University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh UNIVERSITY OF GHANA DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY BENEATH THE WATERS: UNDERSTANDING THE REPORTING TRAJECTORIES OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE VICTIMS BY: PRISCILLA OPOKU (10324067) A THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MPHIL SOCIOLOGY DEGREE. JULY 2017 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DECLARATION I declare that except for references to other people‟s work which have been duly acknowledged, this thesis is the result of my own field investigation carried out under the supervision of Prof. Akosua Darkwah and Dr. Fidelia Ohemeng both of the department of Sociology. I also declare that, to the best of my knowledge, this thesis has never been used in whole or part for another degree in this university or elsewhere. PRISCILLA OPOKU ……………………………. ……………………… (STUDENT) SIGNATURE DATE PROF. AKOSUA DARKWAH …………………………….. ……………………… (SUPERVISOR) SIGNATURE DATE DR. FIDELIA OHEMENG …………………………….. ……………………… (SUPERVISOR) SIGNATURE DATE i University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DEDICATION I dedicate this research project to God Almighty, for giving me the strength I needed to put this study together. I also dedicate this work to my lovely daughter, Maame Afia Nimo Gyamfi, whom I had during the course of the study. This work is also dedicated to the late Doris Ohenewaa Anane, a good friend and sister who was so concerned about my program when alive. May her soul rest in perfect peace. ii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My acknowledgement goes to the entire staff of the Domestic Violence and Victims‟ Support Unit (DOVVSU), of the Ghana Police Service, Ministries Station, Accra, for their cooperation and assistance. Special acknowledgement goes to Inspector Isaac Addai, popularly referred to as Marcus, for his enormous support during the data collection period of the study. I also acknowledge my wonderful family, especially my mother Mrs. Selina Opoku-Mintah, who, though had health issues, supported me by accepting to take care of my baby in my absence. To my father Mr. Michael Opoku-Mintah and brother Mr. Kwasi Opoku-Mintah, I thank you for your financial and motivational support. Finally, I acknowledge my affable supervisors, Prof. Akosua Darkwah and Dr. Fidelia Ohemeng. I could not have come this far without their overwhelming guidance and tutorial and to Mr. Peter Peprah Takyi of Ghana Statistical Service, for his selfless support and guidance throughout the study. iii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ABSTRACT Domestic violence victims explore avenues within two major supporting systems, formal and informal, in their help-seeking processes for amicable resolutions or justice. Often, victims explore different avenues when seeking for help until they achieve a satisfactory remedy. The core objective of the study was to explore the help-seeking trajectories of domestic violence victims. The data was collected at the Greater Accra regional office of the Domestic Violence and Victims‟ Support Unit (DOVVSU) of the Ghana Police Service, Ministries – Accra. Twenty (20) semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with victims who made official complaints at the DOVVSU office for two months. Findings reveal that victims explore at least one informal social support before accessing formal support from DOVVSU. Reporting avenues identified within the informal support system included family, friends, religious leaders, social club leaders, superiors at work, and property owners. Quest for safety and protection, inability to endure abuse, and the need to solve disputes amicably were underlying factors for preferences of reporting avenues. Identified problems associated with disclosure of abuse included shame and mockery, lack of awareness and limitations of reporting procedures. iv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ............................................................................................................................. i DEDICATION ................................................................................................................................ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................... iii ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................... iv LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................................... viii LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................................... viii CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................. 1 INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 1 Background of study ................................................................................................................... 1 Statement of Problem .................................................................................................................. 5 Aim .............................................................................................................................................. 9 Objectives .................................................................................................................................... 9 Organization of study .................................................................................................................. 9 CHAPTER TWO .......................................................................................................................... 10 EXAMINING DISCLOSURE OF ABUSE ................................................................................. 10 2.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 10 2.2 What Gets Reported and Where? ........................................................................................ 11 2.3 Why Reporting Avenue? ..................................................................................................... 18 2.4 Trajectories of Reports of Abuse ........................................................................................ 21 2.5 Conceptual Framework ....................................................................................................... 27 CHAPTER THREE ...................................................................................................................... 32 METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................................................... 32 3.1 Study site ............................................................................................................................. 32 3.2 Research Design .................................................................................................................. 33 3.2.1 Method .......................................................................................................................... 33 3.2.2 Ethics ............................................................................................................................ 34 3.2.3 Sampling ....................................................................................................................... 35 3.2.4. Instrument .................................................................................................................... 36 3.2.5. Language of Interview ................................................................................................. 37 v University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.2.6 Duration ........................................................................................................................ 37 3.3 Unit of Analysis .................................................................................................................. 37 3.4 Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria ......................................................................................... 38 3.5 Data Analysis ...................................................................................................................... 38 3.6 Experiences from the Field ................................................................................................. 39 3.7 Characteristics of Participants ............................................................................................. 39 CHAPTER FOUR ......................................................................................................................... 41 REPORTING TRAJECTORIES .................................................................................................. 41 4.1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 41 4.2. Reporting Avenues ............................................................................................................. 42 4.2.1 Police (DOVVSU) ........................................................................................................ 43 4.2.2 Family ........................................................................................................................... 43 4.2.4. Religious Leaders ........................................................................................................ 47 4.2.5. Partner‟s work place, Social club, and Landlady ........................................................ 47 4.3. Exploring the Avenues ....................................................................................................... 48 4.3.1 Trajectory of Two Reports ........................................................................................... 49 4.3.2 Trajectory of Three Reports ......................................................................................... 52 4.3.3. Trajectory of Four Reports .......................................................................................... 55 CHAPTER FIVE .......................................................................................................................... 59 FACTORS UNDERLYING PREFERENCES ............................................................................. 59 5.1 Reasons for Reporting Avenues .......................................................................................... 59 5.1.1 Informal Support........................................................................................................... 60 5.1.2. Formal Support ............................................................................................................ 70 5.2. Problems Associated With Disclosing Abuse .................................................................... 74 5.2.1. Shame and Mockery .................................................................................................... 75 5.2.2. Lack of Awareness ...................................................................................................... 76 5.2.3. Procedures ................................................................................................................... 78 CHAPTER SIX ............................................................................................................................. 79 DISCUSSION, SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION ......................... 79 6.1 Discussion ........................................................................................................................... 79 6.2 Summary ............................................................................................................................. 83 vi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6.3 Recommendations ............................................................................................................... 85 6.4 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................... 85 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................. 87 Appendix ....................................................................................................................................... 93 vii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Steps to seeking redress from the police ....................................................................... 26 Figure 2: Conceptual framework for disclosure of abuse ............................................................. 28 LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Characteristics of Participants ........................................................................................ 40 Table 2: Reporting avenues utilized by participants ..................................................................... 42 Table 3: Sequence of reporting trajectory ..................................................................................... 58 viii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Background of study Domestic violence is a violation of the basic human rights and as such a global policy concern. However, people engage themselves in such acts consciously or unconsciously irrespective of its deviant nature. Approximately 35% of women worldwide have been either physically or sexually abused at some point in their lives with a large proportion being in the form of domestic violence (Moreno et al., 2013). For instance, statistics from Brazil show that intimate partner abuse of women account for more than 81% of assaults in Sao Paulo (Davis et al., 2001). Surveys of divorce cases in China and Romania revealed that 25% and 28% respectively of divorce occurred due to wife abuse. Similarly, in India, 90% of reported assault cases were that of wife beating (Ibid). Undoubtedly, defining domestic violence comes with a level of difficulty due to the contextual nature of domesticity. However, it can be generally defined as any act that involves force or coercion which hurts or inflicts pain on an individual physically or psychologically. Several attempts have been made by some writers to define domestic violence within the Ghanaian socio-cultural context. Prah (2000) for instance is of the view that defining violence is associated with some level of evolution and can be described as relative in nature. This is mainly because the factors that affect its definition are subject to change and vary from culture to culture. She points out that defining domestic violence is linked to a range of factors such as the type of 1 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh violence experienced, its effects on the victim, the social status of the victim, as well as the social perception of violence. Before the 1990s domestic violence seemed invisible in Ghana due to inadequate research on the subject matter (Ofei-Aboagye, 1994). Few studies were being done on domestic violence because victims especially women who were being “battered” by mostly intimate partners were not recognized as such (Ibid). The victims themselves were in denial of their abusive state mainly because of the pain they go through while recollecting the violence as well as fear of being branded a “bad wife” based on the husband or kinsmen‟s standards (Ibid). There was therefore the need for measures to be put in place in order to have the subject matter of domestic violence taken up seriously in the field of research. According to Ofei-Aboagye (1994) the famous Lavallee‟s “battered woman‟s syndrome” in Canada had to be incorporated into the Ghanaian legal system to deal with domestic violence cases. The “battered woman‟s syndrome”, originated from a case involving Lavallee, who murdered her husband in their bedroom after he had threatened her life. Charged with murder, Lavellee, explained that as a battered woman, she believed her life was in danger thus her action was out of self-defence. Eventually, through this case, the battered woman‟s syndrome was included in the codified Canadian definition of self- defence. Thus, according to Ofei-Aboagye (1994), adapting the battered woman‟s syndrome into the Ghanaian legal system will go a long way to make domestic violence incidents come out of its invisible state accompanied by adequate research into the subject matter. Considerable efforts have been made in Ghana over the last three decades to reduce the incidence of domestic violence. Interestingly some of the initial studies on domestic violence in Africa took place in Ghana in the 1990s (Ofei-Aboagye, 1994). Efforts to put the Domestic Violence Act in place in the late 1990s were accompanied by much publicity in the media. 2 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Physical spousal abuse became a regular theme in media reports, and this resulted in the establishment of the Women and Juvenile Unit (WAJU) of the Ghana Police in 1998 (Amoakohene, 2004). WAJU is now known as the Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit (DOVVSU), and continues to be the recognized institution within the Ghana Police Service responsible for handling domestic violence cases in Ghana. Furthermore, a National Coalition on Domestic Violence Legislation was established in 2003, and they were mainly stakeholder civil society organizations who had come together to advocate for a proper legislative system on domestic violence in Ghana. It is remarkable to note that this coalition “at various times worked closely with, and at other times independently of, or even in conflict with, the State” (Adomako Ampofo, 2008, p. 1). The Domestic Violence Bill was placed before the Parliament of Ghana in 2003 and it became a “subject of heated debate”. Finally, after several deliberations, on 21stFebruary 2007, the Ghanaian Parliament passed the Domestic Violence Bill into the Domestic Violence Act (Act 732) (Adomako Ampofo, 2008). A major characteristic of this legislation has to do with its pragmatic and culturally sensitive approach in terms of access to justice especially when compared to that of other countries (GSS et al, 2016). The 2007 Ghanaian Domestic Violence Act does not only recognize the institutionalized agencies responsible for addressing complaints of domestic violent acts but also makes room for alternative dispute resolution approaches within the Ghanaian social system (GSS et al, 2016). These include the family and religious institutions. Although two main parties are involved in domestic violence (the victim on one hand and the perpetrator on the other hand), a third and important party that cannot be side-lined is that of the mediating body settling domestic disputes. Practically almost every country today has one institution or the other responsible for addressing domestic violence cases. These institutions tasked with settling 3 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh domestic disputes can be categorized as formal legal institutions and informal social mechanisms. Notable among the formal institutions are the law enforcement agencies such as the police and human rights activists. The informal social systems include the religious leaders, community leaders, family members and friends. However, research has shown that the informal social support system is widely explored than the formal institutions. In Australia for instance, seventeen percent (17%) of women abused reported to the police, whereas sixteen percent (16%) utilized the services of specialized agencies such as shelters, crisis centers or hotlines, counselors or women centers (Mitchell, 2011). Interestingly, seventy-five percent (75%) preferred to talk to friends, neighbours or immediate family members (Ibid). The victim or survivor of domestic violence, or in some cases their family, usually chooses who or where to access justice and/or resolutions. Various socio-economic reasons come into play here in making such choices. In Ghana, several factors are perceived to influence one‟s preference of dispute resolution in domestic violence cases probably because of the high sensitivity attached to such matters and the manner in which the society responds to issues concerning domestic violence. For instance, rape victims are believed to be rather stigmatized than sympathized with when they make their ordeal public. Married women are also believed to be often advised by female family members not to even make public any form of abuse they are facing in their married life or face public ridicule. Furthermore, it is widely perceived that even when victims are bold enough to report these incidents to an agency for assistance or support, family members interfere using all manner of traditional conditions to remove the matter from the public domain. The need to make factual the factors underlying preferences of whom and/or where a victim of domestic violence reports his/her ordeal are of sociological importance since it informs policy makers in developing measures to address domestic violence issues. More 4 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh importantly, finding out if these victims report their ordeal to just a single institution or rather undergo a trajectory of reports will also give a clear picture of the experiences of domestic violence victims in Ghana who seek redress. Statement of Problem Domestic violence although a very common phenomenon within the Ghanaian social system especially among intimate partners, seemed invisible until the 1990s (Ofei-Aboagye, 1994). This can be attributed to the Ghanaian socio-cultural context that made it assume a nature of privacy thus “a no go area” to be studied (Ibid). Nevertheless, according to Prah (2000), studies on domestic violence done by Adomako Ampofo and Ofei-Aboagye and published in 1993 and 1994 respectively can be fairly described as that which broke the silence associated with issues of domestic violence and made it visible within the Ghanaian literature. Ofei-Aboagye (1994) established the existence of domestic violence in Ghana but argued it only seemed invisible due to the availability of a “conducive” socio-cultural environment. Adomako Ampofo (1993) on the other hand described the various types of violence being experienced by Ghanaian women both home and abroad within their domestic settings. Further studies on domestic violence in Ghana gave documented evidence of its existence and prevalence in the country. For instance a study conducted by Ghana Statistical Service on domestic violence in Ghana revealed that both men and women in Ghana experienced various forms of domestic abuse. Notable among these types of violence were; economic violence, social violence, psychological violence, physical violence and sexual violence (GSS et al., 2016). Findings from this study also showed that almost three out of ten women (28%) and two out of 5 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ten men (20%) reported to have experienced domestic violence twelve months prior to the study (Ibid). According to GSS et al., (2016) economic violence was the most common type of violence experienced (12.8%) whereas sexual violence was the least experienced (2.5%) by women twelve months prior to the study. On the other hand, the most common type of violence experienced by men was psychological violence (7.9%) with sexual violence also being least experienced (1.4%) within the same period. Some studies also argue that the Ghanaian socio-cultural environment is one that promotes the existence of domestic violence. For example, the Ghanaian culture, which demands that women should be submissive to their husbands, as well as render all expected duties, show maximum respect and remain serviceable to the extent that resisting or challenging abuse may rather portray her as subverting the authority of the man (Amoakohene, 2004). Such cultural norms projects the Ghanaian society as one that is patriarchal, promoting male superiority, thereby creating a platform for the acceptance of violent acts especially between married couples (Tenkorang et al., 2013). Furthermore, Cantulupo et al. (2006) also believes that economic dependence of Ghanaian women on their husbands or male partners contributes to and complicate domestic violence in several ways, thus making financial dependence a major cause of domestic violence in Ghana. In spite of these perceived patriarchal cultural setting in Africa at large and as such in Ghana, formal institutions are often established with the sole aim of taking up mediating roles in the event of domestic violence. This is because, domestic violence most often than not involves two parties, the abused mostly referred to as the victim and the abuser also known as the perpetrator. In order to have a response to cases of domestic violence, a third party emerges as the “mediating body” between the two parties (victim and perpetrator) when the need for resolutions arises. 