The Extractive Industries and Society xxx (xxxx) xxx
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The Extractive Industries and Society 
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/exis 
Original article 
Accumulation by dispossession: The timber ‘salvage’ project on Ghana’s 
Volta Lake 
Eric Tamatey Lawer a,*, Austin Dziwornu Ablo b 
a Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, P.O. Box, LG 73, Legon, Ghana 
b Department of Geography and Resource Development, University of Ghana, P.O. Box LG 59, Legon, Ghana   
A R T I C L E  I N F O   A B S T R A C T   
Keywords: In this paper, we analyse how processes of accumulation by dispossession take place and are exacerbated on 
Accumulation by dispossession Ghana’s Volta Lake, the largest artificial lake in the world. Drawing on the case of an underwater timber ‘salvage’ 
Resource commodification project on the lake, we argue that contrary to dominant discourses in policy circles that the project would boost 
Timber the local economy, enhance safer lake transport, and help to mitigate climate change, the project led to the 
Livelihoods 
Ghana commodification of the lake thereby negatively affecting fishers’ livelihoods. Following David Harvey, we argue 
that the underwater timber ‘salvage’ project on the Volta Lake is just another vehicle of ‘accumulation by 
dispossession’. The study shows that the state and extractive company accumulate profit at the expense of fishers 
whose livelihoods have been curtailed following restrictions in access to the lake and landowners who are 
challenging ownership of the timber being extracted from the lake. Global connections are made, and the in-
equalities and injustice enacted through the execution of the project are amplified.   
1. Introduction land. Compulsory acquisition is the “power of government to acquire 
private rights in a land without the willing consent of its owner or 
In Ghana, the quest to develop an industrial sector was a priority for occupant in order to benefit society. It is a power possessed in one form 
the government immediately after independence. This led to the con- or another by governments of all modern nations. This power is often 
struction of the Akosombo hydroelectric dam on the Volta River at the necessary for social and economic development” (FAO, 2008: 5). The 
Ajena gorge in Akosombo to provide clean and cheap power for both state asserted this power to forcibly acquire private rights in those lands 
industrial and domestic use. The damming of the Volta River between (Adu-Gyamfi, 2012). 
1961 and 1965 led to the submersion of thousands of hectares of forest The dam project, which was considered necessary for the industrial 
land belonging to nearby communities and the creation of the Volta transformation of Ghana (Moxon, 1969) nevertheless came with several 
Lake, the largest artificial lake in the world by volume and area challenges for surrounding communities and prior resource users of the 
(Miescher, 2014). It is estimated that nearly half of the 850,000 hectares land and the river. Darko et al. (2019) argued that the various local 
of the lake contains submerged forest. A few years after the dam was stakeholders whose livelihoods were going to be affected by the dam 
commissioned, Chambers (1970) reported that the initial 2,000 square were only informed of decisions taken on their behalf by the domestic 
miles of forest land in the Volta Basin, which at that time, was the political elites (local government officials) and that local people were 
estimated area to be flooded, was far exceeded. The state used its power not consulted for their input nor allowed to participate in the process. 
to abrogate property rights of the submerged lands and its resources in Over eighty thousand persons were said to have been evacuated and 
the name of what is declared a higher national interest, albeit with some resettled to make way for the lake (Tsikata, 2006). There is consensus 
compensation for the displaced communities and residents. among scholars that the Volta River Project worsened the socioeconomic 
In Ghana, over 80 per cent of the lands are customary lands that are conditions of affected communities, with affected people being either 
administered by traditional authorities (Ablo & Bertelsen, 2022). The ignored or their properties being significantly undervalued (Darko et al., 
Volta River project was executed through the legislative act (Act 46, 2019; Tsikata, 2006; Miescher & Tsikata, 2009). Thus, while the dam 
1961) with a constitutional provision for the compulsory acquisition of project was central to Ghana’s industrialisation drive, the uneven 
* Corresponding author. 
E-mail address: etlawer@ug.edu.gh (E.T. Lawer).  
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2022.101205 
Received 9 August 2022; Received in revised form 9 December 2022; Accepted 11 December 2022   
2214-790X/© 2022 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Please cite this article as: Eric Tamatey Lawer, Austin Dziwornu Ablo, The Extractive Industries and Society,
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2022.101205
E.T. Lawer and A.D. Ablo                                                                                                                                                                     T  h  e  E  x  t r a  c  t i v e   I n  d u  s t r  i e s  a  n  d   S o  c iety xxx (xxxx) xxx
distribution of the cost and benefits, with local communities bearing the underwater timber harvesting projects are made, and the inequalities 
brunt of the project, brings into sharp focus the dynamics of injustice in and injustice enacted through the execution of the project are amplified. 
energy provision. The rest of the paper proceeds as follows: Section 2 outlines the 
The inundation of thousands of hectares of land led to a new conceptual frame within which the paper is situated. We follow this with 
scramble for land in the nearby communities, accompanied by the a section on the study area and the methodology while section four 
emergence of new livelihood systems with the creation of the inland presents our findings and discussion. In the final section, we draw some 
fisheries (Machado, 2018). Fishing on the lake emerged as one of the overarching conclusions and make recommendations. 
