(a) U N IV E R S IT Y  O F G H A N A  
(bI) Institute of African Studies 
Research review idies
RESEARCH REVIEW SUPPLEMENT 21 
ZABLONG ZAKARIAH ABDALLAH
THE LUNSI (DRUMMERS! OF DAGRON 
TRADITION AND CHANGE
Editor:
DAVID LOCKE
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA LEGON 
2010
BLDS
2 8  MAR 2012
-PEVElOpTMcflre<ffi,n|r_
Institute o f  African Studies 
University o f  Ghana
Research Review Supplement 21
THE LUNSI (DR UM M ERS) OF DAGBON: 
TRADITION AND CHANGE
BY
ZABLONG ZAKARIAH ABDALLAH
EDITED BY DAVID LOCKE
LEGON 
2010
©Zablong Zakariah Abdallah 
First published by the 
Institute of African Studies, 
University of Ghana,
P. O. Box. 73, Accra.
2010
ISBN: 978-9988-1-3521-8 
ISSN: 0855-4412
THE LUNSI (DRUMMERS) OF DAGBON: 
TRADITION AND CHANGE
Zablong Zakariah Abdallah
DEDICATION
I wish to dedicate this book to the loving memory o f my late parents, Zablong 
Zakari Danaa (my father), and Madam Samata Zablong Zakari (my mother), and 
all family members both past and present o f L ung’ Naa Busagri lineage. The 
same dedication goes for my two wives, madam Mariama (Irene) Abdallah 
Zablong, Paulina Abdallah Zablong and their children.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
D EDICATION............................................................................................................................................. v
TABLE OF CONTENTS................................................................   vi
A C K N O W LED G M EN TS.........................................................................................................................viii
CHAPTER ONE: THE PEOPLE A NDTHE PROBLEM
1.1 Introduction................................................................................................................. 1
1.2 The Problem .................................................................................................   2
1.3 Objective and M ethods.......................................................................................... 3
1.4 My Own Case- Notes on Recruitment and Training as a Lunga:
My Personal Experience. Childhood (Improvisation Period)........................... 4
1.5 Introduction to the A.B.C. o f Dagbon Drum Poetry............................................. 4
1.6 Introduction to Nam (Genealogy o f the Yendi Skin)..........................................  6
1.7 Introduction to Appellation.....................................................................................  6
1.8 Introduction to Gungon at Y end i............................................................................ 7
1.9 Literature Review......................................................................................................  8
1.10 The F o cu s .....................................................................................................................13
1.10.1 Fostering or A dop tion ..................................................................................14
1.10.2 Dagomba Fostering and A doption ............................................................16
1.10.3 Recruitment and T rain ing ........................................................................... 19
1.10.4 The C ontex t...................................................................................................21
CHAPTER TWO: ORIGINS, MYTHS AND GENEALOGIES
2.1 The Origin o f L u n si....................................................................................................23
2.2 The Myths and S to rie s .............................................................................................. 25
2.3 The Root Cause o f Naa Luro's War against the Kalagsi (G onjas)..................... 26
2.4 G enealogies.................................................................................................................29
2.4.1 The Genealogy of Lunsi from Bizun through the First Namo Naa to the 
Current One........................................................................................................ 30
2.4.2 The Genealogy of N am onanim a................................................................... 32
2.4.3 My Genealogy from Bizun through his Son B anchira.......................................34
VI
CH APTER THREE: ROLES AND RELATIONS
3.1 Roles played in the S ta te ..........................................................................................37
3.2 Roles played during Festivals...................................................................................39
3.2.1 Id-Fitr and Id -A dha...............................................................................39
3.2.2 Role during the DambaF estival ........................................................... 40
3.2.3 Bugum Chuggu (Fire F estiv a l)............................................................... 41
3.3 The Celebration of Mondays and F ridays............................................................  42
3.4 Roles during Enskinment o f C h ie fs ........................................................................ 43
3.5 Durbar of C h ie fs ........................................................................................................ 45
3.6 Relations with the Yaa Naa and C h ie fs .................................................................. 46
3.7 Parts played in the community at la rg e .................................................................. 46
3.7.1 Naming Ceremonies .................................................................................47
3.7.2 Funerals..........................................................................................................48
3.7.3 Market D ay s ................................................................................................. 49
CHAPTER FOUR: CHANGE AND TRANSFORMATION
4.1 Training: Change over tim e...................................................................................... 50
4.2 Socialization half a century a g o ............................................................................... 53
4.3 Experiences o f the Middle Aged (36-65 years o ld ) ............................................. 58
4.4 The Lot o f the Youth (18-35 years o ld ) ..................................................................60
4.5 The Fate o f the Children (6-17 years o ld ) .............................................................. 62
CONCLUSION ................................................................................   64
BIBLIO G R A PH Y ..............................................................................................................65
GLOSSARY OF T E R M S................................................................................................. 66
vii
ACKNOW LEDGEM ENTS
I must first and foremost give millions o f thanks to Almighty God for giving 
me the energy, power and patience and also guiding me through this course o f 
study up to this stage. To Professor Christine Oppong, my supervisor, I know 
words alone cannot be used to express my gratitude and appreciation for the 
assistance given me before, during and after the course work to this level. But as 
a formality, I wish to use this medium to express my gratitude; appreciation and 
thanks for all motherly advice and help she gave me. Not only were that, but her 
words o f encouragement so motivating.
The same expression o f gratitude and thanks goes to the following 
personalities: The then Director o f the Institute o f African Studies, Professor 
Takyiwaa Manuh, the then Deputy Director, Prof. A.K. Awedoba, Professor Kojo 
Amanor, Professor Brigid Sackey, Professor Akosuah Adomako Ampofo, Dr. 
Owusu Brempong, Rev. Dr. A. A. Akrong, Ms Misonu Amu, Mr. Ebenezer 
Ayesu, Mr. Godwin Adjei and all staff o f the Institute who helped in one way or 
the other to make me go this far.
My special thanks go to Dr. Osman Alhassan and Mr. Edward Nanbigne. Dr. 
Osman was not only my second supervisor but acted like a senior brother who 
cared for the young. He was always ready to help me no matter the situation and 
circumstance. Mr. Edward Nanbigne acted the same as Dr. Osman did. Apart 
from this role, Eddie (as he is popularly known) was always ready to help me out 
with my computer problems anytime the need arose. Mrs. Delali Badasu deserves 
mention for her motherly assistance.
Again my special thanks go to all the staff and students o f the African 
Family Studies and the NTJFU Project o f the Institute. But mention must be made 
o f Deborah Atobrah, Benjamin Kwansa, and Victoria Dodoo. These were the 
three special people officially put at my disposal by Prof. C. Oppong to help me 
out with any problem I encountered with the computer both at the Family, 
Population and Development Office at the old site and the NUFU Office at the 
New Building. To these people once more I say thank you, for though it was not 
easy, they managed to sacrifice just to help me free o f charge.
My biggest thanks go to the former Director o f this Institute, Dr. Irene 
Odotei, for without her immeasurable assistance I w ouldn’t have had the 
opportunity to gain admission into this programme let alone get to this level. As 
such Auntie Irene, Naatuma pam. For this was a n ulier who gave me money for 
the admission form. Not forgetting the A rtis;\ erector o f the Ghana Dance
viii
Ensemble, Mr. Benjamin Obido Aryettey, who is a brother, a friend and close 
associate. Thank you for your concern and brotherly advice.
Once more to my mother and supervisor, my million thanks for all that you 
have done and continue to do for me. Prof. Christine Oppong Naatuma pam, 
Naawwm i ni sablaara, Naawtmi niyoci samveila. Ami.
IX
CHAPTER ONE
THE PEOPLE AND THE PROBLEM
1.1 Introduction
This Chapter gives a b rief history of the Dagbamba. It also touches on their 
geographical location in Ghana, mentioning the names o f some big towns they 
occupy and the population o f the Dagbamba in general. This chapter also 
contains material about the recruitment and training o f Lunsi, which is the focus 
o f this thesis, as well as the methods applied in their selection and how they are 
trained, including where they are trained and who their trainers are.
The Dagbamba (Dagomba), who are o f  the Zamfara origin, are presently the 
largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They occupy a vast area o f land situated 
administratively in the following districts; Eastern and Western Dagbamba, 
Tolon-Kumbungu, Savelugu-Nanton, Gushiegu-Karaga, and Zabzugu-Tatale. 
They inhabit important settlements such as Mion, Karaga, Tamale, Yendi, 
Savelugu, Zabzugu, Gushiegu , Kwnbungu and Sang, to mention but few. The 
population o f the Dagbamba in the year 2000 was estimated to be around 1.2 
million (Alhassan, 2000). The Dagbamba are agriculturists who cultivate the 
following crops: yam, cassava, maize, millet, groundnut, beans and guinea-corn 
to mention but few. With regard to animal husbandry, they rear cattle, sheep, 
goats and poultry farming. However this does not mean to say that currently 
some o f them are not in the business sector.
The Dagbamba consider their territory to be a powerful kingdom with a very 
rich cultural heritage, very significant for their social, cultural, economic and 
political development. They are excellent farmers, artisans and tradesmen, and 
have well-tested traditional methods o f healing as well as elaborate traditional 
religious practices. In the past there were well-recognized modes o f passing on 
traditional skills to the younger generations in the hope o f  perpetuating these 
skills (Oppong 1973). The chieftaincy institution o f  Dagbon which is seven 
hundred years old today, was a blessing centuries back, but now is proving to be 
a bane, as conflict between the rival gates for the Yendi skin continues unabated. 
In Dagbon, the Drummers (Lunsi) are court historians, musicians, geographers, 
consultants, advisers, judges, and chroniclers o f the past and recorders o f the 
present. They are also teachers, researchers, and carvers. The Dagbamba have 
preserved in their drum histories a rich historical narrative that is interwoven with 
myth, and records the origins, migrations, battles and genealogy o f their royal 
rulers. In short Lunsi are traditional historians who keep the history o f Dagbon to
1
memory, which is recited any time there is the need for it. Lunsi, as part o f the 
heritage and survival o f the society, not only use the historical narratives in 
uniting the people but also use them to let the chiefs know who they are. They 
also use the same historical narratives to tell who the heroes were in the past.
Lunsi are also transmitters o f information, in the sense that whenever a 
dignitary is to pay a visit to a particular town or village, the chief, on receiving 
the information, gives it to the chief drummer (Lunga Naa). He then elects a 
young drummer to pass the message to the entire community through the drum. 
This is normally done in the evening when every member o f the community is 
expected to be at home. The same thing happens if  there is theft or they are to go 
hunting as a community. Their services are also needed whenever there is going 
to be the construction o f roads or weeding o f footpaths.
The Lunsi (Drummers) perform indispensable services for the chief on all 
state and politically significant occasions, as well as providing music for naming 
ceremonies, weddings, funerals and all other social gatherings. Their importance 
is partly reflected in the number o f ranked titles they possess and the strict 
measures taken to ensure that a continual supply o f the recruits to the profession 
is always available (Oppong 1973). A few o f the titled drummers are as follows: 
Narno Naa  (the overall chief drummer o f Dagbon), Zablong, Darikuga Naa, 
Malchendi, Toonbihi, and Palo Naa. There is a kind o f collaboration between the 
drummers and chiefs. This is not only because o f kinship relations between them 
but they play several vital roles in the political organization o f the kingdom.
Lunsi are highly respected, especially by members o f the royal families. The 
reasons for this phenomenon would be explained in detail in the coming chapters. 
They (the royals and every Dagbana) call them N-yeba, meaning my grandfather. 
This is in respect o f Bizun, who was a prince and one o f the early drummers. His 
father was Naa Nyagse (who was a Yaa Naa), but he became a Lunga. Because o f 
this and other reasons the Lunsi are held in high esteem in Dagbon.
1. 2 The Problem
The general problem is that there is a reduction in care o f the young by the 
older generations following societal changes, which are both natural and human 
induced. These changes have altered the very fabric o f the Dagbon culture, 
including socialization hence the relegation o f the significance o f the institution 
o f Lunsi to the background.
M odem trends are reducing the rate o f recruitment and training o f  Lunsi. 
These include watching television, going to video centers, cinema halls, and
2
discos. Furthermore there are changes in the public or com munitys’ attitude 
toward Lunsi. People prefer attending these modem forms o f entertainment to 
watching Lunsi performances, e.g. Lunsarigu . These new or modem forms o f 
entertainment (television, cinema etc) are also distracting some o f  the recruits 
from their training. Population increase, which has led to the scarcity o f  land for 
farming, has also prompted the migration o f the young drummers to the south in 
search o f better opportunities. In addition the current loss o f status o f chieftaincy 
and the lack o f proper care for Lunsi have made some young Lunsi shy away 
from the institution o f Lunsi. It has also in one way or the other caused the 
migration o f some drummers to the south.
Also changing is the way the society sees them and what is expected from them. 
On the other hand, I want to investigate how they see themselves and what they 
expect from the society. Apart from their being historians, musicians, 
entertainers, and so on, some people consider them to be beggars. However, this 
perception does is not true, in the sense that the token given to the drummers 
during performances is just for one to express his or her gratitude for a job well 
done. For the Dagbamba are o f the belief that no individual can pay any drummer 
enough for the service rendered at any given time.
1.3 Objective and Methods
In this study my objective is to indicate why the rates o f recruitment and 
training o f Lunsi are declining. I am also interested to demonstrate the declining 
significance o f Lunsi.
I also want to look at the overall impact o f the decline o f recruitment and training 
o f  Lunsi on the institution o f Lunsi. Finally I hope to illustrate the impacts o f the 
decline o f the “culture o f care” on the Lunsi in the Dagomba society.
This is an ethnographic study, based on cases. Among those interviewed 
were old and or chief drummers as well as young but talented and experienced 
drummers, in addition to new recruits and trainees. I have throughout drawn upon 
my own life time experience as a drummer in the service o f Dagbon.
1 Lunsarigu are the historical reviews that normally take place at the various palaces throughout 
Dagbon during the nights of the ld~ul-Fitr and Id-ul-Adha festivals.
3
1.4 My Own Case-Notes on Recruitment and Training as a Lunga:
My Personal Experience. Childhood (Improvisation Period)
The period in my life I termed as improvisation period was my age from two to 
four years. That was the time 1 used a broken calabash as a drum, Lung. At the 
age o f four, my father made a small lung (drum) for me, which 1 used to play any 
sound or rhythm with at will. At that age 1 played any thing at all and no 
correction was made. I was rather encouraged to play it hard. Between four and 
six years, with my small lung, I was made to start practicing with the older ones 
(my senior brothers) when ever there was a performance; performances like Zega 
(the traditional method o f cementing, skidding the floor o f rooms and the inner 
compound), funerals, durbars and even during festivals. I was first shown how to 
respond to calls by the lead appellate. At that age and time whenever I went off 
rhythm my experienced senior brothers called me to be on the time line with 
them, this was both verbally and through the drum. This was also a way o f 
teaching me the drum language.
Unlike the Akan and other southern ethnic groups who use the drum bell 
(dawuro,) to keep the drummers on the time line, we Dagbaniba have ours in our 
mind. As such every Dagban’ Lunga (drummer) keeps his time line, and so 
knows when he is on or o ff the time line. So as a young trainee it was the older 
ones who kept on correcting and guiding me till I became perfect with the 
responding or supporting aspect o f Dagbaniba drumming. This I took some years 
to get all types o f responses, because all different dances have different 
responses. And I took years because it is only when there was a performance that 
I learnt it. One would realize that there are certain performances or dances that 
are performed on special occasions. Examples are the court music and the annual 
festivals. After the festival that particular performance does not take place again; 
an example is the drumming that goes with the historical narratives or review on 
the night prior to the two Idi (Muslim) festivals.
1.5 Introduction to the A.B.C of Dagbon Drum Poetry
Age six was the age at which I was introduced to what 1 termed the A.B.C. 
o f Dagbon drum poetry. This drum poetry I am talking about is Dakol nye bii ba 
yec Nam lana -  D akol n nye bia; o ba nyela Naawuni. This means the bachelor is 
the junior in the African family setting, his father is God Almighty. P a g ’ Ian nye 
kpem ba yee Nam lana; pag  ma o ban ye  la Naawuni. This also means that, the 
married man is older; his father is also God almighty. My trainer was my father. 
Every evening, before 6.00 p.m. I made sure I swept around the outer compound.
4
I gathered the rubbish and threw it away. Then I made ready the place where my 
father and I will take the lessons. My father recited a few portions and made me 
to repeat the same after him.
With the little knowledge I acquired in the A.B.C. o f Dagbamba  drum poetry 
I used that during every market day to get some token amount and ingredients for 
my mother. These were special market days that follow weekends and public 
holidays. 0  n such days, I went to the market center to perform solo or in duet. 
Whether it was duet or solo all I did was to play a rhythm, pause and sing my 
Dakol nye bii ba, moving from one place to the other. This was mostly around 
that part o f the market women occupy. Some o f them gave me money, others the 
ingredients they sell. These were ingredients like pepper, onions, salt, and fish 
and so on.
The Dakol nye bii ba as mentioned above, the teaching was in portions. 
Whenever I was taught a portion my trainer made sure I could recite that part o ff 
by heart without mistakes before more was added. I used four months to graduate 
at that level including the tenses and word formation. I moved on to the 
construction o f sentences.
The construction here refers to my learning the drum poetry (drum names) 
and my ancestral genealogy, which took two months to complete. Since this 
training process was between my trainer and me, any time he traveled I practiced 
on my own till he returned. Apart from my performance on market days, to keep 
me on track and also to refresh my memory I also sang whenever I was on my 
way to the farm or on the farm working. It was after I was able to recite 
everything o f the A.B.C. to Z that I was given the opportunity to pound the 
ingredients Zeri tobu at the Yelzoli Lana's palace (the chief o f  Zabzugu’s 
residence) during the night o f the Id  Fitr festival. This was my first experience 
but very successful for a lot o f people gave me presents, including some o f the 
chief drummers. I gave all these to my father for those days at my age I did not 
need money for anything. All goods were prepared in our house. My clothing was 
provided by the old man. This was because I was the youngest ever to have made 
it that way. I was eight years by then. On that very night the oldest drummer by 
then Lung' Naa Nassam  predicted by saying “N-yeb Zablong, a bii union maa ni 
lei bangda sohi b e ig n i\  literally meaning “my grandfather Zablong , your son 
will be a knowledgeable somebody tomorrow”.