6 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Undoubtedly, disclosing experiences of violence become an important step in addressing the entire subject matter. Mediation therefore remains an integral part of domestic violence worldwide. In the developed world for instance formal institutions such as the police and law courts (Dugan, 2003) and mediation centres (Landrum, 2011) played active roles in resolving domestic disputes. Aside these formalized institutions are the informal social mechanisms usually accessed to resolve disputes in the domestic setting, such as the religious and family authorities, friends, working colleagues and neighbours (Evans & Feder, 2014). In Ghana, the police represented by DOVVSU, law courts, social welfare departments, human rights‟ agencies like FIDA among others are the well known formal institutions who respond to domestic violence cases. However, it may appear that very few of these cases are reported to the police in Ghana. For instance, according to the Ghana Living Standards Survey Round 6 (GLSS 6) report on Governance, Peace and Security, a very high proportion of respondents (92.0%) indicated that sexual offences were not reported to the Police as would have been expected, but rather reserved for home settlement (GSS et al, 2014). In addition, the 2015 Ghana Family Life and Health Survey (GFLHS) also showed that for respondents who had experienced domestic violence and reported, only 14.6 percent of men and 9.0 percent of women reported to the police (GSS et al., 2016). The Ghanaian informal system is therefore very prominent in the area of settling disputes due to the existence of a strong kinship system and religious affiliations. It must, however, be noted that bringing in a mediator in domestic violence matters most often remains the choice of the victim or his/her family. Murphy & Rubinson (2005) argue that the choice to call for mediation should be left to the victim especially when the victim believes she 7 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh can be given meaningful guidance on whether her specific circumstances are such that mediation can be beneficial. More importantly, several factors may inform the decision on whom or where a victim might choose to disclose his/her abusive experience to, be it formal or informal, in the quest for a resolution or justice. Little is known about the stages and what factors motivate women to seek assistance from informal support networks such as family and friends (Hoff, 1995). Whereas there is no doubt that domestic violence is very present within the Ghanaian social system, very few cases get reported to the police. So is it the case that victims of domestic violence utilize other avenues for dispute resolution before even anticipating involving the police? More so, what could be the reasons behind the choices they make in settling for whom or where to disclose their domestic violence experiences in their quest for satisfactory response. Much work done on domestic violence in Ghana dwells on incidence, causes, attitudes and consequences with emphasis on what victims of domestic violence „do‟ with very little on „how‟ they interpret their abusive experiences and „how‟ these interpretations affect their thought processes in seeking for support. Thus, examining what goes into disclosing experiences of domestic violence and the reasons underlying preferences on who mediates upon such cases in the quest for resolutions or justice, becomes an area of interest to compliment the body of work done on domestic violence in Ghana. For this reason, this study intends to fill that gap in the literature by investigating the trajectories of victims‟ responses in terms of disclosing their experiences of abuse as well as the reasons for their choices. 8 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Aim To understand the trajectories of victims of domestic violence with respect to their help seeking behaviours Objectives This study sought to: 1. Identify the various reporting avenues explored by victims of domestic violence. 2. Determine the sequencing of reporting avenues. 3. Determine the factors that influence domestic violence victims‟ choice of reporting avenue. 4. Find out problems associated with disclosing experiences of domestic abuse. Organization of study The final report of the study has six (6) chapters in all. An introduction on the systematic procedures used for the study constitutes the very first chapter. Literature reviewed on the study area is also found in the second chapter. The third chapter elaborates on the methodology used for the study whereas the fourth and fifth chapters‟ dwell on the data derived from the field as well as its analysis. Discussions on the findings of the study, together with a comprehensive summary, recommendations and conclusion constitute the final chapter. 9 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER TWO EXAMINING DISCLOSURE OF ABUSE 2.1 Introduction Domestic violence has been an issue of social concern for many decades worldwide. Resolution processes in domestic violence cases also remain an area of great concern especially the victims ability to disclose his/her experience to a third person either for support or justice. Making a choice on where or who to disclose one‟s experience of abuse to may not be as simple as it may sound mainly because many factors will have to be considered when making such decisions. Victims may also not only seek help from a single avenue but rather utilize several avenues which may result in a trajectory of reports as they seek for remedies to their abusive experiences. Furthermore, in the event where there are trajectories, it will be interesting to track the sequence as well as the underlying factors that influenced the choices made at each level. In the midst of such events sociological factors remain prominent when it comes to such decisions because the whole idea of domestic violence is contextualized socially due to its domestic nature. Thus socio-cultural norms and customs aligned with State laws and regulations that govern a society remain the fundamental bedrock on which issues of domestic violence rests in every society worldwide. In line with this, formal institutions such as the law enforcement agencies and mediation centers among others are established to address issues on domestic violence using state laws and regulations with the sole aim to minimize incidence of domestic violence within a given society. In addition, informal social support mechanisms also help in addressing the menace of domestic violence, utilizing socio-cultural norms and values through friends, relatives, neighbours and work colleagues who are key actors in every society worldwide. A review of the 10 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh literature will therefore be centered on three main tenets, which are the type of abuse that gets reported at particular avenues, why it is reported there and trajectories of reports made on experiences of domestic violence. 2.2 What Gets Reported and Where? In Western societies such as the United States of America, all States recognizes that they have a human rights obligation to address domestic violence cases by legally and effectively protecting victims and punishing perpetrators (Dempsey, 2007). The police are therefore the major actors when it comes to addressing domestic violence cases (Dugan, 2003). Since the police are the main front-liners for social order and control, they represent state policy when it comes to family violence, with two prominent duties of maintaining peace and order in the society and ensuring the safety of victims of abuse (Ibid). According to Hoctor (1997), one-third of police time in California – USA is spent on responding to calls reporting domestic violence abuse and these reports exceed that of any other type of crime reported to the police department. Furthermore, “New York City paid at least forty-one million dollars in police, court, and detention cost in 1989 for arrests stemming from domestic violence incidents, not to mention the cost for incidents not resulting in arrest” (Ibid, p. 646). According to Epstein (1999) injuries suffered as a result of domestic violence accounts for between 22% and 25% of women in the United States who visit hospital emergency rooms. Spousal abuse resulting in injuries is a major cause for seeking medical attention as compared to injuries caused by auto accidents etc. In spite of all these, domestic violence abuse still appears to be under-reported worldwide. According to Gartner & MacMillan (1995), although all kinds of violence against women in 11 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh general is under-reported in Canada, violence between intimate partners is the least likely to be reported to the police. This means violence that occurs between strangers is more likely to get to the attention of the police as against that which happens between closely related individuals, and because these perpetrators are usually known by the victims and/or their families, resolving such disputes are often advocated to be done „privately‟ thus not involving the police or law courts (GSS, 2014). This brings in mind the preference of either a formal but more flexible remedy such as mediation services or the informal support systems such as family and friends when disclosing experiences of domestic violence. Bethel & Singer (1982) defined mediation as “a commonly used label for any dispute resolution process in which a third party with no formal coercive powers intercedes to promote a voluntary settlement between disputants”. In America, studies have revealed that mediation unlike legal sanctions, gives room for both parties to a dispute to attempt a cooperative resolution. For example, although rape is prevalent in the American society, the criminal justice system is usually not adequately equipped to manage the problem effectively, such that even the few cases of rape that are reported, rarely have successful prosecution (Hodak, 2004). Thus “incorporating mediation into the criminal justice system for cases of rape will lead to more victims reporting the crime and more perpetrators being brought to justice and receiving rehabilitative care” (Ibid, p. 1089). However, mediation may not be appropriate for all domestic violence cases; those who advocate for mediation do not do so for cases of repeated physical abuse or in the case where the complainant is too fearful for the respondent to make independent decisions but for those that the process will facilitate an effective remedy (Landrum, 2011). In order to differentiate between cases of domestic abuse that can be effectively handled by the law courts and those that can best 12 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh be addressed through a mediation process there is the need to develop distinctive guidelines for receiving cases as well as availability of other appropriate remedies simultaneously (Ibid). In Europe, Groenhuijsen (2000) also argues that victim-offender-mediation has acquired a distinctive position in many jurisdictions. He goes further to state that victim-offender-mediation has proven to be beneficial for both parties (victim and offender) while avoiding the many set- backs associated with traditional criminal justice system (Groenhuijsen, 2000). He explains: Mediation is all about participation by the principal parties: the victim and the offender. The process is supposed to stimulate communication. This means that the parties are directly involved; they are insiders rather than objects or spectators in a system owned by the government or by society.Participation and involvement can avoid feelings of alienation which are so prevalent in the traditional criminal justice system. (Groenhuijsen, 2000, p. 70) Informal support system also remains an integral part in the mediation process of domestic violence cases. Friends and family who mostly represent the informal support system is of great importance due to primacy given to them by survivors such that their responses, judgments and behaviours usually have the ability to significantly worsen or improve the situation of the survivor (Klein, 2012 cited in Gregory et al., 2016).In the United Kingdom for instance, one out of four women experience domestic violence in their lifetime and a greater number of these survivors will seek informal support from the immediate people around them even if they are not interested in disclosing their experience to a professional (Gregory et al., 2016). In the case of victims of intimate partner violence, majority discloses to at least one informal support such as friend, family member, classmate, co-worker, and neighbour (Kaukinen, 2002). She further stated that informal help seeking from family and friends often presents immerse assistance to people who experience emotional and physical abuse and provide adequate social support. 13 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh For this reason, Schwarger and Leppin (1991) explained that social support is often referred to as the relational content of social network structures basically because it includes emotional support, provision of information, material aid, as well as companionship. It must be noted that family and friends form part of the informal support system. As such, they play prominent roles in promoting help seeking by making available pathways to the formal type of social support when needed (Kaukinen, 2002). In fact, research suggests that the assumed and actual social support received by victims from informal sources suppresses the negative effects of victimization (Lopez & Heffer as cited in Kaukinen, 2002). In the African context, similarly, two pathways are prevalent; an older informal social system to which one could report cases of domestic violence and a more recent formal justice system. One distinguishing factor that cannot be overlooked is the prominence accorded to the extended family system in Ghana. The extended family in Ghana continues to maintain its existence on serious grounds that failing to adhere to set down rules of the extended family may result in a member losing out completely (Assimeng, 1999). He further pointed out that in Ghana; the family has the traditional mandate of ensuring that members conform to moral standards because it is believed that a deviation of one family member can possibly affect the entire family. In line with this, Ghanaian family elders are quite influential in marriages such that they are able to ensure that even when there are disputes, the marriage survives since a single divorce can tarnish the image of the entire family (Adjei, 2015). Women are therefore left with no choice than to conform to familial norms and values they are socialized into in order to be classified as a “good” woman coupled with matching their personal identity with that of the family just to give the family an accepted public image (Ibid). This alongside other factors such as patriarchy and strong allegiance to customs and norms in Africa, ends up suppressing the very idea of domestic 14 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh violence appearing as „violence‟ but rather more of a „way of life‟ (Hand et al, 2002). Wife beating for example is not viewed in many parts of the continent as physical violence worthy of retribution but rather an acceptable part of married life. The 2014 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey revealed that 28% of women respondents are of the view that husbands are justified to beat their wives based on at least one of the following reasons; when she burns the food, neglects the children, argues with him, goes out without telling him or when she refuses to have sex with him (GDHS, 2014). Similarly, in Egypt, the 2005 Egypt Demographic and Health Survey showed that about 50% of the 5,450 participants justified wife beating or hitting for one reason or the other (Yount & Li, 2009). This means addressing domestic violence cases at home might be minimal especially when it happens between intimate partners since the victims themselves do not recognize their state of abuse. Nevertheless, some studies also show that dispute resolutions that do not involve formal institutions perceived as public institutions are highly patronized by victims of domestic violence. The 2015 Ghana Family Life and Health Survey for example revealed that almost seventy-eight percent (78%) of women interviewed were of the view that domestic violence cases should not be made public but addressed within the family since it is a private matter (GSS et al., 2016). The choice of whom a victim chooses to talk to for support or reports a case of domestic abuse is therefore a major decision that can best be explained by the victim or survivor. As Murphy & Robinson (2005) argue, the choice to seek for help should be left to the victim especially when 15 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the victim believes she can be given meaningful guidance on whether her specific circumstances are such that help seeking can be beneficial. Furthermore, several thoughts come into play before certain decisions such as making a choice of who to disclose experiences of abuse to can be taken by a victim of domestic abuse. According to Liang et al. (2005) making a choice of support, either formal or informal in domestic violence cases usually involves first, acknowledging that there is a problem and making your mind to seek for help. It may, however, appear that acquiring help depends on these two steps but the process is not necessarily straightforward or linear. This is because as much as defining and accepting that something is a problem and being ready to seek for help determines who you choose to talk to, where a victim decides to seek support from affects how the situation is also defined. They further explained, “the process of choosing a source of support may evoke multiple, interacting cognitive and affective processes, and be influenced by individual, interpersonal, and socio cultural factors” (Liang et al., 2005, p. 79). In fact, research shows that the cushioning effect of social support is better felt only when the type of support offered aligns with the victim‟s specific coping needs and situation (Cohen, Underwood, & Gottleib, 2000 as cited in Liang et al., 2005). Thus, based on the type of abuse and its effects, a victim who decides to disclose his/her experiences of abuse will decide to either go for formal or informal support systems or utilize both sectors thereby developing a trajectory of reports. More often than not, domestic cases where survivors sustain injuries or feels threatened physically, involve the services of the formal institutions such as the police and 16 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh shelters since they are recognized institutions for the provision of security, safety and protection. According to Stalans (1996) in a study using 157 adult residents of Georgia in the United States, 58.8% being the majority believed informal support should be sought in domestic cases that did not result in any injury whiles only 29.9% utilized informal methods when the case involved injuries. It is therefore not surprising that in spite of the existing “African ideology” of seeing domestic abuse more of a “way of life” there are statistics recorded by the formal institutions established to address the subject matter. The police and law enforcement agencies, law courts, human rights activists, social welfare departments among others constitute the formal justice system and they play prominent roles in addressing issues of domestic violence just as it happens with the western countries. In South Africa, for instance available statistics on rape that makes it possible to know the heights of the problem is readily sourced from the police (Jewkes & Abrahams, 2002). The South African police recorded 44,222 reported cases of completed rape in 1996 and this is equivalent to 210 incidents per 100,000 women. In Ghana, statistics from the police shows that between January 1999 and December 2002, the then Women and Juvenile Unit (WAJU) of the police service recorded 1,869 cases of assault/wife battering alone (WAJU 2003 cited in Amoakohene 2004). Furthermore, the now Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit (DOVVSU) handled 4,904 cases in 2008 and 5,709 cases in 2009 (allafrica.com 2010 cited in Bawa, 2012). 