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UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 
COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES 
 
Contributions of Bioarchaeology to Understanding the 
Past: A Study of Excavated Human Skeletons from 
Hani-Begho, Ghana. 
 
 
 
BY 
PEARL LAMPTEY 
(10417005) 
 
This thesis is submitted to the University of Ghana, Legon, in partial fulfilment of 
the requirement for the award of MPhil Degree in Archaeology 
 
JULY, 2019 
 
 
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DECLARATION 
 
I hereby declare that this work, with the exception of duly acknowledged quotes, ideas and 
references, represents my own research carried out at the Department of Archaeology and Heritage 
Studies, University of Ghana, Legon, under the meticulous supervision of Dr Wazi Apoh and 
Professor Raphael Alabi. This work has not been presented in part or in full to any other institution 
for examination. 
 
…………………………...                                                                 .. ……………………………. 
PEARL LAMPTEY                                                                                                DATE 
(STUDENT) 
 
 
…………………………….                                                               ..…………………………… 
DR WAZI APOH DATE 
(PRINCIPAL SUPERVISOR) 
 
 
……………………………                                                             ……………………………… 
PROFESSOR RAPHAEL ALABI DATE 
(CO-SUPERVISOR) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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ABSTRACT 
The complexity of the archaeological record and its interpretation require a holistic comprehension 
of its makeup from an objective point of view rather than from a single subjective perspective. The 
analyses of materials recovered from the archaeological record of most sites in Ghana often neglect 
the analysis of human skeletal finds. This development affects the holistic interpretation of those 
sites. In view of such gaps, this research sought to subject the skeletal remains from Hani-Begho, 
within the Tain District of the Brong-Ahafo Region of Ghana, in the storage of the Museum of 
Archaeology, University of Ghana, to an in-depth bioarchaeological analysis. This was based on 
the idea that human skeletal remains have the potential to provide insights into the past. The 
research focused on the extent to which the bioarchaeological study of human remains from the 
Hani-Begho site can bolster understanding of the anthropology of death and archaeothanatological 
practices at the site.  
The study of the samples revealed eight individuals from Hani-Begho (five females and three 
males), which can be dated by reference to materials from the site to between the 11th and 15th 
centuries. Funeral treatments varied considerably in Hani-Begho’s social, cultural and religious 
parameters, for example Chromolaena odorata (Acheampong) leaves and schnapps were used to 
preserve dead bodies. The predominance of occlusal wear in molars and premolars could have 
resulted from masticatory behaviour. Additionally, evidence of ante-mortem teeth loss on the 
samples masked possible evidence of poor dental health. Also evident on some of the skeletons 
were blunt force trauma on skulls and the creation of artificial diastema and teeth filling within the 
community. The research forms the basis for sophisticated scientific analysis of human skeletal 
remains and the cataloguing and accessioning of these remains in the Museum of Archaeology.  
KEY WORDS: Bioarchaeology, Human skeletal remains, Bio-history, Archaeological 
record. 
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DEDICATION 
I dedicate this work to God and my blessed family (THE LAMPTEYS’). A very big thank you to 
everyone especially my parents. I pray that this work inspires my siblings to challenge themselves, 
trust God, trust the process and believe that their end shall surely be glorious. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 
My heartfelt appreciation goes first to God almighty for His grace and favor made abundant to me 
and for being my strength, source of courage and my invincible army from the start-to-finish of 
my master’s degree journey. 
My sincere gratitude to my supervisors; Dr. Wazi Apoh and Professor Raphael Alabi for their 
competence, immense commitment, meticulous guidance and constructive criticisms in 
supervising this thesis leading to a successful completion of the work. I also want to thank my 
Pastor, Rev. Daniel Doku for all the love, advice and encouragement he rendered to me. 
I would like to say a very big thank you to Dr. Robert Kumodji of the Pathology Unit at the Korle-
Bu Teaching Hospital for his inputs during the classification of the skeletal samples. Dr. David 
Barnes and Dr. Samuel Nyampong deserve special mention for taking time off their busy schedules 
to help with the laboratory classification and analyses of the skeletal samples. Much thanks go to 
my colleague, Fatima Musa, for going with me to the field to help in my ethnographic data 
collection. Mr. Anderson Darko, Mr. Barnabas Apaw and Auntie Comfort Quayie of the Hani-
Begho community deserve compliments for helping me in my field work and ensuring our (my 
team members and I) comfortable stay in the community. 
I will forever be grateful to Mr. Gideon Aygare for his enormous care, assistance with field work 
and advice throughout my master’s program. I also appreciate the efforts of Mr. Daniel Kumah, 
Dr. William Gblerkpor, Dr. Aba Eyifa-Dzidzienyo and Professor Benjamin Kankpeyeng of the 
Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies. I am grateful to the Andrew W. Mellon 
Foundation for awarding me a grant for my master’s study in the University of Ghana. I say a big 
thank you to my parents and to everyone who in one way or the other supported and contributed 
to my work. May God give you all great increase in all your endeavours. 
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TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
DECLARATION ............................................................................................................................. i 
ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................... ii 
DEDICATION ............................................................................................................................... iii 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................... iv 
TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................................ v 
LIST OF MAPS ........................................................................................................................... viii 
LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... ix 
LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ x 
ABBREVIATIONS ..................................................................................................................... xiii 
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1 
1.0 Background ........................................................................................................................... 1 
1.1 Background Information on Research Material & Study Area ............................................. 3 
1.2 Statement of Research Problem ............................................................................................ 6 
1.3 Aim ........................................................................................................................................ 7 
1.4 Objectives of the Study ......................................................................................................... 7 
1.5 Research Questions ............................................................................................................... 8 
1.6 Research Approach and Methodology .................................................................................. 8 
1.7 Theoretical/ Conceptual Framework ................................................................................... 10 
1.8 Limitations of the Study ...................................................................................................... 11 
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1.9 Significance of the Research ............................................................................................... 12 
1.10 Organization of the Study ................................................................................................. 12 
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................... 14 
2.0 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 14 
2.1 Background Information on the Hani-Begho Site............................................................... 14 
2.2 Population and Occupations of the Indigenes at Hani-Begho............................................. 18 
2.3 Background Information on the Thesis Research Data ....................................................... 21 
CHAPTER THREE: CONCEPTUAL/THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF STUDY .............. 27 
3.0 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 27 
3.1 Concept of Archaeothanatology .......................................................................................... 27 
3.2 Bioarchaeology.................................................................................................................... 32 
3.3 The Body Theory ................................................................................................................ 37 
3.4 Agency Theory .................................................................................................................... 41 
CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH APPROACH ........................................................................... 44 
4.0 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 44 
4.1 The Begho Burial Boxes/ Study Samples ........................................................................... 44 
4.2 General Description of Contents of Burial Boxes ............................................................... 48 
4.3 Analysis of Begho Skeletal Remains .................................................................................. 49 
4.4 Procedure for Biodata Determination ................................................................................. 50 
4.5 Ethnographic Field Approach ............................................................................................. 56 
CHAPTER FIVE: RESULTS ....................................................................................................... 61 
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5.0 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 61 
5.1 Assessing the Begho Skeletons ........................................................................................... 61 
5.2 Identifying Injury /Trauma and Pathology on the Begho Skeletons ................................... 82 
5.3 Interpreting Behavior from Skeletons ................................................................................. 84 
5.4 Skeletal Markers of Trauma and Behaviour ....................................................................... 86 
5.5 Archaeothanatology and Ethnographic Findings at Hani-Begho ........................................ 93 
CHAPTER SIX: DISCUSSION, ETHICAL RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION .. 97 
6.0 Discussion ........................................................................................................................... 97 
6.1 Human Remains and Ethical Concerns ............................................................................... 99 
6. 2 Recommendations ............................................................................................................ 105 
6.3 Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 106 
REFERENCES. .......................................................................................................................... 108 
Appendix A: Ethnographic Data Collection Guide .................................................................... 117 
APPENDIX B: Skeletal Inventory Form .................................................................................... 127 
APPENDIX C: Klales et al. (2012) Skeletal Trait Scoring Sheet .............................................. 134 
APPENDIX D: Walker (2008) Skeletal Trait Scoring Sheet ..................................................... 140 
APPENDIX E: Ubelaker (1989 .................................................................................................. 142 
 
 
 
 
  
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LIST OF MAPS 
Map 1. 1 Study Site and other sites from which the Human Remains were excavated. (Map by 
Author). ........................................................................................................................................... 4 
Map 1. 2 Dutch Map of the Gold Coast in the 17th and 18th Centuries by Hans Propheet, 
indicating Insoco (27). (Reproduced from Anquandah, 1982) ....................................................... 5 
 
Map 2. 1 Map of Ghana indicating Hani-Begho and other Archaeological Sites (reproduced from 
Posnansky, 2015) .......................................................................................................................... 16 
Map 2. 2 Showing present day Begho- Hani (source: Google Earth Pro, 2018) .......................... 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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LIST OF TABLES 
Table 2. 1 Burial Box Inscriptions of Human Skeletal Remains and Excavated Context. ........... 26 
 
Table 5. 1 Code of Completeness of all Begho Skeletal Remains................................................ 62 
Table 5. 2 Notation of Mammalian Dental Formulae ................................................................... 62 
Table 5. 3 Summary of BG’18-B1, B 73.112 Skeletal Remains. ................................................. 64 
Table 5. 4 Summary of BG’18-B1, D 73.114 Skeletal Remains. ................................................. 66 
Table 5. 5 Summary of BG’18- B1, 73.96 Skeletal Remains. ...................................................... 68 
Table 5. 6 Summary of BG’18-D74, 73.119 Skeletal Remains.................................................... 71 
Table 5. 7 Summary of BG’18-F74, 73. 119 (T2) Skeletal Remains. ........................................... 73 
Table 5. 8 Summary of BG’18-70, B2-73.120 Skeletal Remains. ............................................... 75 
Table 5. 9 Summary of BG’18-72, B2- 73.110 Skeletal Remains. .............................................. 77 
Table 5. 10 Summary of BG’18. 73.113 Skeletal Remains. ......................................................... 79 
Table 5. 11 Summary of Skeletal Finds/ Inventory list by Burial boxes and Codes. ................... 92 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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LIST OF CHARTS 
Chart 4. 1 Percentage of the 88 Respondents Interviewed. .......................................................... 57 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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LIST OF FIGURES 
Figure 2. 1 ‘Acheampong’ (Chromolaena odorata) leaves. (Picture source: Google) ................ 19 
Figure 2. 2 A 1995 plan of Hani, indicating growth since 1985 and clans. (Reproduced from 
Posnansky, 2004). ......................................................................................................................... 20 
Figure 2. 3 Sites and quarters within the Begho area (source: Posnansky, 1970). ....................... 22 
Figure 2. 4 Units laid in the Brong quarter during the 1972 excavation (source: Posnansky, 
1970). ............................................................................................................................................ 23 
Figure 2. 5 Hanihene pouring libations before removal of skeleton. No grave goods were found 
but the skeleton represents a respected member of the community buried beneath a house floor 
(B1 or B2?) (source: Posnansky, 1970). ....................................................................................... 24 
Figure 2. 6 Skeleton lying in a dorsal view in K1 site of Kramo quarter. (source: Posnansky, 
1970). ............................................................................................................................................ 25 
Figure 4. 1 Exterior and Interior of burial box Bg. 71 D74 & F74. (Photo by Author)…… 45 
Figure 4. 2 Exterior and Interior of burial box Bg. 72 B2, burial A. (Photo by Author) .............. 46 
Figure 4. 3 Exterior and Interior of burial box Bg. 70. (Photo by Author) ................................... 46 
Figure 4. 4 Exterior and Interior of burial boxes Bg. 70 B1, burials B & D and Bg. 71 B1-burial 
B & D. (Photo by Author)............................................................................................................. 47 
Figure 4. 5 Exterior and Interior of burial Bg. 70 B1, burial C. (Photo by Author) ..................... 47 
Figure 4. 6 Some of the most often used age indicators: 1, dental attrition; 2, sternal rib end; 3, 
auricular surface; 4, pubic symphysis; 5, cranial sutures; 6, epipheseal region of humerus; 7, 
epipheseal region of femur; 8, bone histology. (Young male, approximately 20—25 years old, 
Early Medieval cemetery). Reproduced from Hoppa and Vaupel, (2002). .................................. 54 
Figure 4. 7 Ethnographic data collection session with some elders of the Begho community. (Mr 
Anderson Darko- left, Author- middle and herbalist- right). ........................................................ 58 
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Figure 4. 8 Ethnographic data collection session with an elder of the Begho community. (Photo 
by Mr. Gideon Agyare) ................................................................................................................. 59 
Figure 4. 9 Presentation of gin, soft drinks and money at the chief’s palace as part of protocol 
processes, ‘Okyeame’ poured libation to appease and ask permission from the gods before 
commencement of research at Begho. (Photo by Mr. Gideon Agyare) ........................................ 59 
Figure 4. 10 Author classifying a skeletal sample in the laboratory of the DAHS....................... 60 
Figure 4. 11 Author classifying a skeletal sample in the laboratory of the DAHS....................... 60 
Figure 5. 1 Posterior views of the individual labelled BG’18-B1, B 73.112.……………… 65 
Figure 5. 2 Posterior view of the individual labelled BG’18-B1, D 73.114. ................................ 67 
Figure 5. 3 Classification of the elements of the individual labelled BG’18- B1, 73.96 from 
Begho. ........................................................................................................................................... 69 
Figure 5. 4 Anterior view of the full skeleton of individual labeled BG’18-D74, 73.119 from 
Begho. ........................................................................................................................................... 72 
Figure 5. 5 Proximal and distal view of the lower limbs of individual labelled BG’18-F74, 3. 119 
(Trench two).................................................................................................................................. 74 
Figure 5. 6 View of individual labeled BG’18-70, B2-73.120 from Begho. ................................ 76 
Figure 5. 7 Posterior view of individual labelled BG’18-72, B2- 73.110 from Begho. ............... 78 
Figure 5. 8 Posterior (A) and lateral (B) view of individual labelled BG’18. 73.113 from Begho.
....................................................................................................................................................... 80 
Figure 5. 9 Small-sized possible ostrich-shell beads in association with individual labelled 
BG’18. 73.113 from Begho. ......................................................................................................... 81 
Figure 5. 10 Possible trephination/trepanation: artificially produced holes in the cranium vault. 
Evidence of substantial bony healing suggests the individual survived the operations. 
Reproduced from White (2000). ................................................................................................... 83 
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Figure 5. 11 Signs of possible trephination/trepanning or blunt force trauma to the skull of 
individual (BG’18-D74, 73.119) from Begho. (Photo by Author) ............................................... 84 
Figure 5. 12 Sealed teeth sockets in the mandible of individual (BG’18-D74, 73.119) from 
Begho as an indication of ante-mortem teeth loss. (Photo by Author) ......................................... 88 
Figure 5. 13 Evidence of occlusal wear of the teeth of individual (BG’18-D74, 73.119) from 
Begho. (Photo by Author) ............................................................................................................. 89 
 
Figure 6. 1 Removal of a corpse from a post- medieval cemetery by contractors in advance of 
modern development. (Reproduced from Hunter & Cox, 2005). ............................................... 100 
Figure 6. 2 Exhumation of a buried Elder of Bui from the room of a descendant to relocate to a 
new cemetery before the damming of the Black Volta to create the Bui Hydroelectric Power 
Dam (Photo by Dr Wazi Apoh) .................................................................................................. 101 
Figure 6. 3 Shakespeare’s epitaph (source: www.poetsgraves.co.uk/shakespeare.htm). ........... 104 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
ABBREVIATIONS 
DAHS -       Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies 
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BABAO-     British Association of Biological Anthropologists and Osteologists. 
HAD-          Honoring the Ancient Dead 
 
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CHAPTER ONE 
INTRODUCTION 
1.0 Overview  
Archaeology is the study of the past and contemporary cultures of people within temporal and 
spatial contexts. Archaeology focuses on the analysis of tangible material cultures. Through such 
analysis, archaeologists are able to reveal intangible evidences to provide insights into the 
cognitive and behavioural aspects of the lifestyles of people.  
Skeletal remains form part of the tangible material remains and are often classified as biofacts 
within the archaeological record. As a sub-discipline of archaeology, bioarchaeology or 
zooarchaeology (Clark, 1972), refers to the study of biological remains (human, plant and animal) 
within their cultural (archaeological) contexts in order to solve physical anthropological questions 
(Killgrove, 2013: 1). Bioarchaeological practices may be employed in medico-legal issues related 
to forensic anthropology. Bioarchaeological practices often aid in forensic investigations 
associated with human skeletons. 
According to Killgrove (2013: 1), bioarchaeology has become one of the more scientifically 
focused fields of social research (see Oxford Bibliographies article on Processual Archaeology). 
In combining methods and theories in archaeology, biology, chemistry, history and demography, 
among others, bioarchaeologists bring to the fore an eclectic and multidisciplinary perspective to 
revealing and understanding the lifeways of humanity. 
Most of what is known about past and recent histories of humans are based on inferences derived 
from the analysis of artefacts, ecofacts, biofacts, documents, oral histories, and other products of 
human cultural activities (Walker, 2000). The material culture of a people is studied as evidence 
of their occupation and adaptation to their environment (whether favourable or unfavourable). 
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However, owing to their symbolic content and multiple usage histories, such cultural remains are 
difficult to interpret from a single perspective.  
This subjective way of interpretation of cultural materials recovered by archaeologists is 
sometimes influenced by the current cultural setting and their academic perspectives. Historical 
studies often reveal more about the etic perspective (cultural values and political biases) of the 
historian than they do about the reality of the historical event being described. Interpretations of 
archaeological finds are therefore subjective and are mostly analogies drawn from the vast pool of 
ethnographic data (emic perspective) gathered from the community. 
Until recently, skeletons were merely seen as bones and most people held the view that the dead 
told no tales. However, scholars like Larsen (1997, 2000, 2002) among others, have revealed 
through remarkable researches that skeletons can indeed speak volumes on the lives and lifestyles 
of past peoples/ populations. Through insights into bioarchaeology and study of skeletal remains, 
human skeletons have come to be appreciated as amazing storehouses of information on genetic 
and physiological responses of people to the environment.  
The environment includes the physical activities to which we expose our bodies, the foods we eat 
and the illnesses we experience. According to Larsen (2000), the human skeleton, specifically 
bones and teeth record circumstances of growth and development as reflected in factors of stress, 
activity and injury, climate, disease, diet and nutrition. Thus, the skeleton is a ‘memory’ and 
‘voice’ of the past just as artefacts, ecofacts and features. The quantity of information that can be 
gleaned from human skeletons suggests the level of agency inherent in them. It is in this respect 
that skeletons from Hani-Begho were subjected to analysis for this thesis.  
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The research samples included a number of fragmentary and complete skeletal elements obtained 
from different quarters within the Hani-Begho site by various scholars from the Department of 
Archaeology and Heritage Studies in the 1960s and 70s (Table 2.1).  
1.1 Research Material and Study Area 
Begho, located at the south of the Black Volta at the transitional zone between the forest and 
savannah, north-west of the Brong-Ahafo Region, was considered by scholars as a cosmopolitan 
trading town that linked the Akan forest producers of gold, kola and ivory with the Sudanic Trans-
Saharan trading points like Jenne (Bravmann & Mathewson, 1970). The ancient Begho site has 
been dated to span the 11th to the 15th centuries AD (Anquandah, 1995b). Economic attraction to 
the trading commodities such as gold, ivory and kola created a flourishing commercial activity 
within the Begho region during this period. This trade did not only lead to the development of 
Begho as a major trading town but it was also instrumental in the emergence of other market towns 
at Old Banda and Ahwene Koko, east of Begho in the Brong-Ahafo Region of Ghana as well as 
Techiman and Bono-Manso in the Bono-East Region of Ghana (Stahl, 2016). 
In December 1629, Hans Propheet, a Dutch trade officer at Fort Nassau, Mouri, completed a map 
of the Gold Coast in Dutch indicating that Begho (then referred to as Insoco, now ‘Nsokᴐ’ 
(Konadu, 2010), was famous for its textile industries (Anquandah, 2013). Begho is noted to have 
been characterized by five multi-ethnic suburbs ordered along ethnic/functional lines (Anquandah, 
1995). These include the Brong, Dwabirim, Dwimfuor, Kramo and Dapaa quarters. The Brong 
quarter is the capital site and residence of the chiefs and the Dwabirim quarter has been described 
as the actual trading/market centre and residence for specialist traders. The Dwinfuor quarter has 
been denoted as the artisanal centre and residence for coppersmiths and blacksmiths. The Kramo 
quarter has been described as the residence for the Muslim Mande traders and the Dapaa quarter 
has been noted as an iron smelting site (Anquandah, 1995b). 
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Map 1. 1 Study Site and other sites from which the Human Remains were excavated. (Map 
by Author). 
 