major sources of livelihood for the new lakeside communities employing 
fisherfolk, fish processors, and fish traders (Ameyaw et al., 2020). It was 2. Accumulation by dispossession: a conceptual perspective on 
indeed anticipated in one of the initial scoping reports conducted by resource extraction 
Halcrow (1956) that the creation of the lake would lead to fish catch 
vastly more than what was being caught from the Volta River and its Across the world, access to and utilisation of resources are structured 
tributaries before the creation of the lake and would help to address the by different narratives, discourses, and practices. The central underlying 
protein deficiency in the nation’s diet. The general principle that guided assumption behind the prevailing system regulating resource access and 
the execution of the project and trumpeted by the government was that use is the promotion of the common good of society. To acquire a natural 
no individual or community would be made worse off by the project. resource for any national project, political leaders must be able to frame 
That affected people will share adequately in the benefits of the project a justification that is consistent with the “common good of society” 
(Chambers, 1970). Indeed, while the displacement of communities and narrative that underpins the rules of access to that particular resource. In 
livelihoods was enormous, the dam created opportunities for trans- the case of the Akosombo Dam, the justification for the project was the 
portation and other livelihood activities in the affected communities and need to promote industrialisation and meet the energy needs of the 
beyond. For instance, the new lake has provided an easy transport route country. With the greater good of society narrative far outweighing the 
for goods and services from southern to northern Ghana. New livelihood adverse effects on livelihoods and ecologies, the Akosombo dam was 
opportunities in fisheries emerged and expanded because of the creation built without much resistance. 
of the lake. But what happens when the interests of powerful elites are projected 
In Ghana, fisheries’ livelihood is key to national food and nutritional in the name of the common good? Throughout history, people have been 
security. With fish making up about 60% of animal protein in the forced from their means of production and communal wealth has been 
Ghanaian diet, (Bank of Ghana, 2008), fisheries contribute to 1.2% of transformed into private properties – a process described as primitive 
the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and 5.6% of agriculture GDP (Qua- accumulation (Marx, 1976). A central component of primitive accu-
grainie & Chu, 2019). In essence, the creation of Lake Volta, despite its mulation is the use of coercion to dispossess. Thus, in the context of 
negative ramification, plays a vital role in supporting the fisheries capital accumulation, dispossession is inevitable. On Lake Volta, the first 
livelihoods in Ghana. With a complex value chain, the fisheries sector is wave of dispossession occurred when communities lost their lands and 
critical to the employment of several people. From fishermen, fish pro- ancestral homes to make way for hydroelectricity production to drive 
cessors, transporters and marketers, fisheries is a vital sector in the industrialisation in Ghana (Tsikata, 2006). 
Ghanaian economy. Thus, the growth in fisheries livelihoods due to the In most instances of capital accumulation, Benjaminsen and Bryce-
creation of the lake has become a blessing to nearly 72,000 people who son (2012) observed that local lands or resources are used in the long 
found new forms of living stemming from the dam project (Daily run to the benefit of powerful elites. Actors such as transnational orga-
Graphic, 2014). Béné (2007) reported that fish landings from the Lake nisations, states, and local elites are often the beneficiaries of resource 
rose from 62,000 tonnes in 1969 to 80,000 tonnes in the late 1990s, with commodification to the detriment of the poor. Beyond the narrow 
about 17,500 canoes fishing in the Lake from some 1,232 villages along definition of dispossession as the deprivation or eviction from rightful 
the Lake. possession of property or land (Bennett et al., 2015), this paper shows 
In 2010, however, a Canadian company, Clark Sustainable Resources how state-sanctioned timber extraction on a lake can result in dispos-
Development (CSRD), was granted license by the Government of Ghana session, albeit in a different form. On Lake Volta, the Timber Salvage 
(GoG) to remove the submerged timber from the lake. This project was Project requires the creation of what Hall (2013) considers enclosures, 
referred to in policy circles as the ‘Volta River Timber Salvage Project’. which dispossess previous users, in this case, fishers, from accessing the 
The timber salvage project is anchored on the discourse of ecological lake for their livelihood. These enclosures allow for the Timber Salvage 
sustainability and aimed at reducing accidents on the lake to make Project to be grounded in discourses of improving the aquatic environ-
inland water transport safe. Like the original dam project, proponents of ment for safe water transport. As shown in the paper, these narratives 
the timber salvage project support their arguments with expected are mere cloaks for what Corson and MacDonald (2012) described as 
employment to be created and that the project would help to improve green grabbing. Green grabbing in this context relates to the restruc-
the local and national economy. turing of rules of access (Traldi, 2021) and the use of the lake for live-
But the operations of CSRD raise several conceptual questions: In lihood activities. 
what ways is the timber salvage project another profit-seeking initiative Harvey (2004) argues that ‘accumulation by dispossession’ is the 
to commodify and enclose the lake and its resources? How will the mechanism of capital accumulation by appropriating land from the 
project affect fisheries livelihoods? What new forms of contestations and peasantry. This process entails the transfer of communal resources into 
power asymmetry are at play in the execution of the project? Deploying privatised revenue-generating commodities. Rather than equitable ac-
the conceptual lens of accumulation by dispossession, we analyse the cess to and use of resources such as Lake Volta, the Timber Salvage 
resource contestations and violent protestations surrounding the proj- Project is expropriating use rights, creating enclosures, and concen-
ect, paying particular attention to the resource contestations and the trating the lake that was hitherto more equitably distributed or acces-
livelihood systems under siege. The study uncovered multiple facets of sible in the hands of investors. We argue that the project is primarily yet 
dispossession and resistance from below. We find that while the project another vehicle of “accumulation by dispossession” (Harvey 2003:74). 