17 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.3 Why Reporting Avenue? As established earlier, choosing to report one‟s experience of domestic abuse to the formal or informal support systems rests with the survivor or victim. Public perception which usually shapes the individual perception on how formal institutions such as the police handle domestic violence cases also goes a long way to affect why a victim will choose to disclose experiences of domestic violence at a particular place at a given time. Berci & Murphy (1992) points out that although the public prefer to see the police more as service providers than law enforcers; they [public] were of the view that the police saw themselves more as authority figures responsible for enforcing the law. This perception therefore suggests that the police only focus on enforcing the law and neglect the provision of services mostly required by victims of domestic violence. Fairness and effectiveness are also attributes often expected of mediators especially formal institutions when handling domestic violence cases. Once an institution is perceived to be unfair and ineffective, survivors of domestic abuse lose the essence of reporting their experiences to them. If the public perceives the police to be unfair in handling domestic violence cases there is the tendency for them not to be supportive and compliant to the laws (Robinson & Darley, 1995 as cited in Stalans, 1996). More so, unfairness and ineffectiveness on the part of the police in handling domestic violence cases can also bring about individual attempts to handle unsuccessfully the situations themselves. It must be noted that the police‟s role, for instance, in the criminal justice system presents itself in two different ways in the area of addressing domestic violence cases. According to Stalans (1996) the police are either seen by the public as a service provider or a law enforcement agency based on the nature of the domestic dispute through advice, mediation, informal resolutions or arrest and prosecute respectively. He suggests that it is important to note that the criminal justice 18 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh system avails itself for both the protection of individuals as well as ensuring family harmony and autonomy. Thus in the event where the victim is injured and there is a high need for ensuring her protection and safety, the police should be seen as a law enforcer whereas when there are no injuries involved the police will play the role of a service provider. A study conducted in New Zealand for instance revealed that, of 486 respondents who accessed one or more formal service, 48.5% did so because they could not endure anymore, 11.3% reported because their partner or ex-partner threatened or tried to kill them, 15.4% also sought formal support because they were badly injured by their partner, and 11.4% also reported due to fear of being killed by the partner (Fanslow & Robinson, 2010). “The consequences of experiencing violence include both short- and long-term fear for personal safety, including safety of children and an inability to undertake work or daily activities because of physical injury” (Davis et al., 2001, p. 335). Choosing to go through the mediation process, on the other hand, became a more attractive remedy for resolving domestic disputes in America as far back as in the 1980s due to several reasons such as being less time consuming as compared to legal remedies and more importantly its ability to create a platform for both parties to participate in drawing guidelines for the future (Bethel & Singer, 1982). The mutual aspect of these guidelines made it quite binding although it did not have legal powers. A mediator, someone unconnected to the parties or their particular problem, works with them together and separately to identify important issues, minimize the retrospective placing of blame, stress potential areas of agreement, and build the desire to reach a settlement acceptable to both parties…….mediation can provide an effective remedy for many victims of domestic violence. "Effective" in this context means that 1) there is a greatly reduced likelihood of any further violence or threatening behaviour; 2) the process is perceived as fair by both complainant and respondent; and 3) the process is no more time consuming or costly than alternative remedies likely to be available for that class of dispute. (Bethel & Singer, 1982, p. 15&16) 19 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Today mediation processes continue to be utilized in America when handling family law cases which are dominantly domestic disputes (Landrum, 2011). Not only do victims of domestic violence assess institutions usually based on public and individual perceptions as reasons for choosing to report to them their experiences of violence but also there is the tendency for survivors to make these choices based on their individual capabilities and strengths. For instance, a victim or survivor‟s assessment of the abusive situation s/he finds him/herself may result in defining it as a personal psychological problem which demands either emotional support from a trusted friend or counselling from a therapist, or rather a spiritual battle that requires the attention of a religious leader or even a criminal offence where she will need legal intervention (Liang et al., 2005). Aside this, an individual‟s coping ability or style also come into play on why s/he chooses to report experiences to certain avenues. Goodman et al., (2003) suggests that survivors who practice problem-focused coping styles are more likely to report their experiences of abuse to legal institutions or seek refuge with family and friends, just as those with emotion-focused coping style will rely on social support such as friends, therapist or religious leader, to have a stress relieving remedy. As the former focuses on getting an identified problem solved the latter will only concentrate on getting rid of any stress related condition s/he has due to the problem at hand. Thus, the reason for one‟s choice is often determined by what one seeks to achieve in order to cope with an abusive experience. Furthermore, a battered woman before seeking for formal support is likely to consider the relative cost of loss of privacy and stigmatization associated with disclosing to informal sources as against the cost of losing the control of handling your family affairs and even the unsolicited 20 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh removal of the abusive partner from home in case of arrest (Liang et al, 2005). More so, in the event of severe violence, a victim may also consider that the life and death costs of keeping her experiences to herself or only relying on informal support is likely to exceed the risks attached to going for formal support especially if her family and friends are unable to protect her from the perpetrator. 2.4 Trajectories of Reports of Abuse Since it has been established that there are both formal and informal support systems available for survivors of domestic abuse to report their experiences to in order to gain satisfactory resolutions and peaceful co-existence, studies also reveal that these reports are often made to several avenues before a victim finally receives the expected satisfactory remedy. According to Waldrop & Resick (2004) “contextual forces are important to women‟s selection of strategies in coping with intimate violence”. Women in violent relationships are known to explore several coping strategies or remedies to address their abusive situations since some may be more effective than others (Ibid). Formal institutions and informal support systems combine to achieve effective results; for example in a study of 157 participants in Georgia - USA, majority of the respondents (75%) were of the view that in playing the role of a service provider the police will have to make referrals to marriage counsellors, mediators and advisors etc. especially when there are no injuries involved in the domestic violence situation reported to them (Stalans, 1996). This means cases reported to a particular avenue may not necessarily be handled fully there but referred to 21 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh another avenue where appropriate to either handle to a point and also refer or finish up with the case. This establishes a trajectory of reports of domestic violence experiences until a satisfactory resolution is achieved. Basically, being able to identify whether a domestic violence survivor utilized the services of formal institutions or just relied on support from family and friends is very relevant in understanding their „coping trajectories‟ (Kedir &Admasachew, 2010). Similarly, mediation centres in the United States also work hand in hand with the legal systems where necessary. Landrum (2011) points out that mediation should not necessarily be the exclusive process utilized as a remedy for resolving domestic violence disputes. Other legal remedies such as prosecution and protective orders, as well as counselling and other services for one or both parties involved, can be employed in addition to mediation where needed (Ibid). Apart from the institutions collaborating to come up with satisfactory remedies, the survivors also make several reports which usually start with the informal support mechanisms such as family and friends and end at the formal institutions such as the police. It is usually the family and friends who draw the victim‟s attention to recognizing the need for care and by so doing encourages him or her to seek professional help (Snowden, 1998). Aside that, family and friends often play the role of „middlemen‟ for domestic violence victims to have contacts with social service agencies and other types of care (Waldrop & Resick, 2004). According to Liang et al., (2005) several studies have produced a stage model where victims of intimate partner violence start with attempts to handle abuse privately either by appeasing themselves and resisting, to informal support-seeking such as relying on family and friends for guidance and as violence worsens they tend to report to public help-seeking institutions such as the courts or community agencies. Studies conducted on Asian women for example shows that they were more likely to report incidents of violence and seek for help only when the violence attained a severe or crisis 22 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh level (Abraham, 2000). Sylaska & Edwards (2014, p. 3) indicate that “friends and female family members are the most utilized informal support and generally considered the most helpful/supportive”. In the United Kingdom as well, disclosure of domestic abuse often goes through a trajectory of either a formal institution or an informal support service (Evans & Feder, 2014). Three different pathways of disclosure in domestic violence cases are usually identified, that is from professional agencies to informal support and then self or to third party referral (Ibid). Victims of domestic violence made their experiences known to a Domestic Violence Abuse (DVA) agency usually after having crisis through a series of links from a housing department, the police, victim support, national DVA helpline, a solicitor, probation department, health professional or a hostel for homeless people (Ibid). In other cases, survivors also utilize the services of two or more avenues simultaneously. According to Fanslow & Robinson (2010), many survivors of domestic violence abuses rely on the formal domestic violence services concurrently with family and friends. A study they conducted in New Zealand showed that majority of their respondents (76.7%) had reported their experiences of abuse to at least one avenue. It is worthy to note that, 58.3% of those who reported their experience of abuse told only family and friends, 36.1% disclosed to both family and friends and formal institutions whiles 5.6% relied solely on formal institutions (Fanslow & Robinson, 2010). Some studies on victims of intimate partner violence from the United States also reveal that they employ multiple help-seeking strategies involving friends and family, as well as the police, social services, and psychiatrists (Kaukinen, 2004). However, there are also 23 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh many women who prefer to rely initially, predominantly, or exclusively on the informal support (Latta & Goodman, 2011). In Canada, findings highlight the importance of help sought from family and friends even when the criminal justice system is utilized (Kaukinen, 2002). Some notable family responses in this context include; women being encouraged to seek legal or emotional/counselling support, provision of accommodation, or actively intervening by for example making the perpetrator aware of the possible consequences his actions can attract (Fanslow & Robinson, 2010). Women who disclosed their ordeals to friends often gave a detailed account than those who told family members. This may be because friends usually provided emotional support whiles family gave instrumental support such as a place to stay, childcare or financial help (Evans & Feder, 2014). Informal network members within the community who may have some level of experience with Domestic Violence Abuse (DVA) services either because they have been victims before, had family members or friends who have, or ever worked within that field, also play vital roles in assisting victims of domestic violence disclose their experiences to professional agencies (Ibid). Furthermore, contacts to DVA agency can also be enforced by a third party such as a concerned neighbour or a school counsellor through a social services department and further series of referrals which will finally end up at a DVA agency (Ibid). It is also important to note that the willingness for a survivor to seek formal support may be motivated by his /her social network such as availability and immerse support from friends and family(Liang et al., 2005). In effect, “it seems that the presence of informal support increases women‟s likelihood of acting to end the violence by accessing formal sources of support”(Laing et al., 2005:80). This is because women seeking help from the justice system for instance face a lot of stress ranging from emotional to financial; these include loss of working hours due to court 24 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh hearings, the need to arrange for babysitting when going to court as well as transportation costs (Ibid). They further state that, considering these outlined challenges associated with formal support systems it may appear that only those who have access to family and friends who are ever willing to lend their support will be emotionally and materially fit to pursue it. Some research findings have revealed that the greater access a battered woman has to informal social support the greater number of attempts she makes in seeking for help through a formal institution (Waldrop & Resick, 2004). A study in Ghana on domestic violence victims seeking support from a shelter revealed that, getting to the police required intermediaries (Darkwah & Prah, 2015). As shown in figure 1, family was the first point of call for clients who faced abuse. Supportive family‟s assistance was then utilized by the clients to seek redress from the police. If not, non- family members such as friends, neighbours, church members, co-workers or sometimes complete strangers provided the needed assistance for the clients to access support from the police. 25 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 1: Steps to seeking redress from the police Source: Darkwah & Prah, 2015 In line with this, some advocacy groups acknowledge the need to support the informal support systems especially family and friends to be able to extend the appropriate assistance through creating information resources spelling out verbal responses that are more appropriate to use in times of assisting a victim (eg. “No one deserves to be hit”) and those that are not helpful (eg. “What did you do that caused him to hit you?”), making available information on practical 26 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh strategies to aid women during emergencies, ensuring physical safety and that of her children, and necessary legal strategies (Roberts & Schenkman-Roberts, 2005). 2.5 Conceptual Framework This study is based on both the understanding of the reporting trajectories established by victims of domestic abuse and the reasons underlying their preferences. A look at the literature reveal that help-seeking by victims of domestic abuse does not rest with a single report or disclosure (Evans & Feder, 2014; Gregory et al., 2016). Reporting trajectories are developed since survivors of domestic abuse usually initiate their disclosure with the informal social support mechanisms such as talking to friends and family, before exploring formal support from institutions such as the police (Liang et al., 2005). However, certain thoughts come into play to inform the choice one makes. According to Laing et al. (2005) individual, interpersonal and socio-cultural factors are the most influential when it comes to why victims report their experiences of abuse to avenues they choose to (see fig. 2), because one‟s individual perception on the issue at stake, the person‟s social network and the society in which s/he finds him/herself are often linked as the fundamental basis for making a particular choice at a given time. These three factors are intertwined since individual views constitute interpersonal connections and vice versa, and more importantly these views are all guided by socio-cultural norms and values of a given society. In addition, …factors that underlie the protection-seeking trajectory of clients prior to theirentry into the shelter are complex. They are based on individual factors, economic andsocial vulnerability as well as socio-cultural norms that permeate the environment andaffect the manner in which the Domestic Violence Act is interpreted. (Darkwah and Prah, 2015, p. 29) 27 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Furthermore, the personal characteristics of the victim as well as the individual providing help, especially within the informal support system, poses implications for the entire process of help- seeking, which are; the seeking, provision and the receiving of social support (Kaukinen, 2002). According to Kaukinen (2002a, p. 435) “these characteristics are potential statuses that network members possess rather than qualities of their relationships”. Figure 2: Conceptual framework for disclosure of abuse Adapted from Liang et al.’s (2005) model of help-seeking and change. 