5
1.6 Introduction to Nam  (Genealogy of the Yendi Skin)
On one faithful Friday night m y teacher and father told me that in view of 
my progress in the learning process he would introduce me to Nam  (the drum 
poetry and genealogy o f the past up to the then Yaa Naa) by Monday. I was so 
much delighted that I prayed for M onday to come as early as possible. Finally 
M onday was at hand and I was introduced to Nam as was promised.
However the introduction began with Naa Zangina, who I initially 
considered to be the first Yaa Naa. Nevertheless, it was later during explanation 
and elaboration time that I was made to understand that it was during his reign 
that most development and great things took place. That was why the traditional 
historian thought it wise by using this arrangement in his honour. He made trade 
popular and introduced Zanaaza and Takaba in Dagbon. The Zanaaza  is the 
preparation o f food for those who bury the deceased person, and the Takaba is 
the confinement and later cleansing o f the deceased’s widow. This is to purify the 
widow and make her eligible for marriage to other men. Before his time widows 
were thought to have been dirty and could not go into marriage again. He 
introduced the walking stick for the blind in Dagbon. Oral tradition has it that 
before he became king any body found to be blind was locked up in a room till he 
died through suffocation, for such persons were considered a disgrace to the 
family. It was Naa Zangina who discarded that notion and said it was a natural 
disease and introduced the walking stick for the blind. The tradition says he 
ordered a gold walking stick, not just an ordinary one.
Initially I was taught his drum poetry, followed by the names o f his children, 
from the first to the last child. This was done in batches, six names at a time, 
excluding their drum poetry. It was their birth names with the title o f a particular 
village or town that the fellow had ascended to at the time o f his death. I was 
made to keep on reciting each group till my trainer was satisfied that I did not 
pause to be corrected that he added another six.
W hen I finished with Naa Zangina I was taught Naa Sigli. The method my 
trainer used in teaching Naa Zangina was the same for Naa Sigli and subsequent 
kings that followed after. I went through them raw till later I was made to turn 
back for their histories, thus those who had been to war -  preparation, venue, why 
that war was fought and against which ethnic group, during and after the battle all 
that transpired.
Having completed the historical narratives o f Naa Sigli I moved on to Zuu 
Jingli after him I went on to Naa Gariba then on and on till I came to Naa 
Abdulai the third, the then Yaa Naa. These theoretical practices were in the night,
6
but during the weekends (Saturdays and Sundays) I helped my trainer on the 
farm. While fanning I often chipped in to enquire about some o f the things that I 
was taught the previous night. This was a way o f keeping me on track. I was later 
handed over to Jenkun L u n g ’ Naa Zakari, one o f my senior brothers, as my 
permanent trainer. During deliberations on one such occasion on the farm, he 
lamented that I was such an inquisitive student who asked so many questions that 
made him be on his toes always.
1.7 Introduction to Appellation
It was during the weekends (Saturdays and Sundays) when I returned from 
fann, my trainer my trainer and I will take a lung each. W hatever he plays on the 
lung he instructs me to do the same. The main introduction here was “Namogyilli 
trial kp io n g p a n i\ meaning the chieftaincy o f Namogu is very powerful. The next 
after this was my ancestral drum poetry and genealogy on the lung  (drum). 
Unlike the theory, this was not easy from the beginning. But later on the hand 
turned out to rather play some rhythms that were difficult to be translated 
verbally. I could not finish learning this till I moved to Yendi to continue with my 
formal education that my uncle Dugu Lung ’ Naa Jakurn helped me through. It 
was after I finished with our ancestors that he introduced me to Nani ( Yendi skin). 
During this training period whenever there was a performance I carried the drum 
of my trainer or that o f any senior person if  trainer was not part o f the 
programme. At times I was made to carry two Lunsi (drums) o f senior members 
depending on the number o f trainees going to the performance.
1.8 Introduction to Gungon at Yendi
My arrival at Yendi was like something ordained by God. At that material 
moment I arrived the men who were playing the gungon were encountering 
problems because any time they got tired, there was nobody to relieve them. It 
was a golden opportunity that I made good use of. W henever there was a 
performance, during the prelude I was made to play the gungon, and where I 
went wrong I was corrected immediately. Because Naaya (Yendi) is a big town 
and the traditional capital, there were more performances here than Zabzugu. This 
way I was able to pick up the rhythms very fast. Within some few days I had 
perfected the drumming and performing fully with the group anytime the old 
Gungon players were not available or got tired I took over. While I was learning 
the gungon I still concentrated also on the appellation. At the same period I was 
taught how to make Lung and Gungon heads. The first step was making the rings 
before how to use the treated goat skin to cover the ring, then cut it to size, before
7
using the string and locally made pin, for the sewing. The next step was fixing it 
back to the lung shell (wooden frame). After making the second head, the lung is 
put in the sun for the treated skin to get dry. I was finally shown how to make the 
strings and it’s fixing to the lung. The training took me years but i am still in the 
learning process. My experiences about the general training processes and 
general knowledge o f the Lunsi shall be dealt with in the coming pages and 
chapters.
My main aim is for people to get a clear understanding o f the institution o f 
Drummers in Dagbon. This study is designed to draw people’s attention to the 
position o f Drummers in Dagbon. I hope it would also create interest not only 
among Dagbamba, Northerners, or Ghanaians, but also to the world at large.
1.9 Literature Review
The literature review in this case is mainly Oppong’s work especially her 
book titled Growing up in Dagbon (1973). In this said book the portion o f interest 
and importance to this thesis is that part which deals with how one becomes a 
Drummer. And here I would like to quote her fully.
(p54 ff) In Dagbon the drummers, Lunsi, are the court historians and 
musicians, chroniclers o f the past and recorders o f the present. The drum 
they play is the closed hour-glass shaped drum, carved out o f wood with 
skin membranes at both ends. It is comparable to the Ashanti Donno 
drum. They play an important part in all rituals involving royals 
including those performed at installation, naming and funeral 
ceremonies. The unbroken historical narrative and royal genealogy 
which they remember and recite is the charter o f the political structure 
o f the kingdom, and the story o f the origins o f the people, and as such is 
vital to the continuity o f the traditional system. The task o f learning this 
massive oral body o f historical material is an arduous and pains taking 
one, requiring long hours o f patient application and practice on the part 
o f the teacher as well as the pupil. It is a case ‘in which specific roles 
played later by particular individuals makes it imperative to ensure they 
have acquired the necessary techniques and knowledge’ (Nketia, 1964).
Not only must the young pupils learn to drum but they must begin to 
learn songs and later the narratives and genealogies, which are part o f 
the tradition. The material is preserved intact and is kept fairly esoteric 
by the strongly sanctioned taboos against a drummer reciting the whole 
history at any one time. Sacrifices must be performed when long 
portions o f the history are to be performed and drummers believe that
8
illness or death will pursue them if they reveal too much o f the history to 
outsiders. At the same time sanctioned rules and restrictions, limiting 
and ensuring the continuity o f  recruitment, maintain the unbroken 
tradition over time.
The length o f time taken to become a proficient drummer depends upon 
the ability o f the individual pupil, while one boy may take ten years to 
learn the repertoire o f songs, narratives and accompaniments, another 
may acquire it in two or three years. And o f course individual talents 
vary, for while one pupil will have a retentive and accurate memory, 
another will be noted for his sweet singing voice. If a boy begins to learn 
as early as six or so he may be able to sing and play a number o f songs 
by the time he is about eight and will then be able to practice playing in 
public at funerals, naming ceremonies or festivals. Learning is thought 
to be a very difficult process accompanied by ear-pinching and pulling 
and beating from the teacher. Wisdom is considered very hard to 
acquire. A typical teaching situation is for the teacher to recline in his 
entrance hall after supper in the evening, while the children gather round 
him, sitting and kneeling upon the floor. On one occasion witnessed the 
teacher was rhythmically massaged by his eight pupils. While they sang 
songs they rocked back and forth rubbing their teacher’s legs and back 
as they sang (the massage being considered one mode o f payment for 
tuition). The senior and most competent pupil sang the leading phrases 
which were repeated in unison by the rest, without drum 
accompaniment. After being specifically taught boys may find an 
opportunity to practice their songs when alone in the bush or on the 
farm. The teacher-pupil relationship may be that o f real or classificatory 
elder/younger brother; father/son, mother’s brother/adopted sister’s son; 
or in some cases a drummer who is well known for his ability will have 
children other than close kin sent to him. Nor does the pupil necessarily 
live in the same house as his teacher. He may live in his father’s 
brother’s or m other’s brother’s house and go to a neighboring house 
owned by another relative to be taught.
The role o f drummer, Lunga, in Dagbon may be placed in N adel’s 
category o f ‘recruitment roles,’ as the child whose father is a drummer is 
compelled to assume the role at least in a nominal sense, while 
drummers’ daughters, since they are not eligible to assume the role 
themselves, must give at least one o f their offspring to replace them in 
the next generation. On the other hand strong sanctions also operate to 
prevent those unrelated to drummers from playing. Thus a drum m er’s 
sons stay at home to be taught by their father or are taught to play by a
9
brother or father’s brother. It is considered unthinkable for a drumm er’s 
son to stay in his father’s house and not learn to play. Should he object 
very violently to learning his father’s profession, however then he may 
go to live elsewhere, escape by running away, and no evil should befall 
him so long as he always keeps his drum and plays it symbolically on 
Mondays and Fridays. But if  a son learns when small and later goes 
south without taking his drum then it is said misfortune and even death 
will pursue him. Difficult as it is for drummers, when they grow up, it is 
still more difficult for a daughter’s son to escape learning, for he must 
replace his mother. The particular child who is to represent his mother 
and siblings with his maternal kin is chosen by divination and then 
‘adopted’ by his m other’s brother or maternal grandfather as described 
above. Even on the day that a drum m er’s daughter is married her 
husband is told that one day one o f  their offspring will be claimed for 
this purpose. It is usually after a daughter has bom one or two children 
that one is taken at the age o f four or five, that is once he is considered 
capable o f  leaving his mother without suffering too much. Should a 
drum m er’s daughter only bear female children then she must send a 
daughter who will later be given in marriage to a drummer, or to another 
man on the understanding that one o f her sons will be given to leam to 
play. Thus it is a strongly sanctioned rule that any drumm er’s daughter, 
wherever she is, must send a child back to the natal family, otherwise 
illness and death caused by the Lw ftcili will visit her children, in the 
form o f insanity, leprosy or other misfortune. After several such 
calamities occur the individual realizes through divination and dreams 
that he must fulfill his obligations. As several cases show, the inherited 
obligation may pass to the second and third generation o f descendants o f 
a drum m er’s daughter (cf. Nketia, 1964: 155). Once a man realizes that 
he should leam he might even be well over thirty (Oppong, 1969). Cases 
demonstrate plainly that it is actual descent from drummer ancestry 
which is the basis o f  the supernatural sanction, not social paternity. For 
even an illegitimate son of a drummer will be pursued by misfortune and 
illness if  he never learns to play.
One effect o f  the mechanisms o f recruitment, in this case compulsory 
‘adoption’, is upon the composition and development o f drumm ers’ 
households. Thus in five drummers’ compounds o f which a census was 
taken there were found to be three times as many inmates related to the 
heads through daughters and sisters or through brothers and sons. A 
further function o f this mechanism may be the patterns o f preferred and
2 Luntali is the tradition of Dagbamba drummers
10
actual marriages o f drummers (see op. cit.). A tendency to endogamy 
may be partly due to the reluctance o f other groups to marry drummers 
because o f their over-riding control in the training o f offspring, also 
drummers are notable o f family marriage (taking a Dogiri Paga , family 
wife), the preferred form being cross-cousin marriage, which may have 
the result o f binding adopted sisters’ children more closely into the 
adopter’s family.”
Another researcher, in the person o f Kinney who presented a research paper 
to the Institute o f African Studies entitled “Drummers in Dagbon: The Role of 
The Drummer in The Damba Festival.” The documentation was taken from two 
Damba Festivals, one year apart; in 1967 and 1968. In this write up she indicated 
that the role the African musician plays in relation to his chief is essentially one 
o f mutual dependence. Sylvia illustrated how the musician depends upon the 
ceremonies and other obligations o f the chief in order to fulfdl his function as an 
artiste and to gain recognition for himself. This way the chief in turn, depends 
upon the reliability o f the drummer (musician) to maintain the dignity both of 
him self and his subjects and the relevance o f the traditions. She went on to state 
that the Damba festival is one o f  the most important occasions in which a 
drummer relates not only to the chief but the entire community at large. Kinney 
noted that the role o f the Lunga drumm er in the Damba festival is one o f utmost 
importance and he must observe his obligations such that an orderly ceremony 
might be maintained. In order to illustrate the customary function o f  the drummer 
and his reciprocal action with other segments o f the social group, here she used 
the ceremony o f Naa Damba o f the Dagbamba people.
Locke (1990) in his book entitled “Drum Damba: Talking Drum L essons”, 
talks about the narrative o f  his training in Dagbamba Drumming, Lunsi and 
Luntali, and the description o f the Damba Festival. This book Drum Damba 
introduces two types o f dance drumming associated with the festival, Damba  and 
Damba sochandi. Here, Locke made mention that while the up-tempo Damba is 
hard-driving and joyous; the slower paced Damba Sochandi is smoothly elegant 
and refined. Locke considered this to be percussion music. He discussed the role 
o f drum m ers'in the Dagbamba way o f  life. He also gave an over view o f the 
nature o f the relationship o f the Dagbamba drummer to his society, and the 
function o f drumming in the social and political systems o f Dagbon. In a nut shell 
Locke pointed out how he learnt to play the Lung and Gungon from Abubakari 
Lunga. Locke then put the rhythms into musical notes (symbols).
“African Rhythm and African Sensibility” is the title o f a book written by 
Chemoff. In this book Chem off talked about the research he conducted in Ghana
11
in 1970 and 1971,3 C hem off had this to say about the African musician in general 
and drummer in particular, and I quote.
“In many African cultures, musicians are the acknowledged authorities 
on history and myth, and formerly in the great centralized kingdoms like 
Dahomey (Benin), and Ashanti, if a drummer made a mistake when 
drumming the names o f the c h ie fs  lineage, it could be a capital offence; 
among the Dagbamba, a chief will not go anywhere unless he is 
accompanied by a drummer to signify his status.”
He also stressed that in Africa, the drum is the symbol o f the king and the 
voice o f the ancestors and not the scepter. In this same volume, Chem off 
noted that one feature which African musical traditions seem to have in 
common is the depth o f their integration into the various patterns o f social, 
economic and political life.
Nonetheless, in Dagbon (precisely Tamale), C hem off learnt the drumming of 
the following dances: Damba, Takai, Bamaaya and Tora. His main focus here 
was on the supporting responses o f  the Lung and the Gungon. With the Ewe 
drumming, he learnt slow Agbekor, Borborbor and Agbadza. Here he learnt both 
supporting responses and master. In the nut shell, Chem off noticed the style and 
values in African music. As a result he noted that a W esterner who understands 
the organizing principles o f African music is prepared to relate to many o f the 
artistic dimensions within which an African musician creates. The reason being 
that a traveler in even a very limited area o f Africa may meet so many different 
kinds o f marvelous musical situations and performers that he may feel his 
awareness is superficial. According to Chemoff, the music in different places 
would also feel different, for the interweaving o f rhythms by various types of 
instruments and ensembles would produce music o f quite distinct textures. In the 
case o f values, Chem off is o f the view that the essential criteria for distinguishing 
excellence in African music are, as much ethical as aesthetic. He went further to 
say that African music must not become the subject o f abstract and systematic 
discussions about morality and ethics, and people do not become analytical about
3
During the field research, he learnt drumming from the following drummers: Dagbamba 
drumming in Tamale from Alhaji Ibrahim Abdulai, that of Ewe from Freeman Donkor of Tsiame, 
Gideon Folie Alorwoyie of Afiadenyigba and some few others. He also studied Highlife and other 
contemporary forms of conga drumming mainly from Seth Ankra and Daniel Banini both of 
Accra. In Haiti he studied “folklorique” with Joseph Thelus of Port-au-Prince. However he 
pointed out that his first African drumming teacher was Abraham Adzenyah of Winneba.
12
the fundamental social themes displayed in their music: the point is to participate 
in the appropriate way.
In Staniland’s (1975) book, “The Lions o f Dagbon: Political change in 
Northern Ghana”, his interest is about the Yendi skin, and the succession disputes 
that has engulfed it from pre-colonial era, colonial, up to the early 70s. He also 
looked at the kingdom ’s natives response to the introduction o f  western 
education. Again it came out from his study the influences various governments 
from pre-independent to post-independence has on the chieftaincy institution o f 
Dagbon, especially that o f Yendi. It also came out clearly the role played by 
some members o f the royal genealogies in this direction. Such people were the 
few who had some form o f higher western type education and occupied certain 
sensitive positions at that time. For Staniland, his study was concerned with the 
political history o f the Dagomba kingdom especially that o f the last seventy years 
when the kingdom has been subordinated to governments, successively colonial 
and national. The purpose o f his study was to examine the policies which the 
overlords o f Dagbon had adopted in order to preserve, exploit, and assimilate the 
pre-colonial structure o f authority and also to consider changes in local politics 
which have come about, at least partly, through the action o f these external 
authorities. The concluding part o f his work dealt with the origins and character 
of a major dispute within Dagbon, the conflict which has come to be known in 
Ghanaian politics as ‘the Yendi skin dispute’.
1.10 The Focus
The focus here is on the recruitment and training o f Lunsi. Here I poise two 
questions that need to be answered before one can go on to the main topic. The 
first is who is a Lunga? And secondly who is a recruit? The answer to the first 
question is anybody (male or female) who is born into the drum family. W hile the 
male is called Lunga, the female is called Lunga-paga. However, the answer to 
this is that every male child o f a Lunga (Drummer) is a potential recruit. In other 
words every male child bom into a drum family becomes a potential recruit. On 
the other hand the male child o f a female drumm er becomes a recruit through 
divination. I have treated this in detail in this very chapter immediately after 
Zuguliem.