has led to restrictions in fishers’ access to the lake for the pursuit of their The displacement of local use rights is essential for capital accumulation. 
livelihoods, landowners who lost parts of their lands during the con- A central aspect of accumulation is using extra-economic forces to 
struction of the lake are challenging the ownership of the timber that lies create a conducive environment for accumulation. Essentially, the use 
depths below the lake, even as the extractive company and the state rights and ownership of communal resources such as the lake changes 
accumulate profit. We argue that the project is just another vehicle of with an outcome of exploitation in which capital creates enclosures 
accumulation by dispossession. Global connections with other (Harvey, 2004). Deploying the concept of green/blue grabbing, 
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E.T. Lawer and A.D. Ablo                                                                                                                                                                     T  h  e  E  x  t r a  c  t i v e   I n  d u  s t r  i e s  a  n  d   S o  c iety xxx (xxxx) xxx
Benjaminsen and Bryceson (2012) note that in creating enclosures for the early 1980s (Kashwan et al., 2019) saw a more active withdrawal of 
capital accumulation, traditional and customary ownership of marine the state from being a driver of development to providing an enabling 
spaces are often not recognised. The enclosures that emerge from environment for global capital. In Ghana, for instance, this has taken the 
accumulation processes transform social relations and limit people’s form of a cutback in state expenditure on social services, deregulation of 
access to livelihood resources (Corson & MacDonald, 2012; Kan, 2019), the currency, and liberalisation of the economy. The major outcome of 
which in the case of the Timber Salvage Project, entails fishers’ liveli- neoliberal policies like structural adjustment was creating the space for 
hoods. Dispossessions emerging from green-grabbing (Green & Adams, capital accumulation. Indeed, a significant proportion of investments in 
2015; Traldi, 2021), as in the case of the Timber Salve Project, includes the Ghanaian economy within neoliberalism have gone into the 
the privatisation of the lake and prioritisation of timber extraction for extractive sector. But crucially, these neoliberal policies, which under-
the benefit of the capitalist at the expense of local fisheries livelihoods. pin the current timber salvage project, reflect another expression of 
A crucial aspect of accumulation is the enrichment of states, in- accumulation by dispossession. In various regimes of accumulation by 
vestors, and local elites at the detriment of ordinary people. Thus, in the dispossession, violence is a major character. In this study, we also 
Timber Salvage project, we explore how the costs and benefits of the examine the different manifestations of violence and how state power is 
project are distributed among different social groups. But also crucial in deployed to enforce compliance with accumulation processes. 
this paper is understanding the gender-differentiated impacts of the 
project on the community. The forceful expulsion of people from their 3. Study area and research methods 
livelihood sources is another signature of accumulation by dispossession 
(Krieger & Leroch, 2016). In the study community, we examine new The field sites for this study comprised two communities along Volta 
dimensions of expulsion within the context of access to Lake Volta for Lake. These are Akateng and Sedorm in the Upper Manya Krobo and 
fishing and other livelihood activities. Benjaminsen and Bryceson (2012, Asuogyaman districts of the Eastern Region of Ghana, respectively 
p. 350) argued that irrespective of the context, the “political economic (Fig. 1). Sedorm was chosen due to its status as the host community for 
forces and processes, characterised by power constellations, and in the processing mill of the timber harvesting company and its closeness to 
terms of contradictions between the rights and interests of people to the Akosombo dam while, Akateng was selected because of its status as 
land, sea and natural resources vis-a`-vis foreign investors and state the largest lakeside market town, and the epicentre for mobilisation and 
agencies vying to capture control over land and natural resources, are all protestation against the timber salvage project on the Volta Lake (see 
strikingly similar”. Kofi Siaw, 2018). Both communities are located on the eastern shores of 
Scholars like Levien (2015) and Krieger and Leroch (2016) argue that the lake and fall within the semi-deciduous forest and savannah 
the willingness of the state to dispossess for a particular set of economic agro-ecological zone. The two studied communities form part of the 
purposes and a way of generating compliance to this dispossession are extensive Voltain Basin, where fishing and farming are the main occu-
intricately linked. Here, we examine the state’s role in enforcing com- pations for the local people (Ofori, 2012). 
munity compliance and the mechanisms deployed to defuse community Most of Akateng’s lands were inundated during the construction of 
opposition to the project. Dispossession, as will be shown in this paper, the Akosombo dam. The VRA constructed the Dedeso Resettlement for 
pertains to restricting access to the lake to pursue livelihoods. This ac- them. However, they abandoned the resettlement community and 
cess restriction enables capital to operate in the name of salvaging returned to settle on their lands remaining at the banks of the lake. The 
timber from the lake. The multiple ways rural communities access the same story holds for Sedorm. Only part of their lands were submerged as 
lake and the diverse linkage to the local community are infringed upon the lands lie vertical to the lake in line with the Krobo Huza system of 
to enable capital accumulation. As will be discussed, this process is land demarcation and settlement (see Benneh, 1970). The situation 
possible due to the power asymmetry between states, global capital, and whereby people abandon their resettled towns is not peculiar to these 
local communities. It is also an outcome of the mechanisms of power studied communities. Miescher (2014) reported that several villages 
deployed by the state in justifying and enabling dispossession in the that were relocated either returned to settle on the shores of the lake, 
name of national development. where they were evacuated from or found other fertile farming lands 
The implementation of neoliberal policies in sub-Saharan Africa in elsewhere. Akateng and Sedorm have attracted migrant fishermen from 
Fig. 1. Map of the studied communities, showing the Volta Lake. Source: UG/IESS.  