 
 
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Map 1. 2 Dutch Map of the Gold Coast in the 17th and 18th Centuries by Hans Propheet, 
indicating Insoco (27). (Reproduced from Anquandah, 1982) 
 
 
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1.2 Statement of Research Problem 
The Museum of Archaeology at the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, University 
of Ghana has since its inception in 1951 housed a number of materials including objects (artefacts 
and ecofacts) and biofacts such as human remains from various excavations. Usually 
archaeologists do not conduct proper and adequate on-site and laboratory analyses on human 
remains that are chanced on during field work. Besides taking photographic records and salvaging 
some of the remains into the storage of the Department, the rest are most often reinterred without 
further studies conducted on them. This is true in the case of Ghanaian archaeology.  
 
Most human skeletal remains collected during excavations are kept in storage at the Museum of 
Archaeology with the intention of carrying out further analyses on them. Examples of such remains 
include samples from various Regions in Ghana: Yapei and Ntereso situated in the Savannah 
Region, Bui (now inundated), Begho and Bono Manso in the Brong-Ahafo Region, Christiansborg 
in the Greater Accra Region, Nakwa and Bantama located in Central Region, Yikpabongo and 
Tando in the North-East Region and Sekondi and Axim in the Western Region (Map 1.1). These 
were brought in by early pioneers of archaeology in Ghana between the 1970s and 1980s. Analyses 
of the artefacts found in context and associated with these human remains have long been done 
with; but unfortunately, the analysis of their associated bones have been left undone.  
 
The problem of inadequate analyses of human skeletal remains stems from the lack of ample 
expertise in forensic science and bioarchaeology in the Archaeology Department. Secondly, the 
salvaged human skeletal remains often tend to lose their documented provenience information 
attached to them. This has created a void in the holistic understanding of the archaeological 
contexts. There is the need to conduct an in-depth study into the life histories of the skeletons in 
order to determine their biohistory such as age, sex and stature to unearth new knowledge on past 
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nutrition, paleopathology, paleo-demography and population movement through space and time. 
The aim of this research is to begin addressing the aforementioned problems in this thesis by 
conducting in-depth scientific analyses on the stored skeletal remains from Hani-Begho.  
 
1.3 Aim 
This research focuses on inventorizing and subjecting the human remains from Begho in the 
storage of the Museum of Archaeology at the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, 
University of Ghana to an in-depth bioarchaeological analysis. Among many others, it also 
assesses their contribution to the understandings of the archaeological record/ context of finds and 
ultimately the past of the excavated sites of Begho. 
 
1.4 Objectives of the Study 
To achieve the above aim, this research was driven by some key specific objectives including: 
1.  taking inventory of the skeletons in storage at the Department of Archaeology and 
Heritage Studies (DAHS). 
2. determination of the MNI (Minimum Number of Individuals) and the elements present or 
absent as well as the state of preservation and deterioration of the skeletal remains; 
especially from Begho.  
3.  subjection of the Begho human remains to an in-depth bio-archaeological and forensic 
analyses in order to determine their biohistory; which includes determination of sex, age, 
stature and pathology.  
4. assessment of the provenance of the Begho skeletal remains by reviewing related 
documents in order to understand their cultural contexts and environment. 
5.  outlining ethical ways by which human remains excavated by DAHS scholars should be 
scientifically handled off the field sites. 
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1.5 Research Questions 
The key questions that guided the research include: 
1. What is the nature of the skeletons stored in the Museum of Archaeology? 
2. What are the documented provenience information on the Begho remains in storage? 
3. What elements and minimum number of individuals are present in the Begho human 
skeletal collections? 
4. What are the life histories of the human remains in terms of sex, age and stature? 
5. What curatorial and ethical measures can ensure that the human remains are properly 
conserved in the storage? 
6. To what extent can the human remains bolster understandings of the archaeological record 
and anthropology of death at the Begho sites? 
 
1.6 Research Approach and Methodology 
I employed an eclectic approach to derive data to meet the set objectives of the study. Both primary 
and secondary data sources were used for the study. Primary data is any original information that 
is obtained from the field. It is important to note that the original method employed included 
archaeological excavations at Begho in the 1960s and 1970s, to unearth the skeletal remains. These 
Begho human skeletal remains in the storage constituted the primary study collections for this 
thesis.  
The method used to obtain primary data involved firstly, a review of the provenience information 
on the paper labels attached to the burial boxes and some skeletal elements. This was to gain a fair 
idea of the context from which the skeletal remains were recovered and excavated as well as the 
condition of the remains when they were excavated. 
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Secondly, an ethnographic research at the Begho site was conducted. The method of research 
included the use of semi-structured interviews within focused group discussions to gather 
qualitative data on past and present death practices in Hani-Begho. That is to assess the similarities 
and differences between how the body was treated before burial in past and contemporary times.  
Focus groups were selected using the purposive sampling technique due to the characteristics of 
the sample size I was working with and the objectives of the study. Informal interviews were 
conducted with researchers who conducted various projects on the site over the years as well as 
some project team members. Particular among the team members who aided in excavation and 
ethnographic data collection were Mr. Oga (Accra), Mr Barnabas Apaw and Mr. Anderson Darko 
(Hani-Begho). This method was used to gather ample contextual information about the excavated 
skeletons and the emic perspectives on archaeothanatological practices in Begho. 
Archaeothanatology refers to the study of the biological and social components of death, treatment 
of the body, burial and associated grave goods among societies (Boulestein & Duday, 2005). 
Another method involved archival and library research. It was characterized by a review of 
materials/ documented sources on bioarchaeology and histories of the research area. Much of this 
aspect of the research was undertaken at the Gunnerus and Dragvoll Libraries in Trondheim, 
Norway as well as the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies Library. The most 
fascinating thing about documented sources are the vivid details and rich information they provide. 
Their use also enabled the researcher to explore the subject matter deeply.  
The inventory of the study samples was done by recording and through the use of non-metric 
analyses. The samples were also observed and counted to determine the various elements present 
or absent and their physical conditions. Furthermore, metric analysis was used through the 
application of standard cladistic measurements of the various elements and the scoring of the data 
according to standard forensic and bioarchaeological examinations and analyses.  
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Furthermore, photographs provided visual representations and documentation of how the skeletal 
remains looked like pre- and post-analysis. This captured visual representations of how the skeletal 
remains appeared in anatomical positions to enable readers to follow or relate with the chain of 
presentation of materials. Possible trauma/injuries evident on the human remains were also 
recorded to provide first-hand information. 
The use of sampling was necessary due to the high number of sites (Map1.1) and skeletal elements 
in storage at the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies. In view of the limited time-
frame for this thesis, the purposive sampling technique was adopted. The purposive sampling 
method is a type of non-probabilistic sampling which enabled remains from four sites out of 13 
sites to be inventorised. The Begho site which produced a minimum number (MN) of eight 
individuals, proved to be a substantive sample size for the project.  
1.7 Theoretical/ Conceptual Framework 
A theory refers to an established thought or principle that relates to the nature and variability of 
the subject matter. This study employed a number of concepts and theories to guide the analyses 
of the research findings. These include the concepts and practices of bioarchaeology, anthropology 
of death and archaeothanatology, as well as body and agency theories. 
Firstly, the analyses of the skeletons based on ante-mortem or a life-course perspective using 
bioarchaeology as a concept and practice can help gather ample data on the biohistory of skeletal 
remains. It also helps to understand the morphology of the bones in the course of the person’s 
lifetime. This is because signatures of diet, activity, disease or pathology and other ante-mortem 
practices are usually evident on the bones of a dead person. The term “ante-mortem” refers to 
activities or degenerative and environmental factors to which a person is exposed during his 
lifetime. On the other hand, “peri-mortem” refers to changes or factors that affect a person near or 
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at the time of death. “Post-mortem” refers to anything that happens to the body after death and 
burial.  
Secondly, the concept of anthropology of death was used to explore how human societies respond 
to death (conceptual/ideological and organizational) using two methodological approaches: 
ethnographic and comparative approaches.  
Furthermore, the body theory was used to interpret the findings, based on the assumption that since 
the framework/skeleton of a person makes up the person, the biohistory of the skeleton infers the 
persons’ identity (sex, age and stature). In general, skeletons provide vivid windows to the past 
that other archaeological finds like beads, bottles and shells cannot. Skeletons literally bring 
researchers/archaeologists face-to-face with the history of the biology of the people they try to 
study and reconstruct.  
Lastly, Agency theory infers that the material evidence of the skeleton or framework of a person 
after death still exhibits agency in themselves as they are able to reveal vivid details of the 
biohistory and lifestyles of the person. These range from sex, age, stature, ante-mortem and peri-
mortem trauma/pathology and dental health as well as dietary patterns among other behaviours 
and activities. These theories enabled the researcher to glean vital data that were necessary for 
interpretating and reconstructing past lifestyles of the Begho skeletal samples when juxtaposed 
with contemporary lifestyles. 
1.8 Limitations of the Study  
Some limitations faced in this bioarchaeological analysis of human skeletal remains in Ghana 
include unavailability and limited access to relevant literature on skeletons in Ghana. There are 
also inadequate written records on this subject matter in West Africa. Additionally, the 
fragmentary and deteriorated nature of the human skeletal remains and the labels made it difficult 
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to properly interpret the context of some of the elements. Moreover, during the ethnographic 
research, people were reluctant to divulge information. To help address the above limitations, the 
study focused on the use of forensic and bioarchaeological techniques, pathological datasets, 
written records and provenience data as well as the analysis of the human remains. Some of the 
community members who were once a part of previous archaeological excavations conducted in 
the area were also contacted for help. 
1.9 Significance of the Research 
This research is one of the first bioarchaeological studies on human remains from the Hani-Begho 
site that compliments the comprehensive study of human skeletons from Elmina in Ghana (Nyame 
Akuma, 2016). Thus, it provides the foundation for in-depth scientific bio-analyses of human 
remains in the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies. The recommendations provided 
can be of value to the Department as it documents the remains and catalogues them as part of the 
museum collections. Such an in-depth study will preserve the remains for posterity or for further 
comparative studies while adhering to ethical measures. Analytical templates developed and used 
in the data collection process will be useful for analyses of other excavated human skeletal remains 
in the Department. Ultimately, the study will add a new expert analytical dimension to the 
understanding of the archaeological record in Begho. 
1.10 Organization of the Study 
This thesis is organized into Six Chapters. Chapter One is an introduction to the study, while 
Chapter Two provides background information and literature review on the research site and 
research data. Chapter Three discussed the examination and application of the conceptual/ 
theoretical framework of the study and reviewed related research studies as a comparative analysis 
of the theories used. Chapter Four explored the methodology used in obtaining and processing the 
data with regards to laboratory and ethnographic work. Chapter Five discussed the research 
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findings from the bones and from the field work in contemporary Begho. Chapter Six covered 
ethical concerns with handling human skeletal remain across the world and in Ghana in particular.  
It also presented a summary of the research, recommendations and conclusion.  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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CHAPTER TWO 
 
BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON THE HANI-
BEGHO SITE 
 
2.0 Introduction 
This chapter explores relevant literature on the research site and subject area. It assesses issues 
related to the research site of Hani-Begho and reviews projects conducted within the Hani-Begho 
Region in order to better interpret the skeletal remains from the respective quarters of the site.  
2.1 Literature Review  
There are earlier controversies surrounding the location of ‘Bicu’ or ‘Begho’ (Posnansky, 2015: 
95); also called ‘Bew’ and ‘Nsokᴐ’ by the Akan (Konadu, 2010). In the early 20th century, scholars 
pinned the area at various locations. The name ‘Bicu’ or Begho was documented in Islamic 
literature while ‘Nsokᴐ’ then ‘Insoco’ was noted on a 1629 Dutch map of Gold Coast (Propheet, 
1629). In the attempt by scholars to locate the site, various locations were suggested. The key 
difficulty was that the locals has replaced the name Begho with Hani a long time ago. One school 
of thought situated it in the vicinity of Bondoukou in Ivory Coast while another school of thought 
put it in the north-east and south-east of the present village of Namasa (Wilks, 1993). A third group 
located it in the modern village of Hani which is about 6 km south of Namasa and 51 km north-
west of Wenchi (Anquandah, 1981). Later in 1970, Bravemann and Mathewson (1970) called an 
area about 40-50 km2 in the Hani-Namasa area, ‘Bicu’, noting that the oral history of Hani and 
Nsawkaw (16km east of Hani) is quite definite in placing ‘Bicu’/Begho at a place known to the 
indigenes as Amanfokeseeso (Posnansky, 1970).  
Posnansky (1970) notes oral tradition further describes the town of Begho as consisting of three 
major geographically-distinct quarters, namely Brong, Kramo/ Muslim Trading Community and 
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Numu (Blacksmiths; Tomfo or Tumfuo). However, Posnansky (2015: 95) stated that there were at 
least six quarters in the town with two associated with the local Brong, two Kramo quarters and 
the rest being Dapaa and Dwinfour quarters. Daniel Kumah (pers comm., 2018) of the DAHS, 
noted the discovery of two additional sites, Nkwankramu and Donkontereso during a field survey 
he conducted at Begho in 2018. 
Begho is considered as one of the most important historical sites in Ghana (Map: 2.1), with 
evidence of a distinct early culture known as the Kintampo culture complex (Posnansky, 1970). 
As Begho emerged as a cosmopolitan trading town, economic attraction to the trading 
commodities of gold, ivory and kola created flourishing commercial activities within the Tain 
Basin which then led to the development of Begho as a major trading town.  
Begho was also instrumental in the emergence of other feeder market towns of Old Banda, Ahwene 
Koko, Techiman and Bono-Manso (Posnansky, 2015: 96). Posnanshy (2015: 96), stated that 
Begho could have probably been the largest town in the interior of Gold Coast in 1471 when the 
Portuguese arrived on the coast and that ‘between the 13th and 19th centuries, Begho was either a 
cultural entity or a city-state’.  
Findings from Begho have been dated from the 11th to the 15th century AD (Anquandah, 1995b), 
and the site has been noted by researchers to be founded in the 11th (Meyerowitz, 1952) or late 10th 
century (Pearson, 1961). The site is also known to have been abandoned or destroyed between the 
14th (Delafosse, 1904) and 18th centuries (Ozanne, 1965). However, a tentative date for the site has 
been established from oral traditions as well as from the twelve radiocarbon dates produced by 
eight separate field excavations of the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies in 1970, 
1971, 1972, 1975, and 1975-76. Researchers at the University of California, Los Angeles also 
excavated and dated the site in 1979 (Posnansky, 2015: 96). Archaeological materials such as 
tobacco pipe bowls and stems and findings of copper wire were also dated (Posnansky, 2015: 98). 
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The earliest dates fell within the 12th and 14th centuries at the Nyarko quarter whilst other dates 
fell within the 15th, 17th and the 18th centuries (Posnansky, 2015: 96,98). 
 
 
Map 2. 1 Map of Ghana indicating Hani-Begho and other archaeological sites (reproduced 
from Posnansky, 2015) 
 
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Map 2. 2 Showing present day Begho- Hani (source: Google Earth Pro, 2018) 
 
Wilks (1993) and others have documented some historical sources, oral traditions and the cultural 
anthropological evidences of Begho to reveal the foundation of Begho and the development of the 
long distance trade resulting from the expansion of the Mande- speaking people (Posnansky, 
1970). According to Posnansky (2015:98), trade relations or networks with Mo villages like 
Bondakyire, Brawhani and Debibi that supplied goods to Begho, exist with Hani at the centre. 
Notable goods traded include ceramics, iron goods and hand-crafted narrow-stripped indigo dyed 
cloth coming in from the respective villages.  
According to Posnansky (1970), excavations in the Brong quarter (1970 and 1972), Dwinfour 
(1972) and Kramo quarters (1971) produced a number of finds, the most prominent being pottery 
(red-slipped wares of distinct designs). Architectural evidence indicated that buildings without 
foundations were built of swish style on a rectangular pattern. The rooms measured 2-3m wide 
and up to 4-5m long. A recurrent feature is the presence of plinths up to 40 cm above floor level 
located outside and inside of the edge of the rooms or facing the courtyard. These typologies/ 
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characteristics are still features of Brong architecture. Posnansky also noted in a research report 
that, one house in the Brong Quarter, with earthenware cylindrical drain pipes was excavated 
indicating that the flat roofed Sudanic house was perhaps attempted in the 17th century in the 
community (Posnansky, 1972). 
2.2 Population and Occupations of the Indigenes at Hani-Begho 
Estimating the population of a town like Begho can sometimes be difficult and misleading because 
there was often no difference between houses/ rooms/ spaces meant for sleeping and that which 
was meant for cooking. Also, the mounds of collapsed houses were often used as foundations for 
new buildings. Posnansky (2004: 34) however noted that, the population growth rate was over 3% 
per annum and that as at 1995, the village had grown to at least 167 separate households with a 
population of 2,650 people and with 64% of large families having about 3-8 surviving children 
(Figure: 2.2). 
Begho town is today characterized by rectangular houses built with mud bricks plastered with 
mortar and roofed with aluminium roofing sheets. Just about 10% of kitchen structures were 
erected with palm fronds or thatch with wood planks and logs, the rest are of mud bricks plastered 
with mortar. The soil for the mud bricks/ houses was and is obtained from a dug pit usually located 
adjacent to, or at the back of the house. 
The Begho community is today occupied by the Hani people, who are predominantly farmers but 
also hunt and trap animals alongside petty trading. Posnansky (2015: 103-105) noted that the 
people cultivated crops such as yam (Dioscorea alata), sorghum (Sorghum bicolor), millet 
(Pennisetum glaucum), dry rice (Oryza glabberima) and oil palm (Elaeis guineensis). Oil palm 
fruits in particular are a regular part of their diet and palm wine is also an essential ingredient in 
their ceremonial life. Currently, cashew (Anacardium occidentale) is being cultivated in Hani-
Begho on a commercial scale and other crops like okro (Abelmoschus esculentus) and pepper 
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(Capsicum annuum) are grown on a subsistence scale. Many people collected forest snails 
(Archachatina sp.) and removed them from their shells before drying and smoking them for storage 
and exchange. They also exploited game such as Grasscutter (Thrynomys swinderianus), rabbit 
(Oryctolagus cuniculus) and giant forest rat (Cricetomys gambianus) among others. Mudfish 
(Neochanna burrowsius) is a valuable resource in drying rivers. Chicken (Gallus gallus), goats 
(Capra aegagrus hircus) and sheep (Ovis aries) are still reared for food, sacrifice or traded for 
wealth/money. They also utilise the bark of the fig tree (Ficus) for basketry, cloth and mats. Other 
edible roots, leaves and shoots are utilized from the natural environment. According to current oral 
narratives, some people harvest the ‘Acheampong’ (Chromolaena odorata) leaves (Figure. 2.1) 
for medicinal purposes and for the preservation of cadavers in the past before the advent of 
mortuaries. This is still practiced by those who do not have the luxury of affording a space in the 
mortuary for their deceased. 
 