The tradition o f Dagbon is such that the female do not beat (play) the Lung. 
In the same way a female does not go to war and for no reason should a female 
be killed in battle in case she by accident should go to the battle field. According 
to the tradition o f Dagbon Lunsi are even considered to be female. For this reason 
Lunsi are not killed in battle. These are some o f the reasons why the female is not
13
permitted by custom and tradition o f Dagbon to beat the Lung. It is against this 
background that one male child o f the female Lung is trained in place of the 
mother. In Dagbon the normal practice among the Lunsi is that whenever a non­
drummer is marrying a female Lunga the bride is made to understand that when 
they begin to produce children one male child will be given to the w om an’s 
family to be trained as a Lunga. However, if  she happens to bear no male, a 
female is taken to be given to a Lunga for marriage in future with the hope that 
his children will automatically become Lunsi. This brings us to the question o f 
Zuguliem, which in English means fostering and or adoption.
1.10.1 Fostering or Adoption
Throughout Africa in general and West Africa in particular, it is a common 
and socially accepted practice for parents to send their children to live with 
relatives in other households. Several economic motives have been suggested for 
these “fostering” arrangements. These include the demand for child labour; 
investment in human capital; child care; and income insurance, e.g. Ainsworth 
(1985). Let us begin by examining what is meant by fostering, and some 
difficulties in applying this term to the African situation. People other than their 
own parents rear children who are fostered. But only certain o f the rights and 
duties o f parentage are delegated to the foster parents, while the real parents or 
their representatives (e.g. the government) retaining the residue. Unlike adoption 
in which the adopting parents take on the full parental role, in the case o f 
fostering, rights and duties towards the child are shared between real and foster 
parents (Goody, 1970).
Because o f its origins in the Western Social Context, the term fostering has 
several culturally specific overtones, which must be shed before applying it to the 
West African situation. In the first place the term may imply that it is “normal” in 
either the ethical or statistical sense for children to be brought up by their “real” 
parent; and for a child to be reared by someone else is a deviation from this 
normal pattern. But the assumption that parents have exclusive claims to “their” 
children may be incorrect in many non-W estem societies. When kinship bonds 
are strong, children may be thought o f as belonging to the descent group or 
kindred generally rather than to the parents alone. Either the extended family as a 
whole, as in the traditional Yoruba compound (Marris, 1961, p. 56), or particular 
members o f it as among the Gonja (Goody, 1970, pp.53-58), may have rights to 
participate in rearing them. As mentioned above, such “sharing” o f responsibility 
is a characteristic feature o f fostering. A special variation o f this is found in 
matrilineal societies. Here the m other’s brother (uncle) may have a stronger claim 
to a child than the father, as is seen in Ashanti. If then in a matrilineal society a
14
child is reared by the uncle, his or her proper guardian, is this the same as 
fostering in a society, which accepts parents as the proper guardian?
The claiming o f rights in children is ex pressed in the institution o f kinship 
fostering that is prevalent throughout Gonja but taking somewhat different forms 
in different parts o f the country. The institutionalized pattern is for a daughter o f 
the marriage to go to a father’s sister (auntie) and a son to the m other’s brother 
(uncle).
Fostering always means a change o f residence. The fostered child sleeps in 
the room o f the foster-parent (girls) or with the youths o f the foster parents 
household (boys). Meals are provided by foster-parent and eaten with other 
children o f that compound. It is in the domestic and subsistence economy o f the 
foster home that the child participates increasingly as he matures. If he is still 
living in the same village as his parents, he will see them regularly and may 
spend some o f his leisure with the play group o f  his early childhood. However, 
fostering frequently means moving to a new village as well as to a different 
household. In these cases the break with the natural family o f orientation is more 
radical and their intervening distance emphasizes the dispersal o f the sibling 
group. The proportion o f cases in which fostering involves a move to a different 
village varies from one part o f the country to another.
Esther Goody (1982) asks two questions about fostering. The first is do 
foster children go to paternal aunts, maternal uncles, and paternal grandmother 
the traditional foster-parent? Secondly, are they sent in the circumstances 
specified by the formal norm? The brief answer to the first is that among the 
Gonja foster-children go to a wider range o f kin than is formally specified. With 
regards to the second question, they are however made often than the norm 
suggests by the grand parental generation.
However generally there are two main types o f fostering; voluntary, and 
crisis fostering. Voluntary fostering according to the actor’s model, is the 
situation where foster-parents ask for a particular child at birth and then when he 
is old enough to “have sense”, he comes and collect him from the parents. In the 
case of the crisis, the foster child’s parent’s marriage might have been broken 
either by death or divorce. It seems the institution o f  fostering provides a charter, 
which can be employed in placing children at the time o f the dispersal o f the 
original family o f orientation.
15
1.10.2 Dagomba Fostering and Adoption
Fostering and adoption are also widely practiced in Dagbon and were 
described four decades ago in a thesis by Christine Oppong (1965). She used the 
term “fostering” to refer to the institution through which parents temporarily hand 
over the responsibility for rearing their child to a relative. The child goes to live 
with the foster parent to serve and be trained by him or her. In this case there is 
no binding sanctions compelling him to go or stay with the foster parent and his 
relations with his true parents are in no way severed.
Meanwhile adoption is used to refer to the practice o f Zuguliem  common 
among drummers where by a child is ceremonially and ritually transferred from 
its parents to its adopted parents (who are maternal relatives) after being chosen 
by divination. In this case as Oppong stressed the child or his parents refuse the 
summons to go on the pain o f death. The adopting parents retain some claims on 
the child throughout his life and he may continue to live with them till marriage 
or even after. Inheritances right from the father’s side are not affected. This 
practice is found in the case o f Lunsi (drummers) and is called Zuguliem. 
Zuguliem  is compulsory seizure o f a child. The compulsion springs from the fact 
that it is sanctioned by illness, insanity and death.
Zuguliem  is a situation where a drummer takes the sister’s son or the 
daughter’s as a recruit. Since only males are drummers a boy will be chosen, but 
if  the sister or daughter has bom  only girls, a girl will be taken, who will later be 
given in marriage, on condition that at least one o f her sons will become a 
drummer.
Here, B agyu le4 sacrifice o f chicken and libation to the ancestors is 
performed by the Dogiri Kpema (the head o f the family or clan), the child is 
joining. This marks the ceremonial transfer o f  the child. If the child in question is 
a male, a lung (small drum) is provided during the ritual. This ritual so performed 
is meant for the ancestors to guide and protect the young recruit to acquire the 
requisite knowledge to become an experienced and talented drummer.
As mentioned earlier on, every male bom into a drum family is a potential 
recruit, until he grows up and decides to drum or not to drum or practice the 
profession. Generally, all males who fall between the ages o f six and eighteen 
years fall within the recruitment age. From the age o f six the male child is given a 
small lung  (drum) and whenever there is a performance he follows the older ones 
who teach him with the supporting aspect o f drumming. The recruit also gets the
4 Bagyule is the sacrifice of chicken and the pouring of libation to the ancestors that marks the 
formal transfer o f the recruit to his trainer.
16
chance to have practical experience o f some o f the performances while on the 
training. The recruitment period depends on the family size and the demands o f 
society. So it can be an annual or biannual affair.The training o f  these recruits is 
both formal and informal. Informally as early as two to three years old the child 
from the drum family takes a broken calabash and plays any rhythm at all that 
comes to his mind. This way he is learning drumming the informal way.Formally, 
at the age o f six the male child is given a small lung and made to follow the 
elders or grown-ups to practice whenever there is any performance in the village 
or town. This is the period he is taught the supporting drum. Then in the night 
before and after supper he is taught drum poetry, praise singing and oral 
traditions o f the Dagbamba people.
The training is continuous because there are different performances that 
require different drumming techniques. Even drumming at festivals varies 
markedly because o f the differences in their significance and the different 
rhythms associated with the social occasions. In like manner, funerals and more 
so the performance at Mondays and Fridays also vary from those o f durbars o f 
chiefs. The trainers can be the parent (fathers) the guardian or anybody at all who 
is elected or instructed to take care o f the training o f the would-be Lunga in that 
particular household or such a family.
Training takes years because, apart from the responding or supporting 
drumming, drum-poetry, praise singing o f  the past and present Yaa Nanima,. the 
trainee has to learn about the past and present history o f his hometown or village. 
After acquiring the knowledge o f these two, (thus learning the history o f past and 
present Yaa Nanima and those o f his home town or village) that is if  the said 
Lunga is not from Yendi, every Lunga is duty bound, if  he is to be versatile, to 
learn the history o f other towns such as Zabzugu, Gushiegu, Karaga, Mion, 
Savelugu, Kumbungu, Tolon, Tampion, Sang, Nanton, Nakpa-Kworli, Sunson and 
so on. Appellation is also taught in its different fonns during the training period. 
Appellation is the praises or drum poetry o f a chief and or king or any Dagbana 
played on the Lung by the Lunga.
The period for training beginners ranges between ten and fifteen years, and 
that o f professionals between twenty years to infinity. There is no cash payment 
or any fixed charge for any trainee to pay to a trainer. The trainees often work or 
help the trainer on his farm, if  they do not live with and work for the trainer. All 
shares o f proceeds realized by the trainee from performances are submitted to the 
trainer who takes part or all, if  he so wishes. This shows the reverence for trainers 
and there is a strong bond between trainees and trainers. Hence even long after 
one has completed training as a Lunga , anytime he goes to a performance and the 
proceeds shared, he (the trainee) sends all that he is given to the trainer and the
17
trainer takes whatever he wishes and leaves the remaining for the trainee. Even if 
he decides to take all the money the trainee has no say. After taking his share, the 
teacher prays for G od’s guidance and protection for the student as the case may 
be.
Indeed, if  for any reason the trainee per chance does some solo performance 
and still brings home the money to his trainer, the trainer can choose to take all or 
take some and leave the rest for him. If the trainer o f the trainee is not the father 
o f the trainee, the trainer after taking his share may take some o f the money to the 
trainee’s father. On the other hand, after taking his share he (the trainer) may 
advise the trainee to send the rest o f his (trainee’s) share to the father for blessing. 
In any case the father after taking his share will also pray for G od’s guidance and 
protection for the trainee.
Trainees are assessed through continuous assessment and by examination. 
The trainee is assessed after he has graduated from the support drumming and 
later through appellation and finally through final examination in drum-poetry, 
praise singing and the oral traditions. Here is the breakdown o f what is just 
mentioned above.
Zeri-tobu5 (literally means the pounding o f ingredients). This happens during 
the night to the day o f  any o f the days that the traditional historians go to the 
palace for historical reviews. Historical reviews are historical events (e.g. wars 
fought by chiefs and or kings) o f the past chiefs and kings and their genealogies 
that are recited during the nights o f the two Iddis as well as during the 
enskinment o f  certain chiefs and the king. This performance is done for the chiefs 
and king who passed the night in the Katini Duu. Details o f this can be found in 
chapter four. Before the main singer (historian) takes the floor, a small boy is 
made to sing or start the review. The review o f  the small boy is that termed Zeri- 
tobu. The final exam is when one is either to be a lead appellatior6, lead praise 
singer7, or a lead historical reviewer8 during any o f the Islamic festivals or social 
occasions such as Damba and Bugum.
5 Zeri-tobu is the first part o f the historical review that is performed before the main historian 
takes the floor.
6 Lead appellator is one who leads the drummers who play the praises on the drum during 
performances.
7 Praise Singer is one who sings the praises as a soloist or with the group whenever they are 
performing.
8 Historical reviewer is the Lunga who recites the historical events of the past chiefs and kings 
during the nights o f the two muslim festivals and also during the nights of the enskinment of 
certain chiefs and the king.
18
1.10.3 Recruitment and training
Having known who a Lunga is and more to the point what a potential recruit 
is, let us now look at how he is trained. As already mentioned, the age range o f 
recruits is from six years on wards. However, with regard to professional Lunsi, 
the recruitment and training age ranges between eighteen and maturity.
The recruit, if he is staying with the trainer, has to tidy the outer compound 
known in Dagbani as Sanbani, every evening before supper. After which he 
immediately lays the mat or cow skin depending on the status o f his trainer. This 
is normally around 5.45 p.m. there about. He then sits down and begins the 
singing practice, that is if  he has started already. If not, he has to wait till the 
trainer is ready. When the trainer comes and takes his seat, the first words or 
sentence that is introduced is D ako l’ nye bii ba Nam /ana. P a g ’ lan nye kpem ba 
Nam lana. Nwun m a ll' lan nwun dim ba Nam /ana. Nwun kong lan nwun ziya ba 
Nam lana. It’s this introduction that I termed the A B C o f  Lunsi.
D akol' nye bii ba Nam lana literally means in the Dagbamba tradition, the 
bachelor is the junior, but his father is God Almighty.
P a g ’ lan nye kpem ba Nam lana. This means the married man is the senior, 
also his father is God Almighty.
Nwun mal ’ lan nwun dim ba Nam lana. W hoever has a father (or guardian) 
should eat, again his father is God.
Nwun kong lan nwun ziya ba Nam lana. On the other hand whoever has no 
father (guardian) must sit down or go hungry, yet his father is God.
The trainer teaches in bits o f two, five or more depending on the brilliance o f 
the trainee. By the trainer teaching in bits I mean the trainee is taught two, five or 
more praises or drum poetry at a time. When a trainee is taught some portion he 
keeps reciting it every evening and night before and after supper. The trainer 
keeps listening to the trainee and interrupts to correct him any time he makes a 
mistake. He continues this way until the trainee can recite that portion for days 
without a mistake. Then the trainer adds a new portion. He continues this way to 
the end of the first part o f  Dakol ’ nye bii ba Nam lana.
He is then introduced to Nwun y e l ’ ni w unnipa  Naa. It goes this way: Nwun 
y e l ' ni pa o Wunni y u l ' Naa , nwun mi o tooni ka yu l ’ nyenga. Ka bang ni Wunni 
sagi Naa Nam lana. This means whoever disputes the supreme Kingship o f God, 
should look in front o f him and turn to look back, its then that he would admit the 
Kingship and greatness o f  the Almighty.
’ Sambani is the outer compound of any house in Dagbon where the recruits undergo training 
especially during the dry season
19
Nwun y c l ' ni Wunni pa  Naa, nwun zang shigban yini bang di tooni, bang di 
nyanga, ka bang ni Wunni sagi Naa Nam lana. Also whoever disputes the 
supremacy o f  God must take a piece o f bee wax and try to identify the front and 
back o f it, then he would realize that God is actually the King o f Kings.
Nwun Wunni nam sagim lan bia, o tab diri ka odol' vehiri nmana. Literally 
meaning; who is this God who created the owner o f food’s child who licks his 
colleague’s calabashes.
Nwun nye Wunni nam nin nwubri lan bia, o tab nwubri ka o d o /’ nmari koba. 
Also who is this God who created the hunter or one who eats a lot o f m eat’s 
child, yet while his friends eat meat he goes about cracking bones. He goes on 
this way up to Nwun nye Wunni nam salla, n nam s a i l ' ni o nuhi tabli o bagri. 
Who is this Almighty God who created man, created man with his arms and 
hands?
Nwun nye Wunni nam tia, n nam tia ni di vari tabli di wulla. Again who is 
He God who created or made the tree? He made the tree with its leaves and 
branches. It is when he finishes with this part that he is introduced to Naa 
Nyagse. For this brings him (the trainee) to the end o f G od’s deeds and creation 
(handy work) as well as His praises.
He is now going to tackle m an’s actions and deeds. Below is the introduction to 
Naa Nyagse. M a n ' baangi bii ku che Naa Wunni hum salla , salli pala Naa 
Wunni namdi baanga. Ni che la bela balim Shitobu dapal ’ Nyagse. This means I, 
the son o f the Lunga would not stop worshipping and praising God for man, 
because man cannot create the Lunga. The trainer and the trainee go on in this 
way and from here the trainee is taught Naa Nyagse, his children and how he 
killed the Tindaanba and enskinned in their stead his siblings and kindred. On 
this note Bizun is isolated and treated specially with his siblings as would be dealt 
with in chapter two.
After Naa Nyagse he is taught his (the trainee’s) ancestors. It is when he 
would have finished with his ancestors that he is introduced to N am 10, kingship 
or chief ship. To be precise the Yendi skin, for that is the main root from which 
every chief in Dagbon can trace his lineage. With regard to Nam the King that 
they begin with is Naa Zangina. At this point in time, the trainee is normally 
taught the Kings and their siblings birth names, without adding the historical 
review. He is later brought back for the historical review. The trainee is taught 
the line o f kings up to the Yaa Naa o f his time o f training.
10 Nam means either leadership, chiefship, or kingship.
20
For him to become a professional Lunga  and versatile, he then learns the 
lineages o f other skins apart from the Yendi one on his own. W hether a trainee 
comes from Yendi or not he is duty bound to learn the Yendi skin, for it is the 
only one used for the historical narratives or review, even in Nanun 1 (thus in the 
N anum ba'2 land). Mean while as the trainee is under taking this theoretical 
aspect, he does it along side the practical. Whenever there is a performance, he 
follows the senior drummers to such programmes. This is where he is taught the 
support drumming. Though there is no bell accompaniment in the Dagbamba 
drumming, they have the time line in mind. And whoever makes mistake or plays 
off beat it is detected. If it is an experienced Lunga who goes off, he quickly 
detects it and adjusts immediately. On the other hand if  it is a young recruit, the 
senior Lunsi calls him back to order. They keep correcting him until he performs 
with them without mistakes.
As part o f the practical training, he is also taught appellation. In order to 
under go this training, the trainer takes his Lung and orders the trainee too to take 
his. Whatever the trainer plays on his Lung, he instructs the trainee to play the 
same. The normal practice is that after the appellation o f the poetry o f a chief, 
next is his Zuu,] 3 first or eldest son, followed by another son, then his Pakpong ,14 
first or elder daughter. The rest o f the children then follow in that order. The hand 
only holds the Lung doli,15 drum stick and keep hitting. All that he hits with the 
hand must be in the heart before it can flow through the hand. One not taught this 
way normally mixes the whole process up whenever he is appellating. 
Appellating is one being in the process o f  playing the drum poetry or praises on 
the Lung. So whenever any Lunga appellates, (appellates means one who does it 
always) the experienced and talented Lunsi hearing him gets to know the standard 
o f the appellator from his performance.