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E.T. Lawer and A.D. Ablo                                                                                                                                                                     T  h  e  E  x  t r a  c  t i v e   I n  d u  s t r  i e s  a  n  d   S o  c iety xxx (xxxx) xxx
Table 1 
Categories of interviewees and issues discussed.  
Category of informant No. Topics discussed 
Fisherfolk   20 Stakeholder consent processes, livelihood impacts of the project, reasons behind protests, lake access related disputes   
Landowners 10 Compensation, ownership of timber, reasons behind protests 
Chiefs and community leaders 8 Project within a historical context of the Volta RiverProject, Compensation, Benefit streams, CSR, Negotiations 
Source: Fieldwork 2021 
different parts of the country as more than 90% of the inland freshwater salvage project as an opportunity to extract profit from the lake infra-
fish is caught from Volta Lake (Béné, 2007). According to the 2010 structure aside from its core mandate of generating hydroelectric power 
Population and Housing Census, Akateng has a population of 3,527 from the dam. Owusu et al. (2013) found that timber extracted from the 
(Ghana Statistical Service, 2010). The exact population of Sedorm is not lake is of very high quality and market value. Because the trees are 
readily available, but opinion leaders peg it at about 800 people. The preserved in the freshwater, they are much stronger and preserved from 
two communities are made up predominantly of Krobo and Ewe ethnic decay by the lake’s bog-like conditions and have started to fossilise 
groups. (Akinyemi, 2019). 
Fieldwork for this study was conducted in December 2021. We Pre-project negotiations took place mainly between the CSRD, GoG, 
interviewed different categories of people (Table 1). Fisherfolk, land- and VRA with a later approval by parliament. In 2006, a preparatory 
owners and community leaders were selected following the purposive agreement was signed between CSRD and the VRA to harvest wood from 
sampling technique, where respondents are chosen based on their underwater forest in the Volta Lake. The preparatory agreement allowed 
knowledge about the topic under investigation (see Campbell et al., for the project’s economic viability and other related studies to be car-
2020) and snowballing sampling technique, where interviewees were ried out (Ablordeppey, 2009). In 2010, a commercial agreement was 
asked to recommend others that could also be interviewed (see Noy, signed between the same entities for harvesting and processing to start. 
2008). We continued recruiting new interview participants in the In November 2010, Ghana’s parliament ratified this agreement, and 
various categories until we reached a saturation point where there were CSRD was given a 25-year concession to operate on the Volta Lake 
no significant differences in the responses the new respondents gave, (Daily Graphic, 2014). Commercial extraction, however, started in 
and the interviews were becoming monotonous. Additionally, we drew 2011. We refer to this concession as the ‘initial project’ in this work. As 
on three interviews conducted by Fuller (2017) mainly her interviews would be seen, the initial project was violently protested, leading to its 
with the CSRD, the CEO of the new company, Dedeso Holdings Incor- folding up after two years of operation. Subsequently, a new company, 
porated (DHI) and the Ghana Maritime Authority. Since Fuller’s in- Dedeso Holdings Incorporated (DHI), took over the operations in 2017. 
terviews took place just around the transition period between the old The main actors who planned and implemented the initial project were 
and new projects, we believe the responses from the timber companies’ the GoG, the Volta River Authority (VRA), Ghana’s Parliament and the 
officials were more likely to capture the real intentions behind certain CSRD. 
decisions they made at the time. The CSRD is a wholly owned subsidiary of Triton Timber Group1, 
Thus, we draw on empirical material from 38 interviews and two with former Canadian prime minister Joe Clark as a major investor. The 
focus group discussions (of fifteen participants) and on secondary ma- agreement granted exclusive rights to CSRD to access, harvest, process, 
terials culled from local and international news publications, relevant and market timber from the Volta Lake. CSRD employed a combination 
literature, and reports on the timber salvage project in specific and the of technologies for its operations, mainly the use of barges, boats, and 
Volta River Project in general. The interviews were transcribed sonar equipment, as well as the Sawfish and SHARC harvesters, which 
verbatim, coded, and developed into themes. The emerging themes were are remotely operated machinery guided by video, sonar, and GPS 
discussed and interpreted in line with the objectives and theoretical navigation used to identify and extract timber from the lake (Akinyemi, 
framing of the paper. Table 2 below presents the demographic charac- 2019). The harvested timber is carried with barges to the mill processing 
teristics of respondents and a summary of the major objections raised. plant located at Sedorm, one of the study communities, for processing. 