28 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh As established earlier, making choices of who to report or disclose domestic victimizations to depends largely on the kind of remedy the victim seeks to achieve. This phenomenon can best be explained employing concepts within Coleman‟s rational choice theory. The concept of utilizing resources to achieve an aim or objective can be likened to victims exploring available support systems to achieve a remedy to their victimization. The theory focuses on actors and these actors are seen as being purposive or having intentionality (Ritzer, 1996). “Actors have ends or goals towards which their actions are aimed.” (Ritzer, 1996, p. 401) These actors appear as people with preferences, and of importance is the fact that every initiative they undertake is done aiming to achieve an objective that usually matches the actor‟s preference hierarchy (Ritzer, 1996). Ritzer (1996) outlines two major constraints of actions as scarcity of resources, and social institutions. In his words, “actors have different resources as well as differential access to other resources” (Ritzer, 1996, p. 401). He also believes that the idea of opportunity cost is prominent when looking at scarcity of resources, or as Friedman and Hechter, (1988, p. 202) put it “those costs associated with foregoing the next most attractive course of action”. Social institutions also pose constraints to individual action. Freidman and Hechter (1998, p. 202) suggest that an individual basically Finds his or her actions checked from birth to death by familial and school rules; laws and ordinance; firm policies; churches; synagogues and mosques; and hospitals and funeral parlours. By restricting the feasible set of courses of action available to individuals, enforceable rules of game–including norms, laws, agendas, and voting rules– systematically affect social outcomes. Ritzer (1996) believes certain actions are encouraged, while others are discouraged based on the positive or negative sanctions these institutional constraints exert on individuals within a given society. 29 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The two key elements in Coleman‟s rational action theory are actors and resources. Victims being the actors and the support services being the resources, preferential choices of support services are made to achieve a satisfactory remedy to an abusive situation. In doing so, availability and accessibility of the social support system, either formal or informal is usually a challenge to victims in their quest for a remedy. In addition, social norms and values, coupled with governing laws of the State, directly or indirectly influences individual actions. For instance, being victimized by a stranger is often considered as having a greater effect on social order thus the need to employ the services of formal agents of social control (Black, 1976). In effect, intimate social control should be left for the informal systems of social control to handle. Black (1976) argues further that, crimes occurring between intimate people are defined as less serious than when it is between strangers. Patriarchal social relations also pose as a constraint to individual actions of accessing especially formal support in domestic violence cases (Tenkorang et al., 2013). Domestic violence in patriarchal societies such as Africa is often treated as a private matter therefore not to be handled by public institutions such as the police (Ibid). This ideology portrays the prominence and the wide preference of the informal social support systems in domestic violence cases. In summary, Liang et al.‟s (2005) model of help-seeking demonstrates how victims of domestic violence are able to recognize they have a problem that needs to be addressed, decide to seek help and choose a help provider through individual, interpersonal and socio-cultural influences. However, the process is not always in a linear direction because the help provider a victim chooses to talk to can in effect influence how the situation is defined. In all instances it is the victim who chooses who to disclose his/her experiences to based on what he/she aims at achieving, thus the emphasis on choices or preferences. The concept of actors utilizing resources 30 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh to achieve an objective embedded in Coleman‟s (1990) rational choice theory best explains how victims (actors) of domestic violence make choices of help providers (resources) to achieve satisfactory remedies. Scarcity of resources and social institutional constraint, the two constraints identified by Coleman (1990) as associated with making choices are evident in the process of help-seeking for victims of domestic abuse through unavailability and inaccessibility of perceived help providers within a victim‟s social network and the existence of laws, social norms and values especially of the family. 31 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY 3.1 Study site Choosing a suitable study site largely depends on availability of the unit of analysis. For this study, the unit of analysis was any individual who had ever experienced domestic violence and reported the incident to the police for that matter the Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit (DOVVSU) of the Ghana Police Service. It became paramount to limit the scope of the study to those who have been abused and reported to the police because domestic violence remains a very sensitive issue in the Ghanaian social system and until one comes out to report it more or less remains a private issue. For this reason, identifying abused persons becomes difficult if not impossible. An avenue where official complaints are made on issues of domestic violence was therefore more suitable for identifying victims of domestic violence who form the core unit of analysis. In addition to that, the study being one that is interested in tracking a trajectory of reports made by survivors of domestic abuse could best be conducted at the assumed final point of reporting which in most cases is the police. For this reason, the study was conducted at the DOVVSU Office situated at the Ministries police station in Accra. The regional office was chosen because according to an official at the national secretariat of DOVVSU at the police headquarters, the regional office record the greater number of domestic violence cases in the country. 32 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.2 Research Design 3.2.1 Method Qualitative interviewing is a social process in which the researcher and the research participants cooperate with each other for the acquisition and construction of inter-subjective knowledge. Yeung (1996, p. 322) conceptualizes interviews as “communicative events in which interviewers and respondents are engaged in active interaction and exchange of information through various communicative channels and code.” This exchange of information between interviewers and participants, however, is unequal. Winchester (1996) argues that through the process of posing questions, researchers embark on capturing the entire scope of emotions and meanings, anticipate responses in ways that surveys or questionnaires do not allow, and intimate at the structures that emphasize the all-round experiences of respondents. A qualitative approach was used for the study. This is because the study was one that sought to enquire on a specific phenomenon within the scope of domestic violence and further have in- depth knowledge and understanding of people‟s experiences of abuse. This means its findings do not need to be generalized but rather used within its scope to explain exactly what goes on in the area of victims of domestic violence reaching out for dispute resolutions (Winchester, 1999). I implemented in-depth, semi-structured interviews as the primary qualitative technique for eliciting personal experiences and a range of information that was essential for the understanding of help-seeking trajectories of domestic violence victims. In-depth interviews provide some important advantages. In addition to stimulating detailed information and embracing a broad range of topics, interviews allow for themes – often unanticipated – to emerge from people‟s 33 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh varied experiences rather than from preconceived ideas. Furthermore, according to Mattingly (2001), interviews are significant in the development of new models and theories. On the contrary, however, the lack of good interpersonal and listening skills on the part of the interviewer limits the effectiveness of interviews in producing significant and meaningful information. Besides, the unwillingness of participants to share their story regarding sensitive and personal topics or the incongruence between what they say and what they actually practice can generate misleading information or construct only a partial knowledge about their experiences (Valentine, 2001). For this study, the advantages of in-depth interviews prevailed over the limitations in the endeavour to investigate the underlying factors influencing choices made by domestic violence victims in their help-seeking trajectories, emphasizing on the sequence of reports made and its implications on their coping strategies. I drew on twenty semi-structured, in-depth interviews of victims of domestic violence who made official complaints at the DOVVSU regional office in Accra. This enabled me to gain an enhanced understanding of their behaviours and decision- making processes from the victim‟s own viewpoints, and exposed different ways domestic violence is handled within the Ghanaian social system. 3.2.2 Ethics Ethical standards were adhered to in collecting data for the study. First, clearance was sought from the Ethics Committee of the Humanities of the University of Ghana. Secondly, clearance to commence interviewing was also acquired from the National Secretariat of DOVVSU at the 34 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ghana Police Head Quarters. Ethical principles of informed consent, rights to withdraw, confidentiality and anonymity were also observed by the researcher. In order to assure participants of maximum confidentiality, interviews were conducted in a private room at the DOVVSU regional office where no one else was present. The principle of anonymity was also extremely important to the researcher considering the nature of the study so participants were not asked of their names but identified with pseudonyms. In addition, considering that participants could experience some level of emotional stress recounting bitter experiences of domestic abuse, the researcher ensured that all respondents understood the risk and benefits associated with participation and also stressed that they were at liberty to refuse to answer any question they were uncomfortable with or even withdraw from the study at any point they felt uneasy. Counselors at the DOVVSU office were also contacted and made available to participants who suffered emotional breakdowns in the course of the interview especially due to the recount of abusive experiences they have had in the past. 3.2.3 Sampling Considering the sensitive nature of the study coupled with time constraints, and also considering reaching saturation point, twenty (20) interviews were conducted. These interviews were conducted with victims of any kind of domestic violence who visited the DOVVSU office to make formal complaints or follow up on previous complaints made. I was assigned to an investigation officer at the DOVVSU office who after attending to the victim directed him/her to me. Participants were selected based on two conditions: falling within the inclusion criteria of the study (see 3.4) and secondly willingness to participate. Where the victim was under-aged 35 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh (below eighteen years), an adult family member who visited the DOVVSU office to report the case or also did a follow up was not interviewed since he/she might not be able to give a vivid account of all that has transpired concerning the child‟s experience of abuse. The sample of victims whose experiences I discuss in this thesis, therefore, are not necessarily representative of the population of domestic violence victims in Ghana. A question that arises with qualitative samples is “to what extent can one generalize from the sample group that one has studied in depth?” (Dowler, 2001). According to Winchester, though, The validity of qualitative interviews cannot rest on their representativeness or whether they are capable of generalization in an empirical way. Rather their validity rests on whether they can elucidate the structures and causal mechanisms, which underpin observable behaviour. (Winchester, 1999, p. 62) 3.2.4. Instrument The interview centered on five main sections; participant‟s demographics, an account of experiences, sequence of reports made, reasons underlying choices of reporting avenues and problems or challenges encountered while disclosing experiences of abuse. Participants were asked of their basic demographics in order to have a fair idea of their characteristics. This was followed by an account of their experiences of abuse especially the most current experience that made them visit the DOVVSU office. Emphasis was laid on the most recent in order to aid recount. The sequence of reports or disclosures made by the respondent was also addressed so as to track the trajectory of reports made by the survivor. Reasons underlying the choices they made on avenues to disclose their experiences were also discussed and lastly the problems or challenges associated with disclosing their experiences were also shared by the survivors. 36 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.2.5. Language of Interview Participants were given the option to choose their preferred language for the interview. In order to avoid the use of an interpreter considering the sensitive nature of the study as well as the strict adherence to ethical principles of confidentiality, the options were limited to the Akan and English language which the researcher could communicate in. All the interviews were therefore conducted using the Akan language and later translated into English except one which was done in English. All the interviews were recorded, and later translated and transcribed. 3.2.6 Duration The entire fieldwork lasted for two months. The first three weeks was used for protocol procedures constituting the various levels of clearance needed from the Ghana Police Service before interviewing could commence. Interviewing participants lasted for five weeks. 3.3 Unit of Analysis Victims of domestic violence incidence who visited the DOVVSU Regional Office to either lodge or follow up on complaints were the unit of analysis for the study. This is because these victims can best outline the various avenues they have explored with their cases before approaching the police and explain why they made those choices. 37 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.4 Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria Adult (18 years and above) victims of any kind of domestic violence who lodged a complaint at the DOVVSU regional office or followed up on an earlier complaint within the data collection period and accepted voluntarily to be interviewed were included in the study. Any adult family member who lodged a complaint on behalf of a child (below 18 years) victim of domestic violence at the DOVVSU regional office or made a follow up on an earlier complaint made within the data collection period was excluded from the study. 3.5 Data Analysis Recorded interviews were translated where necessary, transcribed and analyzed thematically using a systematic thematic approach (Attride-Stirling, 2001) in line with the objectives of the study. Since qualitative research is an iterative process, data analysis began with the very first interview. Analysis began with the identification of descriptive themes after which analytic themes were identified. In all four themes were identified, they are; reporting avenues utilized by survivors, sequence of disclosure of experiences of abuse, factors influencing choice of support, and problems associated with disclosing experiences of domestic violence. The coding scheme was refined throughout the process of data analysis. Each code identified for the study was defined and maintained as such throughout the analysis process to ensure intra-coder reliability. 38 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.6 Experiences from the Field Generally the response rate for the study was encouraging. Participants were willing to share their experiences and give insights into the ordeals they have gone through as they sought for guidance and support within the Ghanaian social system. The choice of the study site which was the DOVVSU office also contributed to the high response rate because victims who had come there to report and seek support were victims who were practically ready to voice out their problems and experiences even as a way of being relieved, in short they were ready to talk and get issues off their chest. In effect, most of the participants were thankful to the researcher for giving them the opportunity to talk to someone who had interest in what goes on with survivors of domestic violence and as such was ready to listen. 3.7 Characteristics of Participants In all twenty survivors were interviewed for the study. Out of the twenty, eighteen were females and two were males. In terms of marital status ten were married, eight were single with two were cohabitating. With the ten that were married, six of them were married under ordinance while four had customary marriages. The age range of the participants was between twenty-six years and fifty-three years. All participants had at least one biological child with the highest number of children being six. The minimum educational level attended was primary and the highest was the tertiary level except one respondent who had no formal education. All twenty participants belonged to a Christian religious group. Majority of the participants (sixteen out of twenty) were self-employed and engaged in trading, three were salary or wage earning employees and only one was unemployed as at the time of the study. 39 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 1: Characteristics of participants Name Age Sex Educational Background Marital Status No. of children Rejoice 27 F Primary 6 Single 2 Naa Ayeley 36 F Secondary Single 3 Ofosua 37 F JHS 2 Cohabiting 4 Agyeiwaa 44 F Middle School Married 2 Grace 27 F Primary 5 Single 3 Amina 38 F JHS 3 Single 1 Mavis 53 F Middle School Single 1 Cynthia 34 F JHS 3 Married 2 Emelia 34 F Tertiary Married 1 Nyarkoa 48 F Middle School Married 6 Rita 33 F JHS 3 Single 3 Abigail 36 F JHS 3 Married 3 Oforiwaa 40 F None Single 1 Happy 38 F JHS 3 Married 4 Monica 47 F A Level Married 2 Doris 36 F JHS 3 Married 1 Felicity 31 F SHS Cohabiting 3 Sandra 33 F Tertiary Married 2 Richard 26 M SHS Single 1 Isaac 45 M Primary 6 Married 3 40 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FOUR REPORTING TRAJECTORIES 4.1. Introduction Reporting experiences of abuse to a formal institution either for help or support often occur upon a help-seeking trajectory of reports (Evans & Feder, 2014). Formal and informal support mechanisms are explored by survivors of domestic violence until a satisfactory remedy is obtained (Stalans, 1996). Several studies worldwide reveal that survivors of domestic abuse usually keep violent experiences to themselves at the beginning but as the situation gets worse, certain factors influence their thought processes to arrive at a decision to address the violent experiences (Liang et al., 2005; Schreiber et al., 2009). These thought processes according to Liang et al., (2005), begins with the victim‟s recognition of the problem at hand, followed by the decision to seek help, then the selection of help provider. However, the process does not always follow a linear direction since the selection of who to disclose an event to can affect how the situation is resolved. Individual, interpersonal and socio-cultural factors come into play when going through this process (Ibid). The informal support mechanisms are dominantly the initial point of call for most survivors of domestic violence mainly because they often consider such issues as private, therefore to be handled within the domestic setting (Liang et al., 2005). In addition to the privacy attached to domestic violent experiences, assessing formal support is often associated with complex challenges such as cost of time (court hearings), financial cost, and emotional stress (Ibid). For this reason, a supportive social network of family and friends usually motivates a victim to access formal support (Ibid). Furthermore, when victims of domestic abuse incur severe injuries, or cannot endure any more, or even feel their lives are in 41 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh danger, they are usually compelled at that point to involve the police to secure safety and protection (Fanslow & Robinson, 2010). It is therefore evident that for every formal report made by a survivor of domestic abuse, there is a possible trajectory of informal reports initiating the reporting sequence. The study therefore aimed at tracking and understanding the trajectories of 20 victims of domestic violence who made reports to the police, with respect to their help seeking behaviors. This was guided by four specific objectives which were to identify reporting avenues explored by victims of domestic violence, know the sequence of the reports made, determine the influencing factors underlying their preferences, and finally identify problems associated with disclosing experiences of domestic abuse. 