1.10.4 The context
The recruits are trained in the outer compounds o f their trainers and also at 
venues o f performances. The theoretical training is what takes place at the 
compounds, while most o f the practical training is done during performances. 
The theoretical training that takes place in the house can either be in the outer
11 Nanun- the land area on which the Nanumba are settling.
Nanumba is the tribe (the people)
13 Zuu -  the first male child of a chief
14 Pakpong -  the first female child of a chief
15 Lung doli -  the stick the Lunga uses to play the Lung
21
compound, Sambani or in the main hall o f  the house, Zong .16 This depends on the 
time period o f  the year. If it is during dry season they make use o f the outer 
compound Sambani. But if  its in the rainy season, then the training takes place in 
the Zong. However apart from the two main venues mentioned, some forms o f 
minor training do take place at the farm. This is usually in the form o f questions 
and answers between the trainer and the trainee for clarifications and 
explanations to some previous lessons.
16 Zong is the main hall to any house in Dagbon
22
CHAPTER TWO
ORIGINS, MYTHS AND G ENEALOGIES
2.1 The Origin of Lunsi
This chapter is about the origin o f Lunsi, the M yths17 and Stories and 
Genealogies. In this case I would try my best to trace the lineage o f Lunsi to the 
first Lunga. Also the myths and stories o f the Lunsi will not be left out. Again the 
genealogies shall be traced from the first Lunga to the current chief drummers, 
especially the Namo Naa. However, I would use this opportunity to include my 
lineage, which can be traced to the first Lunga.
Legend and oral tradition o f Dagbon has it that Bizun was the first Lunga. 
His father was Naa Nyagse (1416-1432), as such he, Bizun s was a prince. Bizun 
mother died when he was very young. During those days oral tradition tells us 
that whenever the k ing’s wives were pounding yam fufu and each woman caught 
a piece o f yam for her child, Bizun always picked up a broken calabash and began 
to drum. This was to remind his step-mothers o f  his presence. Many a time, one 
of the step m others’ would prompt her colleagues o f B izu n ’s presence. According 
to the traditions, Bizun at that time attended all errands in the palace. We are 
made to understand that it was during the rendering o f  one such service that he 
was instructed to recite the drum poetry, the introductory part which I termed the
17 According to the World Book Dictionary volume two, Myth (Mith) is:
(a) A legend or story, usually one that attempts to account for some thing in nature. Most 
myths express a religious belief o f a people and are of unknown origin.
(b) Such stories collectively; mythology: the realm.
(c) Any intended story.
(d) A made-up person or thing.
(e) A belief, opinion, or theory that is not based on fact or reality:
(f) A story coming down from the past, which many people have believed.
(g) Such stories as a group; the legends of certain peoples.
Legend applies particularly to a story associated with some period in the history of a people or 
nation, often containing an element of fact but sometimes wholly untrue. Legends are intended to 
glorify, especially a hero, saint, object or belief, and tell marvelous deeds he or she or it 
supposedly performed or cause to happen. Myth on the other hand applies particularly to a story 
connected with a religion o f a primitive or early civilization. Myths are told about gods or 
superhuman beings and are intended to explain beliefs or rituals or some thing in nature (p.l 196).
18 Bizun in Dagbani means Bizuno; in the African family context especially in Royal Homes like 
the Yaa Naa's, Bizuno means a child who lost his or her mother.
23
A B C o f  Lunsi (Zablong, 2002). Just like how the Holy Prophet M ohammed was 
instructed to recite the opening verse o f the Quran hy God, so did Bizun receive 
the vision and instruction to recite “Dakol n nye Bii ba Nam lana,\  meaning the 
Bachelor is junior in the African context,hut his father is God.
Legend and myth o f the institution o f Lunsi has it that Bizun was sent. He 
walked for hours and covered several miles or kilometers as it were today until 
late in the night. It became very dark such that he could neither see far ahead nor 
back and there was a thunderstorm. At the same time he was hungry, tired and 
exhausted, and he began talking to himself. All o f a sudden he heard a voice that 
commanded him to stop complaining, that at the end o f every struggle and 
suffering is enjoyment. And that he with his siblings shall be honored and enjoy 
in the kingdom. Though he did not see the person commanding him, the voice 
from above intensified. He was finally asked to sing, Dakol n nye Bii ba Nam  
lana, Pag ’ lan n nye kpem ba Nam lana, and so on. This means the Bachelor is 
the junior and the married person the senior in the African context. From that day 
on he continued receiving the poetry text after text. This was through vision and 
from his father and trainer (Naa Nyagse).
On his return from the trip his father realized that he was making advances in 
his new role and profession. Later on his father (Naa Nyagse) enquired o f his 
future career. He opted for Drummer instead o f being a chief. To buttress this 
point, there is this portion o f Bizun’s praise songs that goes thus:
N- yeb ’ Bizun daa nye la Yoggu nabia, ka zan Yoggu 
nim nam zan ti ba. N  balindi nam zaawuni tabli beigu. Na 
balma ku di ben shegu, Na balma ku kpe dooni. Nyeb daa 
y e l l ’ ni o y i kul balim Naa be nye she li o ni telge mihi telge 
bandi Naa Gbewa yilli.
This means; My great grandfather Bizun was a prince o f Yendi. But forsooke 
the Yendi skin and became a Drummer, singing the praises and serving the king 
both day and night. With the hope that if  he was not rewarded, he would be saved 
from the K ing’s ropes and chains. The ropes and chains here mean he would be 
saved from the king’s punishment, depending on the gravity o f the sin or offence 
committed. Because according to oral tradition o f Dagbon those were the days 
when criminals especially war captives were either tied with ropes or put in 
chains. A typical example was during the reign o f Yaa Naa M ahama the first 
(also known as Mahama Kpema), a group o f  Konkombas attacked and killed 
Zagbelli-Lan Zakari (the then Zagbelli chief). When the news got to Yendi, 
“men” were sent and the criminals brought to Naaya (Yendi). Some o f  them were 
tied with ropes and others were put in chains. In this case those who were 
submissive were those in ropes, while the stubborn ones were in chains. The 
older he grew in age the more he gained experience. According to oral tradition,
24
Naa Nyagse was Biz a n ’s teacher for he (Naa Nyagse) taught him the genealogy 
of kings and Tindaanba before Naa Nyagse. The following were B izu n ’s siblings: 
Lunga Zeigu
Lunga Nmendi gando (sagim)
Nmeri muni kun yelshel 
Ti zaa pan lime 
Kpachin yen zolgu 
Nyemo dapelgu 
Dazuya lan wugsi nyegra 
Banchira
The underlisted are also Banchira’s siblings.
Zuu Leli 
Pakpong Bua 
Pag ’ bi lan Tani 
Kpagsikpagsi ti nye ba 
Namo Naa Ashegu 
Namo Naa Sugri 
Namo Naa Maamani
2.2 The Myths and Stories
I, bom  as a Lunga, I can trace my lineage to Bizun through one o f  his 
children, Banchira. The same applies to every Lunga in Dagbon. During B izu n ’s 
time, his practices and performances were restricted to the palace o f  Naa Nyagse. 
In Dagbon, before and up to some part o f  Naa N yagse’s reign, the kingdom was 
mostly ruled and governed by the traditional land priests, “Tindaanba \  So it was 
during the later part o f his rule that he killed almost all the “Tindaanba” and 
enskinned in their place his biological children and kindred.
Below are names o f some o f the towns and villages where Naa Nyagse killed 
their Tindaanba.
1. Zabzugu ni Yelzoli 11. Didogge 21. Gbulun
2. Nakpa-Kworli 12. Zoosali 22. Vogu
3. Salinkuga 13. Diare 23. Tibung
4. Sabare 14. Gushiegu 24. Lungbung
5. Kunkon 15. Savelugu 25. Gulkpegu
6. Demon 16. Dipali 26. Nantong
7. M i on 17. Singa 27. Tudjo
8. Zakoli 18. Dalung 28. Tugu
9. Pigu 19. Kumbungu 29. Galwie
10. Nyinbung 20. Zangbalon 30. Sang.
25
Naa N yagse’s conquest o f Dagbon vras in or about 1416A.D. After B izun’s 
death, he left behind his siblings including Lunga Zeigu and his brothers at Diare. 
At that time they were not popular. They became widely known and popular 
during Naa Luro's  reign. This was after Naa Luro fought the Kalagsi and won 
the battle. One Dagbamba writer termed that era Luntali p ilgu , the beginning or 
origin o f Lunsi- (H. I. Abdulai, 1988). While another popular writer in the person 
o f Tia Sulemana, (1973) termed the same period as Lunsi palo yibu, thus the 
period or time Lunsi came out from their hideout. Both are titles o f books they 
wrote.
2.3 The Root Cause of Naa L u ro’s War against the Kalagsi (Goitjas).
It is a normal practice in Dagbon that, after a prince is enskinned or moved 
from a lower rank to a higher skin, his maternal family sends a delegation to pay 
him homage and seek to know about his welfare. In Dagbon, tradition demands 
that whenever a Dagbana receives a stranger he is duty bound to kill a fowl or 
guinea-fowl, whichever would be deemed appropriate and prepare him or her a 
nice meal. So after Naa Luro ascended to the Yendi skin his maternal family from 
Nyamandu visited him. Naa Luro gave yams to his most loved wife, Koyib Naa 
to prepare a sweet and palatable meal for his uncles. Koyib Naa collected the 
yams but dumped them at one comer o f her room while working on her cotton 
thread (spinning the cotton). Having waited for sometime without seeing a sign o f 
smoke, he sent one o f his servants (Naazo) to go and see how far she had gone 
with the cooking. The Naazo returned to inform him, that; “she had done nothing 
with regard to the preparation o f the food, that she is rather busy spinning her 
cotton”.
The Naazo was instructed to go back and tell her to stop whatever she was 
doing immediately and prepare the food (yam fufu). Koyib Naa said she would 
not cook the food and was ready for any punishment. With this sort o f reply, the 
King in the company o f the Naazo out o f annoyance caned Koyib Naa. Koyib 
Naa in reaction shouted and I quote: A takahi kan zugu, bomla an ’ zi so gbandi 
zugu maa gballi shee. Di zan a takahi lee sagem dira.This meant; “Do not make 
me your target o f  disgrace and disappointment, rather try to look for the grave o f 
your predecessor whose seat you occupy today. And do not make food your focus 
and target too.”
Naa Luro on hearing these provocative words could not sit, eat or drink. Oral 
tradition has it that the skins on which he sat, food, water and clothes became or 
seemed to contain thorns pinching him. In a nut shell all that she said meant he 
should locate the grave o f his predecessor Naa Darizeigu. Naa Darizeigu's
26
maternal lineage were the Kalagsis, whom he waged war against and was killed 
in the process. It’s against the tradition for a child to fight his maternal lineage, it 
means he or she is fighting the mother indirectly. For Naa Luro to visit the grave 
meant war, because the grave was located at a neutral ground, thus in the Gonja 
land to which he had no access. So he summoned all his subjects and announced 
to them his intention, thus his preparation for war against the Kalagsi (now 
Zabagsi meaning Gonjas). This was a war people never anticipated, for it 
proceeded in the rainy season and under normal circumstances the Dagbamba do 
not fight during that time o f the year. Almost all his elders advised that he should 
wait till the dry season, which he rejected. Accordingly, during that time, as the 
grass was growing higher, so he was seriously preparing and putting finishing 
touches towards starting the war. Up to the time that the bush was at its height 
and could cover anybody, Naa Luro was fully prepared to strike.
He set off with his warriors until they got to a river called “Beinibeini”, later 
termed “Nam ka beimni”, meaning kingship does not maltreat, which was full to 
its banks. He saw a young fisherman with his boat or canoe on the water, and he 
sent for him. When he was asked his name, he said he was “Mburidiba", 
meaning victory. Naa Luro said he hoped with the help o f the spirit o f his name 
he would chalk victory over the Kalagsi. Naa Luro made his men construct a 
bridge over the river which immediately got dried up and some o f the warriors 
rode their horses across the bridge to test the readiness for its use. When it was 
fully established that it was fully dried and ready for use, they rode their horses 
across river Nam ka beim , and went to the Kalagsi land and fought till victory 
was won. They killed them until they were few left who stood by trees, so Naa 
Luro ordered the warriors to stop. In Dagbani it means zanbagli, which was later 
termed Zabagsi to date meaning Gonjas. Naa Luro did not only conquer the 
Gonja but he also succeeded in seeing his predecessor’s grave (the grave o f Naa 
Darizeigu), and was poised to return to Dagbon, but he wanted a musician who 
would come and give him a drum name, narrate his genealogy and perform to his 
satisfaction before he arrived home. In a nutshell, he said he wanted a musician 
who could lead him to war and back, hence a war musician.
He instructed Worrichin Naa zom zi beiri (the chief o f those who attend to 
and take care o f the King’s horses, called “the blind does not know bad”) to get 
him a musician as mentioned above. He rode his horse and went and brought 
Kikaa Lana ( a person who played an end-blown trumpet with a gourd affixed to 
the end). However on arrival he could only blow but not sing. Naa Luro rejected 
him, claiming he was a M onday and Friday type o f musician. So Worrichin Naa 
zom zi beiri went again in search o f a suitable musician and this time returned 
with Wia/Yuu Lana (someone who blows an end-blown notched flute), who also 
blew without singing. Again the King rejected him too with the same reason.
27
Worrichin Naa zom zi beiri sat on his horse and set o ff once more in search o f a 
suitable musician and this time returned with Sayelli Lana (a gourd player). He 
also played the gourd without any song accompaniment. Again the King rejected 
him for yet still he was not the type o f musician he wanted. Even though he was 
tired, he continued the search and came with the following musicians who were 
all rejected like the previous ones:
Dalgu Lana- one who played a wooden drum with one head
Akarima  -  the talking drum player
Banni Lana -  the horn blower
Gungon Lana -  the breketre (basedrum player)
Bindili Lana -  the calabash drum player.
Zom zi beiri, having brought all these musicians who were all rejected on the 
same grounds, had no alternative but to continue the search. This time he was 
riding in tears as a result o f tiredness and for fear o f his own life because the King 
had warned that if he was not able to get him the right musician he stood to lose 
his life. In the thickest part o f the forest he met a hunter, who questioned him 
about his mission and more so why he was in tears. He narrated to the hunter how 
the terrible warrior, Naa Luro, had fought the Kalagsi and having won the battle, 
instructed him to get him a musician who could sing both his ancestral praises 
and genealogy as well as drum for him before he could return to Dagbon. The 
hunter requested for kola nut and tobacco which Zom zi beiri provided. After he 
(the hunter) had bitten and chewed some o f the kola and sniffed the tobacco, and 
had his full sight as well as senses, he told Zom zi beiri to go to Diare (in the 
Savelugu/ Nanton district o f present day Ghana), where he would find B izun ’s 
children. Lunga Zeigu and his brothers were there, who he believed could do the 
job to the King’s satisfaction.
Worrichin Naa Zom Zi B e in , wasted no time but rode as swiftly as possible 
to Diare, and summoned Lunga Zeigu and his brothers to Naa L u ro ’s camp. On 
their arrival, as Dagbamba custom and tradition demanded, he made his wives 
prepare a nice, palatable meal for them. During those days the Dagbamba ate in 
large calabashes, so the food was given them in a number o f such calabashes. The 
children could not control their emotions about the nice meal and demonstrated it 
by pulling and breaking their calabash. When this was brought to the notice o f 
Lunga Zeigu and other senior drummers, they were shocked and afraid, because 
if  they had finished serving the King before this incident it might have been 
different. Again here was a warrior King, who was still fuming at the delay in 
getting them, so how could they go to tell him that their children had broken his 
calabash.
28
They dressed themselves up, took their drums and headed towards his camp. 
On getting close to the camp, they all knelt down, while crawling, they began 
drumming with the lead praise singer not only singing his praises but that o f his 
ancestors and their genealogies too, as well as apologizing for what the children 
had done. Again they also used this opportunity to thank him for the nice meal he 
provided them. The King was surprised and became excited by the way they 
crawled and performed. King Luro was satisfied and asked them to stop and tell 
him why the apology. After Lunga Zhegu explained it was all because his 
children so much enjoyed the meal and beyond that broke one o f the calabashes. 
King Luro swore by his ancestors he had forgiven them and added that 
henceforth no Dagbana, especially the royals, should never charge any drummer 
at any palace in Dagbon, no matter the “offence”. However, this does not give 
them an opportunity to misbehave themselves. Naa L u r o s undertaking has come 
to stay to date. After all was said and done he moved from there to Yendi with the 
drummers, other musicians and his victorious warriors. From that day on the 
Lunsi (Drummers), apart from being members o f the royal lineage also acquired 
another prestige and dignity to themselves and the Lunsi Institution as a whole. 
Again it was and is still clear today from Naa L u ro ’s words that Lunsi are the 
only musicians o f  Dagbon who play dual roles. They are both Monday and 
Friday musicians and in war. In this case the superiority o f Lunsi over all the 
other musicians at the Yaa N a a ’s palace in particular and Dagbon in general 
cannot be disputed. This was made clear from Naa Luro 's  time till today.
2.4 Genealogies
I have painstakingly categorized the genealogies o f Lunsi here into three. 
However this does include all Lunsi lineages o f Dagbon.
1.The genealogy o f  Lunsi from Bizun through the first Namo Naa to the 
current one.
2. The genealogy o f Namonanima from the first to the present.
3. And my genealogy from Bizun through one o f  his son’s, Banchira.
29
2.4.1 The Genealogy of Lunsi from Bizun Through The First Namo Naa 
To The Current One.