Figure 2. 1 ‘Acheampong’ (Chromolaena odorata) leaves. (Picture source: Google) 
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Figure 2. 2 A 1995 plan of Hani, indicating growth since 1985 and clans. (Reproduced from 
Posnansky, 2004). 
 
There are three main religious groups in Hani-Begho, notably Christianity, Islam and Traditional 
African. Christianity currently dominates and comprises of about three different denominations, 
notably Catholic, Presbyterian and Methodist. The Hani people are part of the Bono ethnic group, 
who celebrate the Apoo festival to purify themselves and to honour their ancestors. 
 
 
 
 
 
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2.3 The Thesis Research Data 
Archaeological research conducted at Begho in 1970, 1971 and 1972 by Merrick Posnansky and 
in the 2000s by Derick Watson among others, unearthed a few human skeletal remains which were 
stored in the Museum of Archaeology in burial boxes. In total, there are six burial boxes containing 
human skeletal remains from Begho. Aside the fact that the human remains were excavated in 
different years, they were also from different quarters within the Begho site (Figure. 2.3). Burials 
were found in the Kramo and Brong quarters (Table 2.1).  
According to Posnansky (1970), skeletal remains of the Brong quarter were in no consistent pattern 
of orientation but others were flexed. The two found in the Kramo quarter were of north-south 
orientation (head in the north wall and leg towards the south wall) probably indicating that they 
are those of Muslims, though the direction of Mecca is north-east rather than north-south. From 
research carried out in Northern Ghana by Benjamin Kankpeyeng in the Department of 
Archaeology and Heritage Studies, particular among Muslims, men were buried facing the east 
and women buried facing the west. This depicts the fact that men are expected to wake at sun rise, 
for the day’s business of farming while women are expected to be reminded by the sun-set to start 
preparing the evening meal for the family. However, other signs/symbols of Islamization, like 
going on ‘pilgrimage’, use of water flasks of North African origin or mosques, were not found in 
the quarter (Posnansky, 1970). 
 
 
 
 
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Figure 2. 3 Sites and quarters within the Begho area (source: Posnansky, 1970). 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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Figure 2. 4 Units laid in the Brong quarter during the 1972 excavation (source: Posnansky, 
1970). 
 
 
 
 
 
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Figure 2. 5 Hanihene pouring libations before removal of skeleton. No grave goods were 
found but the skeleton represents a respected member of the community buried beneath a 
house floor (B1 or B2?) (source: Posnansky, 1970). 
 
 
 
 
 
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Figure 2. 6 Skeleton lying in a dorsal view in K1 site of Kramo quarter. (source: Posnansky, 
1970). 
 
The provenience information on the paper labels attached to the bones and the burial boxes in the 
Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies’ storage revealed the following: burial box with 
inscription, Bg. D74 & F74 contained remains from the Kramo quarter. Other burial boxes with 
inscription Bg. 72 B2, burial A; Bg. 70 B1- burials B & D; Bg. 71 B1 -burial B & D; Bg. 70 B1, 
burial C and Bg. 70, contained remains from the Brong quarter. Since the site has been dated to 
span between the 11th and 17th centuries, this date can probably be used to relate to or date the 
skeletons. 
 
 
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Table 2. 1 Burial Box Inscriptions of Human Skeletal Remains and Excavated Context. 
Burial Box Inscription Remains Context 
Bg. 70 Brong Quarter 
Bg. 70 B1- burial B Brong Quarter 
Bg. 70 B1- burial C Brong Quarter 
Bg. 70 B1- burial D Brong Quarter 
Bg. 71 B1 -burial B Brong Quarter 
Bg. 71 B1 -burial D Brong Quarter 
Bg. 72 B2, burial A Brong Quarter 
Bg. D74  Kramo Quarter 
Bg.  F74 Kramo Quarter 
 
 
In conclusion, this chapter reviewed relevant materials on the subject area in order to provide a 
background to study of the Begho skeletal finds. It provided some definitions and pointed out some 
major arguments in the literature and discourse in general. It also sought to discuss in detail the 
research projects undertaken at Begho over the years and the research results. 
 
 
 