The processed timber is mainly exported to markets in the United States 
4. Results and discussion of America, Europe, South Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, except for 
roundwood (small logs used for furniture), which is sold to the Ghanaian 
4.1. Overview of the Timber Salvage project market. It is estimated that each hardwood harvested from the Volta 
Lake could be worth up to US$ 2,500, with the total harvest value of all 
The underwater logging industry is a novel one, not only in Ghana the trees in the lake estimated to be US$ 3 billion (York, 2009). 
but across the globe. It is dominated and controlled by corporations 
headquartered in British Columbia in Canada (Randalls and Petrokofsky 
2014). There are approximately 300 million trees buried in reservoirs 4.2. Elitist stakeholder consent processes 
around the world, worth about USD 50 billion (Crockford, 2008), and 
this may increase as new areas continue to be flooded. It is estimated There was little or no consultation with communities along the lake. 
that Ghana’s Volta Lake contains some 14 million m3 of hardwood trees Like the main dam project in the 1960s, local and national elites 
such as Odum, Wawa, Danta, and Ebony (Fitzgerald, 2008). In 2010, conceived and negotiated the timber salvage project. Local concerns 
Clark Sustainable Resources Development (CSRD) was granted a license raised at the implementation stage of the initial project were dismissed 
by the GoG to harvest the hardwood trees from the Volta Lake. by the timber harvesting company. A community leader from Sedorm, 
CSRD is a Canadian company with the technology and capital to the host community for the project, noted: “even we as community leaders 
‘salvage’ underwater logs. During interviews with landowners and were not consulted. They [CSRD] came here one day only to tell us that 
community leaders, it emerged that at the time of the submersion of the government and VRA have given them permit to remove the logs in the lake so 
trees in the 1960s, the value of timber was relatively low compared to its they were here to tell us they will be starting work soon” (Interview, 
rising value today. As such, the GoG and the Volta River Authority 
(VRA), which now legally own and manage the lake, see the timber 
1 See Triton (2011) for more information about this company. 
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E.T. Lawer and A.D. Ablo                                                                                                                                                                     T  h  e  E  x  t r a  c  t i v e   I n  d u  s t r  i e s  a  n  d   S o  c iety xxx (xxxx) xxx
Table 2 Table 2 (continued ) 
Demographic characteristics and summary of major objections raised.  Variable Group n % 
Variable Group n % Environmental permits from 2 66.66 
Gender Male 24 63.16 state agencies means project is 
Female 14 36,84 ecologically sustainable. 
Age <30 5 13.16 Fish habitat will not be 2 66.66 
30-60 21 55.26 destroyed 
>60 12 31.58 Bamboo fishing cause of 2 66.66 
Occupation Farming 13 34.21 reduced fish stock. Project will 
Fishing 20 52.63 end bamboo fishing. Fish stock 
Trading (Charcoal, fish, 5 13.16 will increase. 
foodstuff, animals) 
Ethnic group Krobo (Dangme) 20 52.63 Sources: Field work 2021; Fuller 2017; Daily Graphic 2018. 
Ewe 10 26.32 
Other 8 21.05 Sedorm). This claim was confirmed during a Focus Group Discussion 
Major objections against Little or no consultation with 38 100.00 (FGD) with fisherfolk in Akateng where participants agreed to a 
the timber salvage project lakeside communities before 
start of project response given by one of the participants: “to be sincere with you, we knew 
Deception of contract 28 73.68 nothing before the start of the project. There were no engagements with fishing 
Local elites facilitated work of 19 50.00 communities along the lake. So, when we started seeing them on the lake, we 
timber companies called our colleagues in Ketepa and Sedorm and we had a series of meetings. 
Fishers’ access to the Lake has 20 52.63 We told them we are not in agreement with what they were doing” (FGD, 
been restricted 
Proposed shared use of the Lake 26 68.42 Akateng, 24.12.2021). 
between fishers and logging Officials of CSRD did not educate nor explain to lakeside commu-
operations did not work in nities whose livelihoods directly depend on the lake their modus oper-
practice  andi and the technologies they would use. Wayne Dunn, the then CEO of 
2
Project allows capital to 38 100.00 CSRD who later became a founding partner of DHI , argued that the 
accumulate to timber company CSRD had “zero responsibility to engage with communities, other than to tell 
and government the fishermen where to remove their nets out of wherever they were going to be 
Fertile breeding grounds for fish 24 63.15 harvesting [the logs].” (Fuller, 2017: 68). The CSRD had underestimated 
altered the importance gaining the support of local communities who would be 
Reduced fish catch and 20 52.63 
dwindling incomes of  affected directly by the harvesting of timber, and this led to the erosion 
fishers of community goodwill for the project. The CEO of CSRD himself 
Women and children (with less 19 50.00 acknowledged in 2017 that one of the major mistakes they made was 
swimming skills) exposed to that “CSRD as a company, had no appreciation for the importance of and 
harm during thunderstorm 
Oil spills and water quality 17 44.73 the ability to work effectively with the communities. And that coupled 
issues with (…) some unfortunate choices of leaders of the project led to a total 
Low employment opportunities 38 100.00 erosion of the goodwill that (…) created a larger goodwill liability of the 
for locals project” (Fuller 2017: 68). CSRD, in this regard, failed to deliver societal 
Children dropping out of school 30 78.94 value along with shareholder value which eventually led to the collapse 
as fishers cannot afford school 
fees of the project. 