4.2. Reporting Avenues Table 2: Reporting avenues utilized by participants Reporting Avenue Number of participants Victim‟s other relatives 11 out of 20 Partner‟s Parents 9 out of 20 Partner‟s other relatives 8 out of 20 Friends 6 out of 20 Religious leaders 5 out of 20 Partner‟s superior at work 3 out of 20 Social club executives 1 out of 20 Landlady 1 out of 20 42 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.1 Police (DOVVSU) Seeking support or help for an abusive experience requires the services of avenues known to render such assistance and guidance. Domestic violence and victim‟s support unit (DOVVSU) of the Ghana police service is a recognized body, solely established by law to handle domestic violence issues in Ghana (Amoakohene, 2004). The study revealed that DOVVSU was the only formal institution respondents explored to access formal support to remedy their abusive situations. Apart from seeking redress from the police (which all respondents did) other reporting avenues were explored by respondents in their help-seeking process. 4.2.2 Family For this study, the family refers to the extended family which Nukunya (2016, p. 62) describes as “a social arrangement in which an individual has extensive reciprocal duties, obligations and responsibilities to relations outside his immediate (nuclear) family”. In presenting the data the family of the victim as well as the perpetrator is categorized into two main units which are the parents (mother and/or father) as one unit whereas uncles, aunties, siblings and cousins also constitute one other unit known as other relatives. Victim’s Other Relatives The Ghanaian social system gives much recognition to the extended family system (Assimeng, 1999). Due to this recognition, extended family elders have enormous influence on marriages of their family members (Adjei, 2015). Prominent actors include uncles, aunties, siblings and 43 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh cousins. Eleven out of twenty respondents made reports to their other relatives. Although none of the respondent made reports to their parents, twelve representing sixty percent (60%) admitted that their parents had knowledge of their experiences although they personally did not inform them. For instance according to Nyarkoa, her husband was the one who informed her mother about what he referred to as “petty quarrels” that was going on between them, when she refused to talk to him after he had abused her. Findings from the study revealed that none of the respondents made reports to their parents. Similarly, in a study of 31 battered women living in the United States of America conducted by Rose et al. (2000), only few women disclosed their violent experiences to their parents. Over a third (39%) of these battered women knew of their mother‟s abusive experiences which they considered as a greater problem than theirs. For this reason they consciously related to their mothers in a manner of being providers of support to them and not the reverse of receiving support from their mothers. Fathers were also seen by a majority of the respondents (67%) as characters that could not be related to due to their „distant‟ or „cold‟ nature. In extreme cases, seven out of the thirty-one women interviewed were abused by their fathers at a younger age or witnessed their fathers abusing their mothers, thus could not approach them for support and guidance. However, for this study reasons given were different. More than half of the respondents (especially those who were married) intentionally did not tell their parents because they considered that as „disgracing‟ the partner. Furthermore, they were socialized to believe that it was better to report such issues to the partner‟s family instead of theirs. Aside this, unavailability and inaccessibility of parents due to death and distance, were also given as reasons. 44 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh That notwithstanding, the study showed that the family was the most sought avenue explored by respondents. Eleven out of twenty respondents made reports to family members such as uncles, aunties, siblings and cousins. In a similar study by Darkwah & Prah (2015), the family was the first point of call for victims of domestic abuse who sought support from a shelter. These findings is largely due to socio-cultural norms and practices within the Ghanaian social system, such as; behavioral patterns being determined by kinship ties (Nukunya, 2016), excessive powers accorded the extended family in setting hardheaded ground rules that all members are expected to adhere to or lose out completely (Assimeng, 1999), and the high recognition given to elders of the extended family in the marriage institution that gives them the mandate to be influential especially in resolving marital disputes of their kinsmen (Adjei, 2015). In contrast, findings from Rose et al.‟s (2000) study in the United States show that the battered women interviewed did not consider family as a source of support probably because of the individualistic culture of Western societies. Partner’s Parents Social relations are often formed based on kinship ties because kinship refers to is the “social relationships derived from consanguinity, marriage or adoption” (Nukunya, 2016, p. 21). This means there is the tendency of relating to a partner‟s family, recognizing them as family and as such acknowledging the influence they exert on marriages. One prominent actor in this wise is the parent-in-law thus much respect is accorded to them within marriages. Nine respondents (45%) made reports of their abusive experiences to their partner‟s parents. 45 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Partner’s Other Relative The extended family, as established earlier (refer 4.2.1) play vital roles in Ghanaian marriages. In actual fact Ghanaian marriages are between families and not individuals, thus in the words of Nukunya (2016, p. 52) “In our extended family system the interest of the relatives in the marriage means that the two families have become affinal relations”. The study showed that these interests are also sometimes present with families that have their members engaged in cohabitation, especially unions that have children involved. Forty percent (40%) of the respondents made reports to their partner‟s other relatives. 4.2.3. Friends “Marriages are usually a group affair and the ceremony involves, besides the couple and their immediate relations, distant kinsfolk, neighbours and friends” (Nukunya, 2016, p. 52). The role of friends in the area of disclosing experiences of domestic abuse cannot be downplayed because they usually provide emotional support for survivors (Evans & Feder, 2014). Six out of the twenty respondents (30%) of the respondents confided in their friends and received guidance on what action to take concerning their experiences of abuse. According to Rita, a friend recommended a police officer at the DOVVSU office to her and even gave her his telephone number. That was how she was able to access their services and support. Although all the participants had at some point in time discussed their experiences with one friend or the other, fourteen did not regard that discussion as a report, because those friends had knowledge of what they were going through either by witnessing the abuse or from other sources such as neighbours. Naa Ayeley explained; 46 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Most of my friends know I‟m in an abusive relationship although I didn‟t tell them. My neighbours are witnesses to what I go through anytime the father of my children comes around to molest me and I am sure they inform my friends. Some confront me about the rumours and I‟m compelled to let them know my side of the story. Left to me, I wouldn‟t have informed any of my friends of such shameful experiences so I don‟t think my friends are part of the people I went to for remedy. 4.2.4. Religious Leaders Religious leaders were not left out considering their expertise in counselling and guidance in terms of marriage and family conflicts. Five participants relied on their pastors to address the issues of domestic violence they were experiencing. Cynthia, a participant who comes from Bawku in the Upper East region said her pastor is one individual she can confide in with her marital issues. 4.2.5. Partner’s work place, Social club, and Landlady Another identified reporting avenue was the partner‟s work place where three participants said they reported their experiences to their partner‟s superior at work. Happy, a participant married to a police officer said she made a report to her husband‟s station officer when he first abused her. Abigail, 36 years of age, and a trader, has been married to her husband for five years. They both belonged to a social club even before they got married. Abigail confessed that the club has been very beneficial to their marriage in diverse ways. For example, the first stock of goods she started her business with was given to them (Abigail and husband) by the club when they outdoor their first child. According to Abigail, their allegiance to the club is one that can be 47 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh described as very strong. For this reason, when her husband sent her out of her matrimonial home and threatened to divorce her, she reported the incident to the executives of the club. Sandra, a 31 year old lady with three children, has been staying with her fiancé for nine years. Apart from reporting her fiancé to his mother when faced with his abusive behavior, she also involved her landlady because she considered her as a mother and also believed being a neutral person, the landlady will be more objective in handling issues. 4.3. Exploring the Avenues The study indicates that, all the participants sought support from a formal institution – DOVVSU. This is because DOVVSU is a well - recognized institution within the Ghana police service mandated to address issues of domestic violence in the country. However, the study sought to track any possible trajectory of reports made especially within the informal support systems before the survivors accessed the services of the police. The trend was that participants initiated their disclosure with reports at informal avenues before proceeding to the formal institution as the situation worsened. As shown in table 3, a critical look at the sequence of reports made by the participants revealed that majority preferred to start with avenues linked with the partner before exploring avenues linked to themselves. The family and religious bodies were the most preferred starting point of reporting trajectories. Six participants initiated their disclosure of abusive experiences with the parents of the abusive partner while five started with their pastors. It is worthy to note that the total number of participants, who disclosed their ordeals to a religious leader, initiated their disclosing process with that, thus having it as the very start of their reporting trajectory. Furthermore, three out of these five participants proceeded 48 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh to their partner‟s parents in their help seeking trajectory. Therefore, when those who initiated their reporting sequence with avenues outside the family eventually decided to report to family, the partner‟s family preceded the victim‟s family. In the area of other relatives of both survivor and abuser, both avenues had three participants as the beginning of their reporting trajectory. Two participants began their quest from the work place of the abusive partner and quite strangely only one participant begun with a friend. The police was the final point of call for each respondent. However, number of reports made before the police differed from respondent to respondent. As shown in table 3, the highest number of reports made before the police or DOVVSU was three whiles the least was one. Ten respondents representing the majority explored two informal avenues before accessing formal support from the police. Six respondents made the highest number of reports before accessing formal support from the police while four made the least reports by exploring only a single informal avenue before reporting to the police. 4.3.1 Trajectory of Two Reports Nyarkoa, a forty-eight year old woman has been married to her husband for the past thirty years. She recalled that her husband has been abusing her, both physically and emotionally, for the past twenty-five years. The only person she could think of confiding in was her pastor. The pastor was the first person Nyarkoa disclosed her experiences of abuse to when she finally decided to “break her silence”. She explained that, “initially I was quiet about it until I mastered courage to inform my pastor for him to have a word with him to stop abusing me.” Although her pastor did his best to resolve the issues amicably between them, things did not get any better but rather 49 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh worsened, thus the need to involve the police. Initially he was abusing her by beating her with a cane, assaulting her verbally and constantly accusing her of infidelity, but these worsened to threatening her with a cutlass. As she puts it, My husband has been constantly accusing me of having extra marital affairs. He is very jealous and beats me upon the slightest provocation. He keeps threatening to kill me and commit suicide so that no one will ask him of my where about. He has threatened me with a cutlass on three occasions and keeps bars of iron rod, acid and DDT in the house telling me he will use those things to kill me one day. He has been beating me for the past 25 years sometimes using a cane. When I visit the hospital to see to injuries I get due to his abuse, I‟m often advised to report him to the police but I never did due to my children. Just yesterday my children heard him threatening that he will kill someone and saw him sharpening a cutlass, they called me on phone to alert me and assisted me take refuge in my eldest son‟s room when I got home. I am just fed up and afraid he might carry out his threat that is why I decided to report him to the police. Nyarkoa is one of the four respondents who explored just a single informal avenue before proceeding to the police.Mavis reported to her abuser‟s relatives, whiles Richard sought initial help from his partner‟s mother. Nyarkoa and Oforiwaa began their reporting trajectories by disclosing their experience of abuse to a pastor and a friend respectively. These respondents intimated that they were compelled to access formal support after exploring only one informal avenue due to the nature of abuse they were experiencing. Mavis, just like Nyarkoa, believed her life was in danger, having been threatened with a cutlass by her brother. She had no choice than to take a decision she termed “painful” of reporting her own brother to the police. In the case of Mavis, her brother–whom she accused of being the cause of their father‟s death–had forced open their late father‟s room and sold out all his personal effects. To make matters worse, he has rented the room out without the approval of the family. When she confronted him, he threatened to kill her if she dared to challenge him on his decisions concerning their late father‟s room. Being relatives, Mavis initially informed their family elders 50 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh about her brother‟s behaviour but he extended his threats to the entire family, so, for the sake of their safety, they were compelled to keep quiet. She lamented, My brother, who comes directly after me is causing so many problems at home; he has threatened almost everybody and has told me to the face that he will kill me. A family meeting was arranged to address the issue but he kept on threatening everybody so they are all afraid of him now. Oforiwaa, who was raped by a neighbour she was staying with, initially confided in a friend for support before reporting to the police. Although she accepts that rape is an offence that warrant the immediate attention of the police, circumstances surrounding her experience made her decide not to involve the police from the start. “I decided not to press charges because I blamed myself for following them to their house in the first place. To my surprise, he is rather telling almost everyone that knows me that he has slept with me. This tells me he deliberately raped me just to tarnish my image.” Richard, a 26 year old gentleman, had his car vandalized by his ex-girlfriend with whom he has a daughter. He recalled that there have been several instances where his ex-girlfriend had abused him verbally and the first person he reported her to was her mother. However, according to Richard, his ex-girlfriend had “gone too far” by vandalizing his property, thus the need to make a formal report. A general overview of this category of respondents shows that the gravity of an abuse determined how soon a formal institution–in this case DOVVSU–was accessed by victims of domestic abuse. The perceived consequence, which was death in the case of Nyarkoa and Mavis, and the type of abuse in Richard and Oforiwaa‟s case, compelled them to report to the police without much delay. In terms of family violence, the police according to Berk & Loseke (1981) 51 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh play two prominent roles of maintaining peace and order as well as ensuring the safety of victims of abuse. In the cases of Nyarkoa and Mavis, it seems clear that the option to seek help from the police was linked to the perceived role of the source of safety for victims. Research has also revealed that the cushioning effect of social support is more efficient when the type of support accessed and offered matches with the kind of situation the victim finds herself in as well as her coping needs (Cohen, Underwood, & Gottleib, 2000 as cited in Liang et al., 2005). Oforiwaa and Richard‟s assumption that the kind of abuse meted out to them required the attention of the police can also be linked to their coping needs of a satisfactory remedy. 4.3.2 Trajectory of Three Reports Rejoice, a 27 year old lady, who has been beaten several times by her boyfriend, initially reported him to his father. The abusive boyfriend‟s father did his best to remedy the situation by advising his son against such acts of violence but his efforts did not deter Rejoice‟s boyfriend from beating her. Rejoice, then decided to report him to his aunty considering the fact that this aunty was also the queen mother of their village. Rejoice was confident that her authority status would make her nephew listen to her and desist from abusing her. According to Rejoice, the queen mother called for a meeting with other family members to address the situation but to her surprise, her boyfriend assaulted and abused his own sister when she (the sister) told him to quit his abusive nature. At that point, she was advised by elders of her boyfriend‟s family, to seek help from the police, so, she had no choice than to go public with an issue she wished to keep private. In her words, 52 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh His relatives have tried all measures to let him quit his abusive behaviour but to no avail. He even assaulted and harmed his own sister because of this issue. They are all fed up with his attitude and now think it is about time he is reported to the police for him to sign a bond not to beat me again. It has also become necessary to get the police involved because he has threatened to beat me wherever he meets me. Similarly, Abigail, a 36 year old woman made two informal reports before exploring formal support from the police. Abigail has been married to her husband for five years and described their marriage as a „peaceful‟ one until about two years ago when her husband started having extra marital affairs. She was so much affected by her husband‟s wayward life mainly because she helped her husband out of financial hardships when they first met by selling her two taxis. Abigail first reported her husband to his sister simply because she was advised by her sister-in- law to inform her of any setbacks she encounters in her marriage with her brother. She held on to this advice and believed her sister-in-law could remedy the situation for her. However, she did not but rather sided with her brother to maltreat her in her matrimonial home. As things worsened, Abigail decided to confide in the executives of a social club both she and the husband belonged. Asked why the twist of avenues, Abigail explained that she had lost confidence in her husband‟s family to provide a remedy to the situation and did not want her family to have knowledge of her marital issues. Upon several efforts by the club executives to make her husband change his behaviour had proved futile, they advised her to seek help from the police, precisely DOVVSU, especially when her husband locked up her shop and threw her out of her matrimonial home. 53 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh She explains as follows: When I got married to my husband, my sister-in-law told me to confide in her any time I had any problem with my husband. I believed her so she was the first person I disclosed my husband‟s abusive behaviour to, but I guess that was my greatest mistake. I later told the group executives of a social club we both belong to of the ill-treatment my husband was giving me. However, after several attempts to make him stop abusing me he remained adamant so they advised me to report him to DOVVSU. As shown in table 3, the majority of the respondents explored two informal support systems before reporting to the police. An assessment of their experiences, as illustrated by what Rejoice and Abigail experienced, revealed that, they had much confidence in the social network available to them but upon the failure of these mechanisms to provide a satisfactory remedy, they were advised to seek formal support. They explained that the assurance of support they had from their family and friends gave them the courage to disclose to the police issues they deemed as private. This finding is similar to that of Liang et al.