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CHAPTER THREE 
 
CONCEPTUAL/THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF 
STUDY 
 
3.0 Introduction 
This chapter seeks to outline and throw more light on some concepts and theories that guided this 
bioarcheological skeletal analyses and the research in general. These are discussed to assess their 
applicability in the interpretation of findings from the research datasets. The concepts and theories 
used here include bioarchaeology, body theory, agency theory and concept of archaeothanatology. 
3.1 Concept of Archaeothanatology 
The term ‘Archaeothanatology’ was suggested by Boulestin and Duday (2005: 17-35) to avoid the 
confusion that may arise from dealing with problems derived from biology including the study of 
bones, decomposition of the corpse and the products of decomposition in an attempt to understand 
phenomena of cultural practices associated with the treatment and disposal of the dead (Duday et 
al., 2009: 3). Similarly, ‘thanatology’ studies the biological and social components of death (Duday 
et al., 2009:3). This approach to burials or funerary archaeology was developed in France in the 
early 1980s when rescue archaeology was being established (Duday et al., 2009: 3). Initially it was 
termed as ‘l’anthropologie du terrain’ meaning field anthropology, in which anthropologists 
studying human bones do not only work in the laboratory but also in the field on archaeological 
excavations in order to participate directly in the collecting and recording of data” (Duday et al., 
2009: 3). 
The objective of ‘archaeothanatology’ is to reconstruct the attitudes of ancient populations towards 
death by focusing on the study of human skeletons and analyzing the acts linked to the management 
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and treatment of the corpse (Duday et al., 2009: 6). The methodological choice for 
‘archaeothanatology’ or ‘l’anthropologie du terrain’ simply consists of placing the deceased at the 
center of interest in the tomb (Duday et al., 2009: 6). This is not to undervalue the importance of 
grave goods and their pivotal role in reconstructing the relative chronology of different types of 
artefacts, the status of the individual, as well as the social dimension of the skeleton or burial, some 
phenomena directly linked to funerary ideology. As a result, some grave goods in association with 
some of the research samples were put in proper context. 
Traditionally, most researches or definitions of the archaeology of death have focused on the loss 
of a social being (Stutz, 2010: 33) rather than the body itself and how people / cultures 
conceptualize death and handle that unfortunate circumstance. Mortuary practice, which is a 
variant of the archaeology of death has been viewed as a strategy or means of representing religious 
faith/ affiliations, social structure/ organization (including ritualized activities) and political power 
among the living or as a strategy to express and overcome grief and bereavement (Tarlow 1999).  
Death results not only in the loss of a social being but also in the emergence of cadavers and 
skeletons which are in an irreversible state of change (i.e., disintegration and decomposition). 
Invariably, this material outcome of death has, until recently, gained little attention in 
archaeological expositions in Ghana. This has created a void in understanding the archaeological 
record as well as reconstructing the lifestyles of the people under study. Even though the void 
created is gradually being filled, the study of human skeletal remains in buried and archaeological 
contexts is expedient. This is because human skeletal remains are excellent indicators or sources 
of information on the physiological and genetic responses of humans to the environment (socio-
cultural and natural).  
Such knowledge helps researchers to understand the trend of events within a particular adaptive 
system or environment. Human skeletons also provide a comparative date for interpretations of 
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past lifeways (Walker, 2000). Since the human cadaver or skeletal remain plays a central role in 
revealing the biohistory of the dead person, it also offers direct/ tangible evidence of health and 
well-being, dietary history, past lifeways, ancestry and demography (Larsen, 2002). Such 
information helps to give insights into the dietary and socio-cultural practices in the contemporary 
community within which people existed. Associated grave goods can also give insights into 
mortuary rituals and the cultural context of burials.  
It is expedient to subjectively consider the context from which skeletal remains are recovered 
owing to the fact that, no one artifact or biofact can be analyzed in a vacuum. In view of this, 
interpretations, analyses and reconstructions must be done in appropriate contexts. According to 
Beaudry et al. (1996) cited in Kankpeyeng and Insoll (2011), the recovery of meaning is predicated 
on the recovery of context not only by relating it to actual situations. This is because context is 
invariably bound up with meaning.  
The contexts within which human skeletal remains are found vary. These could be in terms of 
purposeful/ deliberate disposal, accidental, crime or ritual contexts. The orientation of the skeleton 
in each primary context of disposition may differ. In view of that, no one explanation can be given 
to a particular site, skeletal remain and associated objects. In agreeing with Martin et al (2013: 1), 
before attempting interpretations, the bone deposits must be examined both from a point of view 
of context, recovery and taphonomical history. Moreover, the many ways in which people deal 
with the dead body gives form to central concerns regarding life and death, the living and the dead, 
the body and the person it embodies and of the society in which the person functions (Stutz 2010: 
33). 
There exist a great variety of cultural beliefs about death and dying in Ghanaian societies. This is 
because human societies or cultures in themselves are dynamic and unique to or within the 
environment in which they are created. The idea of death as an irreversible event is strong in 
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Western culture as well (Robben, 2004: 12). Furthermore, different cultures differ in substantive 
ways in giving meaning to the notions of death. According to Parkes et al (1997), the comparative 
study of responses to loss and bereavement have attracted considerable attention in that almost all 
cultures allow or encourage the expression of crying, fear and anger by mourners. For instance, 
women tend to cry while men exhibit anger or direct aggression away from themselves 
(Abramovitch, 2001: 3271). Some cultures have also developed formidable institutions and 
mechanisms to control the anger of the bereaved via the use of ritual experts (Rosenblatt et al, 
1976). According to Robben (2004: 11), in many cultures, life does not end with biological death 
because of a belief in an external spirit, a surviving soul, a cycle of death or notions of reincarnation 
and regeneration. This seems to suggest that because of the belief in death and the after- life, the 
ongoing relationship between the living and the dead still persists.  
Skeletons connote death, and questions about how people perceive death is determined in what 
scholars have termed, the anthropology of death. The concept of the anthropology of death refers 
to the socio-cultural or cross-cultural perspectives of dying, death and death-related behaviour 
(Srivastava and Srivastava, 1997). According to Abramovitch (2001), the ethnographic and 
comparative approaches are the two main methodological approaches used to expatiate concepts 
of death. This is because the ethnographic approach examines how single cultures cope with the 
demise of members while the comparative approach tries to make sense of the enormous cultural 
variations evident in how different cultures handle the issues as disposing of the corpse, expected 
behavior of the bereaved and the ongoing relations between the living and the dead (Abramovitch, 
2001: 1). 
All human cultures struggle to deal with the inevitability and mystery of death in whatever mode 
or form it appears (for example; natural, violent, planned or accidental). Anthropology of death as 
a concept and paradigm, examines and explains the differences and similarities in how human 
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societies around the world respond to death or the demise of their members. It is concerned with 
both the conceptual and organizational aspects. That is, what people believe about death, dying 
and the afterlife and what they actually do when they are faced with the crises of death in terms of 
grief and mourning as well as mortuary rituals and remembrance (Abramovitch, 2001: 1).  
 “Much work done relating to the concept of anthropology of death has been life-centered rather 
than death-centered” (Robben, 2004: 13). Death is regarded as a disturbance of life’s social order, 
a laceration to the social body and a gap in family and social networks. Similarly, Hertz (1960), 
notes that, the occurrence of death disrupts social life severely and that “it is stricken in the very 
principle of its life in the faith it has in itself” (ibid: 78). He argues that, “the death of a person 
cannot be exclusively categorized as a biological reality or confined to the sorrow of the bereaved 
relatives but that, death evokes moral and social obligations expressed in culturally determined 
funeral practices” (Hertz, 1960).  
Significantly, In the 19th century, the major concern of anthropologists was the objectification of 
death in material culture. Kan (1986; 1988) and Hallam and Hockey (2001), through their works 
drew attention to the important role material culture played in this ethnography of memorial 
potlatches with the latter focusing on Western culture. Western societies may have rather poor 
mortuary rituals but they have a rich death culture ranging from literature, cinema, and arts to 
commemorations, cemeteries, memorials and oral culture (Robben, 2004: 13). However, the inter 
and intra cultural comparison of issues/ studies relating to death still remains underdeveloped. In 
view of this, the comparative and structural approaches of Gennep and Hertz (1960) may help to 
elevate the acceptance of anthropology of death as a concept to attempt offering analytical 
frameworks that can be applied to most mortuary rituals (Robben, 2004: 13).  
Conversely, Suzuki (2000) in her article, demonstrated that rites of passage are not static scripts 
but dynamic practices. However, within intercultural and intracultural contexts there may exist 
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some form of change and continuity of aspects of the rites of passage over time. She also shows 
that because of the complex mix and difficult separation of the spirit of the deceased from the 
bereaved, mortuary practices encompass emotions, subjectivities and life processes (Suzuki, 
2000). Similarly, Robben (2004) maintains that, mortuary rituals are universal cultural practices 
that show people’s resistance to accepting biological death as a self-contained event and their 
desire to prolong their separation from the dead through a process of phased transitions (Robben, 
2004: 9). 
Within the notion of ‘objectification of death’ is the hidden relevance of mortuary ritual and grave 
goods. An extremely important contribution to the anthropology of death is Gennep’s (1960) 
interpretation of mortuary rituals as one among similar rites of passage. He is of the view that, “the 
life of an individual in any society is a series of passages from one age to another and from one 
occupation to another” (p: 2-3). These transitions as in birth, puberty, marriage and death are life 
phenomena and become the subject of elaborate ‘elevation’ rituals as a person rises from one status 
to the next (Robben, 2004: 10). 
3.2 Bioarchaeology 
The study of human skeletons falls under various disciplines such as physical anthropology, 
skeletal biology, anatomy and bioarchaeology. By the second half of the 19th century, the field of 
physical anthropology had been recognized in Europe with early key practitioners as Paul Broca, 
a surgeon in France and Rudolph Virchow, a physician and anatomist in Germany. They advanced 
research on the study of human remains (Roberts, 2009: 6-7). In Britain for instance, early work 
on physical anthropology concentrated on measuring bones, including skulls (Roberts, 2009: 7). 
According to Roberts (2009: 7), considerable interest in the study of skulls developed over the 
course of the 19th century with works of Davis and Thurman (1865), for example.  
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Even though much of the works or studies on skulls took dangerous directions under the eugenicist 
discourse, there were some very real advances (Roberts. 2009: 7). Researchers like Karl Pearson 
took a statistical approach in examining large samples and exploring the belief that evolution 
progressed by small continuous variations. He also criticized some researchers on the basis of 
sample size and the non-standardization of contemporary methods of analysis (Roberts. 2009: 7). 
Others like Keith (1924: 16) and Parsons and Box (1905) published on a range of subjects based 
on the study of human skeletons or remains from archaeological sites, looking also at ageing adult 
remains using cranial suture closure as well as cranial suture morphology. The study of disease in 
bones or bone pathology had already been established by Esper (1774) when he identified a 
cancerous bone in a cave bear (Roberts, 2009: 7-8). 
The term bioarchaeology was first coined in 1972 by the British archaeologist, Graham Clark, as 
a reference to zooarchaeology or the study of animal bones from archaeological sites (Clark, 1972). 
He applied the term to his study of faunal remains at Star Carr in Yorkshire, England. But his main 
focus was on paleo-economics and looking at the evolution of the relationship between humans 
and their environment. This approach enabled him to discuss prehistoric economies of hunting and 
butchering among other practices (Clark, 1972: 1).  However, in Clark’s (1973) work, he defined 
‘bioarchaeology’ as “the archaeology concerned first and foremost with life” and as “the 
archaeology of how men occupied territories and maintained life”. This is in relation to issues of 
human adaptation to both cultural and environmental factors. These factors over time affect the 
morphology and development of the human skeleton which becomes evident on the bones after 
death and decomposition of soft tissues. 
The late 20th century equally saw some major developments in Europe where more population-
based innovative works became increasingly common. Combining expertise in archaeology and 
anthropology with knowledge of both zoology and geology to undertake their bioarchaeological 
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studies, Wells (1960) and Brothwell (1981) are the two key people who advanced the study of 
human skeletons from archaeological sites in Britain (Roberts, 2009: 8). 
Refined in the United States as a scientific study, Buikstra (1977) viewed bioarchaeology as a 
concept and a practice focused on the study of human skeletal remains from archaeological sites. 
She also sees it as the application of biological anthropological methods to the study of 
archaeological problems. Buikstra (1977) is of the view that bioarchaeology is a multidisciplinary 
research approach that addresses questions of burial, social organization, behavior and activities, 
paleodemography, population interaction, diet and disease. She moved on to emphasize the need 
to generate and solve research questions about past human populations. This is in contrast with the 
strongly descriptive skeletal studies done in previous era of American archaeology.  Although the 
term bioarchaeology is still quite broad, in the United States for instance, it is used to describe the 
study of human skeletal remains from archaeological sites, whereas in the United Kingdom it is 
used to refer to the study of all or a subset of biological remains; that is, humans, plants and animals 
(Killgrove, 2013).  
According to Martin et al. (2013), bioarchaeology is the analysis of human remains within an 
interpretative framework that includes contextual information. That is to say that it is expedient to 
note the context from which the skeletal remains were situated since that will have a bearing on 
their holistic analysis and interpretation of findings. To Roberts (2009:10), this approach helps to 
interpret the skeletal data within patterns seen in the archaeological and historical data. For 
instance, if the focus is on skeletal indicators of dietary patterns and dietary deficiency then the 
bioarchaeologist needs to understand the subsistence economy practiced in the past by reviewing 
written records and/ or looking at flora and fauna remains at the site, along with exploring stable 
isotope analysis data which will reflect what the person was or was not eaten. 
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Bioarchaeology is a multidisciplinary science that draws on methods in other disciplines as 
geology, physics, biology, chemistry and other sub-disciplines of anthropology (Larsen, 2000: 1-
2). This collaboration contributes to a broader and more informed perspective on the complexities 
associated with the study of the skeleton a well as the past. Bioarchaeologists apply the study of 
stable isotopes in bone tissues to reconstruct diet. They extract ancient DNA from bone samples 
to help identify population history and use developing and advanced technology, such as scanning 
electron microscopy and computer axial tomography (CAT or CT scans) to identify bone shape 
and tooth use. Above all they are able to analyze microscopic sections of bones and teeth to 
diagnose ancient diseases.  
According to Larsen (1997: 2-3), central to bioarchaeological enquiry is the determination of the 
relationship that exists between biology and behavior. Grauer (1995) also notes that 
bioarchaeology tend to stress the interaction between the biology of the body and behavior in order 
to understand lifeways of modern populations recovered from archaeological sites. In this regard, 
“the body is the nexus between biology and culture” (Sofaer, 2006: 30).  
According to Rubalcaba and Robertshaw (2010: 1), most people think the dead is silent, but to an 
archaeologist, the dead is a boisterous storyteller from which favorite tales from hundreds, 
thousands and millions of years ago can be told. They also show how specialized the field of 
archaeology has become and how new technology can both change a scientist’s theory and the 
way the past is viewed and studied. Until release of the publication of Buikstra and Ubelaker 
(1994), bioarchaeologists in Britain used Brothwell (1981) and Bass (1987; 2005) for general 
guidelines on recording with no concern to using standard methods to collect their data. For 
instance, they used different methods to determine the age a skeleton and to measure bones. 
In Stutz’s (2008) article, she noted that many authors have eagerly pointed out that the body is a 
physical, corporeal and sensual element, but few have taken that notion further to make it a focus 
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for analysis. The body or human remains are conspicuously rare within ‘the archaeology of the 
body’ (see Sofaer, 2006). The reasons for this may be many; one explanation might be that the 
skeletal finds do not interest many archaeologists, despite our disciplinary focus on materiality. 
Many archaeologists are not trained in physical anthropology and so do not see it as their task to 
reflect on the biological side of the human body (Stutz, 2008: 21). 
Additionally, the data gleaned from skeletal studies are of great value. This is because the 
methodological problems inherent in extracting evidence from skeletons are completely different 
from those archaeologists and historians face when they attempt to interpret the historical 
significance of the cultural products they work with. The only way we can reduce the cultural 
biases that distort our understanding of past events is by collecting a diversity of evidences from 
sources that are susceptible to different types of interpretative errors. The greater the diversity of 
the evidence we have about the past, the easier it is to rule out subjective interpretations that are 
unlikely to reflect actual events. This can be done by using a series of data sources open to eclectic 
interpretations to triangulate and reconstruct what really happened in the past. 
Moreover, the unique perspective that skeletal evidence provides on a people’s history makes it a 
potent weapon against cultural relativists and historical revisionists who view the past as a source 
of raw materials they can exploit to refashion history into whatever narrative currently considered 
politically expedient. However, human remains, in their buried state, are subject to taphonomic 
processes. These include the impact of acidic soils and termites which can reduce the elements and 
information insights that can be gleaned from them to aid in the understanding of the 
archaeological record. Hodder (1992, 1999) asserts that the structure of the archaeological record 
is crucial to archaeological interpretation and understandings of past behavioural dynamics. That 
is why much documentation of the excavation process and contextual information of finds are 
needed to aid in post field analyses and interpretation. 
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Elucidating past and to some extent present behavioural dynamics have until recently been focused 
on artefacts like pots/ potsherds, bottles and beads among other tangible material cultures. Little 
attention has been paid to biofacts as human skeletal remains in Ghana until now. Human skeletal 
remains can do an equal or a much better job of revealing past and present behavioural and 
environmental dynamics. It is in view of this that the research seeks to subject the excavated human 
skeletal remains from Begho in the storage of the Museum of Archaeology at the Department of 
Archaeology and Heritage Studies to an in-depth bioarchaeological analysis as an eclectic 
approach to understanding the past.  
3.3 The Body Theory 
One of the theories guiding this research is the body theory. The body theory is based on the 
assumption that, since the framework/skeleton of a person makes up the person, the biohistory of 
the skeleton infers the person’s identity. Human remains are compelling in their materiality 
(Sofaer, 2006: 77), that is, human skeletal remains are more than the bodies themselves because 
they change over time and express the histories and lives of people. In view of that, the body as a 
material culture should be considered as both material and historical in archaeological 
investigations (Sofaer, 2006: 66).  
Contemporary archaeological theory has benefited immensely from an interest in ‘the body’ and 
its contribution to understanding the past. According to Stutz (2008: 20), the ‘body theory’ was 
not until recently, a vibrant and a creative intellectual framework in the social sciences used to 
reflect on the relationships between nature and culture. More of this framework penetrated the 
archaeological discipline through the subfield of gender archaeology and more general reflections 
on structuration, agency and practice in the 1990s (Stutz, 2008: 20). Central to these studies was 
the recognition that the body does not have a ‘priori nature’, rather, it is created and experienced 
through the culture and language which reveals it (Thomas, 2002: 33). All these developments 
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depict archaeology as a ‘discipline grounded in materiality, encompassing a long-term perspective 
and transgressing traditional disciplinary boundaries’ Sofaer (2006: 76). As such, it also has the 
potential to contribute to the theorizing of the body. An understanding of ‘the body’ translates into 
an understanding of the past in more general terms.  
Sofaer (2006: 2) notes that, archaeological practices tend to focus on the artefacts surrounding the 
bodies rather than the bodies themselves which are natural potential material resources. 
Notwithstanding the vast array of information which can be acquired from the study of human 
remains to contribute to understandings of social life and identity, the human skeleton is rarely 
used explicitly for analysis, interpretation and reconstruction of past lifeways. Suffice it to say, the 
physiological aspects of the body forming the foundation of osteological assessments have until 
recently been silent in its use to search for social meaning. In a nut shell, emphasis on analysis, 
interpretation and reconstruction of past lifeways have shifted from the body to artefacts/ objects 
associated with it. According to Sofaer (2006: 2-3), osteological research has remained distinct 
from the traditional material-culture-based interpretative approaches employed in archaeological 
investigations which create what she called, ‘tension between osteoarchaeology and material-
culture-based archaeology.  
It has been argued that, ‘while archaeology has integrated many interesting thoughts inspired by 
the social sciences, it has not yet truly achieved the potential of its transdisciplinary character and 
has tended to disregard the materiality of the body’ Sofaer (2006: 2-3). An example can be seen in 
Julian Thomas’ article (Thomas, 2000). His article sought to discuss death and the treatment of 
dead bodies in Neolithic Britain. While addressing bodily transformations, Thomas discussed 
architectural features in more details than the actual bodies and the processes they went through 
(p: 658). This consequently puts the actual bodies in a position where they remain conspicuously 
absent even within the archaeology that has been explicitly devoted to them.  
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According to Sofaer (2006: 76), the material qualities of the human body are key to its materiality 
as an archaeological body. What this means is that, the distinctive characteristics of individual 
bodies are indicators of the biohistory of one’s skeletons when dead and to a large extent one’s 
behavioral patterns when alive. These can be understood as the material outcome of “human 
plasticity over the life course of the person which is context dependent, temporally described and 
individually unique” (Roberts, 1995: 1). As noted by Roberts (1995), underlying the 
bioarchaeological approach to the study of human skeletons is the principle of plasticity (a key 
concept in contemporary human biology), defined as ‘systematic changes within a person in 
his/her function and/ or structure’ (Lerner, 1984: xi) or ‘the capability of being moulded’ (Roberts, 
1995: 1). The plastic skeleton has the potential to be altered through human action including the 
intentional and unintentional consequences of past life choices. Hence, the skeleton should be 
considered as a material with its own physical and biological properties. 
Sofaer notes that the materiality of the body is therefore not given and immutable but follows from 
specific material qualities of the human skeleton that permit or constrain change and development 
(Sofaer, 2006: 76). In plain terms, the human skeleton in the developmental process, exhibits 
material changes in the various elements unique to each individual. One of the key features of 
osteoarchaeology is an interest in human variation (Weiss, 1998: 274). The materiality of the body 
is the ‘materiality of process’ which is expressive of social values and habit (Sofaer, 2006: 77) but 
the body is not a pre-existing passive biological container to be filled with culture (Ingold, 1998: 
26-7). Both Toren (1999: 2) and Ingold (1998) point out how the environment and the presence 
and activities of others aid in human growth. There are a number of researches and growing corpus 
of literature showing that social relations affect how a child develops in later life (Dickens, 2001); 
suggesting that those early experiences become ‘biologically embedded’ (Keating and Miller, 
1999: 232). Our experiences are thus reflective in our relations and interactions with our parents 
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and people in our immediate environment. If these interactions or relations tend to be stressful, 
abusive and violent, they leave significant traces on the human skeleton. 
The ideas presented by Stutz (2008: 25) to bring to the fore an understanding of the body as a 
‘social construction and a biological reality’, with a focus on how to handle the cadaver, is an 
attempt to make modest steps to understand the body within the realms of mortuary archaeology. 
However, while Stutz (2008: 19) notes that the body as an embodied biological reality has been 
undertheorized in archaeology, Sofaer (2006: 76) argues that because the materiality of the body 
emphasizes histories, social relations and the dynamics of development, archaeological accounts 
should take into consideration its dual character as biological and social. She further argues that, 
culture as a way of life of a people, is not a superficial addition to the body but forms part of the 
developmental process that sees the incorporation of cultural norms into the body. It is therefore 
expedient for the idea that ‘bodies are generated through practice and are culturally and socially 
(re-) produced’ Sofaer (2006: 76) to be complemented by an understanding and recognition of the 
biological and physicality of the body within the discourse on ‘the archaeology of the body’ in 
general and particular terms.  
Significantly, the argument above does not seem to suggest that the biological and the cultural or 
even the sociological are indistinguishable as concepts but rather that they overlap with unclear 
boundaries because the body is a developmental system. For Ingold (1990: 208), ‘the social life of 
a person is an aspect of the organic life in general’. That is to say that the body is a living organism 
whose development forms part of an organic continuum as other organisms develop within the 
context of the environment within which they exist. 
Adopting a range of approaches to the study of the body in archaeology is a strength and a sign of 
a dynamic discipline which underlines the body as an important archaeological resource. However, 
archaeological practice cannot “divide the physical, social or individual body into discrete parts 
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since each is dependent on the other. Therefore, the archaeologists must make ‘living bodies’ out 
of those that are dead” (Sofaer, 2006: 30). Meaning that archaeologists stand the chance of 
‘awakening’ the individuals represented in the skeletal samples for them to tell stories that will 
provide insights into their lifeways. 
3.4 Agency Theory 
Skeletons are remnants of humanity. Humanity is embodied in human biological gender and 
cultural gender. Normally, studying agency archaeologically means inferring agents from 
materials such as artefacts (for example, beads, smoking pipes, pottery sherds, bottles, tools, 
among other things) found in the archaeological record. The agency theory plays a special role in 
archaeology by helping archaeologists to access the meaningful world of the past through the 
fragmented relics of the archaeological record. But one’s choice of methodology and usage of a 
theory such as ‘agency theory’ to inform some aspects of social reproduction depends on their 
choice of data (Dobres and Robb, 2005: 161). That is to say that the data to be analyzed is at the 
forefront of the methodology and theoretical framework employed. 
Since agency theory privileges the discovering of agents of a social reproduction or practice within 
a ‘doxa’ (social organization) (Bourdieu, 1990), understanding agency therefore requires 
investigation of the materiality resulting from ancient social reproduction or practice. That is, 
artefact, such as the bottles, smoking pipes, potsherds and ecofacts and features found in the 
archaeological record must be meticulously analyzed as objects from an action or practice to reveal 
their agents: makers and users.  
With regards to the nature of this bioarchaeological research, the material evidence of the 
framework of a person after soft tissue decomposition is skeletonization. This exhibits agency in 
themselves as they are able to reveal vivid details of the biohistory and lifeways of the person 
ranging from sex, age, stature, ante-mortem and peri-mortem trauma/pathology and dental health 
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as well as dietary patterns among other behavior and activities. The use of agency theory as a 
theoretical framework for this research implies looking simultaneously at the skeletal remains/ 
bodies as biological entities, representational identities and material remains (Sofaer, 2006: 11). 
Looking for agency in skeletal remains, which are perceived as material or biofact, suggests an 
inference of activity and behavior from the remains forming part of the archaeological record. 
According to Hodder (1987), “… material culture is and was in the past meaningful to the degree 
that it could act back on its makers and users” (Dobres & Robbs, 2005: 161; see also Gell, 1998). 
That is to say that these skeletal remains which form part of the meaningfully constituted material 
culture of the archaeological record have an element or feature of ‘acting back’ on the people they 
represent, their dental health, pathology and dietary patterns. Other behavioral patterns such as 
their social organization in terms of labor and gender roles as well as paleodemography can be 
analyzed from the remains. Insights into the former will help explain some stress and trauma 
signatures found on the bones. 
To a large extent, the grave itself and the grave goods associated with the remains could also have 
agency. This is because such remains of past cultural practices reveal behavior of the people who 
buried the dead. The location of the graves in the landscape and the nature of the graves could give 
insights into how the people or society conceptualized death and how they tried to portray that 
ideology by the type of grave goods they attached to the dead. According to Pader (1982) and 
Lucy, (2000) (cited in Sofaer, 2006: 12), bodies have been studied in terms of their placement and 
arrangement, often by reference to orientation and position. Also, differences between bodies are 
interpreted in terms of the categorization of past individuals or social groups. The type of cremation 
or earth burial, that are the choice or means of disposal and orientation of the skeletal remain could 
suggest the type of rites or rituals performed among societies.  
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Pearson (1999) notes that the treatment of the body and choice of disposal, whether through 
inhumation, cremation or disarticulation and disaggregation, has been identified as a strong social 
statement and as a metaphor for social organization (Pearson, 1999: 124-135). He further notes 
that:  
“… where we put the remains is generally a conscious and carefully thought-out activity 
by which the dead are both remembered and forgotten and through which we reaffirm and 
construct our attitudes on death and the dead and to places and identity. Whether our loved 
ones’ remains are left on the columbarium shelf, dumped in the sea or are scattered over 
the football pitch of their favorite team, speaks volumes about who we think we are as well 
as what we felt for them …” (Pearson, 1999: 125).  
Invariably, ideas about how people conceptualize death and respond to the demise of their 
members will help offer a comparative basis to assess the ideological structures and consequently 
the behavioral patterns of the contemporary people at Begho. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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CHAPTER FOUR 
 
RESEARCH APPROACH 
 
4.0 Introduction 
This chapter discusses in detail the research approaches employed in the laboratory analysis of the 
research samples. It includes the processes of biodata determination and documentation as well as 
the ethnographic work.   
4.1 The Begho Burial Boxes/ Study Samples 
The Museum of Archaeology at the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies has about 
six burial boxes with skeletal remains from the Begho site in its storage. According to White (2000: 
7), the ability to identify skeletal material is a skill that can be acquired only through intensive 
study of actual specimens. Similarly, according to Sarajilić and Gradaščevič, (2012: 51), the 
identification of human remains in advanced stages of decomposition or in a completely 
skeletonized state is a very complicated and sensitive process. It should be noted that the skeletal 
material collected from the archaeological record are human and therefore ought to be considered 
as representatives of the living as much as possible. Waldron (1994) and Wood et al. (1992) have 
noted that there are several factors that will affect how skeletons are studied and how much a 
sample represents the living. Also, analysis of skeletal remains is dependent on whether they are 
from discrete graves containing individual skeletons or are part of an assemblage of comingled 
and disarticulated remains. Regardless, the most basic information produced for a sample of 
skeletons is the minimum number of individuals (MNI). This is ascertained by counting, 
determination of side and grouping the most commonly occurring skeletal elements. 
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Part of the reasons for making the Begho site the focus of this research was the fact that it came 
with a significant MNI of eight skeletons (five complete and three partial). This is a substantive 
number for this research aside the site’s historic significance in Ghana’s trade history. 
Each burial box came with its own written contextual information (Table 2.1). These are: Bg. 71 
D74 & F74 (Figure 4.1) which contained remains from the Kramo quarter and Bg. 72 B2, burial 
A (Figure 4.2); Bg. 70 B1, burials B & D and Bg. 71 B1-burial B & D (Figure 4.4); Bg. 70 B1, 
burial C (Figure 4.5); Bg. 70 (Figure 4.3) also contained remains from the Brong quarter. The 
burial box with the provenience Bg. D74 & F74 and Bg. 70 B1, burials B&D had within them two 
individuals each. ‘Bg’ stands for Begho. 
 