1. Bizun 14. Namo Naa Sugri Kpemah
2. Lungu Zhegu 15. NamoNaa Maamani
3. Lunga Nmernii sagim( gando) 16. Namo Naa Sugri Bella
4. Lunga Nmen nwubbi yorna (kooshe) 17. Namo Naa Bukari
5. Lunga Nmeri muni kunyelli sheli 18. Namo Naa Belema (Dokurugu 1)
6. Ti zaa pan nme 19. Namo Naa Mahama Kpemah
7. Zung Lana 20. Namo Naa Sheini
8. Kpaachin yen zolgu 21. Namo Naa Yemmusa
9. Nyemo Dapelgu 22. Namo Naa Mahama Bella
10. Dazuya wubsi Nyegra 23. Namo Naa Dokurugu 2
11. Banchira 24. Namo Naa Issahaku
12. Zuu Leli 25. Namo Naa Ayuba
13. Namo Naa Ashegu 26. Namo Naa Yakubu
30
GENEALOGY OF LUNSI FROM BIZUN TH RO UG H  THE FIRST NAMO  
NAA TO THE C U RR EN T ONE
Bizun
31
2.4.2 THE GENEALOGY OF NAMONANIMA
1. Ncimo Naa Ashegu
2. Namo Naa Sugri Kpemah
3. Namo Naa Maamani
4. Namo Naa Sugri Bella
5. Namo Naa Bukali
6. Namo Naa Belema (Dokurugu)
7. Namo Naa Mahama Kpemah
8. Namo Naa Sheini
9. Namo Naa Yemmusa
10. Namo Naa Mahama Bella
11. Namo Naa Dokurugu Bella
12. Namo Naa Issahaku
13. Namo Naa Ayuha
14. Namo Naa Yakuhu
32
GENEALOGY OF NAMO NANIMA THROUGH BANCHIRA
Banchira
A
A A
A shegu Sugri I Maamani
Sngri II Buka'i Maamani
A  
Mahama Kpema
A
Yemmu sa 
A
Dokurugu
A
Aycbu Issahaku
A
Yakubu (current one)
33
2.4.3 MY GENEALOGY FROM BIZUN THROUGH HIS SON
BANCHIRA
1. Bizun 28. Lunga Naa Dokurugu
2. Lunga Zhegu 29. Pag-Be Lan A d is a
3. Lunga Nmendi Sagim (Gando) 30. Pag-Be Lan Fatima
4. Lunga Nmen Nwub yonna (kooshe) 31. Lunga Naa Danaa
5. Lunga Nmeri muni kun yelli sheli 32. Sampahi Wulan Adama
6. Lunga Ti zaa pan Nme 33. Sampahi Lan Yahya
7. Zung Lana 34. Lunga Naa Yakubu
8. Kpaachin Yen Zolgu 35. Lunga Naa Alaasani
9. Nyemo Dapelgu 36. Nabiyong Bukali Kpemah
10 Dazuya Wubsi Nyegra 37. Nabiyong Bukali Bella
11. Banchira 38. Lunga Naa Imoro
12. Zuu Leli 39. Zuu Adam
13. Pakpang Bua 40. Nabiyong Simani
14. Pag -b e  Lan Tani 41. Nabiyong Issahaku
15. Namo Naa Ashegu 42. Nabiyong Mahama Banbangtaba
16. Namo Naa Sugri Kpemah 43. Zablong Zakali
17. Namo Naa Maamani 44. Zablong Amadu
18. Lunga Naa Busagri 45. Tong Lunga Naa Imoro
19. Lunga Naa Alaasani Kpemah 46. Yelzoli Lunga Naa Yiri
20. Lunga Naa Yidan-Togma 47. Kworli Lunga Naa Alaasani
21. Lunga Naa Tukuli 48. Kworli Lunga Naa Aduna
22. Lunga Naa Shiribaru 49. Vokpii Lunga Naa Yakubu
23. Sampahi Lan Yisaa 50. Yelzoli Sampahi Lan Mahama
24. Lunga Naa Mahami Kpemah 51. Yelzoli Sampahi Lan Zakali
25. Lunga Naa Mahami Bella 52. Kworli Lunga Naa Bukali
26. Lunga Naa Belema 53. Kworli Sampahi Lan Naatogma
27. Lunga Naa Mushe 54. Kworli Taha Naa Shaibu
34
MY GENEALOGY FROM BIZUN THROUGH HIS SON BANCHIRA
Bizum
V
A  A  A  A  A A A A  A A
Zhegu Sagiim Kooshe Kunyelli Banchira Pan Zung Yen Dapelgu 
Sheli WubsiNine Lana Zolgu Nyegra
A A A A A A
Zuu Pakpeng Tani Ashegu
Leli Bua Sugri Maamani
A A A A A A A A
Busagri Alaasani Yidantogma Tukuli Shiribanu Sam pahi lan fv ahami Mahami
Yisaa Kpemi Bella
A 0 O A A A A A
Yiri Ad Fatima Danaa Bel ;m M ushe Dokurugu ahya
35
A A AY ri
A A Zakari Mai ama
Adama Imoro A A
Shaibu
A A Jakum
Amadu Alaasani
A A A  A  o
Ahmadu A A  A ANaatogma
Kande Alabani Zak- Adamu Baba 
Imoro Nlaalaiaria
A 0 6 0 6 A A A o
Mahama Samata Awa Maata Shanka Shei Abdallah(Ego) Fusheini Zenabu
A A 0 A A
Zenabu Ibrahim Meili Alaasani Ibrahim
A o 6 A 6 6 A 0
Rashid Ayisha Saida Zakari Samata Samata Aziz Fatima
Senior junior
36
CHAPTER THREE 
ROLES AND RELATIONS
3.1 Roles Played In the State
In this chapter I am going to describe the roles that the drummers play in 
Dagbon. During the two Idis, Idi-Fitr and Idi-Adha  the Lunsi review the history 
(otherwise termed Lungsarigu or Sam ban- Lunga), also known as historical 
narratives. Also they play other important roles during the Fire and Damba 
festivals. Again they play very significant roles during enskinment o f  chiefs and 
Durbars of chiefs and the celebrations at chiefs courts which take place on (of) 
Monday and Friday (are no exception to the roles o f  Lunsi). We Lunsi classify 
the Institution into two main groups; Kali and Daa Lung.
Daa Lung  literally translated means market drum. For a traditional historian 
like Zablong Zakariah Abdallah, it goes beyond that and so cuts across all the life 
cycle events o f  the Dagbamba people. This means from birth to death all 
performances that take place, except those that take place at the various palaces 
throughout Dagbon. Daa Lung  are all types o f  performances o f  the Lunsi outside 
the palaces. These are performed anytime, anywhere at any moment for any 
Dagbana apart from chiefs. Such can be performed at market place and even in 
drinking bars (or pito  houses as in the past). These types o f  performances employ 
praises and genealogies. All that I elaborated above come under the Daa Lung  
aspect. In this same chapter I shall be discussing their relations with the Yaa Naa 
and other chiefs as well as parts they play in the community at large.
On the other hand, Kali Lung  are performances that take place at the palaces 
for the chiefs and or king wherever chiefs are found. Kali Lung employs praises, 
genealogies and historical reviews or narratives. These include the two Idis, Idi- 
Fitr and Id-Adha (during whose nights, Lunsi review the history o f  Dagbon), Fire 
and Damba festivals, enskinment and Durbar o f  chiefs, and the waking-up o f  the 
chiefs on the dawns of Mondays and Fridays followed by their celebration, 
during the later part o f  the day and so on. The main difference between Kali Lung  
and Daa Lung  is that, Kali Lung makes to do with the praises, genealogies and 
historical narratives. While the latter employs only the praises and genealogies. In 
a nut shell, whiles the latter is performed at palaces and mostly for the chiefs, the 
former can be performed anywhere.
37
As mentioned in chapter one, Lunsi are court historians, musicians, 
geographers, consultants, advisers, judges, and chroniclers o f  the past and 
recorders o f  the present. Again they are teachers, researchers and carvers. The 
Dagbamba have preserved in their drum histories a rich historical narrative that is 
interwoven with myth, which records the origins migrations, battles and 
genealogy of  their royal rulers. In short Lunsi are traditional historians who keep 
the history o f  Dagbon to memory, which is recited any time there is the need for. 
Lunsi as part o f  the heritage and survival o f  the society not only use the historical 
narratives in uniting the people but also uses it to let the chiefs know who they 
are. They also use the same historical narratives to tell who the heroes and the 
vanquished were in the past. Lunsi are also transmitters o f  information. Again 
Lunsi perform indispensable services for the chief on all state and politically 
significant occasions, as well as providing the music for naming ceremonies, 
weddings, funerals and all social gatherings.
As geographers, it’s the Lunsi who know the geographical boundaries that 
exist among the villages and towns. They also know the number o f  villages and 
towns under any chief or paramountcy. Again it is the Lunsi who have it offhand 
the land boundaries o f  Dagbon. The Dagbamba are bordered to the north by the 
Mamprusi, the south by the Nanumba, the east the Republic o f  Togo and to the 
west by the Gonjas.
Lunsi are consultants and advisers. All princes and princesses consult and 
seek advice from old and or chief drummers. Even chiefs consults and seek 
advice from Lunsi, because they know the history and genealogy o f  every 
Dagbana. And the Lunsi always have this to say to any prince or princess who 
behaves in an “awkward” manner, “your father or your ancestors never behaved 
like this or that, so he or she should change for the betterment o f  his or her own 
future” . This happens when a prince or princess seem not to show appreciation 
for whatever service rendered him or her. Here, they (Lunsi) do not only serve 
consultants and advisers but are educators. For they educate the princes and 
princesses of the roles and responsibilities in the community.
Lunsi are teachers because they teach and train the young ones with the hope 
that they take over from the old and or chief drummers. It is some o f  the Lunsi 
who carve the wooden drums. The carvers do not do it on commercial basis 
because it is only the Lunsi who order them. And one Lung  shell can last as long 
as the Lunga can take good care o f  it. Another reason is that the Dagbamba 
custom and tradition does not permit non-drummers to join the Lunsi institution. 
However, this rule does not apply to Lunsi only; the same applies to other 
professions. Some few examples are Akarima (the talking drum player) Kikaa
38
(the horn blower), Nakoha (butcher), Mache/e (blacksmith) and Wanzam 
(barber).
3.2 Roles Played during Festivals
3.2.1 Id-ul-Fitr and Id-ul-Adha
The night prior to either o f  the two Idis, the Lunsi drum and recite the 
historical narratives at the Yaa N a a ’s palace and other palaces throughout 
Dagbon.This type o f  performance is called Lungsarigu  or Samban Lung. In this 
case the sort o f  historical narrative to review depends on the status o f  the king or 
chief. Also where the lead praise singer will begin is a determining factor. In any 
case, before this review, they (Lunsi) especially the old or and chief drummers 
normally meet the chief and his elders for discussion as to where to start. Thus 
which o f  the past kings should they begin with? It is from here that the chief or 
king can prepare himself. For there are certain sacrifices and pacifications that 
need be done, during and after the performance. For example a sheep or cow is 
usually slaughtered in order to pacify the Kings whose names were mentioned 
during the historical narratives. Then the following morning, the king or chief 
gives the lead praise singer a fowl (cock) or sheep for him to also use it to pacify 
his ancestors too. However, the sheep or cow slaughtered during that night’s meat 
is used in preparing food mid way during that night for the Lunsi. Under normal 
circumstances no specific time period is given for such narratives. The time 
period depends on which of the past kings the lead singer began with. One such 
narratives is the one about Naa L u ro ’s war with the Kalagsis, I made mention in 
chapter two. Such performances start after supper and normally end at dawn; 
2.00a.m or 3.00 a.m on certain occasions and as far as to 4.00a.m or 5.00a.m on 
others.
From the King’s or ch ie fs  palace the Lunsi move into town roaming from 
house to house. In each house they sing the praises and genealogy o f  the landlord 
or family head first. Followed by that o f  his walgira, his first wife and then other 
members o f  the family. They perform this way until the following morning when 
it is time for the Idi prayers that they stop and go for the prayers. If the village or 
town is big such that they could not finish, they either continue in the evening or 
the following morning.
39
3.2.2 Role during the Daniba Festival
Damba is a Festival and a Dance. As a festival, it is used to commemorate 
the birth and naming ceremony o f  the Holy Prophet o f  Islam, Prophet 
Mohammed. When the Damba moon is sited, the chief drummer instructs the 
young and some few old drummers to go to the ch iefs  palace after each supper to 
do drum rehearsals for the Damba festival. This continues till the 10th morning of 
that month when the chief Imam of the town and his followers go to the ch ie f  s 
palace for the picking o f  pebbles and stones from rice provided by the chief. On 
this particular day, in the morning by S.OOa.m, the chief drummer and his 
entourage go to the palace. From that time on anybody who comes to the palace, 
drummers, the only people who own a shed especially at the Yaa N aa's palace, 
drum and sing the praises and genealogy o f  each person that passes by. This trend 
continues until all elders, sub-chiefs and other minor chiefs have assembled 
before the King himself is brought out to sit in state for the shinkaafa gahimbu 
(the picking o f  pebbles and stones from the rice provided by the King), thus if the 
festival is to take place in Yendi. This rice is poured on a sheep or cow skin that is 
turned up side down. The chief Imam and his entourage sit around it, while 
singing Islamic songs (some verse o f  the Quran), they pick the pebbles and stones 
from the rice. They end when there are no or little signs of stones and pebbles in 
it. After this a cow the King provided is properly tied and placed at the center of 
the outer compound of the palace. Amidst drumming and singing the Somo and 
some o f  the Imam’s entourage dance round the cow that is later slaughtered. 
They removed the King’s share with the remaining shared amongst the elders and 
other chiefs. It is cooked the following morning with the rice, which is consumed 
before the morning Damba.
The Damba festival is divided into two parts. The first part that falls on the 
11th o f  the Damba month is dedicated to one o f  the King’s elders call Somo. 
Hence the name given to that part o f  the Damba Festival is Somo Damba. On that 
day in the morning as usual the Lunsi go to the palace as it was the previous day. 
But the difference here is that there is no picking of pebbles and stones from rice. 
Rather after the King has sat in state, the Lunsi begin to take the elders, sub­
chiefs and chiefs one at a time to perform the Damba dance.
The Somo is taken first for that is his day. After him, the rest are taken in 
order o f  merit, thus according to their ranks and status. This performance 
continues this way until 12.00 noon then they stop for everybody to go back to 
their various homes for lunch and also to enable them say the 1.00 p.m prayers 
and take some rest before returning to the palace for the evening part o f  the 
festival. Everybody returns to the palace once again around 2.30 p.m, for the 
same performance to be repeated until 5.30 or 6.00p m there about that it ends for
40
people to go back home for supper and the two evening and night prayers. After 
this, they rest for sometime until around 9.00p.m then some o f  the people return 
to the palace for the night aspect o f  the festival. With regard to the night Damba 
most o f  the people do not patronize it, except a few elders with some o f the chiefs 
and their drummers. During this time most o f  the young drummers have the 
option to do solo performances with any youth who need their services. Food 
sellers as well as buyers are extra careful for the youth (especially small children) 
are at liberty to fetch some o f the food from either the seller or the buyer and run 
away with it. In this case it is not tantamount to stealing for it is part o f  the 
celebration. Again this continues till daybreak when everybody leaves the palace 
for home. This brings us to the end o f  the first part o f  Damba termed Somo 
Damba. Let me make it clear here that the Damba rehearsals always end on the 
9th night. However there is a break from the 12th until the 16th that activity starts 
again.
On the 16th is shinkaafa gahimbu, the picking of pebbles and stones from 
rice for the second part o f  the Damba  festival in honor o f  the chief or king. The 
same thing is repeated all over as was done during the first part. The following 
day 17th, is the second part o f  the Damba festival known as Naa Damba. Like in 
the first part o f  the festival, the same thing is repeated. Then comes the 18th 
known as the day for Damba belkulsi, (meaning escorting Damba home).
However, this is not always compulsorily fixed on the 18th. As such a 
different date may be fixed, in case it’s unanimously agreed upon on grounds that 
either everybody is tired or only the drummers or the elders. In Yendi it is taken 
home or escorted to Yidan B a b a ’s house (the chief butcher o f  Yendi). One would 
realize the vital role the Lunsi play from the day the Damba moon is sited 
throughout the festival period to the last day.
3.2.3 Bugum Chuggu (Fire Festival)
The Fire Festival falls on the 9th day o f  the Bugum month. Early dawn of that 
day the Lunsi go to the chief or king’s to drum and sing his praises just to remind 
him about the festival. From here they move on to the various houses o f  the 
elders. At each house they drum with the lead singer singing the praises and their 
genealogies, and keep on reminding each o f  them of the impending festival.
Later in the night of the same day after supper is the festival proper. After 
supper a fraction o f  the drummers and other members o f  the community get to 
the ch ie fs  palace for the celebration to begin. Here everybody waits patiently till 
the chief lights his torch from which the rest of the community light theirs.
41
However those who have not been able to make it to the palace wait at home till 
they hear a gun shot followed by drumming the war dance z/iem by the Lunsi, 
which serves as a signal for every member o f  the village or town to also light his 
or her torch. This way they move in a procession through the principal streets of 
the town where they throw away the leftover torches. They would continue 
performing this war dance till they return to the palace for the elders who lead 
them to report back to the chief for their successful completion of the year’s Fire 
Festival.
3.3 The Celebration of Mondays and Fridays
These two days celebrations came into being as a result o f  Naa S ig li’s war 
with Golingoling Kumpatia at Chirizan Sang . Golingoling Kumpatia was a 
Gonja warrior who took the opportunity o f  the confusion created due to the 
struggle over power to conquer Dagbon. He began this expedition from the 
Tolon/Kumbungu  area and fought up to Sang  where he remained and established 
his camp. This was after the chiefs o f  Dagbon had just returned from Nalerigu  
where they went for the Nayiri (the king o f  Mampruguj to settle the dispute as to 
who to succeed Naa Gungoble who died around 1648. Naa Zangina was finally 
chosen with the understanding that Naa Sigli should takeover after his death. 
From Nalerigu, Naa Sigli went and settled at Zulogu. The battle between Naa 
Sigli and Kumpatia  was around 1677 for oral history has it that Naa Sigli who by 
then had no skin title, was still fighting when Naa Zangina died. And Naa 
Zangina died around the date above, 1677.