‟s (2005) study on Asian migrants living in the United States of America. In their study, the willingness on the side of victims of domestic abuse to seek redress from formal institutions is often motivated by his/her social network based on the availability and evident support of family and friends. Waldrop & Resick (2004) also agree that the greater a battered woman‟s access to informal social support, the greater the attempts she makes to seek formal support. 54 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.3.3. Trajectory of Four Reports The last group, who made three reports before involving the police, dominantly had strong allegiance to family values and as such initially never thought of involving the police. The felt depending on informal support was the only way out. However, incidents of abuse kept reoccurring in their homes irrespective of several efforts made by friends and family to make it possible for them to have a violence-free relationship with their partners. Thus, on reaching a point where they just could not endure any more, they had no choice than to involve the police. This is similar to findings from a study conducted in New Zealand where 48.5% of respondents who had been abused and accessed formal support said they did so because they could not endure the abuse any more (Fanslow & Robinson, 2010). For instance, Emelia, a 34 year old teacher, in her fifth year of marriage with Jeffery, narrated how her husband had been abusing her even before they legally got married. According to Emelia, she dated her husband for five years before they got married. She recalled that her husband first hit her when they were dating and she told her brothers about the incident. Her husband seemed a changed person until after they were married and she realized he was keeping girlfriends. Whenever Emelia confronted her husband on his unfaithfulness, he will get angry, kick her using his feet, strangle and hit her. When this happens she sustains bruises and sometimes gets injured, so she confided in her husband‟s cousin who is a nurse to advise her husband against such abusive behaviours and by stressing on its health implications considering her medical background. Although Jeffery‟s cousin did her best to make him quit the abuse, the situation worsened by the day. He still engaged in extra marital affairs and whenever his wife confronted, he became violent and beat her mercilessly, bruising her badly. However, Emelia 55 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh still believed her husband‟s relatives would be capable to remedy the situation. So as things worsened she reported the issue to the elders of Jeffery‟s family. The elders called her husband and spoke at length with him and made him promise to quit abusing her. However, he did not keep to his promise and continued to abuse her. This is what Emelia said of her husband: He is now having an affair right under my nose with a woman living in the same house we live in, and that is the height of it. I got very angry about the situation and confronted him but he got angry and kicked, hit and strangled me. All I did was ask him why he had chosen to be a thorn in my flesh. I am really fed up with this marriage because I have endured a lot and I do not think I can continue. For this reason, Emelia sought for formal support from the DOVVSU. According to her, she needed their advice and intervention since her reliance on family had failed to yield any positive results. An assessment of the trajectories outlined above showed certain similarities with findings from other studies. The sequence of reports made help in giving a clear picture on the social network available to the survivors and its impact in the area of help seeking for survivors of domestic abuse. This is because, it is believed that the social network of a survivor often is a motivating factor for him/her to access support from a formal institution (Liang et al., 2005). Findings from this study is consistent with the above assertion because with the exception of two participants (Oforiwaa and Richard) all other participants (90%) made reports to the police because they had adequate assurance of support from family, pastors and friends in doing so. The study also determined a trend for reporting derived from the sequence of reports made. The informal support systems were assessed after participants had tried keeping violent experiences to themselves, until the situation got to an extreme point where they had no choice than to seek 56 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh support from the police. This finding support the argument that victims of intimate partner violence usually start with resisting and attempting to keep experiences of abuse to themselves, to assessing informal support such as guidance from family and friends and later as the violence gets worse they resort to formal or public institutions mandated to address domestic violence issues (Liang et al., 2005). Another twist to the trend and number of reports made before accessing formal support, according to the study, had to do with the cultural norms and values respondents adhered to. Respondents outlined norms such as; keeping marital issues private, being prepared to have bitter experiences (eg. physical abuse) and treating it as normal within intimate relationships, and conforming to family values of staying married since divorce is considered amoral. In the extreme cases where reports had to made, they were often advised to report marital misunderstandings they consider could not be kept private, to the partner‟s family and not theirs. These socio-cultural norms can be linked to how respondents interpreted their situations and handled it. Thus, the study showed that eighty percent (80%) of respondents explored at least two informal avenues (considered private) before reporting to the police (considered public). This finding can be likened to an argument made by Darkwah & Prah (2015) that factors that influenced protection-seeking trajectories with victims who accessed formal support (shelters) were quite complex. Individual factors are confronted with social and economic challenges amidst socio-cultural norms that have the tendency to affect interpretations given to the laws of domestic violence (Ibid). 57 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 3: Sequence of reporting trajectory Name of 1st report 2nd report 3rd report 4th report Respondent Rejoice Partner‟s father Partner‟s Aunty Police - Naa Ayeley Partner‟s mother Relatives Police - (Aunties) Ofosua Relatives Partner‟s boss at Police - (Aunties) work Agyeiwaa Partner‟s relative Relatives Police - (Siblings) Grace Partner‟s father Relatives (uncle) Friends Police Amina Partner‟s Relative (sister) Police - colleague at work Mavis Brother‟s Police - - relatives Cynthia Pastor Partner‟s mother Police - Emelia Relative Partner‟s relative Partner‟s other Police (brother) (cousin) relatives Nyarkoa Pastor Police - - Rita Pastor Friend Police - Abigial Partner‟s relative Social club Police - (sister) executives Oforiwaa Friend Police - - Happy Partner‟s boss at Partner‟s relative Relatives Police work (brother) (uncles) Monica Relatives Partner‟s relative Friend Police (uncles) (brother) Doris Pastor Partner‟s mother Police - Felicity Pastor Partner‟s mother Relatives Police (brother) Sandra Partner‟s mother Landlady Partner‟s friends Police Richard Partner‟s mother Police - - Isaac Partner‟s mother Partner‟s friends Police - 58 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FIVE FACTORS UNDERLYING PREFERENCES 5.1 Reasons for Reporting Avenues Findings from the study revealed that participants explored informal support systems before the formal. This is similar to findings from a study of rape victims where, Ruback and Ivie (1988) revealed that 67% of those who visited a crisis center had disclosed the incident of rape to someone prior to reporting to the police (cited in Kaukinen, 2002b). The only formal institution utilized by the participants was the Domestic Violence and Victim‟s Support Unit (DOVVSU) of the Ghana Police Service. The informal avenues were; families of the abuser and that of the victim, religious leaders, and friends. Other avenues were the abuser‟s work place, social club and property owners. Choosing a reporting avenue was generally influenced by the kind of result the participants hoped to receive to address the abuse s/he was experiencing at that particular moment. For example when a victim considered her life was threatened and as such needed protection, the involvement of the police was considered. Similarly, in the event where the victim considered the abuse to be that which could be solved with counselling or guidance, they resorted to the utilization of informal support mechanisms within the social setting. In Richard‟s case for instance, he was of the view that counselling was enough to solve the problems he had with his ex-girlfriend. She constantly assaulted him verbally upon the slightest opportunity, but Richard always reported her to her mother solely because he believed, being an elderly person, she will advice and counsel her to quit such behaviours. Similarly, Cynthia confided in her pastor with marital issues that affected her 59 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh emotionally. She recalled that at a point in her marriage, her husband denied her sex for eight months. She told her pastors about it and he invited her husband over to counsel him, and it yielded positive results. According to Cynthia, such matters only required the attention of people she could confide in to keep her marital problems private and her pastor was the only one she could think of. These assertions can be linked to Goodman et al.‟s (2003) assumption that survivors with emotion-focused coping style will rely on social support such as friends, therapist or religious leader, to have a stress relieving remedy, since they only concentrate on getting rid of any stress related condition they have due to the problem at hand. One half of the participants (ten out of twenty) were influenced to seek formal support based on their individual assessment of the abuse they had experienced whiles the other half resorted to that decision due to influences from family and friends. However, all levels of influencing factors involved in help-seeking processes according to Liang et al. (2005) which are the individual, interpersonal and socio-cultural (refer to fig. 1) interplayed in participants search for informal support. 5.1.1 Informal Support Informal help-seeking sources such as family and friends for victims of domestic violence are often seen as highly supportive (Biaggio et al., 1991). This is because, it is essential when assisting and providing social supports for victims who go through emotional and physical distress (Kaukinen, 2002a). In addition, “Family and friends are important in facilitating help seeking by providing pathways to formal types of social support” (Kaukinen, 2002a, p. 60 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 435).Thus as established earlier, all the respondents explored at least one informal avenue before accessing formal support from DOVVSU. Family As stated earlier, for the purpose of this study the family has been divided into two units; the parents and other relatives. Findings from the study revealed that majority of the participants (11 out of 20) sought support from family specifically from other relatives and not parents. The factors that influenced the choice to report to other relatives were accessibility and availability of these siblings, uncles and aunties. Moreover these relatives in certain instances had taken up the role of a parent especially when the parents were dead or inaccessible due to distance. According to Nukunya (2016), Ghanaian marriages establish a union between families (extended family) not just the couple, thus, uncles, aunties and cousins are recognized actors in marriages based on the extended family system. It is for this reason that a victim may choose to involve an uncle who lives in the same town or city instead of a father who lives in the hinterlands over a marital dispute. In certain instances, it is the parents who advice that relations living close to their children represent them during such dispute resolution due to proximity. In the event where parents are unavailable due to death, the extended family system provides a successor who is usually called upon to play parental roles in domestic disputes. The akan proverb “agya bi wo a, agya bi tease” which literally means “when a father dies, another father lives” explains the ideology of parenting in the extended family system. Agyeiwaa, a 44 year old lady married to a policeman for twenty-four years, explained her preference of reporting to her siblings this way, “since the death of my parents, my elder brother 61 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh has been my father. He and my other siblings are the only family I have now so I thought it wise to let them know what I was going through in my marriage. Secondly I was of the view that my husband will at least listen to them, being his in-laws and stop abusing me.” However, the extended family system‟s ideology did not sink well for some respondents. Naa Ayeley, a 36 year old woman with three children, who was frequently abused physically by Emmanuel, the father of her children, happened to one of such respondents. Emmanuel‟s violent behavior was the reason why she decided to leave the relationship after twelve years of cohabiting with him. However, things became worse after she left; Emmanuel believes she left him because of another man thus he is constantly stalking and threatening to harm her even on the streets as well as her home (family house) in the presence of her aunties and siblings. Naa Ayeley, believes things would have been different if her mother were to be alive; she is left with no choice than to rely on her aunties although she thinks they do not care that much about what happens to her. She had this to say, “My aunties in the house do not care that much because I am not their biological child, I know if my mother were to be alive she would have stood behind me and do everything possible to prevent him from beating me”. Another explanation given for preferring to disclose experiences of abuse to relatives had to do with not being blamed for not conforming to strict family values of remaining married. In Ghana the extended family has the traditional mandate of ensuring that members conform to moral standards because it is believed that a deviation of one family member can possibly affect the entire family (Assimeng, 1999). In line with this, Ghanaian family elders are quite influential in marriages such that they are able to ensure that even when there are disputes, the marriage survives since a single divorce can tarnish the image of the entire family (Adjei, 2015). With this 62 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh in mind, the support of relatives to leave an abusive relationship is often crucial in order not to be branded a “black sheep” of the family. Felicity, 33 years and married for five years, had been so abused by her husband emotionally and physically to the extent that she was hospitalized and was referred to the Psychiatry hospital for counselling and medication. She is totally fed up with her marriage and ready for a divorce but acknowledges that she needs her family to agree with her decision to leave. Felicity therefore had to inform her relatives. She explained her reasons as; The beating and maltreatment was just too much to bear so I needed to let them know in order to help me with a remedy before he succeeded in killing me. Moreover I did so for them to reason with me on why I had to leave my marriage rather than thinking I had to cope and stay married since it was for better or worse. I am glad I did. It was my uncle who advised that I report the case at this office. This factor was not only limited to participants who were married. Those involved in cohabitation especially where there were children in union also had to conform to family values. Grace, 27 years of age, a cohabiting respondent with three children, had given up on her relationship because her partner abused her upon the slightest provocation. To make matters worse, she found out that he was having an affair with another woman. She confronted him but to her surprise, he beat her in the presence of the lady. According to Grace, he stopped taking care of his children when he started having an affair with the lady, things became so bad that she had to sell one of her partner‟s working tools (without his knowledge) in order to pay her daughter‟s school fees. This made him so angry and insists that Grace returns the working tool or be ready to face his wrath. She is just fed up with the relationship but needs the understanding of 63 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh her relatives to quit, she told me this, “Things were getting out of hand and I realized I should let my relatives know so that they will not blame me if they get to know I had left the relationship”. In contrast, other respondents did not share the idea of reporting incidents of abuse in their relationships to their family, even if they when they were available or accessible. Efforts to keep abusive experiences private (ie from family) and the quest for an objective assessment of the issues at stake were the reasons given for such decisions. Cynthia who deliberately decided to keep her experiences from her entire family had this to say: None of my relatives know about what my husband is doing to me because I see it as a private affair that should remain between us. It was my husband who recently took my brother‟s number saying he was going to inform him that he was divorcing me. But I later spoke to my brother and realized he did not call him. Richard, a 26 years old man with one child also deliberately kept the abusive attitude of his daughter‟s mother away from his parents but preferred to inform her mother. He explained, “I never wanted my parents or relatives to know of her behaviour since they might be biased in dealing with it.” He further explained that he had been socialized to believe that it was better to disclose a partner‟s wayward behaviour to her family instead of his own family since there is the likelihood of his family being biased and subjective in handling the issue. Abuser’s Family Disclosing experiences of abuse to the abuser‟s family was mainly utilized at the initial stage of participant‟s reporting trajectory (see table 3). The general underlying factor that influenced the use of this reporting avenue had to do with the kind of results the participants sought for at that 64 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh particular stage of the abusive experiences, which was dominantly the initial stage. At this stage of the trajectory the survivors only sought for an amicable remedy to the domestic abuse they were experiencing. Reporting to the family of the one abusing them was mainly just for the abuser to have a change of heart considering the fact that none of the survivors at that point anticipated leaving or even considered the relationship as an abusive one. Nine out of the twenty participants reported to the abuser‟s parent while eight also spoke to other relatives. The parents of the abuser was considered the best person to be informed at the initial stage of experiences of abuse in a relationship simply because participants who did so explained that the abusive partners had special relationships with their parents and as such would listen to their advice of desisting from such deviant behaviours. Isaac, 45 years of age, married with three children in addition to three step-children, loves his wife so much but experiences constant verbal abuse from her and often threatens to leave him. He believed his wife was being deceived by other men that he was not good for her but he was ready to do everything within his power to keep his wife. Isaac reported his wife to her mother and he explained his reasons as “being her mother, I was confident she will be in a better position to advise her for her to listen. She is also an elderly woman who has enough experience in married life and as such can duly advise her daughter against such bad behaviours.” Felicity chose to disclose her husband‟s abusive nature to his mother because according to her ever since she got married to her husband the only person she has realized that he listens to is his mother. She continued that her husband also shares a very close relationship with his