                     
Figure 4. 1 Exterior and Interior of burial box Bg. 71 D74 & F74. (Photo by Author) 
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Figure 4. 2 Exterior and Interior of burial box Bg. 72 B2, burial A. (Photo by Author) 
 
 
                 
Figure 4. 3 Exterior and Interior of burial box Bg. 70. (Photo by Author) 
 
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Figure 4. 4 Exterior and Interior of burial boxes Bg. 70 B1, burials B & D and Bg. 71 B1-
burial B & D. (Photo by Author) 
 
 
Figure 4. 5 Exterior and Interior of burial Bg. 70 B1, burial C. (Photo by Author) 
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4.2 General Description of Contents of Burial Boxes 
Within all the burial boxes (padded with cotton and newspapers) with the inscription:  
 Bg. 1971 D74 & F74 (Figure 4.1);  
 Bg. 72 B2, burial A (Figure 4.2);  
 Bg. 70 (Figure 4.3);  
 Bg. 70 B1- burials B & D and Bg. 71 B1-burial B & D (Figure 4.4) and  
 Bg. 70 B1, burial C (Figure 4.5)  
are parts and fragments of human skeletal remains. The human skeletal remains were wrapped 
with either newspapers and with what looked like acid-free papers. Others were in brown 
envelopes or brown paper. Some elements like the teeth were stored in plastic bags and mini-sized 
envelopes. The skeletal remains appeared to have been washed and marked with an abbreviation 
of site name, quarter and some numbers. However, the skeletal remains in burial box Bg. 72 B2, 
burial A appeared not to have been washed but was labelled. 
A common practice observed in all the burial boxes was the fact that the long bones seemed to be 
placed first followed by the other parts. This conforms with the ethics of packaging and 
transporting skeletal finds from the field in archaeological research. Heavier elements are placed 
under lighter elements.  
In burial box Bg. 70 B1, burials B&D containing two individuals, a plywood was used to divide 
the box (Figure 4.4) to prevent the contents from mixing. Conversely, elements within burial boxes 
Bg. D74 & F74 containing a minimum number of two individuals were mixed up. In this case, 
sorting was done with the help of the numbers marked on the skeletal elements. Within burial box 
Bg. 71, B1- burials B& D the human remains were completely fragmented (Figure 4.4) making it 
very difficult to identify the various elements. Also, because these skeletal remains have been in 
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storage for a long period of time, almost all the paper labels were destroyed, making it almost 
impossible to view the year of excavation, unit and level number and excavator/ project name.  
4.3 Analysis of Begho Skeletal Remains 
Simmons and Haglund’s chapter in Hunter and Cox (2005: 161), noted that the first stage of the 
analysis is to take an inventory of skeletal elements present or absent as well as elements that seem 
to be isolated as they will give an idea of the number of individuals represented. This is followed 
by a documentation of the condition of the remains. This could include taphonomic assessment of 
postmortem changes. For example, root etching, weathering/ breakage either from soil pressure or 
by other factors.  
Central to taking a skeletal inventory is to arrange the elements in their anatomical positions. This 
is critical to documenting and maintaining a chain-of-custody which in this context refers to the 
record or documentation of the process and time that the human skeletal remains were brought to 
the storage of the Museum of Archaeology. It also includes a record of the time and processes of 
skeletal analysis through to the end.   The second phase of the analysis, according to Simmons and 
Haglund’s chapter in Hunter & Cox (2005), is the creation of a basic biological profile of the sex 
of the individuals (the biological consequence of chromosomal inheritance). This must be assessed 
first because it will prescribe the methods to use in estimating both age and statue (Hunter & Cox, 
2005: 161). 
The stages involved in my process of skeletal analysis included the methods in Simmons and 
Haglund’s chapter in Hunter & Cox (2005). That said, the first stage involved assembling the tools 
for skeletal analysis, notably (i) inside and outside caliper for measuring skeletal elements; (ii) 
measuring tapes (mm and cm) for measuring long bones; (iii) pencils and erasers for documenting 
information; (iv) gloves; (v)nose masks’ (vi) laboratory coat as protective clothing; (vii) a camera 
for visual documentation. Visual documentations were made before and after the contents of the 
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burial boxes were taken out for analysis. I also developed a five-page skeletal inventory form 
(Appendix 2) was also developed to record skeletal biodata.  
The second stage was to record all available contextual information on the burial boxes into a 
database. Some of this provenience information were on deteriorated paper labels that 
accompanied the human remains in the boxes. 
The third stage involved removing the skeletal parts/elements from the boxes and laying them in 
anatomical positions. This enabled a record of the various elements present or absent and their 
conditions on the skeletal inventory form with accompanying photographs. Skeletal codes were 
also developed for each individual (eg. BG’18.73.110). The skeletal codes included an 
abbreviation of the site name (BG for Begho), year of skeletal analysis (’18) and the numbers 
marked on the skeletal elements (eg. 73.110). These skeletal codes were to serve as Accession 
Numbers to help in cataloguing the human remains as part of the museum collections (Table 5.7). 
The fourth stage involved the recording of skeletal elements present or absent; notation of the 
condition and state of deterioration; the determination of the age and sex; the measurements of 
some long and short bones (where possible) and the identification of some pathological trauma on 
the skeletons.  
4.4 Procedure for Biodata Determination 
The biohistory of human skeletal remains often includes the determination of age, sex and stature. 
There are multivariate methods for determining sex and age of either a John-Doe or Jane-Doe 
(name given to an unidentified male or female skeleton respectively). These methods vary from a 
direct observation of specific elements of a skeleton to microscopic examination of a given 
segment. It often involves both non-metric observation and metric measurement of varied cranial 
and post-cranial indicators on the parts of the skeleton while comparing them against standard 
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cladistic measurement of the five-trait scoring system developed by researchers over the years 
(Brooks and Suchey, 1990; Iscan et al.,1987 and Phenice, 1969).  
The five-trait scoring system followed Walker (2008) and Klales et al. (2012) for sex indication 
on the skull and pelvis respectively (Appendix C and D). Ubelaker’s (1989) method was also used 
to indicate age based on dentition (Appendix E). These scoring systems provided standard cladistic 
descriptions of cranio-facial and pelvic sex indicators. Notable indicators on the skull included the 
prominence of (i) nuchal crest; (ii) mastoid process; (iii) supra-orbital margin; (iv) supra-orbital 
ridge/ glabella and (v) mental eminence. Key indicators on the pelvis included the prominence or 
presence of (i) ventral arc (ii) subpubic concavity (iii) medial aspect of the ischio-pubic ramus (iv) 
subpubic angle and (v) the greater sciatic notch on the innominate bone or pelvis are key.  
For the purposes of this research, age determination was based on non-metric observational means, 
and sex determination was done by: non-metric observational means and metric means as well as 
the comparison of results to standard measurements. Methods for determining the sex of a skeleton 
have been outlined by White (2000) and critically reviewed by many others including Mays and 
Cox (2000).  
For sex determination, the observational method involved visually observing skeletal elements. 
This includes the nature of the whole skeleton, morphology of the pelvic girdle (including the 
greater sciatic notch, sub-pubic angle) as well as cranio-facial elements like the mastoid process, 
supraorbital margin, mandible, ramus of mandible and nuchal crest. The sex of a John Doe or Jane 
Doe can be determined reliably from features of the two innominate bones (the pelvis) and from 
cranio-facial elements.  The prominence or otherwise of these elements would indicate whether it 
is a John Doe (male) or Jane Doe (female). Standard methods of researchers like Klales et al. 
(2012) and Walker (2008) were used in the observational classification.  
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In all these assessments, caution was taken when applying these various methods since the 
morphology of the human bone varies with the presence or absence of ante-mortem trauma as well 
as age of the person (according to Lisa Mariann Strand, a PhD student of osteology at Stockholm 
University). In such cases if the person were a male, as he grows older his bone morphology 
changes to that of a female and that of the female turns more gracile. 
The metric means were used in the measurement of the various sex indicative elements to prove 
or disprove the observational results. The stature of some of the individuals was also determined 
through metric means by measuring the long bones (humerus, radius, ulna, femur, tibia and fibula) 
and tabulating the results in a standard formula. In general, a persons’ approximate height is = 
femur height × 2× 2/3 (Trotter and Gleser, 1977). This equation is used for fused (ossified) bones 
only. Stature was not estimated extensively because most of the skeletal elements, especially the 
long bones, were in fragments and also because the skeletal elements of two individuals were not 
completely fused. 
According to Iscan (1989), “While sexing methods, when applied to well-preserved skeletons may 
reach an overall precision of up to 90%, post-maturity age assessment still remains one of the most 
difficult tasks in skeletal analysis” (cited in Hoppa and Vaupel, 2002: 48). This is because at 
maturity or adulthood, the bones have ossified and the exact age of an adult skeleton cannot be 
ascertained. In most cases through the use of research standards and other degenerative changes 
on the adult skeleton, an age range can be estimated. Sarajilić and Gradaščevič (2012: 51), are of 
the view that adult age determination is important in the identification process, but it is a very 
challenging process due to the fact that an adult skeleton keeps changing over time and the 
remodeling process is highly-individually based and subject to the influences of behavior and 
environment. Although bones and teeth undergo life-long ante-mortem age-related 
metamorphosis, each part of the skeleton, depending on its structure, location and function reflects 
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different aspects of the ageing phenomenon and consequently the life-long metamorphosis of the 
human skeleton (Figure. 4.5).   
Although all bone markers point towards early adulthood, the specific ‘‘age windows’’ may vary 
according to the trait employed and the influence of confounding factors. Thus, some indicators 
will provide an accelerated estimate (Hoppa and Vaupel, 2002: 49). Rightly so, ageing methods in 
sub-adults could include an assessment of the degree of closure of the cranial sutures, epiphyseal 
seals of the ossification joints/centers and dental development. Ageing methods in adults also 
include a detection of morphological characteristics in teeth and bones. It involves an assessment 
of the sternal ends of ribs (particularly the fourth ribs) as well as the assessment of the auricular 
surface of the vertebral column and the morphology of the pubic symphysis. The degenerative 
changes that may occur on them provide good information on age. The first systematic studies 
aimed at the development of techniques that estimate age of remains, were conducted during the 
1920s and were correlated with the observation of pubic symphysis morphology and cranial suture 
(Mays, 1998; Todd, 1920 and 1921; Yazedjian and Kešetović, 2008)). 
 
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Figure 4. 6 Some of the most often used age indicators: 1, dental attrition; 2, sternal rib end; 
3, auricular surface; 4, pubic symphysis; 5, cranial sutures; 6, epipheseal region of humerus; 
7, epipheseal region of femur; 8, bone histology. (Young male, approximately 20—25 years 
old, Early Medieval cemetery). Reproduced from Hoppa and Vaupel, (2002).  
 
For age determination of the skeletal materials from Begho, a number of classification methods 
were used. These included the observation of the degree of cranial-suture closure of the skull and 
the assessment of the auricular surface of the vertebrates, as well as dental development while 
comparing them against standard skeletal age determination chats.  
Dental development is the most important means of age estimation. This is because both the 
deciduous and permanent dentition develop through well-defined stages of formation and eruption 
in the lifetime of a person (Garn et al. 1959: 245). However, variabilities should not be 
underestimated. Dental age is best evaluated through radiography although a visual inspection can 
give a rough estimate. In juveniles, nutrition, disease, altitude and other environmental factors 
affect both growth and maturation rates (Frisancho 1993; Scheuer and Black 2000). Ubelaker 
(1987) opines that, in an individual who had suffered from nutritional stress or disease, the skeletal 
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and dental ages will not always be in agreement. Skeletal growth may often be retarded by several 
months or years relative to dental maturation.  
Additionally, the dental arcade/ teeth of an individual plays unique roles in preserving detailed 
microscopic records of development of the individual. This also includes records of disturbances 
to their development from childhood into adulthood. Rightly so, tooth defect sequences shed ample 
light on the consequences of biological and social transitions with evidence from the fossil and 
archaeological record. Hence as dental development seems to be less susceptible to periodic 
environmental stressors, dental estimates should be regarded as the more reliable age indicator. 
This study could not employ this method extensively due to the nature of the materials as well as 
insufficient time and resources. The standard template used for the Begho analysis included that 
of Klales et al. (2012) and Walker (2008). In applying these methods of sex determination and age 
estimation to the research samples, caution was taken because human variation is population- or 
geography-specific. For instance, features applicable to Chinese populations may not be entirely 
applicable to remains of individuals from Ghanaian populations. The crania of Japanese males are 
extremely gracile by American standards (Bass, 1983; Sledzik and Ousley, 1991) and using US 
metric and visual cues may render them incorrectly classified (Hunter & Cox, 2002: 162). 
It should be noted however that the materials (skeletons) sampled for this research are of African 
or Ghanaian origin whereas standards used for the estimation of sex and age are of western 
European origin because there are no standard categorization methods for African skeletons. In 
view of this, margins of error were considered. Possible pathology in addition to any sharp or blunt 
force trauma evident on the bones were recorded and photographed. These were viewed under 
ante-mortem, peri-mortem and post-mortem changes.  
 
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4.5 Ethnographic Field Approach 
To gather emic perspectives on archaeothanatological practices among the Hani-Begho 
populations, ethnographic study was conducted in the town in 2019. This involved visiting the site 
to assess the nature and configuration of the community and familiarization with the historically-
noted quarters within the community. The method of research included semi-structured interviews 
and focus group discussions to gather qualitative data on past and present archaeothanatological 
practices in Hani-Begho. Eighteen sets of focus groups ranging from two to nine members in each 
group were interviewed. Fifteen individuals were also interviewed in addition. 
Out of the 88 respondents, 45 were aged 50 years and above while, 43 were between 20- 49 years 
(Chart 4.1). The interview guide was geared towards the collection of data on the emic perspective 
of the indigenes. These included (i) issues regarding death, (ii) treatment of the body before burial, 
(iii) stages involved in the funeral ceremony, (iv) role of men and women in these stages, (v) rituals 
involved at the family and community levels, (vi) grave goods and (vii) how different members of 
the Begho community have been/ are buried. Questions were also asked about ante-mortem bone 
and tooth modifications done in the past and currently and whether these modifications can be 
linked to or have bearings on medical practices within the community. Responses were correlated 
with various factors including age and whether the respondent is an indigene of Hani/Begho or not 
while observing general happenings in the community (Appendix 3). 
 
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Number of Respondents
49%
51%
50 Years and above 20-49 Years
 
 
Chart 4. 1 Percentage of the 88 Respondents Interviewed. 
 
After all the skeletal biodata were recorded and all other relevant information had been 
documented and an electronic inventory record created, the human remains were rewrapped with 
brown paper (an alternative for acid-free papers) and the contextual information transferred unto 
brown paper. The remains were then placed back in the burial boxes padded with newspapers and 
sent back into the museum storage. 
 
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Figure 4. 7 Ethnographic data collection session with some elders of the Begho community. 
(Mr Anderson Darko- left, Author- middle and herbalist- right).  
(Photo by Mr. Gideon Agyare) 
 
 
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Figure 4. 8 Ethnographic data collection session with an elder of the Begho community. 
(Photo by Mr. Gideon Agyare) 
 
 
Figure 4. 9 Presentation of gin, soft drinks and money at the chief’s palace as part of protocol 
processes, ‘Okyeame’ poured libation to appease and ask permission from the gods before 
commencement of research at Begho. (Photo by Mr. Gideon Agyare) 
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Figure 4. 10 Author classifying a skeletal sample in the laboratory of the DAHS. 
(Photo by Prince Nuamah) 
 
Figure 4. 11 Author classifying a skeletal sample in the laboratory of the DAHS. 
(Photo by Prince Nuamah) 
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CHAPTER FIVE 
 
RESULTS 
 
5.0 Introduction 
This chapter presents findings from the skeletal analysis done on the Begho skeletons as well as 
data from the ethnographic research done at Hani-Begho in 2019. Findings from ethnographic 
research in Begho were discussed in relation to the skeletal findings to provide a holistic picture 
of some practices in the Hani-Begho area. This chapter also presents a summary of the skeletal 
data, pictures of anatomically laid skeletons and associated materials.  
5.1 Assessing the Begho Skeletons 
The skeletal remains were subjected to analytical observations in order to answer the research 
questions posed earlier. As already mentioned the skeletal elements were both partial and 
complete. The code of completeness of the Begho skeletal remains were estimated based on the 
skeletal elements present (Table 5.1). It should be noted that, the code of completeness was 
assessed on the number of full skeletal elements that were present so that if an individual had most 
of his/her skeletal elements present in full, it was coded as ˃ 75%. Conversely, an individual was 
coded ˂ 25% if most skeletal elements were absent and in fragments. Additionally, an individual 
was coded =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% if some of the skeletal elements were present in full and others in 
fragments. 
 
 
 
 
 
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Table 5. 1 Code of Completeness of all Begho Skeletal Remains. 
BURIAL BOX PROBABLE MNI INVENTORY CODE OF 
YEAR OF CODE COMPLETENESS 
 
EXCAVATION 
Bg70.B1-Burials 1970   1 BG’18-B1. B a) =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% 
B&D 73.112 
  
  
 
  
Bg70.B1-Burials 1970  1 BG’18-B1. D b) =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% 
B&D 73.114 
 
 
Bg 71. B1-Burials 1971 1 BG’18-B1 73.96 ˂25% 
B&D 
Bg 1971. D74 &F74 1971 1 BG’18-D74, a) =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% 
73.119 
 
Bg. 1971. D74 & F74 1971 1 BG’18-F74, 73. b) ˂ 25% 
119 (T2) 
Bg. 70 1970 N/A BG’18- 70, 73.120 ˂ 25% 
Bg 72 B2, burial A 1972 1 BG’18-72, B2- =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% 
73.110 
Bg 70, B1, burial C 1970 1 BG’18. 73.113 =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% 
 
 
Table 5. 2 Notation of Mammalian Dental Formulae 
MAMMALIAN DENTAL FORMULAE NOTATION 
I Incisor 
C Canine 
PM Premolar 
M Molar 
 
 
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Burial box Bg 70 B1- Burials B&D came with a minimum of two individuals. These included 
skeletons with inventory codes BG’18-B1, B 73.112 from Burial B and BG’18-B1, D 73.114 from 
burials D.  
The individual from Burial B has the inventory code, BG’18-B1, B 73.112. The condition of this 
skeleton indicated that it was washed after excavation. There was no evidence of charring, flaking 
or cut marks on the skeleton. The axial section; skull, ribs, cervical (identified C3-C5), lumbar and 
thoracic (identified T1-T5) vertebrae were fragmented. The manubrium and axis elements were 
present. With the appendicular skeleton, the left clavicle, scapulas, humeri, radii, ulnae, left femur, 
right tibia and left fibula were present and complete. The right clavicle, right pelvic bone, right 
femur and left tibia were however fragmented. Both the left and right carpals were partially 
complete whilst the left metacarpals were complete. The left and right tarsals and metatarsals were 
also complete. There were 38 fragmented bones of the skull, 26 fragmented pelvic bones and 12 
unidentified elements of the vertebral column. All the teeth in the maxilla region (except the 3rd 
left molar) and in the mandibular region were present. The individual’s sex and age have been 
outlined in (Table 5.3). 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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Table 5. 3 Summary of BG’18-B1, B 73.112 Skeletal Remains. 
BURIAL INVENTORY MNI AGE SEX JUSTIFICATION FOR SEX 
AND AGE 
BOX CODE (YEARS) 
Bg 70 B1- BG’18-B1, B 1 17-25  Female  Sex was determined on the basis 
of the scoring of the prominence 
Burials B&D 73.112 
of the mastoid process, the mental 
eminence, gonial angle and angle 
of the ramus of mandible scored 
after Walker (2008). The nature of 
the pelvic was scored after Klales 
et al (2012). Age was estimated 
based on the ossification centers/ 
epiphyseal joints not being 
completely fused, even though the 
individual had fully developed 
dentition. 
 
 
 
 
 
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Figure 5. 1 Posterior views of the individual labelled BG’18-B1, B 73.112. 
(Photos by Author)  
 
 
 
 
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The individual from Burial D has the inventory code, BG’18-B1, D 73.114. The skeletal remains 
appeared washed, not charred and had no cut marks. Most elements of the axial skeleton were 
fragmented, while the clavicle, scapula, lumbar vertebrae and sacrum were absent. There were 56 
fragmented skull bones and 77 fragmented bones of the ribs. Within the appendicular skeleton, 
only the radii and ulnae were complete. The humeri and the right femur were fragmented but the 
left femur, tibias, fibulas, carpals, metacarpals, tarsals and metatarsals were absent. Some 34 
unidentified elements were however consistent with human bones. In the buccal cavity, all except 
incisors in the mandible were present. The individual’s sex and age have been outlined in (Table 
5.4). 
 