During those days oral history has it that the day, date and venue for such 
battles were made known to both factions, so that they both selected men who 
could fight. Because it was not every man that went to war. This battle was fixed 
on a Friday. Andan Sigli as Naa Sigli was popularly known cautioned his chief 
drummer, Lunga Naa Woblaa Nyogu Kundari to become a “dawn-cock”, in order 
to wake him (Naa Sigli) up early for the fight. Else he would fight him instead of  
Kumpatia. This meant chief drummer Woblaa Nyogu Kundare kept a wake that 
night and early at dawn he used his drum with praise singing, woke Naa Sigli for 
the titanic battle. Nevertheless, at this juncture there is the need for me to write a 
little about how Naa Sigli got to Sang from Zulogu.
When Naa Sigli heard of K um patia’s war, he got himself dressed up and 
could not pass through the main exit o f  the big hall, zong. As a result he had the 
following praise song added to his praises;
42
Sing titali be kpe dun noli zang tiri gooni,
meaning the big clay pot that cannot pass through the main entrance, passes over 
the wall. Here Naa Sigli had this to say and 1 quote:
Zabag blaa bii pora ni manni Andan Sigli zan n yaa ti tuho lalla.
Literally meaning this Gonja slave chap is too small for me, Andan Sigli to go to 
fight direct, as a result with the men he set off he fought all villages and towns 
that stood in his way from  Zulogu to Sang. On the agreed day and date for the 
battle, Woblaa Nyogu Kundare did exactly as he was asked to, by waking Naa 
Sigli early enough to get himself ready for the fight. Since that day it became 
established that Lunsi should wake up the king and other chiefs at the dawn of 
Mondays and Fridays in commemoration o f  that day, followed by the victory 
celebration o f  that battle. The question one may ask is why and how come 
Kumpatia managed to fight up to Sang? The simple answer is that when they 
went to Nalerigu for the contest, all those contestants who were unsuccessful 
became angry. Most o f  them did not understand why one who initially had no 
interest could all o f  a sudden turn out to become the fellow they accompanied to 
chalk success. They expressed their anger when on their return he took the 
trouble to visit each o f  them, to congratulate and thank them for their support and 
cooperation at Nalerigu. He also used the opportunity wishing each o f  them the 
best o f  luck in all spheres o f  life, and prayed for God’s guidance, good yield and 
prosperity throughout Dagbon. Yet all o f  them refused to heed to his call for calm 
and told him in plain words that how he managed to ascend to the throne, he 
should do the same to rule and govern alone. It was this news that Kumpatia 
capitalized on. It paid off in a way for him. This was why when he started the war 
everybody sat back claiming it was the responsibility o f  Naa Zangina  to defend 
Dagbon. Any chief he sent a messenger to, the reply the messenger returned with 
was how he managed to become King he should do same to fight Kumpatia. This 
was why Andan Sigli was the only person who stood to the task and not only 
defended Dagbon, but also wiped away Kumpatia and his stubborn fighters.
3.4 Roles during Enskinment of Chiefs
There are three main types o f  enskinment o f  chiefs in Dagbon, especially at 
the Gbewaa palace.
1. Those who are enskinned by M ba Dugu  (the Yaa Naa 's chief Linguist).
2. Chiefs enskined in the outer compound o f  the Gbewaa palace under a 
shed, call Sampaa, by the Yaa Naa
43
3. The third are those enskined in the sacred room Katini Dim, by the 
kingmakers. This category includes the Yaa Naa.
4.
In all three categories the Yaa Naa plays the key role, lor the selection and 
provision o f  the Kparibu is done by him. In the case of one and two, they stand 
the chance to change, that is to progress upwards. T his in effect means such 
chiefs can move from one junior skin to a senior one when the need arises. The
need only arises when a senior chief passes away.
However, with regard to number three, according to the custom and tradition 
o f  Dagbon no chief enters the Katini Dim  twice. This is an indication that all such 
chiefs are in their final lap and so cannot go any further. In all three cases the
role o f  Lunsi is paramount. When a chief passes away all other chiefs who are
eligible and have interest in the skin show it immediately. This is by way of 
adding Kparibu to the burial money, Sogbu Ligri. He then begins lobbying. Each 
o f  the contestants approaches the chief drummer with some kola nuts and money 
informing him o f his interest in the vacant skin. The chief drummer after 
receiving it also tries to notify other old and or chief drummers o f  the same town 
or village, by giving them some o f  the kola and money. Whoever is finally given 
the skin kola, Nam guli, comes back to notify the chief drummer and the date 
fixed for his enskinment. The chief drummer accepts any gift he come with, with 
the assurance that he and his entourage shall be there to perform their role and 
duty. Again the chief drummer passes the message on to all other old and or chief 
drummers as he had done before.
On the day o f  enskinment o f  number one and two, the Lunsi get themselves 
ready at Mba D u g u ’s house, if  it is number one and at the Gbewaa Palace in case 
it is number two. In these two instances it can either be in the morning or 
evening. Whichever time is fixed, the Lunsi as usual get themselves in a suitable 
position, drum and sing the praises o f  any person who comes to the place. They 
continue this performance until it is time for the enskinment. Immediately the 
chief to be is helped to wear the Kparibu, the chief Linguist makes a 
pronouncement thrice. Each time he mentions the birth name o f  the chief to be, 
he adds the skin name and the name o f  the town or village that he is to rule.
The Lunsi immediately perform the thanksgiving and congratulation dance. 
Then at the end o f  it they change to the new ch iefs  praises and genealogy. 
However they cannot end without singing the praises and genealogy o f  the chief 
o f  the palace where it is taking place. After the praises and genealogies are 
recited, a danceable tune is changed for the new chief to perform. Later some few 
people are invited to dance. This may last for some few minutes and stop. This is 
to allow some time for him to pay homage to the chief and also to receive a word
44
of advice from the chief and his elders. The new chief is then taken to his house if 
he is from Yendi. On the other hand if  he is not he would be taken to his host’s 
house. In either case the procession dance is use to send him to any of the 
residences. There full performance takes place after which the drummers return 
to their homes.
Nevertheless if it is number three the new chief has to pass that night in the 
Katini Dun at the G hew aa’s Palace. The Lunsi would have to do the historical 
review throughout that night. Then the following morning the Lunsi again go to 
the palace where he is brought out o f  the sacred room. Amidst drumming and 
praise singing he is taken to his house or host’s. Here the sort o f  performance that 
is mentioned in one and two is done for him. However if  the new chief is not a 
native o f  Yendi, on his return to his hometown, his chief drummer in consultation 
with him sets a day aside for another historical review. In all three cases the 
Namo Naa elects his representative to accompany the chief home, if  he is not a 
native o f  Yendi.
3.5 Durbar of Chiefs
When there is going to be a durbar of chiefs, the Lunsi are given advance 
notice. This is to enable them have ample time to prepare and keep that day open. 
On that faithful day they go to the ch ie fs  house in full gear to deliver. After the 
chief is in full regalia and come out they {Lunsi) start drumming Barigizali. They 
later change to that o f  procession when they are set in to motion. Whether the 
chief is on foot, horse back or in a car, they continue drumming and singing to 
the durbar grounds.
On arrival there, they change to Gingaani. This depends on the rank of  the 
chief because not all chiefs are entitled to that type o f  performance. Those that 
are not entitled to Gingaani have the option o f  Gingaan ' -Salli. If the place set 
for the durbar is in the open, after all the chiefs are seated, the Lunsi drum and 
sing their praises one by one. They normally begin with the most senior to the 
lowest in rank. At the end o f  the function each chief drummer and his entourage 
perform for their chief till he reaches his residence. On the other hand if it is in a 
room, thus in the form o f  a meeting or a conference the Lunsi remain sitting out 
side. They drum and sing the praises o f  any chief on arrival till he enters the 
conference hall or room. After all the chiefs have entered they keep waiting till 
the end. The chiefs then come out one by one like how they came. Again each 
drummer follows his chief, drumming the procession dance for him to his 
residence.
45
3.6 Relations with the Yaa Naa and Chiefs
The Yaa Naa is the Overlord o f  Dagbon. Yaa Naa in Dagbani literally means 
African King o f  Power. Almost all the chiefs o f  Dagbon are enskined by him. 
Though lie resides in Yendi the traditional capital he has full control over all the 
land in Dagbon. In Dagbon, if there were no Lunsi, there might not have existed 
to date the chieftaincy institution. This was clearly demonstrated by Naa Luro, 
after his battle against the Gonjas, as elaborated in chapter two. Again before and 
during Naa Sigli's battle with Golingoling Kumpatia is another evidence. Once 
more the roles the Lunsi play in the state, their relations with the Yaa Naa and 
other chiefs, as well as those they play in the community, attest to this fact.
The L u n si’s relationship with the Yaa Naa can be traced to the first Lunga, 
Bizun. Bizun was the biological son of Naa Nyagse, who was a Yaa Naa. For that 
matter Bizun was a prince, and so there is that kinship relations between the 
Lunsi, Yaa Naa and other chiefs. Due to this every Dagbana calls them N-yeba 
including the Yaa Naa. The reason being that every chief in Dagbon is either a 
son o f  a Yaa Naa , grandson, or great grandson and so on and so forth.
The Yaa Naa consults the Lunsi on all matters that concerns the progress and 
development o f  the area. He also seeks advice from them before taking certain 
decisions. Again Lunsi play a vital role in the judicial system of the Gbewaa 
Palace and all other palaces across Dagbon. There is no difference in their 
relations with the Yaa Naa and other chiefs, except total cooperation and co- 
existance.
3.7 Parts Played in the Community At Large
Drummers play in the community on many occasions such as Daa lung, 
weddings, naming ceremonies, funerals, market place, construction of footpaths 
and roads, plastering o f  room and inner compound.
Daa Lung literal transliteration means market drum19. However, it goes 
beyond that. For a traditional historian like Zablong Zakariah Abdallah it cuts 
across all life cycle o f  Dagbamba. Thus from birth to death all performances that 
take place except that o f  Kali. Daa Lung is any performance by the Lunsi outside 
the palaces. This type can be performed anywhere, anytime and any moment for 
any Dagbana even at marketplace and drinking bars. When this particular type o f  
performance praises and genealogies are employed no historical narrative is
19 Daa Lung literally means market dram
46
required. In a nut shell the main difference between Kali Lung and Daa Lung  is 
that, Kali Lung  employs praises, genealogies and historical narratives, while the 
latter make do with only praises and genealogies. Again while the former is 
performed at palaces, the latter is performed anywhere.
Whoever has this type o f  programme invites the Lunsi by sending someone 
with kola and some amount o f  money and informing them of the date. The money 
with the kola nut is normally sent to the chief drummer who in turn calls some 
old drummers to inform them about the programme. Under normal circumstance 
a chief drummer is not suppose to drum at such function. In the house where the 
function is to take place the Lunsi, after exchanging greetings, begin by 
drumming and singing the praises and genealogies o f  the landlord followed by 
that of other members o f  the household, including all married women. They then 
go on to the invited guests, here they deal with the men first. The reason being 
that at this particular moment the women would have been busy cooking for this 
festive occasion. This is not tantamount to gender bias anyway. It is after the 
women finish cooking that the Lunsi would turn to them. Like what was done for 
the men they perform their praises and genealogies one by one before they 
proceed to the general performance. With regard to the general performance solo 
dancing is done. In all cases the Lunsi are mindful o f  the fact that seniority counts 
a lot. That is whether they are performing the praises and genealogies or solo 
performances the lead praise singer with the lead drummer always begins with 
the most senior in any family. If for any reason they make a mistake by going to a 
junior person he quickly and immediately points to one who is their senior in that 
particular family. On the other hand, if  the mistake is not corrected and they get 
to the most senior, his reaction is to drive them away. They accept their fault and 
quickly apologize.
3.7.1 Naming Ceremonies
The same procedure is used during naming ceremonies. Here too the naming 
ceremonies we see o f  late are not that sort o f  typical Dagbamba traditional type 
for there are lots o f  Islamic elements involved. What I mean by Islamic elements 
are the names given, prayers said, and at times the venue for the naming 
ceremony. A few examples o f  such Islamic names are M ohammed , Abdul-Aziz, 
Hafiz, Hamza and so on. These names are used many a time as against that o f  the 
ancestors. With regard the drumming the same procedure and method is used 
throughout.
47
3.7.2 Funerals
There are four types of funerals in Dagbon:
Bii kuli - the funeral o f  a child (a day old to 17 years old).
Ninsaringa - matured person (from 17 years to about 45 years old).
Ninkurugu  - the funeral o f  an elderly person who does not occupy any skin, 
thus one who is not a chief.
Naa - a chief or King.
With regard to the first two no Lunsi performance takes place. It’s the other 
two that the Lunsi play a vital role. However there are marked differences in the 
various funerals in Dagbon. For the child Maasa (specially treated corn dough) is 
used for his or her funeral. For that o f  the mature person, roasted cow skin or a 
sheep is appropriate. On the other hand, with the last two, one or more sheep with 
one cow or more cattle is used for the funeral. With regard to the last two, when 
any o f  them die a message is sent to the chief drummer concerning the death. He 
in turn passes the same message to the remaining drummers o f  the town or 
village. The drummers then gather at the chief drummer’s house from where they 
move to the funeral grounds. On arrival they sit in the outer compound facing the 
house in which lies the dead body. Immediately the chief drummer unties his 
Lung  and begins amppellating some o f  the praises and genealogy o f  the dead 
person. While doing this he also uses the Lung  to ask the corpse what is wrong or 
what has happened and he or she is motionless. This is the beginning o f  the 
funeral dance called Ku-Lung. All these while the other drummers also untie their 
drums ready to support him. He gets to a point and then changes to call them into 
action. Here it is call and response till they finish. They now sit down awaiting 
the burial while the gravediggers are digging. After the corpse is brought out and 
the funeral prayer said over it the Lunsi again begin another funeral drumming 
until he or she is put into the grave. They repeat the same drumming that was 
played when he or she was still lying in the room. On the third day they return to 
the funeral house and position themselves as usual for the day. In this case mostly 
one lead praise singer and one lead drummer does the job. Thus while one is 
singing the other plays the drum. On the seventh day the same thing is repeated. 
The funeral is then put down for one or two years depending on the funeral type. 
It is normally a year for the third group and two years for the Chiefs and King. 
When the time is due the drummers are given advance notice and on the 
stipulated time and day they go to the house in question to repeat the first part of 
what they did during his or her death. This type o f  funerals is divided into two 
main parts; Ku Bihi pennibu  (the day set aside for the shaving o f  the hair o f  the 
deceased family, especially the siblings). The second part termed Benni Wuhubu, 
comes on a week after the first. On both occasion the Lunsi perform throughout. 
After the first part the deceased family, especially the women invite the Lunsi to
48
play the Torn dance for them every night till the seventh night. For the seventh 
day is for the Benni Wuhubu and the night o f  that day is for Ncigbeigu (a 
Dagbamba dance called ugly cow). Here a series o f  solo dances are performed 
throughout that night. Nonetheless, other group dances may be performed that 
same night depending on the status and rank o f  the deceased as well as the social 
and political standing of his or her siblings.
3.7.3 Market Days
On market days throughout Dagbon, Lunsi go to the market either in groups 
or singles. This way they drum and sing the praises o f  individuals at the market. 
The performance in this case is optional for the Lunsi. It’s on such occasion that 
the small drummers also go in ones or in twos drumming and singing Dakoli n 
nye bii ba nam lana , what I termed the A B C  of the Lunsi. They drum for 
women traders especially those who sell ingredients. At the end o f  the day they 
get money plus some ingredients that are given to their mothers.
During the construction o f  roads and footpaths the Lunsi perform as 
entertainers and to give the men motivation. However when any woman is going 
to plaster her room or inner compound she invites the Lunsi. This normally 
begins in the morning and can go on till evening depending on the size o f  the 
compound or number o f  room to deal with. Here the war dance, Zhem is played 
until the ending that they change to Zolgu (the drum praises o f  Naa Zolgu ).
49
CHAPTER FOUR 
CHANGE AND TRANSFORMATION
4.1 Training: change over time
In this last chapter, I am going to look at training and how it has been 
changing over time, and the form it might have taken and why the change. In this 
same chapter socialization half a century back would be described as well as the 
experiences of the Middle aged (people whose age ranges from 36-65 years). 
Also I would throw light on the Lot o f  the Youth (people who fall within the age 
range of 18-35 years) and the Fate o f  the Children (these are people who will fall 
within the ages of 6-17 years).
Half a century or so ago, there was full focus and concentration on the 
training o f  Lunsi. Lots o f  reasons accounted for these. In the first place there were 
no modem forms of  entertainment with their centers like we have today, such as 
Cinema halls, Video centers and nightclubs to mention but few. In the past there 
were not in existence information technologies such as Communication centers, 
Mobile phones, Computers and Internet cafes. They were either not there or not 
in an advanced stage as it is today. Moreover the population was not as dense as 
it is today.
There is a big difference between the recruitment and training half a century 
or so ago and the present. Some of the reasons for these differences are those 
mentioned above. Again there was not much freedom and more to the point there 
was no formal education. Parents therefore had full control o f  their children’s 
movement. The children were made to stay at home to leam the drum poetry and 
oral traditions in the night before and after supper from the father or any guardian 
under whose care the child remained, or any body who knew the drum poetry and 
oral traditions and so instructed the child to do such.
Today it is not so, because most of those who have gone through some small 
formal (Western type) education almost always feel shy or look down on these 
traditional practices and do not want to touch the drums let alone learn to play 
them. And to some extent a large majority (both literate and illiterate) prefers to 
attend Cinema and Video centers, nightclubs and other entertainment centers 
instead o f  sitting at home to be taught the oral traditions and drum poetry. 
Furthermore, some of the children who in one way or the other have been able to
50
learn some “Koranic Verses” do not associate themselves with drumming, 
because o f  their religious beliefs or their understanding of modernity.
There is difference between the training practices o f  old and what pertains 
currently as mentioned earlier on. Most o f  the Lunsi who decide not to play the 
drum, either due to their religious affiliation or Western system of formal 
education, may engage in other professions. However, some of those who are 
interested in the institution may engage in training as Lunsi but do not want to 
follow some o f the cultural practices o f  yesteryear. Such practices include 
fanning for the trainer, and giving all the money one makes to the trainer after 
every performance. This makes it very difficult for many trainers to give o f  their 
best, as they are aware they no longer have benefits accruing from their efforts.