mother and as such, she was the best person to advise him to stop abusing her. 65 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Grace who was not married to her abuser but had two children with him also explained that she was influenced to report his boyfriend‟s attitude to his father due to her respect for him. She puts it this way: “I did so because we live in the same house so I didn‟t want to side-line him and take his son‟s issue to someone else.” Other relatives aside the parents of the abuser were also utilized by participants as a reporting avenue. The general factor influencing this decision was availability and accessibility of these relatives as compared to the parents of the abuser. Agyeiwaa explained that in her case she reported to her father-in-law‟s brother because her father-in-law advised her to do so. She stated that: “my father-in-law advised me to inform his brother of any incident that happens in our marriage basically because he lives in Accra with us and also he‟s someone my husband respects a lot. So when this happened he was the first person I had in mind to report to.” Friends Friends of both victim and perpetrator were also considered as a reporting avenue. Six participants out of the twenty interviewed (see table 2) made reports to friends. Two major factors influenced the decision to do so; those who disclosed their experiences to their own friends were influenced to do so base on the friend‟s expertise and experience in the area of domestic abuse. The other category had to do with those who disclosed to the abuser‟s friends because they believed the friends were capable of advising their partners to stop abusing them. Monica, a 47 year old business woman and a mother of two, married to Seidu, a 65 year old man, had experienced physical abuse by her husband and to make matters worse, he had taken over her business and all her properties. Monica was of the view that she was being duped by her 66 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh husband all in the name of marriage. For this reason, she spoke to her lawyer friend in order to get guidance and advice on what to do about her situation. According to her, she believed he was in a better position to give her guidance and truly, it was the lawyer that told her about DOVVSU, since she had no knowledge of the existence of such a unit in the Ghana Police Service. Similarly, Rita may not have been able to make a report at the DOVVSU office had it not been for a friend who recommended a police officer to her. She explained that all efforts to address her experiences of abuse at Senchi in the Eastern region of Ghana had proved futile and she had virtually given up on the fight to remedy the situation. However, after disclosing her experiences to a friend who had experienced similar ordeals she was motivated to pursue the case to the letter. She stated, “…a friend recommended an officer who works at this office (DOVVSU – Ministries police station) to me and told me he is very efficient and will see to it that justice prevails. That is how I was able to make a report here.” On the other hand, Isaac disclosed his wife‟s abusive behaviours to her friends based on the strong social ties that existed between his wife and her friends. According to him, that was the sole factor that influenced him to take that decision. He was of the view that the ties they shared was influential enough to make his wife listen to her friends if they advise her to stop abusing him. 67 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Pastors The participants who disclosed their experiences to their pastors did so largely because of their personal relationship with the pastor as well as the role the pastor played in their marriage arrangements. The type of remedy participants believed they required at that particular stage of their abusive experiences was also a contributing factor to why this avenue was assessed. This is because all six participants who reported incidents of violence to their pastors needed counselling and guidance from a confidant in order to resolve their marital differences amicably. As much as the participants at that point were able to recognize that they had a problem, they were also capable of identifying the kind of remedy they needed at that particular moment. Doris 36 years of age has been married to her husband for less than two years. Dan her husband is a deacon at church and works closely with the pastor. Doris lives in her sister‟s house with her husband and operates a restaurant in front of the house. Dan gave Doris a cheque for her bride price but for the period they have been married, Doris has not been able to cash the cheque. Anytime she confronts her husband on that issue, he gets angry and refuses to relate to her as a man will relate with his wife. Doris then thought it wise to report her experiences to her pastor. Explaining why she made that decision, she had this to say, “my pastor is someone I consider a father, my husband is also a deacon and works closely with him so he is a father to him as well. My pastor was also very instrumental in our marriage so confiding in him was an appropriate thing to do.” Cynthia regarded her pastor as the only family she had in Accra. The pastor represented her family during her marriage to her husband. According to Cynthia, her pastor succeeded in advising her husband to change his negative attitude towards her quite early in their marriage so 68 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh for her, the pastor was the most appropriate person to report any abusive experience she faced in her marriage. She had this to say; The first time I involved him was simply because he was like a father to my husband and I and also saw to all our marriage arrangements. All my relatives are living at Bawku where I come from. So it was our pastor who communicated with them and even sent my bride price of one thousand Ghana cedis (money for cows) to them and stood in their stead during the marriage ceremony. Subsequently I was of the view that he was capable of solving whatever misunderstandings that were breaking my marriage as he did sometime past. Others Reporting to abuser‟s superior at work, executives of a social club and a property owner constitute yet other reporting avenues explored by participants of the study. Happy, who is married to a police officer reported her husband to his superior at work because she believed the working relation that existed between the two of them, which was characterized by obedience, could be transferred into all other aspects of his husband‟s life, especially his marriage. Happy went on to say that, her husband‟s occupation also influenced her to accord respect to his superior, specifically his station officer by disclosing his abusive nature to him before undertaking any further action. She explained it this way: “I see him as a father to my husband being his superior at work I therefore thought it was prudent to inform him first of what one of his officers was doing before taking any further action.” The need to have an intervention from a neutral avenue where objectivity was assured motivated Abigail to disclose the abusive experiences endured to the executives of a social club she belonged, and Sandra, to her property owner. Sandra explained her reasons for disclosing her experiences to her property owner as: “I realized my fiancé‟s mother was being biased when 69 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh dealing with issues concerning his son so I needed a neutral person who will help me talk to him that is why I reported him to my landlady.” 5.1.2. Formal Support “Social service agencies are viewed by victims as providing an important step in coping with and ending violent relationships (Kaukinen, 2002b:12). This assertion was very evident considering the utilization of the police (DOVSSU) by victims of domestic violence in this study. Furthermore, findings from the study revealed that reasons for assessing formal support (for this study the police) could be categorized into three, namely; being fed up with the constant abuse, receiving death threats from the perpetrator, and incurring severe injuries. This is in line with a study conducted in New Zealand, which revealed that, of 486 respondents who accessed one or more formal service, 48.5% did so because they could not endure anymore, 11.3% reported because their partner or ex-partner threatened or tried to kill them, 15.4% also sought formal support because they were badly injured by their partner, and 11.4% also reported due to fear of being killed by the partner (Fanslow & Robinson, 2010). Police (DOVVSU) The Domestic Violence and Victims‟ Support Unit (DOVVSU) of the Ghana Police Service was the only formal institution utilized by the participants of the study. Since DOVVSU was chosen as the study site all participants made reports, sought assistance and utilized their services. As a matter of fact, DOVVSU was the last avenue participants resorted to in this study. The dominant 70 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh factor (from 12 participants) that influenced the choice of making reports to the police according to the participants had to do with death threats received from their abusers. For instance, Mavis, a 53 year old woman who had constantly been threatened by her own brother lamented why she had to make the painful decision to report her brother to the police, she feared for her life and had no choice than to get the police involved for her own safety. She explained: He is constantly threatening my life and it seems I have to be very cautious not to cross his path. Initially I wanted it to be a family issue but when he started threatening everyone with a cutlass and they all decided to keep quiet because they feared for their lives, I realized I had to take it a step further. He is my brother and I love him but from the way things are going, he leaves me with no choice than to get to this level. It is not easy for me dragging my own brother to the police station but my life is also at stake here. Respondents did not take threats of physical harm also lightly, because the occurrence of such threats attracted the involvement of the police in most instances. Naa Ayeley, revealed that the threats she received from the father of her children to harm her physically influenced her choice of disclosing her experiences of violence to the police. She had to although she had never wanted issues she considered private to end up in the public domain. She had this to say: I reported him to the police because he has threatened to harm me physically. About two weeks ago I went out and returned around 4am; unknowingly he was at my area and followed me home threatening to harm me. It was the intervention of some area boys that prevented him from carrying out his threat. That was when I realized things have become serious enough to warrant the involvement of the police as I have been advised by both his relatives and mine to do. ….personally I never wanted anyone to know my private issues. I consider issues concerning my relationship a private one and as such should have remained private but today all my neighbours know I am in an abusive relationship and for me it is too shameful. My children also have their fair share of the shame among their peers. Talking about it especially to the police was not easy but I had to in order to be protected. 71 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Other factors included; severe injuries they had incurred due to their abusive experiences, recognition of that unit as the appropriate avenue to address issues of domestic abuse, and the need for legal guidance when all other avenues explored had failed to yield any positive remedy. Injuries incurred from fights and physical assaults experienced by the participants also influenced reports made to the police. They explained that, for someone to inflict severe injuries on you implied he could even cause your death. Grace recalled that although there had been several instances where her boyfriend had beaten her, it was when she experienced unconsciousness after being beaten by her boyfriend that she decided to report his abusive nature to the police. This was what Grace had to say: He beat me up in the night and I collapsed. When I gained consciousness my neighbours told me that he did not show any sign of remorse or concern even in my unconscious state, he just left me out there in front of his room to die. That was when I realized it was about time I get the police involved since he did not even care if I died or not. Another factor that influenced reporting to the police was the recognition that they were the appropriate institution mandated to handle issues of domestic abuse in the country. Oforiwaa, a 40 year old participant who reported a case of rape and character assassination at the DOVVSU office told me that she came to the police because she believes it is the only avenue within the country that can address her issue of domestic abuse. Cynthia, Abigail, and Doris resorted to the police after several attempts to handle their abusive experiences with informal support from family, friends and pastors proved futile. The desire to have legal guidance influenced them to involve the police when they were faced with threats of divorce from their partners who coupled as their abusers. They were of the view that DOVVSU will assist them in having the needed information on how to conduct themselves throughout the 72 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh divorce procedure if their partners indeed carried out their threats. Cynthia, when asked why she involved the police had this to say: My husband‟s mind is made up to divorce me so if I don‟t get it done the right way I will lose out completely. We had an ordinance marriage so the law must take its course that is basically why I have come here to make a report so that the police will allow the law to work even if we have to go our separate ways. Doris had an interesting twist to her story. In her case, her partner, apart from threatening her with divorce had also threatened to take his own life if she refused to grant him the divorce. This influenced her to get the police involved. She explained as follows, “The main reason I came to the police is because he threatened to take his life if I refuse to grant him the divorce, I needed to alert the police so that the issue will be documented and addressed accordingly”. An overview of the factors that influenced respondents to seek formal support reveal that the presence of a supporting informal social network motivated survivors to further seek support from the formal sector. This, according to the participants was the situation because, their experiences of abuse kept aggravating irrespective of efforts made by actors within the informal social network to deal with the issue reported to them. The best alternative often prescribed by family and friends was to resort to a formal institution, which is the police since they had legal backings and thus the agreements they reached were more binding as compared to the informal support mechanisms. Naa Ayeley for instance was motivated to seek support from the police because she had already been advised by her family and her boyfriend‟s family to report the case there when all the efforts they put in to handle the issue proved futile. 73 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In the case of Felicity, her uncle actually accompanied her to the DOVVSU office to lodge a complaint because her family was just fed up with having to handle the abusive nature of her husband. Cynthia, on the other hand, was advised and had the support of her pastor (whom she confided in) to seek guidance from the police when all efforts he (pastor) made to make her husband change his behaviour yielded no positive results. 5.2. Problems Associated With Disclosing Abuse Disclosing abuse follows thought processes of recognizing that there is a problem and making a decision to seek help (Liang et al., 2005). These processes however, do not follow a linear direction because the choice of whom a victim decides to seek help from can affect how the situation is defined (Ibid). According to Lempert (1997) victims of domestic abuse initially resist the notion that they have a problem but rather interpret their violent experiences as results of their own shortcomings or failures. However, he suggests that the reoccurrence of abuse leads the victims to redefine their situation into a problem that needs to be remedied. At that point, disclosure becomes necessary not because the abused wishes to leave the relationship, but to justify the continuous stay in it. Lempert (1997) further argued that informal support is considered the best option to help return to a harmonious relationships, having been able to redefine and understand a partner‟s violent behaviour. Supports from formal institutions are usually seeked for when the situation worsens to the extent that the victim anticipates leaving the relationship (Liang, et al., 2005). However, disclosure has its own associated problems or challenges irrespective of its enormous positive effects. According to Kaukinen (2002b), disclosure becomes helpful based on the reaction that follows it, so, emotional support is the 74 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh most helpful reaction while doubting and blaming the victim constitute the least helpful responses. Nevertheless, even when disclosure is helpful, victims are faced with certain costs such as loss of privacy, stigmatization, and shame (Liang et al., 2005). Lempert (1997), argue that, among the reasons victims of violence give for not willing to disclose abuse is shame and embarrassment. 5.2.1. Shame and Mockery The dominant problem participants believed was associated with disclosing experiences of abuse to a third person either from the formal or informal sources of support are shame and mockery. This is similar to Lempert‟s (1997) argument that domestic violence victims are usually adamant in disclosing their experiences due to its associated shame and embarrassment. Eight out of the twenty participants confessed that being in an abusive relationship was so shameful considering the fact that an intimate relationship was expected to be characterized by love and care and not physical and emotional abuse to the extent of the abused being injured or feeling insecure about her life. The shame often made them resist and prefer to handle things privately but as the situation worsened, they were left with no choice but to seek help and support. Doing so according to the seven participants comes with different interpretations from either family or friends and even the police, where sometimes the victims find themselves doubly victimized. “Friends and relatives have the tendency to brand you as a troublesome woman when you always report to them that your husband has abused you” Emelia explained. According to her, it has not been easy disclosing her experiences simply because she feels the shame wherever it is known that she is in an abusive marriage. 75 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh According to Rejoice, the abuse often witnessed by neighbours gave rise to rumours and gossip mostly on the subject of why they were being abused. “Whereas a section of the society will sympathize with you, others will even point accusing fingers at you for being the cause of the violence you were experiencing”, Rejoice further explained. Mavis also added: “the people you report to are the same people who will turn around and mock you later”. Not only were the participants mocked but also they added that their children had a fair share of the shame and mockery especially among their peers. Naa Ayeley told me that whenever her boyfriend comes to her house to fight her in the presence of her neighbours, her kids are compelled to stay indoors because their friends will make fun of them if they dared to step out to play with them. 5.2.2. Lack of Awareness The second most common problem participants associated with disclosing experiences of abuse was the lack of awareness of the formal avenues to make reports when faced with issues of domestic abuse. According to these survivors, after identifying a problem it becomes difficult to know the most appropriate avenue to report and seek for support in order to have a remedy. There were instances when they had to discuss with friends before they got to know of DOVVSU as a unit within the Ghana police service responsible for addressing issues of domestic abuse in the country. Grace explained her view this way: “I think public awareness on where to go when faced with issues of this nature should be on the high side. I really had to talk to a lot of friends before I got to know I could report my case to DOVVSU.” 