Landowners claim ownership of 33 86.84 The stakeholder consent discourse holds that companies must have 
timber under the Lake effective engagements with people whose lives would be affected 
Demonstrations organised, but 31 81.57 directly or indirectly by their activities, what is now termed as a social 
respondents do not trust the use 
of the law court to get justice license to operate. Studies in the extractive sector in Ghana show that 
Communities’ not made 88 100.00 the lack of effective community involvement in planning and imple-
shareholders in the project menting projects leads to frustration and conflicts (Ovadia et al., 2020). 
Military used to enforce 38 100.00 The initial project was therefore violently protested by fishermen, which 
communities’ compliance eventually led to it being forcibly shut down just two years after it 
against their wish 
Major arguments by CSRD, Communities have already been 2 66.66 started. Fisherfolk in lakeside communities, particularly Sedorm, Aka-
DHI and Ghana Maritime compensated during dam teng and Ketepa protested through several organised demonstrations 
Authority Officials. construction. and acts of civil disobedience that the lake is the only resource they have 
Culled from Fuller (2017: Timber companies have no 2 66.66 got, and that removing the trees would harm their livelihoods. They 
57-70). responsibility to engage 
communities. marched through the streets of Sedorm and pitched camp at the pro-
Less than 20% of the estimated 1 33.33 cessing plant. The protests continued for weeks until the deployment of 
300 million submerged trees the military to the area led to uneasy calm. CSRD had to shut down the 
would be salvaged. project due to their inability to compromise with the fisherfolk. 
Project will create direct 3 100.00 The stakeholder consent process did not change much when DHI, 
employment opportunities. 
Protests by locals were not 2 66.66 through its subsidiary Kete Krachi Timber Recovery (KKTR), took over 
legitimate, government must the concession in 2017. CEO of DHI, Elkin Mpianim contended that its 
maintain law and order. predecessor, the CSRD left the project because the GoG failed to main-
Tree stumps are the cause of 3 100.00 tain law and order. For him, the protests by locals that led to the 
accidents on the Lake. Their 
removal will make navigation 
safe. 
Fewer fishing nets and boats 2 66.66  
2 
would be damaged after logs are Dedeso Holdings Incorporated (DHI) is the new company that currently has 
removed the permit to harvest timber from the Volta Lake through its operational sub-
sidiary, Kete Krachi Timber Recovery. Three prominent officials of CSRD 
became part of the Board of Directors of DHI. 
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E.T. Lawer and A.D. Ablo                                                                                                                                                                     T  h  e  E  x  t r a  c  t i v e   I n  d u  s t r  i e s  a  n  d   S o  c iety xxx (xxxx) xxx
shutdown of the initial project in 2013 were simply acts of violence that government resource “…when the dam started evicting us from here in the 
went unpunished by the state: “… this essentially is a law-and-order issue. 1960s, it was for crops like maize, cassava etc. and tree crops like oranges 
If you are not willing to maintain law and order as the government, what are that we were compensated for and not the land or the trees. Anytime there is 
you there for? You have people committing acts of violence, and you refuse to any development initiative on the lake, whether fishpond or whatever, it is the 
step in” (Fuller, 2017: 60). Thus, for DHI, the protests were criminal VRA that claims ownership” (Landowner, Sedorm). 
offences that should have been punished by law. Corroborating this point, a 72-year-old landowner from Akateng 
Although the official said DHI did some engagements with lakeside stated: “Since the dam displaced us, nothing has been done for us by VRA 
communities before starting work to avoid the mistakes of CSRD, fishers and the government, apart from the construction of the Dedeso resettlement 
in the studied communities say they were side-lined in the process: “As quarters, which we don’t even live there. So, if our trees that got stacked in the 
fisherfolk, it was as if Dedeso [DHI] had no respect for us, or they felt the fact lake are to be removed, communities that lost lands to the lake should have 
that government gave them permit for the work means they do not need been consulted, and a formula about how the benefits would be shared should 
anybody’s support to make their work successful.” (Interview, Akateng). have been done. The timber in the lake is for us.” (Landowner, Akateng). A 
Respondents in Sedorm, the host community revealed that DHI dealt 68-year-old community leader in Akateng further contended that: “… 
with only few people in the community: the district chief executive, a Nkrumah’s desire to build the dam clouded his judgement. And so, things 
landowner from whom the company leased the land for the siting of the were done without any proper documentation. The places where they had 
milling plant, and a local liaison, who helped and led DHI in the land earmarked that the water would displace us went far beyond. Those sub-
acquisition process. They say DHI failed to engage extensively to gain merged lands and tress belonged to us. We do not understand why they are 
their consent because the ruling government empowered it: “the presi- extracting it without giving us anything. We feel a lot of injustice, but what 
dent embraced their work because it fits under his one district, one factory can we do? If we want to go to court, it is the same government officials that 
policy and so he did everything possible to promote it and accord it the needed we are going to face. They will manoeuvre the system.” (Community leader, 
legalities to function. He even came here to launch it himself.” (FGD, Akateng). 