Table 5. 4 Summary of BG’18-B1, D 73.114 Skeletal Remains. 
BURIAL INVENTORY MN AGE SEX JUSTIFICATION FOR SEX 
AND AGE 
BOX CODE I (YEARS) 
Bg 70 B1- BG’18-B1, D 1 17-25 Female Sex was determined based on the 
prominence of the nature of the 
Burials B&D 73.114 
bones, and the scoring of the 
prominence of the mastoid 
process, the mental eminence, 
gonial angle and angle of the 
ramus of mandible scored after 
Walker (2008). Age was estimated 
on the fact that the ossification 
centers/ epiphyseal joints were not 
completely fused even though the 
individual had a fully developed 
dentition.  
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Figure 5. 2 Posterior view of the individual labelled BG’18-B1, D 73.114. 
(Photo by Author) 
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Burial box Bg 71 B1-bBurials B&D came with one individual with inventory code BG’18-B1 
73.96. The skeletal elements appeared unwashed and completely fragmented. The axial skeleton 
had 129 cranial fragments, 69 fragmented vertebral elements and 36 rib bone fragments. This 
individual had in its dental arcade 8 incisors, 2 canines, 5 premolars and 8 molars. The 
appendicular skeletal elements included 148 bone fragments. The individual’s sex and age have 
been outlined in (Table 5.5). 
 
Table 5. 5 Summary of BG’18- B1, 73.96 Skeletal Remains. 
BURIAL INVENTORY MNI AGE SEX JUSTIFICATION FOR 
SEX AND AGE 
BOX CODE (YEARS) 
Bg 71 B1- BG’18- B1,    Sex was determined based on 
the prominence of the mastoid 
Burials B&D 73.96 1 Indeterminable  Female  
process, the mental eminence, 
gonial angle and angle of the 
ramus of mandible scored 
after Walker (2008). Age 
estimation was impossible due 
to the totally fragmented 
nature of the skeleton. 
 
 
 
 
 
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Figure 5. 3 Classification of the elements of the individual labelled BG’18- B1, 73.96 from 
Begho. 
(Photo by Author)  
 
 
 
 
 
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Burial box Bg 1971 D74 & F74 came with more than a minimum of one individual. The 
provenience information found on the labels and date of the newspapers used to wrap the skeletal 
remains could suggest that they were probably excavated in April, 1971 from K1 at the Kramo 
quarter. These individuals were identified by inventory codes: BG’18-D74, 73.119 and BG’18-
F74, 73.119 (T2).  
Skeletal remains with inventory number BG’18-D74, 73.119 in Burial Box Bg 1971 D74 & F74 
appeared washed, uncharred and without cut marks. The axial skeletal elements present include 
the skull, clavicle, scapula, sternal body, ribs, all cervical and lumber vertebral elements, seven 
thoracic vertebral elements and the pelvic. Other thoracic vertebral elements like the sacrum were 
fragmented, in addition to these were 94 pieces of vertebral bones. The appendicular skeleton had 
the right humerus, right radius, carpal, metacarpal, tarsals and metatarsals all complete. However, 
the left humerus, left radius, femurs, tibias and fibulas were fragmented.  
From the above element count, the code of completeness of the individual with inventory number 
BG’18-D74, 73.119 can be rated at =/˃25% ˂/=75% (Table 5.1). This individual showed signs of 
ante-mortem teeth loss with signs of healing/sealing of the premolar and molar sockets in the 
maxilla leaving I2, C, PM1, PM2 and M2 and in the mandible leaving PM2, C, I2 & I1 on the right 
and I1, I2, C on the left. Additionally, the individual showed signs of osteoarthritis/ lipping on some 
vertebrae probably resulting from stress and other occupational habits that exerted pressure on the 
vertebrae.  The lipping could also be as a result of degenerative changes in the body as the person 
aged. However, there is the probability of people developing osteoathritis an early age, due to 
occupational habits. The individual’s sex and age have been outlined in (Table 5.6). 
 
 
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Table 5. 6 Summary of BG’18-D74, 73.119 Skeletal Remains. 
BURIAL INVENTORY MNI AGE SEX JUSTIFICATION FOR SEX 
AND AGE 
BOX CODE (YEARS) 
Bg,1971 BG’18-D74, 1 60-75 Male  Sex was determined by using sex 
indicators on the pelvis and scoring 
D74 & F74 73.119 
them after Klales et al. (2012). Age 
was estimated on the basis of the 
fused cranial sutures and 
epiphyseal joints, complete dental 
development and evidence of stress 
on the vertebrae. 
    
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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Figure 5. 4 Anterior view of the full skeleton of individual labeled BG’18-D74, 73.119 from 
Begho. 
(Photos by Author) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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BG’18-F74, 73. 119 (Trench two) (Figure 5.5) in Box Bg 1971 D74 & F74 appeared washed, 
uncharred and without cut marks. Elements present include complete right and left femur, 
complete right tibia and fibula, fragmented left tibia and fibula, proximal head of a radius, the left 
and right patella and 23 fragmented pieces of bone probably of the lower limb. The code of 
completeness in this case could be rated at ˂25% (Table 5.1). Due to the absence of elements that 
could help estimate age and determine sex; such as the skull and pelvis, the lower limbs were used 
instead. Anthropologists can turn to other skeletal elements to determine sex only if the pelvis and 
cranium are not available. However, even though measurement of most postcranial elements such 
as the humeral and femoral heads provide a reasonable degree of accuracy, they are less reliable 
as compared to the cranium and pelvis (Hunter & Cox, 2002: 162). The individual’s sex and age 
have been outlined in (Table 5.7). 
 
Table 5. 7 Summary of BG’18-F74, 73. 119 (T2) Skeletal Remains. 
BURIAL INVENTORY MNI AGE SEX JUSTIFICATION FOR 
SEX AND AGE 
BOX CODE (YEARS) 
Bg 1971 D74 BG’18-F74, 73. 1 Post 40 Male  Sex and age were determined 
based on the nature 
& F74 119 (T2) years  
(prominence and heaviness) 
of the femur, tibia and fibula 
and the fact that the 
ossification joints were 
completely fused. 
 
 
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Figure 5. 5 Proximal and distal view of the lower limbs of individual labelled BG’18-F74, 3. 
119 (Trench two). 
(Photo by Author)  
 
 
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Burial box Bg. 70, with inventory code BG’18-70, B2-73.120 contained fragmented skeletal 
elements of the frontal, occipital and left parietal bones plus 12 additional flat bones of the skull 
and the left and right mastoid process. The burial box also had in it two different maxilla regions 
with five molars, four premolars, two canines and two incisors in all. Also included were nine 
different right halves of the mandible with teeth and three different left halves of mandible with 
teeth. The teeth numbered 20: 11 molars, three premolars and six incisors in all. The axial skeletal 
elements included were the atlas and axis, C3- C5, five pieces of ribs, two thoracic and two lumbar 
vertebrae and a scapular bone. The appendicular skeleton included two humeral heads and the 
diaphysis (middle shaft) of a radius and four metacarpals. The code of completeness of this skeletal 
sample is therefore ˂25% (Table 5.1). The individual’s sex and age have been outlined in (Table 
5.8).  
Table 5. 8 Summary of BG’18-70, B2-73.120 Skeletal Remains. 
BURIAL INVENTORY MNI AGE SEX JUSTIFICATION FOR SEX 
AND AGE 
BOX CODE (YEARS) 
Bg. 70 BG’18-70, B2- Indeterminable Over 40 Male  Sex determination was done by 
visually observing the 
73.120 years 
prominence of the two (left & 
right) mastoid processes. An age 
range estimation was suggested 
from the fully developed dentition 
The nine different right halves of 
the mandible and three different 
left halves of mandible suggest 
that the remains belonged to more 
than one individual. 
 
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Figure 5. 6 View of individual labeled BG’18-70, B2-73.120 from Begho. 
(Photo by Author)  
 
 
 
 
 
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Burial Box Bg 72 B2, Burial A contained one individual with inventory code: BG’18-72, B2- 
73.110. All skeletal elements appeared unwashed. Elements of the axial skeleton present include: 
the skull with almost half (the right side) of it destroyed; atlas; manubrium; pelvis and sacrum. In 
the maxilla region are PM2 (left & right), I2 (right), C, PM1, PM2, M2, M3 (right), and in the 
mandibular region are M3, M2 and PM1 (right) and C, PM1, M1, M2, M3 (left), that makes two 
canines, one incisor, six premolars, seven molars in all. The left side of the maxilla has an extra 
premolar erupting adjacent the PM2. Most of the ribs were fragmented with their sternal ends 
almost impossible to identify. Also, the skull looked compressed probably as a result of post 
mortem soil pressure after burial. Most elements of the vertebral column are fragmented and 
unidentifiable. The appendicular skeletal elements present include the right clavicle, right scapula, 
left and right humeri, radii, ulnae, left and right metacarpals, left and right femurs, left and right 
tibia and the left and right tarsals. From the above, the code of completeness of this individual can 
be rated as =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% (Table 5.1). This individual has attritions in the mandibular teeth; 
with evidence of occlusal wear of the teeth in the lower jaw. The individual’s sex and age have 
been outlined in (Table 5.9). 
Table 5. 9 Summary of BG’18-72, B2- 73.110 Skeletal Remains. 
BURIAL INVENTORY MNI AGE SEX JUSTIFICATION FOR SEX AND 
AGE 
BOX CODE (YEARS) 
Bg 72 B2, BG’18-72, B2- 1 30-40 Female  Age was estimated based on the 
complete fusion of the epiphyses and 
burial A 73.110 
fully developed dentition.  The sex of 
this individual was determined based 
on the nature of the sex indicators on 
the pelvis as skull scored after Klales 
et al. (2012) and Walker (2008) 
 
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Figure 5. 7 Posterior view of individual labelled BG’18-72, B2- 73.110 from Begho. 
(Photos by Author)  
 
 
 
 
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Burial Box Bg 70, B1, Burial C contained one individual with inventory code BG’18. 73.113. The 
skeletal elements appeared washed, uncharred and without cut marks. Elements of the axial 
skeleton present include the skull, all elements of the dental arcade, T9, T10, four lumbar vertebrae, 
sacrum, pelvis, sternal body, 26 fragmentary rib bones and 122 unidentifiable fragmentary bones. 
The appendicular skeletal elements present are clavicles, the right scapula, humeri, radii, ulae, 
carpals and metacarpals, femurs, tibias, left tarsal and metatarsal. Code of completeness is 
therefore rated at =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% (Table 5.1). This individual was in association with small-
sized beads (Figure 5.9), recorded as found around the waist or pelvic bone. The individual’s sex 
and age have been outlined in (Table 5.10). 
Table 5. 10 Summary of BG’18. 73.113 Skeletal Remains. 
BURIAL INVENTORY MNI AGE SEX JUSTIFICATION FOR SEX 
AND AGE 
BOX CODE (YEARS) 
Bg 70, B1, BG’18. 73.113 1 25-45 Male  Sex was determined based on the 
nature of the sex indicators on the 
burial C 
pelvis and skull scored after 
Klales et al. (2012) and Walker 
(2008). 
Age was estimated based on the 
complete fusion of the epiphyses 
and fully developed dentition as 
well as the morphology of the 
sternal ends of the ribs (with the 
help of a pathologist). 
 
 
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 Figure 5. 8 Posterior (A) and lateral (B) view of individual labelled BG’18. 73.113 from 
Begho. 
(Photos by Author)  
 
 
 
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Figure 5. 9 Small-sized possible ostrich-shell beads in association with individual labelled 
BG’18. 73.113 from Begho. 
(Photos by Author)  
 
 
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5.2 Identifying Injury /Trauma and Pathology on the Begho Skeletons 
The general lifestyle conditions in past societies is revealed by the assessment of skeletal injuries 
in human remains (Larsen, 1997: 110) found in archaeological and other contexts. The prevalence 
of skeletal injuries on various elements gives insights into the influence of different activities or 
lifestyles. Trauma occupies second place to pathologies and affects the skeleton in several ways- 
fracturing or dislocating the bone, disrupting its blood or nerve supply or artificially deforming it 
(Redfern, 2017: 5). White (2000) also notes that the most common pathology affecting the skeleton 
is degenerative changes in bone morphology and development. 
Everyday experiences are characterized by injury/trauma and sometimes pathology and memories 
influencing our outlook of life and events. This is particularly the case if our health and well-being 
are concerned (McCluskey et al., 2015: 1-5). Oftentimes, personal experiences could cause people 
to perceive violence and its related injury or trauma as cross-cultural and universal. On the 
contrary, it is unique to a person/ population, place/environment in which it happened and bound 
by time. Redfern (2017: 2) notes that, it is only within the few past years that bioarchaeology has 
recognized the diversity of violence in the archaeological record. This provides more culturally-
sensitive and nuanced interpretation of the possibilities of the occurrence of horrific events in the 
past (see also Martin et al., 2013). 
There are no universal meanings or definitions of violence (Redfern, 2017: 3). Since the 1970s, 
meanings have changed from the use of terms like ‘blows’ and ‘physical injury’ to a wide variety 
of concepts such as ‘assaults on self-esteem’; ‘personal possessions’ and ‘emotional and financial 
well-being’ (Merry, 2009: 5, 181). Violence has been described by Merry (2009: 4) as a 
‘deceivingly simple concept’, because it depends on the social position of the observer and the 
context of the event. It is as a result of the complexities inherent in the definitions of violence that 
Riches (1991: 286) discusses and proposes that violence should only refer to matters of ‘contested 
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physical hurt’. However, this is not a binding or universally accepted definition (Strathern and 
Stewart, 1999: 89-90). 
In bioarchaeology, conceptions of injury and trauma have been shaped by the fact that majority of 
the human remains under study lack soft tissues (Redfern, 2017: 5). Trauma can either be classified 
as sharp force or blunt force depending on the object or tool used. In the former case the surface 
and edge will look smooth whereas in the latter case the surface or edge will look jagged. A cut 
wound caused by the use of a sharp knife is an example of a sharp force trauma whiles a gunshot 
or mallet blow wound is an example of a blunt force trauma. A much rarer case of a sharp force 
trauma is trephination/trepanation which involves using a surgical instrument to remove or scrape 
a circular section of bone from the skull to let out pressure from the skull. Ortner and Putschar 
(1981: 51) describe trephination or trepanning as perhaps the most remarkable trauma seen by 
paleopathologists. (Figure 5.9; upper). The individual with inventory code BG’18-D74, 73.119 
showed a likely case of trepanning on the skull (Figure 5.9; lower) even though it is not currently 
practised in the Region according to oral accounts at Begho. The trauma could also have been 
caused by wound received during a conflict, accident or warfare. 
 
Figure 5. 10 Possible trephination/trepanation: artificially produced holes in the cranium 
vault. Evidence of substantial bony healing suggests the individual survived the operations. 
Reproduced from White (2000). 
 
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Figure 5. 11 Signs of possible trephination/trepanning or blunt force trauma to the skull of 
individual (BG’18-D74, 73.119) from Begho. (Photo by Author) 
 
5.3 Interpreting Behavior from Skeletons 
The explicit aim of osteoarchaeological research is to determine ‘behavioural inference’ from 
skeletons (Larsen 1997: 5). It is assumed that skeletal changes are the response of human tissue to 
events outside the body such as pathogens in the environment, patterns of work, cultural norms or 
pressures. In order to understand patterns of skeletal change, emphasis should be placed on 
adaptation and response to a system as well as adherence to social practices, which according to 
Prout (2000), are material as they shape the body through diet, health risks, exercise, life-style and 
disciplinary regimes. In Begho for instance, oral accounts have it that there was and is a social 
practice of creating gaps (diastema) in the front teeth of young adults and the elderly for 
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beautification purposes while ignoring the risks of severe headaches and sometimes death. Within 
the Begho community, accounts have it that, there was also the social practice of traditionally 
arranging fractured bones and applying some herbs on them to heal after a period of time. 
This social practices of artificially creating diastema in between the incisors and traditional healing 
practices have over time had a bearing on the development and change of the natural look of the 
dental arcade and body respectively. These indicators can be useful in the investigation of 
behaviour and age. Additionally, environmental factors can change a people’s behaviour and the 
consequent remodeling and adaptation of their bones to the environment. For instance, if an 
individual finds him/herself in an environment with limited food resources, poor nutrition and 
disease, this can prolong or disrupt tooth eruption, dental maturation and general bone growth/ 
development (Larsen, 1997: 59). However, improvements in living conditions in the life of such 
individuals can lead to recuperation in skeletally immature individuals (Bogin, 1999). 
Other forms of behavior found to have significant effect on the skeleton or skeletal elements 
recorded at Begho include ante-mortem cranial and tooth modification. It should be noted that 
behaviour is invariably informed by the environment in which people find themselves and evolve 
in time and space under certain conditions. This is consistent with Bouvier & Hylander’s (1981) 
assertion that the overall size and morphology of skeletal elements as well as cortical remodeling 
at the microscopic level is influenced by the environment.  
 
 
 
 
 
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5.4 Skeletal Markers of Trauma and Behaviour 
Work/ activity and stress related traumas are recorded on the skeleton of the person who 
experiences them. Many stress indicators on the skeleton and dentition develop during childhood 
(Lewis, 2000), although it has been argued that such lesions are only visible in the skeletons of 
individuals strong enough to survive the stress episode (Wood et al., 1992).  
Alternatively, bone lesions can disappear or remodel as the individual ages (Lewis, 2000). It can 
also be accelerated through strenuous work or activities involving repeated mechanical loads 
placed on the joints (Peyron, 1986; Radin et al., 1972). Skeletal modifications developed by life-
styles or activities over time can be closely linked to an understanding of the human life course 
because histological studies of bone structures have enormous potential for elucidating behavioral 
adaptations and activities of past human populations or groups. 
The skeleton also has the potential to record the habitual posture of an individual and to give an 
idea of the type of work or activity that the person engaged in before death. For instance, if a 
person squats while working, exerting strong pressure on the knees and ankles over a period of 
time, then extra articular facets will develop forming extensions on the joint surface. Additionally, 
if a person tends to use some parts of the body more extensively, those parts are likely to be more 
‘built’ or ‘robust’ than others. Generally, the skeleton reveals tuberosities or events that mark the 
life of the individual and often correlate with the conditions of his/her everyday life. Again, 
osteoporosis (lipping on the auricular surface of the vertebrates) can be discussed with regards to 
ageing or the impacts of occupational habit in both men and women. About 90% of the elderly 
respondents of my ethnographic study complained of severe back/ waist pain resulting from the 
work they do (particularly farming). This development over time could cause lipping on the lumbar 
vertebrae. 
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Other factors affecting general bone morphology are dietary and subsistence patterns. Moreover, 
craniofacial and dental variation can also be caused by porotic hyperostosis, cribra orbitalia and 
dental damage respectively. Porotic hyperostosis is a term introduced by Angel (1966; see also 
Hill & Armelagos, 1990) to describe pathology involving the outer table of cranial bones and 
discussed in relation to skeletal changes associated with iron deficiency anemia (Larsen, 1997: 
30). Similar lesions in the roof of the eye orbits is called cribra orbitalia also discussed in the 
context of vitamin deficiency and as such used to infer malnutrition in sub-adults and degenerative 
changes resulting from old age in adults. Other scholars (eg., Carlson et al., 1974; Lallo et al.,1977) 
have also argued that cribra orbitalia is one of the earliest manifestation of anemia with its 
subsequent deterioration being changes on the flat bones of the cranial vault. Slight cases of porotic 
hyperostosis and cribia orbitalia were observed in some of the skeletal remains from Begho. 
Additionally, dental variations result from varied tooth wear from abrasion, attrition and erosion, 
calculus, caries (ante-mortem tooth loss, oral health and age indicator) and other artificial teeth 
modification. This development could also be related to localized behavioral characteristics and 
cultural practices associated with age and sex, diet and orofacial morphology as well as masticatory 
behavior. That said, as Larsen (1997: 247) explains, abrasion is caused by contact between the 
tooth and food or other solid exogenous materials while attrition is caused by tooth-on-tooth 
contact in the absence of food or other abrasives and erosion is the loss of tooth surface due to 
chemical dissolution.  
A study of the dentition of the Begho skeletal remains revealed damaged enamel, ranging from 
slight chipping of occlusal margins to fractures and missing enamel of molars. The occlusal surface 
damage and crown fracture may have occurred as a result of masticatory behavior. Most people 
within the Begho community now have extensive occlusal wears on one or both sides of the dental 
arcade at the pre-molar region. Occlusal wear analysis could provide insights into grain and food 
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types exploited in the Begho area. In sum, bones and teeth bear the physical signs of a person’s 
diet and masticatory behavior. 
 