76 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Cynthia also shared her concerns as follows: I think most people who are suffering from maltreatment from their husbands may not know where to channel their grievances. I am saying so because if not for my pastor I will have sat in my house for my husband to just throw me out. I had no idea of a unit like this in the police service. I hear people talk about “WAJU” but sincerely I did not know what they did and even where to find them. So may be a little education on the type of issues they handle and their locations in the country would help. Another twist to the problem of lack of awareness of reporting avenues associated as expressed by two participants had to with unawareness of alternative avenues. According to Agyeiwaa and Happy who were married to policemen, public awareness on the police for handling domestic violence had been over emphasized. What they believed was lacking is awareness on alternative avenues within the formal sector in order to give victims the chance to choose where to report incidents. According to them it appeared the police was the only institution known to address incidents of domestic abuse but that continues to pose a huge problem when the abuser is a police officer. Agyeiwaa argued her point this way: One major challenge has to do with public awareness on avenues a victim can go for assistance apart from the police especially for those of us who are abused by the police. I‟m saying so because I want to believe they are not the only people such issues can be reported to, so if that is the case then there should be much awareness on the other areas. For me I think more than enough awareness has been done concerning the police on domestic violence issues with the neglect of other avenues if any. Happy also added, “it seems the police should not be allowed to handle issues that involve policemen. I‟m saying so because he always gets away with all that he is doing to me simply because they are his colleagues; that is my only problem.” 77 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.2.3. Procedures Lastly, Felicity expressed her dissatisfaction with the procedures involved when abusive incidents are reported to the police. Her concerns focused on acquiring a medical report when injuries were sustained from the incident being reported. She recalled that she was told to pay Ghc 100 to have a medical report the police had asked her to get from the hospital. This became a problem for her because at that moment she had no money on her and her mobile phone had also been ceased by her husband so she could not call anyone to come to her aid. For this reason the police told her the case had to be suspended until she had the medical report. She intimated, “I was told to pay Ghc 100 for a medical report which is required by the police to pursue my case. Even if they can‟t make it free I think the amount is too much and has to be addressed as soon as possible.” 78 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER SIX DISCUSSION, SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION 6.1 Discussion The Ghanaian extended family system remains an integral part of the social system (Assimeng, 1999). This is because, it has the traditional mandate of ensuring that members conform to moral standards since it is believed that a deviation of one family member can possibly affect the entire family (Ibid). This can be attributed to the effects of kinship ties based on kinship systems which according to Nukunya (2016, p. 21) is “the patterns of behaviour associated with relatives in a society, together with principles governing these behaviours”. The role or position an individual plays or occupies within the Ghanaian social system is largely prescribed by the kinship system. Furthermore, “it determines the rules, duties and obligations of individuals and groups in all aspects of life in which these individuals and groups interact” (Nukunya, 2016, p. 21). Findings from the study revealed that, the ideology of the kinship system within the extended family comes into play when addressing domestic abuse. Eleven out of twenty respondents made reports of abuse to their relatives–uncles, aunties, siblings and cousins. Reasons given included quest for amicable settling by elders and the high recognition given to members of the extended family in the marriage institution such that they become influential especially in resolving marital disputes of their kinsmen (Adjei, 2015). Extended family elders therefore set rules based on accepted norms and values of a given society, which all members are expected to adhere to or lose out completely (Assimeng, 1999). In line with this, the consent of family becomes essential to pursue cases of abuse or in the extreme, quit the relationship, to avoid being considered wayward or the “black sheep” of the family. Darkwah and Prah (2015), in their study of clients seeking 79 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh help from a shelter in Ghana, argue that family was the first point of call for domestic violent victims. However, within the family, none of the respondents disclosed their violent experiences to their parents. Unavailability and inaccessibility of parents due to death and distance respectively, were reasons given. Nevertheless, there were instances where respondents deliberately decided to keep their experiences away from their parents which is similar to the findings of Rose et al.‟s (2000) study of thirty-one battered women, in the United States of America. According to their study, only few women disclosed their violent experiences to their parents. Over a third (39%) of these battered women considered themselves as the source of emotional support for their mothers who had greater issues than theirs to deal with. Fathers were characterized by a majority of the respondents (67%) as being „distant‟ or „cold‟. In extreme cases, seven out of the thirty-one women interviewed could not approach their fathers for support or guidance because they abused them at a younger age or witnessed their fathers abusing their mothers. However, for this study reasons given were different. More than half of the respondents (especially those who were married) intentionally did not tell their parents because they considered that as „disgracing‟ the partner. Furthermore, they were socialized to believe that it was better to report such issues to the partner‟s family instead of theirs. For this reason, the study revealed that seventeen reports were made to the perpetrator‟s family. Nine reports were made to the abuser‟s parents whereas eight were made to other relatives of the abuser. This finding supports the assertion that Ghanaian marriages are contracted between families (two families of the couple) and not individuals (couple) (Nukunya, 2016). Extended family members of the couple are therefore given equal recognition in marriages especially in the 80 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh settling of marital disputes, making family (of both victim and perpetrator) the most explored reporting avenue by respondents of the study. Two major social support systems, the formal and informal, are explored when addressing domestic violence cases. The informal social support mechanisms of family, friends, neighbours, co-workers, religious leaders etc. are often employed before formal support from institutions such as the police and law courts are accessed. In most instances, it is the availability of a supportive informal social network that motivates a victim of domestic abuse to access formal support (Liang et al., 2005).The study showed that all the respondents explored informal support before accessing support from the Domestic Violence and Victim‟s Support Unit (DOVVSU) of the Ghana Police Service. Specifically, majority (80%) of the respondents made reports to at least two informal avenues before reporting to DOVVSU. This can be linked to the need for a supportive informal social network as a motivating factor to seeking redress from the police or any formal institution. That notwithstanding, formal support from the police, specifically DOVVSU, was utilized by all the respondents. The police, being a recognized institution responsible for social order and control, represent State policy when it comes to family violence with two prominent duties of maintaining peace and order in the society and ensuring safety for victims of abuse (Berk & Loseke, 1981). Liang et al., (2005) also suggest that victims of domestic abuse often resort to formal support only when their violent experiences worsened and they could not endure anymore. The study revealed that being fed up with constant abuse, receiving death threats from the perpetrator, and incurring severe injuries, were the three main reasons for accessing support from DOVVSU. This is similar to findings from a similar study conducted in New Zealand by Fanslow and Robinson (2010). According to their study, of the 486 respondents who accessed 81 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh one or more formal service, 48.5% did so because they could not endure anymore, 11.3% did because their partner or ex-partner threatened or tried to kill them, 15.4% sought formal support because they were badly injured by their partners, and 11.4% were afraid of being killed by their partners. In going through the entire process of reporting abuse, the victims were confronted with challenges or problems. The challenges included shame and mockery, inadequate public awareness on accessing formal support and limitations associated with the procedures of making formal reports. Lempert (1997) argue that due to the shame and embarrassment often experienced by victims of abuse among their peers and relatives, they are usually reluctant to pursue their cases to a satisfactory end. Critical assessments of the findings portray the interplay of individual, interpersonal and socio- cultural factors of victim‟s thought processes. These thought processes constitute recognition of having a problem that required attention, deciding to seek help and the choice of a reporting avenue. Individual and interpersonal assessments of abusive situations were guided by socio- cultural norms and values, especially those set by family concerning the marriage institution in Ghana. These influences did not only manifest within the informal social mechanisms but was also imminent in choosing to access formal support, through the laws governing the State. Majority of the respondents (10 out of 20) confessed that they had the courage to access formal support from DOVVSU because they had a supportive informal social network of family and friends, who actually advised that they pursue that course. This brings to light Liang et al.‟s (2005) assertion that the thought process of identifying the problem, deciding to seek help and 82 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh selecting a help provider do not always follow a linear direction. They explain that, sometimes a help provider influences the conceptualization of a situation and eventually determines how it is handled. The concept of actors utilizing available resources to achieve goals embedded in Coleman‟s (1990) rational choice theory explains the phenomenon of reporting trajectories explored by respondents in the quest for a satisfactory remedy. Constraints labeled within the rational choice theory are also eminent when accessing social support, either formal or informal. The unavailability and inaccessibility of a supportive informal social network impeded the process of seeking satisfactory remedy to abusive situations. This is what Coleman (1990) referred to as scarcity of resources in achieving set goals. Constraints posed by social institutions also existed within the help-seeking process of respondents. As mentioned in the literature, the extended family system for instance gives elders the mandate to set hardheaded rules (especially for the marriage institution) that all members are expected to adhere to or risk being seen as tarnishing the image of the entire family. In the event where any of these rules had to be compromised, the support of the family was highly needed to avoid being blamed. It is therefore obvious that individual, interpersonal and socio-cultural influences interplay within the help- seeking processes of victims of domestic abuse. 6.2 Summary Domestic violence is a violation of human rights and as such continues to attract global policy concern. It has been a social concern for decades worldwide. Resolution processes in domestic violence cases also remains an area of great concern especially the victims ability to disclose his/her experience to a third person either for support or justice. Formal and informal support systems were explored to seek remedy to domestic violence experiences. Making a choice on 83 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh where or who to disclose one‟s experience of abuse was not as simple as it sounded mainly because many factors had to be considered when making such decisions. Furthermore, victims may have to disclose their experiences to two or more avenues before a satisfactory remedy can be achieved. Studies done on domestic violence in Ghana often looks at the causes, consequences and attitudes with little attention on how victims handle their experiences. For this reason, twenty semi-structured in depth interviews were conducted with victims of domestic violence who made official complaints at the domestic violence and victims support unit (DOVVSU) of the Ghana police service at the ministries police station, Accra. DOVVSU was chosen because it is a recognized State institution established to handle domestic violence cases and as such an avenue where victims could be readily accessed. Findings from the study revealed that victims did not only seek help from a single avenue, but also utilized several avenues, which resulted in a trajectory of reports as they sought for satisfactory remedies. Individual, interpersonal and socio-cultural influences intertwined throughout the help-seeking processes of respondents. The study identified the following reporting avenues as that which was explored by victims, family (of victim and perpetrator), friends, religious leaders, superior of perpetrator, leadership of social club and property owner as informal support and the police through the DOVVSU as formal support. The existence of a supportive informal social network motivated respondents to access formal support from DOVVSU. Death threats, injuries, divorce threats, and peaceful co-existence were the factors underlying choices of reporting avenues. Problems and challenges associated with disclosing abuse included, shame and mockery, lack of awareness, and limitations relating to reporting procedures. 84 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6.3 Recommendations In line with findings on the problems and challenges associated with disclosing experiences of abuse, I recommend that efforts made by the general media especially the electronic and social media as well as the National Commission on Civic Education (NCCE)to publicize the deviant nature of domestic violence should be intensified. More emphasis should be made on the need to have a Ghanaian society that sympathizes with victims and are always ready to assist them deal with their violent experiences. Ghanaians as a whole should be sensitized to collectively work towards having an environment where victims will not consider disclosing abuse as shameful but rather a necessity. In terms of awareness, the NCCE will also have to intensify its publicity on institutions mandated to address domestic violence cases in Ghana with much emphasis on specific duties of these institutions as well as procedures involved in making official reports such that the general public will be well informed on where to channel their abusive experiences. This is line with findings from the study that revealed that some victims were not aware of the existence of DOVVSU or any other institution mandated to handle domestic violence cases, whiles others who knew had little or no knowledge on their core duties and the reporting procedures. 6.4Conclusion Undoubtedly, the informal support system, although undocumented and therefore seeming “covered” or “invisible”, remains an essential aspect within the help-seeking processes of victims of domestic violence, The domestic nature of these deviant behaviours makes the informal social network the first point of call for victims when addressing violent situations that 85 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh require remedies. Considering the enormous support derived from the informal social network, there is no doubt that the major actors need guidance and training from experts in the handling of domestic violence cases in order to help minimize if not eliminate domestic abuse from the society. It is encouraging to know that the perceived idea of accepting domestic abuse as a way of life is gradually being altered. Today, victims of domestic abuse have the quest and actually make efforts to disclose violent experiences and even seek redress from the police, irrespective of sex, class, age, or educational level. However, immediate and extended family members can also help through primary socialization by highlighting the deviant nature of domestic violence instead of making it appear as a norm or “a way of life”. 86 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh REFERENCES Abraham, M. (2000).Speaking the unspeakable: Marital violenceamong South Asian immigrants in the United States. 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My name is Priscilla Opoku, a student of University of Ghana, department of Sociology, conducting a study on preferences on disclosure of domestic violence experiences. Your participation in this study is voluntary. The discussion may last about 30 to 45 minutes. All information will be kept confidential. Whatever you tell me will be used strictly for the purposes of this study. I will not ask your real name and/or address. You can decide to withdraw from the interview anytime you so wish, or refuse to answer any question you are not comfortable with. However your participation will help in accumulating knowledge on the various channels victims explore in their quest to disclose their experiences of domestic violence, why they make those choices and problems associated with these identified channels. Such knowledge can be helpful to policy makers in the area of addressing domestic violence in our country. I will need your permission to record the interview in order to help me capture everything we discuss but be rest assured that the recording will not be used against you in any manner but as mentioned before, it will strictly be used for the purposes of this study and later discarded. 93 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Consent forms must be completed at this point, and then discussion begins. SECTION ONE: BACKGROUND INFORMATION 1. Can you tell me a little about yourself? (Interviewer will ask and record the following background information for each interview: Age, sex, marital status, educational level, religion). 2. Kindly tell me about your growing up, where did you grow up and how did you come to where you live presently? 3. Let us now talk about your family, do you have children? If yes, how many are they? Who forms part of your household and who do you take care of / takes care of you in the home? 4. Please tell me about your daily activities, and what takes up your time during the day (earning a living or supplementing income/house chores or combination of these etc) SECTION TWO: DEALING WITH DOMESTIC VIOLENCE 5. Can you tell me about the domestic violence incident that brought you to this office? (Interviewer should give respondent the opportunity to briefly narrate uninterruptedly his/her experience(s) of domestic violence) 6. Why did you make the decision to report here? 7. Can you kindly outline the various people / agencies / institutions you have come into contact with concerning your domestic violence experience(s)? (Note sequence of reporting) 94 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh SECTION THREE: FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR CHOICES 8. Why did you decide to contact these people / agencies / institutions mentioned above? (interviewer should fix into the question the avenues mentioned in Q.8, if multiple institutions were mentioned ask the reason for each institution) 9. Are there any other factors that influenced your choice(s) on where/who to talk to concerning your experience, you haven‟t mentioned? (Probe for influence from friends/ relatives/colleagues/religious leaders, etc.) SECTION FOUR: PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH CHOICES 10. Can you kindly tell me the challenges / problems (if any) you had with those you spoke to (interviewer should refer respondent to all avenues mentioned in Q.8) concerning your experience of domestic violence? (Probe on why respondent feels it‟s a challenge and how they dealt with it) 11. Are there any other problems you have identified with disclosing one‟s experience of domestic violence and the available avenue for doing so in Ghana you might want to share with me? How did you solve the problem, if any? 12. How far have you gone with the current reporting system? Are you satisfied with it? (Probe to find out why respondent is either satisfied or not) WRAP UP Interviewer should ask if respondent has any question he/she might want to ask for further clarification. Interviewer should thank respondent for his/her time: Thank you for sharing this time with us, all shared information will be kept confidential. What you have told me is of great importance and will go a long way to add up to the body of knowledge in the area of domestic violence in Ghana. End of interview 95