It has been said that the Lunsi hold the keys to the gates o f  Dagbon, in the 
sense that apart from being oral historians, genealogist and entertainers, they are 
judges, consultants, geographers, researchers, carvers ( those who make the 
wooden frames o f  the drum ), and advisers as elaborated in some of the previous 
chapters. They keep the oral history o f  every Dagbana but not only the royals. 
They are said to be judges because, if  there is a misunderstanding or conflict over 
land or a skin, they are called on to provide their knowledge in the oral traditions, 
which is then used to help pass judgments. A typical example was when Yaa Naa 
Abdulai Bella was threatened with deskinning. It was my biological father, 
Zablong Zakariah Danaa, of  blessed memory, in consultation with the then 
Namo Naa Issahaku who was called upon to unearth the truth. Zablong Zakariah 
Danaa recounted the beginning o f  the Nam  up to that time in question, and he 
acted as an arbitrator in the matter. This means he started from the beginning of 
the Yendi skin to the time o f  Naa Abudulai Bella , the then Yaa Naa.
Due to the advancement in modern technology, and the introduction of 
certain religious beliefs and practices the institution is facing lots o f  problems. 
Westernization is another big problem to the Lunsi institution in Dagbon. The 
melodious voices o f  Lunsi were heard once in a while. This was only at the 
palaces and courts o f  chiefs and kings. But today with the assistance o f  tape- 
recorders, these sweet voices are recorded on tapes and played anytime 
anywhere. Some even sell tapes to make money while the poor drummer is at 
home struggling to make ends meet.
The first major problem is that the Lunsi are no longer taken care o f  as was 
done during the olden days. During those days the chief took care o f  Lunsi, like 
he was caring for his own family, as mentioned in chapter three. But o f  late the 
trend has changed, and so the Lunsi feed, clothe, and provide shelter for 
themselves. An increase in the population o f  Lunsi may also be a factor why the
51
chief can no longer care for the Lunsi. Though Lunsi are drummers, they farm 
too. But the general increase in population has adversely affected them, as 
availability o f  farmland has become a problem. This has resulted in low incomes 
from farming activities. As most o f  the aged Lunsi are dying and a large majority 
o f  the new generation o f  Lunsi is not ready to learn it, it may come to a time 
when the whole Lunsi establishment would be wiped out or have few survivors.
In Dagbon the royals and a few others outside the royal families don’t play 
with the Lunsi. Only ignorant Dagbamba do not value the role o f  Lunsi and for 
such people the very mention o f  Lunsi invokes a notion of  lazy, begging 
intruders. Such people often make remarks such as Ka Lunga Mei! literally 
meaning what worth is a Drummer. That is the exclamation o f  the ignorant who 
are unaware o f  the significant roles o f  Lunsi in Dagbon. The other source o f  
history is historical sites where wars were fought before independence. Some of 
the few sites are Sang, Adibo, Sabare, Yeni-dabari, Namkabiemni, Sakpegu , and 
outside Ghana, Basare in the Republic of Togo and Bamako in Mali.
With the advent o f  civilization and later western (type) education, money and 
other forms of  modernity that came in its trail, improvement in transport and 
information technology have had adverse effects on the training o f  Lunsi over 
time. This part will be treated in detail in the coming paragraphs. There also came 
a period in the history o f  Dagbon when there was competition among the court 
musicians o f  the Gbewaa palace in order to win the King’s favours. This was 
especially so amongst the Lunsi and Gonje, during Yaa Naa Abdulai Bella’s 
reign. That was during the late 50s and early 60s, which in a way was going to 
affect the training process o f  the youth. But the old and or chief drummers 
detected it and quickly put things back to normal. At this juncture I would like to 
ask three questions. The first question is who is a Gonje? Secondly, what is their 
origin or genesis? And thirdly what is their role and significance in relation to the 
chieftaincy institution in Dagbon? Gonje are single (one stringed) fiddle players. 
In short they are fiddlers. Secondly, it was Naa Saa Lan Ziblini who brought 
them to Dagbon from the then Upper Volta (Burkina Faso), Faraguruma to be 
precise. This means every Gonje in Dagbon today must be able to trace his or her 
descent to the people o f  Fara-Guruma. Again this points to the fact that the Gonje 
belong to the Guruma ethnic group and as such it is a borrowed musical type into 
Dagbon. The answer to the third but last question is that they are Monday and 
Friday musicians as was seen in chapter two.
52
4.2 Socialization Half A Century Ago
The following text captures salient aspects o f  the drummer’s training20 It was 
carried out in Zabzugu. The first person I interviewed was my own senior brother 
Shci Zablong Zakari. There is an adage in Dagbani that says, “Sara y i tigla duu 
ka naan yinna Sam bannf'. This literally translated means that, “anything good 
must first satisfy the family (household) before the leftover is sent outside” .
I had it cool with him and at a point it appeared he was in a trance (he got 
possessed) and the material flowed freely at will. At some point however he 
became a bit hesitant and full o f  pessimism because he thought documenting such 
materials will lead to the loss o f  value o f  Lunsi, thus making the institution 
something like a waste bag or toilet paper. To this I disagreed with him and made 
him understand that it would rather give it a broader outlook and create more 
market and jobs for Lunsi. In addition, documentation would add value and open 
the eyes o f  those ignorant about the process and significance o f  Lunsi. He 
stressed that without the institution o f  Lunsi then there is no “Nam  ” (leadership) 
in Dagbon. Explaining further to support his claim, Nkpem Shei mentioned that 
from the birth to the death o f  any Dagbana  every activity is linked with the 
tradition and culture. The custodian o f  these two important elements is Lunsi. 
Oral tradition has it that during the colonial era (before the advent o f  Islam and 
the coming o f  Europeans) Lunsi /telped chiefs to sit on cases and pass judgments 
at the chiefs’ Courts located in Palaces. Today the situation remains the same at 
the various palaces.
- They mentioned that the role o f  Lunsi is many but varied. Apart from helping 
to pass judgment at the court o f  chiefs, they use their drums with praise singing to 
wake up chiefs on the dawns o f  Mondays and Fridays. The Lunsi also perform at 
the palaces during the annual festivals, durbar o f  chiefs and other social occasions 
where their services may be needed at the palace. Outside the palace, Lunsi also 
perform at naming ceremonies, weddings and funerals. According to M  Kpem  
Shei Z. Zakari, the main reason why some of the youth of today are running away 
from the Lunsi institution is money. The youth o f  today are interested in making
20
1 conducted interviews with Dr. Osman Alhassan for the Institute o f  African Studies at Z abzugu in the 
Z abzugu/Tatale District o f  the N orthern region from the 27 lh July- 18,h August 2002. This resulted in an 
unpublished research work on the recruitm ent and training o f  Lunsi.
21 When the incident involving the death of the Yaa Naa in Yendi necessitated a change of place 
for the research, I thought it wise to conduct the research in my own hometown and place of birth 
-Zabzugu.
53
quick money. As such anything that does not yield quick monetary rewards does 
not instantly appeal to them.
He classified the institution o f  Lunsi into two major groups: firstly Daa-Lung 
and secondly Kali Lung. The Daa Lung (praises o f  all classes o f  people) is 
performed anytime and anywhere. Kali Lung (the real tradition) is performed 
solely for the king or chiefs at the palaces or anywhere the king or chief is present 
or going. The former is easy to leam and also easily rewarding for most of the 
youth. Thus the youth prefer the former to the latter, which is performed only at 
the palaces and takes time to grasp and more to the point less rewarding. Kali 
Lung  comprise of the historical narratives or reviews during annual festivals such 
as Konyuri Chuggu (Id-Fitr festival), Chinisi Chuggu (the Id-Ahda festival), 
Bugum Chuggu (Fire festiva l) and Kpinni febbu  (the Guinea fowl festival) and all 
other such performances that take place at the various palaces mentioned earlier 
on. For they even perform at the war front.
Lagban L ung’ Naa Abukari Ziblim  said it is due to the advancement in 
science and technology that is preventing the Lungbihi (young drummers) from 
learning and practicing. He mentioned that due to the operations o f  video and 
cinema houses some o f  the Lungbihi (young drummers) prefer viewing these 
films than staying at home after supper to study and rehearse narratives.
Some of those interviewed were o f  the view that Religion (particularly 
Islam) has contributed to the lukewarm attitude of some Lungbihi who shun their 
heritage. Others maintained that the attitude of some members o f  the royals and 
sections o f  the community makes them underrate this noble institution. For 
instance one drummer said it was very common to hear remarks such as, Ka 
Lunga mei, meaning o f  what value is a Lunga! He added that at times when some 
non-drummer community members are gathered under a shed or tree and a Lunga 
starts approaching them, one member o f  the gathering would whisper to the rest 
saying, Bobli nim la yaa kan na, literally meaning “here come those people fond 
o f  disturbing u s ”. At the end o f  it all he said the gathering scatters or in the 
process o f  scattering before the Lunga gets there. This attitude arises from the 
fact that the said Lunga after greetings says some few praises prompting some of 
them to give out something (money). This attitude demoralizes both old and 
young drummers. For at times where such things happen and they go home they 
are compelled to discuss such things to the annoyance o f  their children. The 
children often become upset and question the appropriateness o f  doing things that 
are misunderstood to mean begging. They therefore have no incentive to practice 
a noble profession such as theirs only to the disgust o f  some people in society.
54
Nevertheless, some chiefs and elders interviewed were o f  the opinion that 
without the Lunsi /here would have been no chieftaincy in Dagbon. If chieftaincy 
existed, it might not have the value and significance accorded it. One such chief 
in the person o f  Yelzoli Vo-Naa Hamidu Shei mentioned that for the value and 
respect he has for the institution, he sometimes cuts down the number o f  elders he 
is to travel with but increases the number o f  Lunsi: for the same trip. On certain 
occasions too he does cut down the number in order for the Lunsi to get enough 
space to drum in a moving vehicle. Left to him alone he always wants Lunsi to be 
with him anytime, any moment, and anywhere, except when he is in bed with his 
wife.
All Lunsi and non-Lunsi alike said chiefs and elders hold the same view, and 
added that it is only those who do not know the role and significance o f  Lunsi 
/hat disregard and pass unnecessary comments about Lunsi.
Fifty years ago, according to Kworli Lung' Naa Abukari, one of the most 
experienced and talented chief drummers in Dagbon today said drummers were in 
a class o f  their own. They were cared for by the chiefs. They were fed, clothed 
and given shelter. Chiefs gave their daughters to Lunsi for marriage. These 
donations were either during performances or after. A praise singer might 
perform to the admiration o f  a chief to the extent that he would give out his 
daughter or any unmarried female o f  the descent group for marriage or make a 
pledge, which must be fulfilled. The chief would in this case make a pledge when 
the female child was not readily available or not mature for marriage.
Some years back (half a century or so ago) when there was no means of 
vehicular transport, journeys were made on foot and horse back in Dagbon. 
Chiefs and chief drummers rode horses, while other members o f  the communities 
who could not afford horses walked on foot. Wherever the chief went the Lunsi 
accompanied him with their drums. This way they both drummed and sang 
whenever they were on trek or just one Lunga sang his praises while they walked 
on. In those days a chief could call on the chief drummer any time of the day or 
night to serve him. In these ways the chief drummer’s farm activities were almost 
always disrupted. Chiefs those days had the vigor to call on Lunsi simply because 
during the harvest season, after the various villagers had harvested their farm 
produce and the ch ie fs  share sent to the palace, the chief in turn fetched some of 
the food for the chief drummer. On Mondays, Fridays and during festivals, when 
the villagers again sent some foodstuffs to the chief, he used to give part of it to 
the Lunsi. This was the way Lunsi were fed by chiefs, apart from whatever 
proceeds they got from performances. The chief also provided clothes to both the 
Lunsi and their wives. This was done at least once annually. It was also the
55
responsibility of the chief to provide shelter for his Lunsi which was done those 
days as mentioned earlier on.
To the entire community, half a century ago, Lunsi played vital roles as 
mentioned in chapter three. These roles can still be seen even today in weddings, 
naming ceremonies/outdooring, festivals, funerals and so on. Lunsi are principal 
actors in all these social functions and gatherings. During that period in time, 
when a chief was on trek the Lunga  played dual roles. In the sense that apart from 
drumming and singing the praises o f  the chief in question and his genealogy, on 
entering a village or town they played another important role, spreading 
awareness that an important personality was passing. On leaving the outskirts of a 
town or village, one or two praise singers would sing praises in turns. Again they 
would call the family lineage and genealogy of the chief they were following. 
Many a time each o f  the two would pick a particular Yaa Naa o f  the past 
genealogy to praise.
However they once in a while turned to that o f  the chief they were traveling 
with as they sang his genealogy and praises and told him to be mindful of 
potholes. Also they added that he should mind his steps, because a chief or king 
is not supposed to walk like an ordinary person. They would continue performing 
this way, thus drumming as a group on approaching a town or village and turn to 
perform solo or duct when out o f  the town or village. When they were performing 
as a group, solo, or duet, every Dagbana  who understood the drum language on 
hearing the appellations easily and quickly knew the sort o f  person coming or 
passing. This depended on how far the air could carry the sound o f  the Lung. 
Once again any town or village they would pass through, they would switch and 
drum and sing that particular c h ie fs  praises and genealogy until they are out of 
the town or village in question. It would be there and then that the solo performer 
would take over once more. They performed this way until he arrives at his 
destination (the particular town or village he was travelling to). They drummed 
for him to alight from the horse back with the support and help o f  some o f his 
subjects. Immediately he alighted, depending on his status or rank as a chief, his 
Lunsi would either change to play Gingaansalli or Gingaani. He would either sit 
in the outer compound, Sambani or in the main hall of the house, Zong , for such a 
performance to take place. The Lunsi would drum and sing his praises for thirty 
minutes to one hour or more depending on the particular Yaa Naa, o f  old the lead 
praise singer chose to begin with. Depending on the number o f  days they would 
spend there, the Lunsi would continue to perform their duties and roles whenever 
the need arose. The roles and duties o f  Lunsi can be put into two main groups: 
those that are fixed and known to them and the second are those that have no 
fixed dates and are not known to them.
56
A few of those duties and roles that are fixed and known to them are, the 
waking up o f  the chief, Beigunaayo , on the dawns of Mondays and Fridays and 
their celebrations during the latter part o f  the day. The nights for the Historical 
reviews, Festivals, Gingaansalli, Gingaani, Bandamda and so on. Some o f them 
are unfixed and unknown until it happens and they are called upon. These are 
Weddings, Naming ceremonies/Outdoorings, Durbars o f  chiefs, Funerals and 
Treks.
Apart from these and others mentioned in the previous chapters, there are 
other forms that the Lunsi socialize in the communities and societies they live in. 
In the past and even to date every Lunga socializes in one way or the other with 
most o f  the professional groups, if  not all as well as other members of the society. 
Such professionals and non professional groups o f  people like Nakohinima 
(Butchers), Afanima (Mallams), Nabihi (Princes), Nabipuginsi (Princesses), 
Tinkpamba (Elders o f  a town or village), Machalnima (Blacksmiths), and so on 
and so forth. During the same period Lunga or Lunsi had almost every thing 
“free”. Apart from the fact that chiefs cared for them those days, the Butchers 
gave them goat skins for making the heads o f  their drums free o f  charge. The 
blacksmiths also made Peinkpahi (metal pins with wooden heads or handles) for 
making the heads of their drums. In a nut shell half a century ago Lunsi enjoyed 
almost every thing in Dagbon free, except things they did not request or that were 
of no use to them.
On the ch ie fs  return journey to his town or village, all that was done by the 
Lunsi during the previous journey was repeated all over again. It was after he 
entered his house that the Lunsi would end the performance, tie the drums and 
leave them in the Sambani and enter to bid him good bye. He would then express 
his appreciation for a job well executed by giving them some money. His 
message that accompanied the money was, “They should take this for porridge 
(koko) or to buy soap and wash their clothes”. The whole process o f  the chief 
giving them the money is termed chebsibu in Dagbani. And this sign of people 
expressing their gratitude to the Lunsi is not restricted to the chiefs and royals but 
applies to every Dagbana who engages them for his or her services. 
Nevertheless, invitations for some Lunsi performance are also done with kola 
nuts and cash. Whatever is given them after such performances, they also in turn 
express their sincere thanks and appreciation and go further to pray for God’s 
guidance and protection for such a person. Because o f  the nature o f  the Lunsi 
institution, they are trained to be humble, respectful, obedient, polite and honest. 
These and others that might not have been mentioned here are what I call the 
ingredients o f  socialization. The fact is Lunsi are supposed to be more sociable 
than any other person in Dagbon due to the nature o f  their institution. Again their 
dealings with people cut across age, sex and political authority.
57
4.3 Experiences of the Middle Aged (36-65 Years Old)
The middle aged have tasted life o f  thirty plus ago and all modem forms of 
information technology and for that matter modernity. These categories o f  Lunsi 
were trained through the old system. Those times and beyond were termed the 
Dark Age, Zibsim saha , in Dagbon history. During that time there was “fear”, 
respect for elders and honesty.
As mentioned earlier on in this chapter, because during that time lots of these 
modem forms of  entertainment, western (type) o f  education and the so called 
world religions were either non existent or had little influence on the people of 
Dagbon in general and Lunsi in particular. In this case the middle aged like those 
Lunsi who lived half a century or more ago had almost the same experiences. 
They had the best type o f  training as Lunsi. They have also seen and tasted some 
o f  the benefits enjoyed for being a Lunga . Such benefits as already mentioned in 
this chapter include, care by the chief and other members o f  the royal lineages. 
Again free gifts and services were rendered them by the same group as mentioned 
above and the entire community at large. They went through the normal vigorous 
training process as tabulated in the first chapter. They did not only go through 
that training but served their trainers as the tradition and custom demanded of 
them in Dagbon. During those days trainees were severely punished or caned if  
he or they did not clean the Sambani and lay the mats or cow skin(s) for one 
evening without any tangible reason. No trainee could keep his share of the 
proceeds o f  any performance to himself.