 
 
Figure 5. 12 Sealed teeth sockets in the mandible of individual (BG’18-D74, 73.119) from 
Begho as an indication of ante-mortem teeth loss. (Photo by Author) 
 
 
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Figure 5. 13 Evidence of occlusal wear of the teeth of individual (BG’18-D74, 73.119) from 
Begho. (Photo by Author) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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BURIAL YEAR OF MNI INVENTORY CODE OF ESTIMATED ESTIMATED COMMENTS/ 
BOX EXCAVATION CODE COMPLETENESS AGE RANGE SEX OBSERVATIONS 
 
Bg70.B1- Prob. 1970    1 BG’18-B1. B =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% 17-25 years a) Female Unable to determine the degree of 
Burials B&D 73.112 cranial-suture closure due to the 
    
fragmented nature of the skull. 
  
    Also, humeral, femoral and tibia 
  heads are not completely fused 
    even though she had well 
developed dentition. 
No associated materials/grave 
goods 
 
 
Bg70.B1- Probably 1970  1 BG’18-B1. D =/˃ 25% ˂/=75%  17-25 years b) Female   Appear to be a sub-adult however, 
Burials B&D 73.114 with fully developed dentition. 
     
 No associated materials/grave 
goods 
 
 
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Bg 71. B1- Probably 1971 1 BG’18-B1 ˂25% Indeterminable  Female  Totally fragmented and had some 
73.96 charred bones bagged separately. 
Burial B&D 
No associated materials/grave 
goods 
 
Bg 1971. D74 Prob. 1971 1 BG’18-D74, =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% 60-75 years a) Male     Significant signs of ante-mortem 
& F74 73.119 teeth loss. 
 
No associated materials/grave 
goods 
 
Bg. 1971. D74 Prob. 1971 1 BG’18-F74,  ˂ 25% Post  40 years b) Male  No cranial and axial skeleton as 
& F74 73. 119 (T2) well as upper limbs and 
extremities. 
No associated materials/grave 
goods 
 
Bg. 70 Prob. 1970 N/A BG’18- 70, ˂ 25% Post 40 years Male Different left and right halves of 
73.120 mandibles suggest that the remains 
belonged to more than one 
individual. 
No associated materials/grave 
goods 
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Bg 72 B2, Probably 1972 1 BG’18-72, B2- =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% 30-40years female Skull looks smashed 
Burial A 73.110 
Extra premolars in the maxilla  
Attritions in the mandibular teeth. 
No associated materials/grave 
goods 
 
Bg 70, B1, Probably 1970 1 BG’18. 73.113 =/˃ 25% ˂/=75% 25-45years female  The parietal and frontal bones are 
Burial C not distinguishable because the 
skull looks squashed/smashed from 
soil pressure or compression during 
burial. 
No right foot bones 
Small-sized beads were found 
around the waist/ pelvis. 
Table 5. 11 Summary of Skeletal Finds/ Inventory list by Burial boxes and Codes. 
 
 
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5.5 Archaeothanatology and Ethnographic Findings at Hani-Begho 
Funeral complexes and treatments vary considerably based on social, cultural and religious 
parameters. Different cultures and religious sects bury the dead differently and this is often 
reflected in the orientation of skeletons or bones upon discovery. Within these complexes are the 
issues of rituals as well as the practice of primary and secondary burials. Explained within the 
Begho context, the most common ritual performed during funerals is the pouring of libation and 
offering of prayers to the ancestors and the earth deity (‘asaaseyaa’) in Akan. Other sacred rituals 
in addition to the holding of a durbar are performed when the deceased is a chief. Details of such 
rituals have not been provided because the people did not want to divulge such details.  
Other possible interpretations of funerary treatments/ rites differ according to sex, social status, 
culture and religious sect. For instance, in Begho, a predominantly Christian community, the 
difference between a female and male funeral ceremony and burial is in the role played by male 
and female relatives and the grave goods attached to the deceased.  
According to the respondents, inhumation (the act of burial in the ground) has always been the 
most common means of disposal of the dead at Hani-Begho. They explained that inhumation was 
the best way to keep the cause of death (in the case of a disease) from spreading within the 
community. The difference however from oral accounts was that, witches in Hani-Begho in the 
past had shallow graves as compared to other members of the community. The belief was that if a 
person had not been a good member of the community, family and community members did not 
have to give the person a befitting burial so he/she is either left on a midden or put in a shallow 
grave where animals could dig them up and feed on them.  
The choice of cremation as an alternative mode of disposal of dead bodies in Ghana has been based 
on individual preferences, social status/ wealth and space management. However, such a practice 
has not been recorded in Hani-Begho even though some of the youth are of the opinion that it 
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would help save up space for more productive work. In a village close to Hani-Begho called ‘Njau’, 
it has been reported in oral histories that the Shamans or ‘Akomfo’, in the past were buried (in 
reality, left) on a tree which the spirit chooses. 
Notwithstanding the quality or quantity of the grave goods, the general rationale or intent behind 
their use is reflective of the people’s belief in life-after-death. They believe that burying these 
materials with the deceased will aid him/her travel safely into the afterworld. About 90% of 
respondents with knowledge about grave goods explained that money/ coins for instance was to 
be used by the deceased to buy water on his/her way while journeying through/to the afterworld. 
However, these funerary treatments and practices are subject to change spatio-temporally. In 
relation to the sex of the deceased for instance, Muslims in Ghana bury men in a different 
orientation (facing the east) as compared to women (facing the west) without coffins. 
Another significant aspect of the funerary treatment and ceremony within the Begho community 
is the role played by men and women in its execution. Due to the complexities inherent in the 
funeral rite or practice, it is somewhat normal (albeit unpardonable) to overlook or underestimate 
such significant roles that men and women play in the funeral process. In other words, the beauty 
of such rites lies in the distinct cultural roles played by members of both the bereaved family and 
the community.  
Within the Begho context, when a family is hit with the ugly news of death, the onus lies on the 
family members to give him/her a befitting funeral ceremony and burial. Today, the bathing and 
dressing of the cadaver is done by men in the morgue or funeral home. However, in the past, if the 
deceased was a female, women relatives boiled water to bath the deceased, treat the cadaver with 
herbs like ‘Acheampong’ and Schnapps and laid her in-state. The reverse was the case if the 
deceased was a male. Men relatives would then inform the chief and elders of the community and 
obtain permission to dig the grave/ pit. They also inform and invite family members outside the 
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community. All respondents exclaimed that women in the family mostly do the crying and cooking 
and also provide the cloths for padding the coffin and dressing the deceased while the men in the 
family contribute to buy the coffin, sit to deliberate and plan the funeral ceremony and pour 
libation. After the ceremony, they sit to deliberate on the funeral expenditure, settle debts and to 
pick a successor like the clan or family head.  
The community’s way of sympathizing with the bereaved family especially when they are not 
well-to-do, is to contribute to buy a coffin, and the young men in the community are made to dig 
the grave and carry the coffin with the cadaver to the burial site. One Mr. Ntem Abraham, an 
indigene of Hani-Begho and a respondent, explained that though he was young at the time of his 
uncle’s death, he was not allowed to join the grave-digging team because he was part of the 
bereaved family who were grieving over their loss. 
The social status of a family is much seen when a member dies with regards to what goes into the 
funeral of the deceased. This is revealed in the treatment of the body, type of grave or grave design, 
coffin type through to the worth of grave good attached to the corpse. Different classes of people 
within the Begho community are buried differently. For instance, the chief is buried differently 
from other members of the community with more expensive grave goods and a durbar in honor of 
him, whereas the rich in the community are also buried differently from the poor. In the same vein, 
the elderly/ adult is buried differently from the adolescent and a child or infant. The reasons are 
that, the chief, the rich or the elderly have lived a good life, left legacies for their children and done 
a lot for the community compared to the poor, the adolescent and the infant.  
About 90% of the respondents mentioned that when a foetus or a baby (between the ages of 0-1) 
die, it is put in a small pot locally called ‘Kuku’/ ‘Kukuo’ together with the placenta and some 
herbs particularly ‘Acheampong’ and buried in a shallow hole on a midden. Such babies are called 
‘Kuku-mma’ or ‘Kukuo-mma’ meaning ‘pot babies’. Similarly, when children between the ages of 
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1-5 years) die, they are put in soap-boxes padded with cloth and buried either on a midden or 
anywhere around the house. When the deceased is a chief, he is laid in state in a well-decorated 
coffin, and buried in a grave dug within the family compound or in the palace compound 
sometimes without the coffin. This mode of burying Hani-Begho chiefs within the palace 
compound is a way of memorializing them and their reign.   
Generally, from an archaeothanatological point of view, when someone (an elderly or chief) dies 
within the Begho community, the cadaver is dressed and the funeral is done in such a way as to 
depict the occupation or profession of the deceased. According to respondents, there have been 
cases where some dead teachers and nurses have been dressed in the attire or uniform of their 
profession so that anyone present at the funeral will have an idea of who the person was when 
he/she was alive. According to some members of the royal house and chief’s palace, when a chief 
dies, he is dressed in royal regalia including sandals; what is traditionally referred to as ‘Ahenema’. 
The grave goods in either ways will differ in quantity and worth or quality depending on the 
deceased and the family. For instance, when a chief (at the highest rank in the community) dies, 
the grave goods comprise of a collection of precious goods/materials or heirlooms in the form of 
rings, cloths and money. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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CHAPTER SIX 
 
DISCUSSION, ETHICAL RECOMMENDATIONS AND 
CONCLUSION 
 
6.0 Discussion 
The archaeothanatological practice of burying the dead with grave goods of different valuable 
items explains the presence of the small-sized beads (Figure 5.9) recorded to have been associated 
with the remains in burial box Bg 70, B1, burial C found around the waist region. Secondly, cases 
of ante-mortem teeth loss among the elderly is prevalent in the Hani-Begho community. Teeth loss 
could result from degenerative changes that occur in a person as he/she grows. It could also be 
attributed to the deliberate removal by people suffering from extensive/recurrent dental caries as a 
way of easing the discomfort that comes with it or from accidental fall or accidentally hitting the 
jaw against something. Since these happened while the person was still alive, some sort of healing 
in the form of bone growth to seal up the holes may occur (Figure 5.12). This explains the empty 
spaces evident on the individual with inventory code BG’18-D74, 73.119 and also in the 
mandibular and maxilla regions of the jaw of some of the Begho skeletons. Ante-mortem teeth 
loss masks possible evidence of poor dental health. 
Also evident in the dental arcade of all skeletal samples from Begho were extensive wears of the 
occlusal surfaces of the cusp or enamel of teeth, otherwise referred to as occlusal wear (Figure 
5.13). Occlusal wear results from masticatory behavior. What we eat and how we eat or chew what 
we eat have lifelong consequences on our dentition. For instance, if a person uses the premolar of 
the left dental arcade extensively in masticating or chewing, over time the surface of the premolar 
may change or wear out compared to the other elements on the arcade. Moreover, cases of caries 
and dental calculus can change enamel surfaces over time and sometimes break parts of the teeth. 
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Occlusal wear analysis could provide insights into grain and food types such as kola nuts or rice 
with sand grains exploited in the Begho area in the past. 
Naturally, some people, due to genetic factors can have small-sized teeth and diastema in-between 
their incisors. However, this ethnographic study and documentation of oral history have revealed 
that in times past diastema development between either the upper or lower incisors or both was 
regarded as a mark of beauty. As such, if one was born without it, he/she was considered ugly. 
This raised the perception of importance of diastema beauty in the community and has pushed 
people (young and old) to acquire it. They artificially hit a small knife (sikan-ma) against the 
incisors to break off parts of the teeth to create that space between the incisors irrespective of the 
pain and danger involved. This artificially-created diastema leaves the edges and ends of the teeth 
jagged and slashed due to the crude method employed. This practice explains some of the jagged 
edges of the incisors recorded among the skeletons analyzed, and provides insights into some 
behavioral aspects of the Hani people in the past. This evidence otherwise could not have been 
revealed in the archaeological record of the Begho site. 
Trephination or trepanning was evident on the skull of one of the skeletons (Figure 5.11). 
Trephination or trepanning is the surgical procedure of creating or drilling holes in the skull to 
remove circular pieces of bones (Oxford English Dictionary). This practice (surgical) releases 
gases in the skull to reduce skull pressure (White, 2000). As dangerous as it sounds, if the person 
survives the operation and lives, the edges of the artificial cranial hole will show signs of healing 
with extra bone growth. This practice was not confirmed in the Hani-Begho community during the 
ethnographic research, so it is likely to have been an unconscious aspect/ consequence of some 
traditional medical practices in Begho in the past. Another possible interpretation of the trauma 
that looks like trephination is a probable ante-mortem blunt force trauma to the head. 
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The people of Hani-Begho were known to be farmers, and the contemporary population within the 
community are also predominantly farmers. It can thus be concluded that aside degenerative 
factors such as old age causing lipping, lipping on the vertebrae could also be caused by stress and 
occupational pressures such as from farming and food-processing exerted on the vertebral 
elements over time. 
6.1 Human Remains and Ethical Concerns 
“Ethics is a system of values that have implications for all aspects of human life whether 
professional or personal” (Hunter and Cox, 2005: 213). According to Hunter and Cox, (2005), 
ethics is also an understanding of the science of morals in human conduct, which informs standards 
of conduct and moral judgement. They further note that archaeological works and decision-making 
require a greater comprehension and engagement of professional ethics (p: 213) 
“Human remains are not just another artefact; they have potency, charged with political, 
evidentiary and emotional meanings…” (Alfonso et al, 2006: 1) and so must be handled with care. 
How human remains are viewed, excavated, analysed and treated after analysis should be bound 
within legal and ethical frameworks. According to Zimmerman et al. (2003), the excavation, study 
and curation of archaeological ‘materials’ in the broadest sense should be subject to serious ethical 
thinking within issues surrounding the nature of archaeology as a whole (Roberts (2009: 17). Such 
concerns vary considerably in different parts of the world on regional, societal and individual 
scales as they reflect both socio-cultural values and regional beliefs. It is important to note that 
different societies across time and space attach different sentiments to the issue of exhumation, 
excavation and study of human remains. The focus of some studies (Fforde et al, 2002; Scarre, 
2006; Tarlow, 2006 and Walker, 2000) have been on the ethics of studying human remains from 
archaeological sites (Roberts, 2009: 17). 
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Some scholars have noted that the excavation and study of human remains is a privilege and not a 
right. Being given the permit to do so should make the scholar responsible (Joyce, 2005: 102). 
Nonetheless, in Britain the majority of human remains are excavated or exhumed from land 
planned for quarrying, construction of buildings/ houses and roads until the need to develop 
policies for the excavation of human remains were stressed (Roberts, 2009: 17) (Figure 6.1) 
 
 
Figure 6. 1 Removal of a corpse from a post- medieval cemetery by contractors in advance 
of modern development. (Reproduced from Hunter & Cox, 2005). 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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Similar to the above development, human remains of some communities in Ghana had to be 
exhumed to resolve conflicts encountered by government regarding the relocation of the people of 
Bui and the construction of the Bui dam (Apoh and Gavua, 2016).  
 
Figure 6. 2 Exhumation of a buried Elder of Bui from the room of a descendant to relocate 
to a new cemetery before the damming of the Black Volta to create the Bui Hydroelectric 
Power Dam (Photo by Dr Wazi Apoh) 
 