Sedorm, 22.12.202). The One-District-One Factory policy is one of the Indeed, records concerning compensation for the Dam project were 
current government’s flagship initiatives to promote industrialisation not great, as the project was done on a compressed time scale, making it 
and add value to natural resources in all districts (particularly rural and difficult to verify if someone was compensated or not. Kalitsi (2004) 
peri-urban) to change their economies and create jobs. argue that compensated lands, for example, were of lesser quality to the 
The findings above show that local consent processes were unclear lands lost while in some cases, lands and resources were not replaced. He 
and messy. It shows that elite engagement was prioritised over broader argued further that households that lost less than 20% of their lands 
community engagement. It corroborates Roche et al.’s (2019) argument were not entitled to livelihood enhancement programmes. This cor-
that poor access to information and the use of elitist modes of engage- roborates Tsikata’s (2006) argument that one of the main challenges of 
ment in extractive sector deal negotiations are crucial factors that drive the Akosombo dam project and its by-products was that the government 
accumulation by dispossession. downplayed the value of community resources at the time. Her analyses 
of several committee reports revealed that the consideration and focus of 
4.3. Opposing discourses and perspectives on the project government at the time was geared towards those to be resettled and 
that ‘riverine forests to be affected were judged not to contain trees of 
As previously mentioned, the commencement of the timber salvage serious value’ for compensation such that the loss was deemed accept-
project came with protestations. The project was protested initially by able for the greater good of the public (Tsikata, 2006: 81). 
fishermen and later landowners, which eventually led to the initial The argument by landowners and community leaders for a shared 
project being forcibly shut down. While DHI has since 2017 taken over percentage of revenues from the timber salvage project is legitimate. It is 
the concession, which is now being promoted under the government’s evident from the above that landowners in the studied communities 
flagship One- District-One-Factory initiative for a concessionary period were not necessarily against the project per se but against the fact that 
of 20 years, local communities are contesting: (a) the ownership of the the government and VRA have appropriated rights over the timber in the 
timber resource that is being harvested, (b) the economic, social and lake. Elsewhere in Nechako reservoir in Canada, the underwater timber 
environmental benefit claims or storyline espoused and trumpeted by harvesting project was jointly managed by the company, the local 
the timber harvesting companies and government, and (c) the restriction community, and the government (Randalls and Petrokofsky, 2014: 219). 
of fishers access to the lake to make way for uninterrupted extraction of Gilani and Innes (2017), in their study on best practices for underwater 
timber and its ramifications on fishers livelihoods. timber operations, proposed that local communities and indigenous 
While officials of the initial and current timber harvesting projects groups with legal or customary resource use rights should have some 
argue that the land and trees that have been inundated as a result of the degree of control and say in underwater logging deals to avoid 
construction of the Akosombo Dam have already been paid for through commodification and conflicts. 
compensations to affected individuals and communities by the state in The study, however, found that local elites, particularly the munic-
the 1960s, respondents from the studied communities are contesting this ipal chief executives of three districts along the Volta Lake (i.e., Upper 
claim in the strongest possible sense, arguing that they were not Manya Krobo, Asuogyaman and Lower Manya Krobo districts), which 
compensated enough compared to the value of timber today. They are the most affected by the timber salvage project, have facilitated the 
blame the use of ‘unjust laws and state power’ to abrogate their work of the companies as they pledged to them their support. These 
customary use rights, which has led to the commodification of the lake elites maintained that the project was crucial to their respective dis-
and its resources. As noted by a landowner in Sedorm, “government has tricts’ economic development and that the project’s benefits were 
bullied us and used unjust laws to take what rightfully belongs to us [timber]. greater than any other considerations earlier imagined, such as effects 
VRA has placed its hands on the lake, and the timber and now the timber on fisheries (Daily Graphic, 2018). 
harvesting companies have removed all the trees right from here to Yeji.” The central argument has been that the project aligns with the na-
(Landowner, Akateng). Interviewed landowners who lost land as a result tional development agenda to promote industrialisation and employ-
of the creation of the lake argue that the execution of the timber salvage ment in their districts. These narratives indeed resonate with Traldi 
project made them lose out on two counts. First, they say their ancestors (2021, p. 9) description of green grabbing as the “appropriation from the 
were evicted from their ancestral homes with meagre compensation to material aspect of land and resources which occurs on the pretext that 
allow electricity generation for the national benefit. Second, they say the economic and environmental crises demand adjustments to the capi-
current timber salvage project failed to make them shareholders in the talist mode of production.” Meanwhile, the chief executives of districts 
benefits of the project as the resource (timber) is being treated as a are political positions appointed by the president. They receive 
6
E.T. Lawer and A.D. Ablo                                                                                                                                                                     T  h  e  E  x  t r a  c  t i v e   I n  d u  s t r  i e s  a  n  d   S o  c iety xxx (xxxx) xxx
conveyance and royalty payments into their internally generated funds that is now being ‘salvaged’ were nurtured by their ancestors and that 
to run their assemblies from such projects. the government and VRA cannot lay claim to it. 