Neither could he steal the performance proceeds during or after. Not even 
picking some o f his share o f  the proceeds before sending the remainder to his 
trainer. It was and is still a taboo for any Lunga to steal the proceeds of 
performances, be it during or after such performances. For it is a strong belief 
amongst the Lunsi that any member who steals the proceeds o f  any performance 
will not attain greater heights or will not acquire the requisite knowledge to reach 
that level. If on the other hand one has acquired the knowledge already before 
indulging in such bad practice, all the knowledge he had acquired would 
evaporate into thin air before his death. And since the ambition o f  every Lunga 
was and is still to reach the top, they try as much as possible to avoid the 
temptation of such little thefts. Why do I say stealing the proceeds during and 
after performances? During performances, money is either given to the performer 
in his or her hands or placed on his or her forehead. In which case some of the 
money falls on the ground. Amongst the Lunsi during such performances some of 
the young ones are selected to do the picking o f  the money that falls on the 
ground, gather it and collect those in the hands of the dancer and send all to an 
old and/ or chief drummer, in charge o f  changing the money for both the dancers
58
and audience and also for safe keeping. After every performance, the money is 
taken to the Lung' N a a ’s house to he counted and given to him for safe keeping 
or any body so elected to act in that capacity. The money is either shared the 
following day, two or three days later depending on the type or nature of the 
occasion or function that is taking place or might have taken place. If it is 
Monday and Friday, a naming or outdooring, or wedding and so on, the proceeds 
are shared the same day after the performance. However, if  it is a funeral or 
festival, the proceeds would be put down for one or more days depending on the 
number of  days that such a programme would last.
The middle aged worked for and served their trainers (teachers) to the fullest. 
They worked on their farms when there was the need for. And gave all their share 
of the proceeds o f  performances to their trainers. Even when they did solo 
performances they sent all that they got to their trainers. Also they were of the 
belief that one needed to serve the old and elderly so that in his old age, he would 
also be served by somebody. They were trained how to process animals skins 
(goat and antelope) for making Lungkugra, Lung-heads and strings, Lungdihi 
(ropes that hold the two heads together). They in turn took over the task of 
processing these skins and working on their drums as well as that o f  their trainers. 
Like drummers o f  the past century, the middle aged enjoyed all privileges their 
predecessors had. They respected not only the old and elder Lunsi but also 
obeyed the rules and norms o f  the Lunsi institution to the fullest. Due to these - 
reasons and many more their trainers gave them the best training. To buttress this 
point one of my paternal uncles in the person of the late Dugu L u n g ’ Naa Jakum  
always had this to tell me;
“I am giving you the best o f  training such that wherever you go, you will not fall 
behind your fellow drummers for them to be fascinated by you”.
This implies that he does not want me to be playing the supporting responses 
wherever we are in future but rather a leading role.
Today apart from the old and or chief drummers, the middle aged are next in 
command. For they are the next group of  drummers who can conveniently take 
over from the old generation o f  drummers, who are gradually dying one after the 
other. And this is why 1 would like to find the answers to the two questions I shall 
pose now. Who are the next group of  drummers? Are they ready for the 
challenges and task ahead o f  them? The answer to the first question is the youth. 
While the reply to the second is that most o f  them are ready and have taken up 
the challenge and are doing their best for the task ahead. For they have studied 
and are still studying hard making sure they do not leave any thing to chance. 
Even though the middle aged have seen, tasted and experienced the modem trend
59
o f  events that has altered in a way the Lunsi institution, they have been able to 
hold on to their own to date. Had it not been their hard work and stead fastness, 
the Lunsi institution would have suffered heavy losses. However, the 
collaboration and cooperation between them and the old and or chief drummers 
must not be over looked.
4.4 The Lot of the Youth (18-35 Years Old)
The youth according to Kworli Lung' Naa Ahukari are the group o f  young 
drummers who have not seen, tasted or experienced what the middle aged and the 
old and or chief drummers had seen, tasted and experienced. Yet still some of 
them have managed one way or the other from what they have heard, seen and 
experienced to hold to the traditions, customs and norms o f  the institution o f  
drummers. They, like the middle aged, have studied and are still studying to 
attain greater heights. Though some of them, due to increase in population, 
introduction to western (type) education, advancement in information technology, 
modem forms of entertainment and so on and so forth, have shied away from this 
noble profession and institution. Kpem Shei said;
“Religion (especially Islam), and money have also influenced 
some o f the youth who did not only shy away but do not even 
like to touch the Lung with their hands. To such a group of 
people who are fewer in number, it is their religious belief 
systems that forbid them to touching the drum let alone 
playing it. The perception o f  some members o f  the public or 
communities toward Lunsi has influenced some o f  the youth 
to shy away from the institution o f  LunsC\
Increase in population not only o f  Lunsi but the Dagbamba in general has led 
to the scramble for farm land. This has caused some o f  the Lunsi to migrate to the 
southern part of the country to work in the cocoa farms or in search of greener 
pastures. Also this in a way has even made some o f  the youth change to other 
professions which to them seem attractive to the public. The same population 
increase led to the chiefs’ inability to cater for Lunsi as o f  old. However most of 
the migrant Lunsi still maintain their profession as is seen in most o f  the southern 
cities and towns. Such cities and towns in the south where Lunsi performance has 
become commercial business include Kumasi, Ejura, Obuasi, Accra, Tema, 
Ashiaman and Sekondi-Takoradi to mention but few.
On the other hand a small proportion of  some o f  the youth who have 
acquired the western (type) education tend to shy away from the Lunsi institution.
60
Kpem Shei lamented that, “ for them the Lunsi institution is the preserve o f  their 
illiterate brothers who can neither read nor write”.
Again they feel too big because o f  their type or level o f  education to squat or 
kneel down in reverence to the chiefs, members o f  the royal families, popular and 
respectable personalities in the communities. He was quick to act by adding that I 
am a pace setter who has in my own small way tried to prove them wrong.
Modem forms o f  entertainment with their centres are scattered throughout 
Dagbon but to the detriment o f  their training. It has also in a way discouraged 
some members o f  the communities, especially the youth who patronize these 
centers instead o f  them attending Lunsi performances, especially Lungsarigu. For 
it is through such performances that they would have learnt a lot about Dagbon. 
That would have also served as a forum for them to brain storm about the 
customs, tradition, and past heroes of the kingdom. On the other hand all that 
they watch and listen to at these entertainment centres are the customs and 
perhaps traditions o f  some other people. These are in the form of cinema halls, 
disco, and video centres o f  late to mention but a few'.
Information, communication, technology is currently on the agenda, with 
computer and mobile phones as the hall mark. Every one today wants to be 
computer literate at least, more so the youth. For apart from accessing 
information, they play games on these modem forms o f  information technology. 
Many a time even elderly people spend hours on their computers just playing 
games and nothing else. The same way the youth can sit behind a computer the 
whole day playing games.
Like western (type) education, some o f the youth who have the Quran either 
in full or parts to memory also shy away from the Lunsi institution. As mentioned 
earlier on in this chapter, they shy away just because o f  their religious belief. To 
such a group o f  ignorant few, below are some questions I ask with the 
accompanying answers? In the first place is it the Lunga who is Satan? Secondly 
is it the Lungkobli (the wooden frame or shell) that is satanic or devilish? Or is it 
the animal (goat) skin that is used in covering the drum to produce the sound 
when beaten? The answer to the first is that the Lunga is a human being like 
anybody. The Lungkobli is one o f  those woods that are used in roofing rooms and 
even mosques and churches in which every Moslem or Christian goes to worship 
God. The answer to the third is that, if  one that kills the goat (either through 
slaughtering or whatever means) has not committed a sin or offended God , how 
come someone, whom after you have eaten the goat meat, he put the skin to good 
use is accused o f  being satanic or devilish.
61
Last but not the least is the perception o f  some members o f  the public or 
communities toward Lunsi. These are those I termed the few “bad nuts” who are 
ignorant about the custom, traditions and norms of Dagbon. Such are a few non­
members o f  the royal lineages, who hold no political position and are not even 
recognized in their communities. They do not know their own history and do not 
care to know. These are a group of people who do not even know why they are 
Dagbamba. According to Lagban Lung' Naa Abukari, “These are the sort of 
people who whenever mention is made o f  the name Lunga even through 
conversation the exclamation they always make is, Ka Lunga Mei. Meaning, o f  
what worth is the drummer, as mentioned earlier on in this chapter. Whenever 
any youth hears such exclamations he becomes infuriated, discouraged and 
begins to dissociate himself from the Lunsi institution. The more the youth hear 
such remarks if God does not intervene would always run away and would not 
want people to even call them Lunsi.
However, the affiliates o f  the so called world religions, especially 
Christianity and Islam, should not forget that such religions also contain some 
cultural and traditional practices o f  areas where they originated. So I do not see 
the reason why one would run away from his culture and tradition only to 
practice somebody else’s.
4.5 The Fate of the Children (6-17 Years Old)
The fate of the children is in a balance. And one can not for sure draw a 
conclusion as to how the scale will weigh, thus whether positive or negative. 
Though the children have seen and are seeing lots of changes due to modernity, 
all is not lost yet. In support o f  the above, I would like to use a portion of the 
praises o f  the current Dakpem L u n g ' Naa Alhaji Baba that goes;
Dogrikpem ku naa Dangni, so y i kani so be ni.
This means a family head will never cease to exist in a family. If one is not 
there, there is another. Again this goes in a way to explain that though the old and 
talented Lunsi are dying gradually, there is no way the Lunsi institution will 
become extinct. Because there are always some members (who are in the 
majority) o f  every family who are practitioners o f  the profession. Even family 
heads always do their utmost best to keep the tradition going. No family head 
wants to take the blame that it was during his tenure that the family stopped 
practicing the tradition (ceased being Lunsi).
62
The children, unlike the youth, the middle aged and drummers o f  yesteryear 
have not tasted neither have they experienced most o f  the benefits enjoyed by the 
latter. They only heard o f  most o f  these as tales from the youth and middle aged. 
During those days, at performances Lunsi were at times given clothes, especially 
the praise singers, and the lead appellators.
Let me now look at the training o f  children today. There still exists the same 
recruitment process as was done for the youth, the middle aged, and those o f  half 
a century ago. Even though there might be some slight changes here and there, 
because we are all witnesses to the fact that culture is dynamic but not static. In 
the first place due to population increase, a trainer has to handle more trainees 
than what existed in the past. It is a fact that the handling o f  one or two trainees is 
not the same as three or more. In the same sense, the increase in population has 
affected the size o f  the outer compound, Sambani, yet some o f the children are 
lazy in keeping it tidy. The large majority who perform their duties perfectly are 
given the best o f  training. These are those who undergo the full training as was 
done in the olden days as mentioned in chapter one o f  this Dissertation.
Nevertheless, I consider those who shy away from the Lunsi institution either 
due to modernity, religion, or any factor as a dropout. Simply because such 
people might have undergone some sort o f  training before making that move. For 
the normal practice is that from age six on wards the young Lunga has started 
under going the recruitment processes, thus both theory and practical. Most o f  
these dropouts begin to exhibit some form o f  stubbornness between the ages o f  
twelve and fifteen. In the past there were no dropouts in the Lunsi institution, 
because the determining factors as mentioned in this and other chapters were 
either not in existence or had no strong hold or influence on the life and culture o f  
the Lunsi. However, this trend o f  Lunsi dropouts began with the youth, but with a 
lesser number.
63
CONCLUSION
From the forgone discussions one would agree with me that tradition has 
seen a lot of changes and innovation. This stems from the fact that the society of 
yesteryear is not the same as todays. In the same vein the society o f  half a century 
or so ago can not be the same as to days. As a result throughout the First to the 
last chapter the difference is clear. This can be seen from the recruitment and 
training of Lunsi to the old and or chief drummers. The genesis of Lunsi, the 
Myths and Stories, Genealogies and roles they play in the state. Again their 
relations with the Yaa Naa and other chiefs have been dealt with, including the 
various parts they played in communities where they are found. Once more the 
sort o f  training that Lunsi undergo and the changes that have taken place over 
time is not left out. I have critically looked at socialization half a century ago and 
the experiences the middle aged have witnessed. I have also critically examined 
the position o f  the youth, as well as the fate o f  the children in the institution of 
Lunsi.
However, these changes and innovations have not taken place in a vacuum, 
for there are certain pull factors that affected them. Such pull factors are: 
Modernity, Information Technology, Transportation, Entertainment centres 
(cinema halls, disco-techs, video centres and so on), Computer labs and mobile 
phones. Religion (especially Islam and Christianity) has also some influence on 
the kingdom in general but the Lunsi institution in particular. In this case Islam 
played a major role in that direction. To some extend money has also some 
influence on the Lunsi /nstitution. In this direction, some o f  the youth and the 
children have fallen prey to this. For this group, since the Lunsi institution is not 
for money making and they want to make quick money, they have to switch to a 
different occupation or profession to achieve their objective.
Finally, Lunsi need education and enlightenment with regard to their values 
and things they can do as an institution to broaden their outlook. They need 
material and financial support to keep things moving. Most o f  their works need to 
be documented and to be preserved for generations to come. If Lunsi are to be 
fully recognized and given the needed support from all quarters, I am sure the 
chieftaincy institution o f  Dagbon and Ghana would not have suffered the way it 
has.
64
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abdulai, H. I., 1988. Lungtali Pilgu. Accra-Tema: Ghana Publishing
Corporation.
Ainsworth, Martha, 1985. Economic Aspect o f  Child Fostering in Cote d  ’Ivoire 
(Conference paper)
Chemoff J.M (1979): African Rhythm and African Sensibility. University o f  
Chicago Press
Goody, Esther N. 1970. Kinship Fostering in Northern Ghana and the Kpernbe 
study. Cambridge University Press.
—, 1982. Parenthood and Social Reproduction: Fostering and Occupational 
Roles in West Africa. Cambridge University Press.
Goody, Jack. 1969. Adoption in Cross-Cultural Perspective. Comparative Studies 
in Society and History?: An international quarterly 11.1.
—, 1971. Technology\ Tradition and the State in Africa. Oxford University Press.
Kinney, Sylvia Esi, 1972. Drummers in Dagbon: The Role o f  the Drummer in the 
Damba Festival. Rutgers University Press
Locke, David, 1990. Drum Damba: Talking Drum Lessons. White Cliffs Media 
Chicago Press.
Oppong C. (May 1965) Some Sociological Aspects o f  Education in Dagbon. M.A 
Thesis submitted to the University o f  Ghana.
Oppong, Christine. 1967. The Context o f  Socialisation in Dagbon. In Research 
Review  (Legon), 4.2, : 7 -  18.
—, 1973. Growing Up in Dagbon. Accra-Tema: Ghana Publishing Corporation.
Staniland, Martin, 1975. The Lions o f  Dagbon: Political Change in Northern 
Ghana. Cambridge University Press.
Sulemana, Tia, 1976. Lunsi Palo Yibu. Accra-Tema: Ghana Publishing
Corporation.
65
Zablong Z.A (2002) Recruitment and Training of Lunsi (Drummers) in Dagbon 
(Unpublished Research Paper)
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Afa -  Mai lam
Afanima -  Mallams
Akarima  -  The talking drum {A tump an) player
B a n n ' Lana  -  The horn blower
Bindili Lana  -  The calabash drum player
Bizun -  The first Lunga
Bua -  Goat
Bugum chuggu -  The Fire Festival
Chimsi-chuggu -  The Id-ul-Adha festival -  Moslem festival
asociated with sacrifice and pilgrimage to Mecca 
Daa Lunga -  Drumming and praises o f  individuals or
prominent people sub chiefs in the community. 
Often done in the market place or on festive 
occasions
Dalgu lana -  One who plays a wooden drum with one head
Duu -  Room
Dundong  -  Inner compound or perimeters o f  a house
Gbewaa Palace -  The Yaa N a a ’s residency/Palace
Gungon Lana -  The bass drum player
Kali Lunga -  Traditional drumming performed solely for the
king or chiefs at the palaces or anywhere the king 
is present or going. Also, drumming and praise 
singing o f  the historical narratives/reviews during 
annual festivals such as Damba, Bugum, etc 
Kikaa -  End- blown trumpet with a gourd affixed to the
end
Konyuri-chuggu -  Id-ul-Fitr festiva l -  Moslem festival associated
with ending o f  fasting period.
Kpinni-febbu -  The Guinea fowl festival
Lunga  -  Practicing drummer
Lunsi -  Institution o f  drummers; drummers as aw hole
Lung  -  Hour-glass-shaped drum (instrument)
Lung'-Nannima  -  Hierarchy o f  chief drummers
66
Lungbih -  Young and up-coming drummers or young
practicing drummers
Lungdoli -  Stick used in playing the drum (Lung)
Lungkobli -  Wooden frame or shell o f  the drum
Lunga-paga -  Female drummer or drummer’s wife
Lung ’ Naa -  Chief Drummer
Lungdihi -  Ropes or strings that hold the two drum heads
together
Maasa -  Specially treated com dough
Machele -  Blacksmith
Machelnima -  Blacksmiths
Naa -  Chief
Naazo -  The servant o f  a chief or king
Nabihi -  Princes
Nabipuginga — Princess
Nabipuginsi -  Princesses
Nabiya -  Prince
Nahu -  Cow
Nakoha -  Butcher
Nakohinima -  Butchers
Nakohi Naa -  Chief Butcher
Nanima — Chiefs
Namo Naa -  The over all chief drummer of Dagbon
Namonanima -  Plural for Namo Naa
Napaga -  The wife o f  a Chief or King
Noo -  Fowl
Nologu -  Cock
Peinkpahi -  Locally made metal pins with wooden heads or
handles used in making the heads o f  Lung 
Sambani -  The outer compound o f  a house
Sampahi Naa -  Assistant/Deputy Chief Drummer
Tinkpamba -  Elders o f  a town or a village
Worrimachima -  One who takes care o f  a horse
Yaa Naa -  King o f  Power also, also overlord of Dagbon
A chief or king 
Yua/Wia -  End-blown notched flute
Yenni -  The Yendi skin
Yenni-Dabari -  The remnants o f  old Yendi
Zong -  The main hall to any family house
Zuguliem  -  Grandson o f  a drummer bom to the daughter o f  the
Lunga (drummer) in question.
67
( S ) ® © ®
This work is licensed under a 
Creative Commons
Attribution -  Noncommercial - NoDerivs 4.0 License.
To view a copy of the license please see: 
http://creativecommons.Org/licenses/bv-nc-nd/4.0/
This is a download from the BLDS Digital Library on OpenDocs
http://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/
i f ^ i Institute o f 
Development Studies