suggests that fatal accidents are quite unlikely due to the vehicle’s light-weight 

and low speed. Reaffirming Mani and Pant (2012), Jittrapirom (2015) has further pointed out 

that motorbikes have a shorter trip speed than cars but he also stressed that the open nature of 

motorbikes exposes riders to more risk in the event of accidents than cars (Harding et al., 2016). 

Still on safety, Cervero (2000) has indicated that people feel safer in small vehicles than in 

bigger ones. Further, Ehebrecht et al. (2018), in their review, notated that motor tricycles 

provide secure travel at night as compared to the option of walking, supporting the finding of 

Mbara (2016) who observed that tricycles provide the last trips for night travellers.  

On the contrary, a significant number of authors on tricycle operation have raised concerns 

about safety (Dinye, 2013; Jing et al., 2019; Jittrapirom, 2015; Obiri-Yeboah et al., 2021) as 

regards the environment, users, non-users and operators. Safety issues on the environment 

border around emission levels. Thus, Jittrapirom (2015), has for instance found that a 

motorcycle is more environmentally friendly than a car. Its low resource consumption at both 

production and operation levels, as well as less emission and poll