Indeed, there have been debates and suggestions by professionals in archaeology about how human 
remains should be treated. In Britain, Reeve (1998) provided some clues to ethics regarding 
excavation and analysis of human remains to include: (i) assessment of potential sites, (ii) a 
statement of objectives, (iii) sampling, (iv) screening during excavation, (v) basic recording, (vi) 
disseminating of results, (vii) taking photographs, (viii) display and (ix) reinterment (Roberts, 
2009: 18). By late 2007, the British Association of Biological Anthropologists and Osteologists 
(BABAO) sought to draw up a Code of Ethics to provide guidance on the study of human remains. 
The BABAO website now has a page devoted to reburial and repatriation (www.babao.org.uk).  
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In 1989, the First World Archaeological Congress held in South Dakota, USA, drew up the 
Vermillion Accord on Human Remains (www.worldarchaelogicalcongress.org) providing about 
six guidelines on handling of human remains (Roberts, 2009: 18). These were adopted by the 
World Archaeological Congress Council in 1990.  Some of the guidelines in the accord include:  
“(i) Respect must be accorded all the mortal remains of the dead regardless of race, origin, religion, 
nationality, custom and tradition; (ii) respect for the wishes of the dead, relatives or guardians and 
local community concerning disposition needs to be considered whenever possible lawfully or 
reasonably and (iii) respect for the scientific research value of skeletal, mummified and other 
human remains (including fossil hominids) shall be accorded when such value is demonstrated to 
exist” (Roberts, 2009: 18).  
The complexities inherent in how the remains of the dead ought to be viewed and treated are 
affected by factors in the realm of belief systems, life experiences and other subconscious and 
conscious feelings. Religious beliefs do not only determine how a body is disposed of or buried 
today (Green and Green, 1992), but it also informs on any beliefs in an afterlife. This consequently 
affects whether it is acceptable to disturb the body by excavating and ultimately displaying them 
in museums (Roberts, 2009: 19). On one hand, more recent burials may evoke a sense of identity 
with the dead (relatives may still be alive) in that case there could be a strong desire for reburial 
after excavation.  
On the other hand, much older burials may possess anonymity, especially in cases where the 
present community is not a descendant community. This development makes excavating, studying 
and curating more acceptable. For example, Jones and Harris (1998, 258) note that, “if no links 
can be established with a direct descendant or a group of descendants, then the remains should be 
available for proper scientific investigation, since the findings will in the broadest terms be 
applicable to all humanity” (Roberts, 2009: 19). Jones and Harris (1998, 258) further notes that: 
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“…Where the cemetery contains indigenous remains which prove to be the (albeit, usually 
distant) ancestors of the living population, as in the case of Native American or Australian 
aboriginal groups, then excavation and analysis may be undesirable and if carried out, 
reburial should be required with or without analysis” (Roberts, 2009: 19). 
Hubert and Fforde (2002: 1) stated that there is an increasing sensitivity and outward indication of 
people’s sense of identity with their past. In this regard some are now ‘contesting the ownership 
of human remains housed in museums and other institutions and are demanding that the remains 
be repatriated and /or reburied according to cultural beliefs associated with the dead (Roberts, 
2009: 19). In some cases, even with no genealogical descendants or cultural communities to claim 
their ancestors officially or groups asserting descent to the human remains exist. These include 
groups often marginalized in contemporary Western society (Alfonso et al, 2006: 261), otherwise 
referred to as ‘special interest’ groups. An example is the Druidry, Wicca, Witchcraft and 
Shamanic traditions united into an organization called ‘Honouring the Ancient Dead’ (HAD) 
(www.honour.org.uk). 
However, those who advocate for reburial are not, as Hubert and Fforde (2002, 5) put it, ‘a 
homogenized undifferentiated whole, in which all share the same view’. As mentioned earlier in 
this text, different cultures view, treat and manage death in varied ways. On a radio programme in 
the 1970s, Sir Robert Eric Mortimer Wheeler, a British archaeologist, giving his view on burials 
in the archaeological record, said, ‘we do no harm to those poor chaps. When I’m dead you can 
dig me up ten times for all I care’ (Bahn, 1984: 214). Conversely, the inscription on William 
Shakespeare’s gravestone in Stratford-upon-Avon, England which reads ‘Good friend, for Jesus’ 
sake forbear to dig the dust enclosed here; Bless be the man that spares these stones, and curse be 
he that moves my bones’, clearly indicates that he does not want his body to be disturbed (Figure 
6.2). 
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Figure 6. 3 Shakespeare’s epitaph (source: www.poetsgraves.co.uk/shakespeare.htm). 
According to Walker (2000), bioarchaeologists ought to adhere to three main ethical concerns 
regarding analysis or treatment of human remains. These include the respect for dignity ethic, 
descent ethic and the preservation ethic. Firstly, with regard to the respect for human dignity ethic, 
he noted that, the remains belong to people who were once living and it is unacceptable to treat 
them as things or objects because in doing so, one fails to respect the intrinsic human dignity of 
the people they represent. Second is the descent ethic which posits that once the remains have been 
analysed and biological relations traced to which there are living descendants, the descendant 
should solely determine how the reburial/reinterment should go. And lastly, the preservation ethic 
explained with the view that human remains are able to reveal valuable information on a people 
and history in general. Therefore, they ought to be properly curated and preserved for further 
studies in the future. 
In summary, Tarlow (2006) notes that, archaeologists have an ethical responsibility to groups of 
people and the public at large and also because the study of people brings in many visitors to 
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museums and builds career; bioarchaeologists and museum curators have a responsibility to look 
after ‘our’ dead ancestors (Tarlow, 2006). However, it is expedient to maintain a balanced 
objective view between human rights and value judgements, although as Lackey (2006, 162) notes, 
‘there are no magical formulae for adjudicating the requirements of religion, art and science. 
Nonetheless Buikstra (2006), in admitting the no global solution to the issues raised, emphasizes 
that ‘there is the need for openness, for communication, for mutual respect and for initiatives that 
are of interest to all collaborating parties is global’ (p: 408). 
 
6. 2 Recommendations 
This study offers recommendations on future skeletal analysis in the Department of Archaeology 
and Heritage Studies.  
1. On-site conservation measures are expedient in the field and in the laboratory classification 
of remains. This will help to consolidate the human remains throughout the procedure. 
However, these curatorial measures must be reversible in order not to interfere in further 
sophisticated analyses that can be done on the skeletal samples such as DNA and Stable-
isotope analyses. 
2. Skeletal analyses should be carried out with utmost urgency in order to acquire as much 
information as possible to aid in the interpretation and reconstruction of the life histories 
of the people we study as archaeologists. This is because biofacts such as skeletons get 
fragile with time as they are subject to decomposition. When they are exposed to some 
unfavourable conditions, they can lose their collagen contents. When this happens some 
sophisticated analysis like DNA extraction and stable-isotope analysis cannot be done or 
analytical results may be flawed thus limiting the interpretation.  
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3. Analyses of human skeletal remains must be done with sensitivity to uphold the human 
dignity and descent ethic proposed by Walker (2000). Skeletal samples must also be kept 
under favourable storage conditions. 
4. Furthermore, some archaeological excavations are destructive. In view of this, ample 
documentation must be made on the excavation process, the finds and their associated 
materials as well as their analysis.  
5. Also, because the analysis of field materials are equally as important as their 
documentation, as much as possible, all field notes, in addition to contextual and 
provenience information of finds and post-field analyses should be electronically 
documented. This is necessary since the paper labels often deteriorate faster through the 
years. 
6. Lastly, with regards to ethical measures, due to the sensitivity regarding handling skeletal 
remains for research, ethical measures ought to be properly adhered to, to ensure high 
standards of practice and public confidence in both local and international research. In 
Ghana for instance, before any archaeological excavation and exhumation of skeletal 
remains can be carried out, permission must be sought from the Ghana Museums and 
Monuments Board (GMMB) and the coroner for a legal consent on how to handle human 
skeletal remains. The permit places a binding responsibility on the excavator to ensure that 
the skeletal remains are properly excavated, analysed within the right framework and 
documented in proper context. 
6.3 Conclusion 
The bioarchaeological study of human remains from Hani-Begho revealed eight individuals (five 
females to three males), which can be dated by association with dates acquired from the site 
ranging from the 11th -17th centuries. Funeral treatments vary considerably based on Hani-Begho 
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social, cultural and religious parameters amidst the use of Chromolaena odorata (Acheampong) 
leaves and schnapps to preserve the body. Occlusal wear predominant in molars and premolars 
resulted from masticatory behaviour. Additionally, cases of ante-mortem teeth loss among the 
skeletal samples masked possible evidence of poor dental health. Also evident on some of the 
skeletons were possible blunt force trauma to the head and artificial diastema creation. 
Since the Begho site has been dated to range between the 11th-17th centuries, this date could be 
used to date the skeletal samples by association. Funeral complexes and treatments vary 
considerably based on social, cultural and religious circumstances in either single or multiple 
burials. Most of the observation made during the skeletal analysis were confirmed by oral accounts 
from the community. 
In sum, the study of human skeletal remains from archaeological contexts helps to bolster 
understandings of the archaeological record and context of finds in order to complement findings 
made on the analysis and interpretation of material culture. Coupling the above-discussed with 
findings drawn from the analyses of artefacts and ecofacts, a holistic history of the people of Hani-
Begho can be ascertained and appreciated.  
Even though most people view skeletons with a mixed view of fascination and awe simply because 
they seem to be reminders of one’s own death or mortality, we as archaeologists ought to view 
them as elements capable of revealing/giving an objective perspective to the histories we seek. 
Rather than simply relying on artefacts for reconstruction of life histories, archaeologists ought to 
incorporate the dynamic power of human skeletons in our quest for in-depth understandings into 
the cultural, social, behavioural and environmental aspects of a people’s life across time and space. 
 
 
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Appendix A: Ethnographic Data Collection Guide 
CONSENT 
My name is Pearl Lamptey, an MPhiL student at University of Ghana, Legon. 
This research is to solicit for emic perspectives on issues regarding death, treatment of the body 
and burials including rituals and grave goods to help complete a Master’s Thesis.  Both respondents 
and information divulged will be treated or handled with absolute confidentiality. Note that 
questions are mainly open-ended requiring you to explain or give your own thoughts. 
I …………………………………………………………………….. agree to fill this questionnaire 
willingly without compulsion. 
 
QUESTIONS/ INTERVIEW GUIDE 
1. Are you an indigene of Begho? 
Yes  No  
 
2. Age ? 
10-20  21-30  31-40  41-50  51-60  
61-70  71-80  81 and above  
 
3. Sex?  
Male  female  
 
4. Have you ever witnessed a person dying or freshly dead before? 
Yes  No  
 
5. If answer to question 4 is yes, who was it? 
Family member  Friend (s)  No relation  
 
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6. Have you ever witnessed a funeral ceremony before? 
Yes  No  
 
7. What is done to the body when a person dies before burial? 
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8. How many stages are involved in the ceremony before burial? 
one………………………………………………. 
Two………………………………………………………………………………. 
Three…………………………………………………………………………………………… 
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Five…………………………………………………………………………………………………
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Six and 
above………………………………………………………………………………………………
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8.   What role do men play in the process or stages when a person dies before the body is buried? 
 
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9.   What role do women play in the process or stages when a person dies before the body is 
buried? 
 
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10. Do you participate in any of the stages above? 
Yes  No  
 
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11. If answer to question 9 is yes, do you participate 
Directly?  or Indirectly?  
 
 
 
12.  following your answer to question 11, explain what you do and why? 
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13. How the dead body is treated before and during burial? Describe. 
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14. What are the rituals performed before and during the funeral ceremony? 
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 15. What are the rituals performed during the funeral ceremony? 
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16. What are the rituals performed at the end of the funeral ceremony? 
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17. What are the rituals performed before the body is buried? 
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18. Are there different ways of burying different people either based on age, gender, status and 
wealth? 
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19. How are people buried in your family? 
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20. How are people buried in this community? 
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21. Are bodies buried with grave goods? 
Yes                           No  
22. What are some of the grave goods used in burying the dead? 
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23. What are these materials/ artefacts chosen for use? 
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24. What is the reason behind the grave goods? 
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25. Are the materials used same as that for infants, young adults and old dead? 
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26. What materials are used for infants? 
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27. What materials are used for adolescents? 
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28. What materials are used for adults? 
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29. What other means does the community use to dispose of the dead apart from inhumation? 
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30. Have you witnessed any other means of disposal before? 
Yes                                               No  
31. Which is your best method of disposal and why? 
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32. What are some of the teeth modifications done in the community? 
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33. What are some of the bone modifications done to the body before death? 
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34. What are some of the bone modifications done on the bone after death? 
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35. Are some of these modifications linked to medicinal practices? 
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APPENDIX B: Skeletal Inventory Form 
MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY 
HUMAN REMAINS DOCUMENTATION PACKET 
PROVIENIENCE 
Site Name: ______________________________________________ 
Year of Excavation: _______________________________________ 
Researcher: _____________________________________________ 
ID Number: ______________________________________________ 
Date: ___________________________________________________ 
Observer(s):______________________________________________ 
 
 
BIOLOGICAL PROFILE                           
MNI AGE RANGE SEX 
   
 
 
 
 FORM LIST (INDICATE FORM(S) USED) 
SKELETAL INVENTORY 
 
AGE AND SEX ASSESSMENT 
 
DENTAL INVENTORY AND PATHOLOGY 
 
MEASUREMENTS 
 
PATHOLOGY CHECKLIST 
 
DEGENERATIVE JIONT DISEASE 
 
ISOLATED REMAINS 
 
SKELETAL VISUAL RECORDING MEDIUM 
 
ADDITIONAL FORMS/NOTES  
            
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MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY – DAHS  SKELETAL INVENTORY 
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 
                                     
ELEMENT  CONDITION 
 
 WASHED CRACKED FLAKY COMPLETE  FRAGMENTED CHARRED CUT MISSING 
MARKS 
SKULL         
CLAVICLE         
LT/RT 
SCAPULA         
LT/RT 
STERNAL         
BODY 
RIBS LT/RT         
HUMERUS         
LT/RT 
RADIUS LT/RT         
ULNA LT/RT         
CERVICAL V.         
LT/RT 
THORACIC V.         
LUMBER V.         
SACRUM         
PELVIC BONE         
LT/RT 
FEMUR LT/RT         
TIBIA LT/RT         
FIBULA LT/RT         
CARPALS         
LT/RT 
METACARPALS         
LT/RT 
TARSALS         
LT/RT 
METATERSALS         
LT/RT 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY – DAHS  SKELETAL INVENTORY 
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 
PROVENIENCE__________________________________ 
ID NUMBER____________________________________ 
CRANIAL                    LEFT        RIGHT TEETH                          NUMBER APPENDICULAR  LT(#)  RT(#) 
FRONTAL                     UPPER            LOWER CLAVICLE 
PARIETAL                         LT/ RT          LT/ RT SCAPULA 
OSSIPITAL INCISORS HUMERUS  
TEMPORAL CANINES RADIUS 
MANDIBLE PREMOLARS ULNA 
 
RAMUS OF MANDIBLE MOLARS METACARPALS 
 
ZYGOMATIC ARCH UNIDENTIFIED CARPALS 
MAXILLA AXIAL                          NUMBER FEMUR 
SPHENOID ATLAX FIBULA  
ETHNOID AXIS TIBIA 
HYOID 3-7 CERVICAL METATARSAL 
UNIDENTIFIED 1-9 THORACIC TARSAL 
ASSOCIATED MATERIALS 1OTH-12TH THORACIC  
                 (#) 1-5 LUMBER  
SHELLS SACRUM UNIDENTIFIED 
BEADS COCCYX 
NYAME AAKUMA PELVIS  (LT/RT)  
OTHERS________________________ MENUBRIUM 
CONDITION OF ASSOCIATED MTL___ STERNUM 
______________________________ 
______________________________ RIBS  (LT/RT) 
 UNIDENTIFIED 
  
 
 
 
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MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY – DAHS  AGE & SEX ASSESSMENT 
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 
 AGE:___________________ 
MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY-DAHS                                                                    S   E   X    : _ A_G_E_ &__ S_E_X_ A_S_S_E_SS_M__E_N_T_    
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA                                                                                                         
   
PROVENIENCE_______________________ 
ID NUMBER_________________________ 
 
AGE AT DEATH INDICATORS SEX INDICATORS 
CRANIAL SUTURE CLOSURE :CODE______ ON PELVIS 
OBSERVATION__________________________ PELVIC OUTLET     
______________________________________ ANGLE OF GREATER SCIATIC NOTCH  
______________________________________ VENTRAL ARC  
EPIPHESEAL SEAL ON LONG BONES: CODE____ SUB-PUBIC ANGLE 
 
OBSERVATION___________________________ ISCHIO-PUBIC CONCAVITY  
______________________________________  
______________________________________ ON SKULL 
DENTAL DEVELOPMENT___________________ NUCHAL CREST  
______________________________________ MASTOID PROCESS  
______________________________________ SUPRAORBITAL MARGIN  
 GONIAL ANGLE  
 CRANIAL & EPIPHESEAL CODES MENTAL EMINENCE  
 0= OPEN ,   1=MINIMAL ANGLE OF RAMUS OF MANDIBLE  
 2=SIGNIFICANT ,  3=COMPLETE  
  
 
                                                                         PELVIS SCORES AFTER KLALES ET AL. (2012) & PHENICE 
(0=NOT OBSERVABLE, 1=FEMALE, 2=PROB. FEMALE, 3=AMBIGUOUS, 4=PROB. MALE, 5=MALE) 
                                                                                                      SKULL SCORES AFTER WALKER,P. L. (2008) 
(0=NOT OBSERVABLE, 1=FEMALE, 2=PROB. FEMALE, 3=AMBIGUOUS, 4=PROB. MALE, 5=MALE) 
OTHERS: (0=N/O, 1= BROAD, 2= NARROW), (0=N/O, 1=U-SHAPED, 2-V-SHAPED), (0=N/O, 1=ACUTE, 2= 
90°), GONIAL ANGLE=0=N/O, 1-V-SHAPED, 2=U-SHAPED 
 
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MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY – DAHS  DENTAL INVENTORY AND PATHOLOGY 
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 
PROVENIENCE________________________________ 
 
ID NUMBER__________________________________ 
 
 
 
MARK AS DASH(-) 
IF NOT 
OBSERVABLE, (√) IF 
PRESENT 
AND (×) IF ABSENT 
 
 
 
 
    Right         Left    
 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11  12 13 14 15 16 
Maxilla M3 M2 M1 PM2 PM1 C I2 I1 I1 I2 C  PM1 PM2 M1 M2 M3 
Inventory (1-9)                  
Development 
(1-14)                  
Caries (1-7)                  
Calculus (1-3)                  
Chipping (#)                  
 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22  21 20 19 18 17 
Mandible M3 M2 M1 PM2 PM1 C I2 I1 I1 2 C  PM1I  PM2 M1 M2 M3 
Inventory (1-9)                  
Development 
(1-14)                  
Caries (1-7)                  
Calculus (1-3)                  
Chipping (#)                  
 
 
 
 
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MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY – DAHS  SKELETAL MEASUREMENT 
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 
PROVENIENCE________________              
ID NUMBER____________________ 
 
CRANIAL 
GOL Maximum Cranial Length NB.:  RDEKCBO IRntDer oArbLiLta lM BEreAadStUh REMENT IN       
XCB Maximum Cranial Breadth    . FRC FroMntIaLl LCIhMorEd TRES    
ZYB Bizygomatic Breadth    . PAC Parietal Chord   
 
MAB Maxillo-Alveolar Breadth    . MDH Mastoid Length   
 
MAL Maxillo-Alveolar Length    . GNI Chin height   
 
AUB Biauricular Breadth    . HML Mandibular Body Height   
 
NPH Upper Facial Height    . TML Mandibular Body Breadth   
 
FMB Upper Facial Breadth    .    
 
NLH Nasal height    . WRL Minimum Ramus Breadth   
 
NLB Nasal Breadth    . MRL Maximum Ramus Breadth   
 
OBB Orbital Breadth    . XRL Maximum Ramus Height   
 
OBH Orbital Height    . MLT Mandibular Length   
 
EKB Biorbital Breadth    . MLX Mandibular Angle   
 
          
 
 
 
POSTCRANIAL 
 
Clavicle: Max. Length . Femur: Max. Length   
 
Min. Diam. Midshaft     . Tibia:  Max. Length     
 
Radius: Max. Length     . Max. Prox.Epiph. Breadth     
 
Sacrum: Anterior Length     . Middle Breadth    
 
     Anterior Superior Breadth 
    . Sternum: Length Mesostern. 
st
 Pelvis:  Height     Max. Breadth 1  
Iliac Breadth 
Pubis Length 
I schium Length 
 
 
 
 
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MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY – DAHS  ISOLATED REMAINS 
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 
 
PROVENIENCE____________________________ 
ID NUMBER______________________________ 
 List each identifiable element, indicate side and code completeness (C > 75%; P = 25-75%; F < 25%).
 Count remains by anatomical region and calculate totals.
 Describe the material and their characteristics, such as cracked, breakage, burnt etc.
 Remains are burned.     Remains are consistent with human.
 Remains are consistent with animal.
 Remains are not able to be determined (animal/human?).
 

CRANIAL                                                       COUNT (#)_____________________ 
 
AXIAL COUNT (#)_____________________ 
 
APPENDICULAR COUNT(#)_____________________ 
 
EXTREMIITIES COUNT(#)_____________________ 
 
UNIDENTIFIED COUNT(#)_____________________ 
 
AGE & SEX ASSESSMENT 
 
COMMENTS 
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APPENDIX C: Klales et al. (2012) Skeletal Trait Scoring 
Sheet 
 
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APPENDIX D: Walker (2008) Skeletal Trait Scoring Sheet 
 
 
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APPENDIX E: Ubelaker (1989) 
 
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