The Lakeside community leaders we interviewed say the government Similarly, while officials of the DHI and government argue that the 
and the companies used the district chief executives as conduits to removal of the trees would bring social benefits, including facilitating 
facilitate the project: “one day (…) a few other leaders were invited by the safer transportation on the lake, fishers and environmental NGOs say the 
DCE. He told us about the project. We objected. We explained how this will project will lead to the death of more women and children as they would 
affect our work. They said we are lying. That the fishes do not lay eggs in the have no place to run to in times of thunderstorm while on the lake: 
trees (…). They told us the project cannot be stopped. That it has been ‘because women and children are those who have less swimming abili-
approved from above.” (Community Leader, Akateng). Fisherfolk say ties, they are ten times likely to die than men in the event of any disaster 
local elites and the government supported the project because it benefits on the lake. To save more lives, fishermen rush to these trees for safety 
them financially than artisanal fishing: “government is supporting whenever there is a storm or disaster’ (GNA 2011). Fishers say that 
powerful interests as against thousands of fisherfolk. They feel we do not pay although the central government and DHI would gain revenue from the 
tax and so they find the companies extracting the trees more useful” (FGD, project, the transaction is at the expense of women and children who 
Akateng). work on the lake and who, without these tree stumps, stand the risk of 
A major argument by proponents of the project was that it would losing their lives. 
boost the local economy through employment. However, respondents 
say less than five percent of people employed by the CSRD and later the 4.4. Livelihood implications: winners and losers 
DHI in both the initial and ongoing timber harvesting projects are local 
people. Respondents further argue that the few people employed at the Nearly 72,000 people make a living directly from fishing on the Volta 
milling plant occupy low-grade positions such as security guards and Lake (Daily Graphic, 2014). In Akateng and Sedorm, farming, fishing 
operational assistants. Fishers say top positions have been given to and fisheries-related activities such as fish mongering and fish trading 
outsiders (people from abroad and elsewhere other than lake-side are the most important sources of livelihood for about 90 percent of 
communities). This, they say, is because they do not have the required residents (Field Work). A primary concern raised during the interviews 
skills for underwater operations and the companies involved have also and FGDs was the impact of the removal of trees from the lake on fishers’ 
been reluctant to give them skills training to make them employable. livelihoods. Fisherfolk told us that the forest in the lake is a major 
The above shows that contrary to claims that the timber harvesting ecological infrastructure that supports and sustains their livelihood. 
project would boost local employment and expand the local economy, They explained that trees in the lake support fish reproduction and that 
local people are yet to see those benefits. This corroborates Fuller’s the ongoing timber salvage project will disturb fish production which is 
(2017: 44) argument that DHI’s claims that it will create about 1000 inimical to their livelihoods. A fisher from Akateng told us that: “for us as 
direct local employment opportunities (including the expansion of fishers, the trees in the lake are the most important infrastructure that sup-
aquaculture) and invest 2% of its revenues into social responsibility ports our livelihoods. It is just like a forest. That is where the fish lays eggs. 
projects as contained in one of its widely circulated brochures has been That is where its fingerlings grow. That is where the fish eats. That is where 
exaggerated. Community leaders interviewed say these claims by DHI they hide.” (24 December 2021). This was a common opinion expressed 
were to make them appear as a responsible organisation in the eyes of by most fisherfolk in the studied communities. It was explained that 
their investors and government. fishers swim down to attach bamboo traps to the submerged standing 
Besides the economic argument is environmental. DHI argue that trees, where fish is attracted by algae and food particles on the stem such 
their operations could help Ghana’s required 240,000 cubic tonnes of that removing the logs had jeopardized their livelihoods. 
timber a year without cutting a single living terrestrial tree. DHI and its The importance of the submerged trees to fishers’ livelihoods is not 
capitalist supporters use terms such as ‘rediscovered wood’, ‘salvaged peculiar to Akateng and Sedorm. Machado (2018) reported that in other 
wood’ to make a point that its work is different from terrestrial communities surrounding the Volta Lake, fishermen use the submerged 
lumbering activities and, as such a sustainable one that must be sup- trees to support various fishing practices in pursuit of their livelihoods. 
ported. DHI argues that this would save the forests on the surface of the Fisherfolk further expressed worry over what they described as 
earth as concerns of deforestation and Climate Change are major issues deceit about the actual details of the project and its effect on fish catch: 
on the policy agendas of governments across the world. The company “… we were told that only a few stumps were going to be removed to facilitate 
also says removing the trees would help clear navigation channels, easy and safe navigation. This turned out to be a lie. (…) they have removed 
reduce accidents, and make lake transport safer. Indeed, Boadu et al. everything here and have now moved to other areas.” (FGD, Akateng). And 
(2021) reported a decline in the number of accidents and death recorded as another fisher told us: “as they cut the wood from the lake, the fish also 
on the lake between 1995 and 2020. Besides the tree stumps, the Ghana left” (Fisher, Sedorm). Fishers explained that the logs in the water pro-
Maritime Authority cited bad weather, poor safety checks, and indisci- vided fertile breeding grounds for fish and that it was the reason behind 
pline on the lake, including drunkenness among boat operators, as other the bumper harvest they recorded in the past. An official of DHI however 
major causes of accidents on the lake (Anim, 2021). says they are not removing all the trees: “At full capacity, it would take 
On the contrary, fishers and landowners say the company has around 200 years to remove every single tree from the Volta Lake. (…) We 
invested in the project because the lake has rare species that have been are selective about the trees we choose to remove, and there are a number of 
preserved and are now difficult to find in large quantities on the surface criteria. One of which is the diameter. So in terms of percentage of trees we 
of the earth. They say hardwood trees which have been submerged in the will remove, it is probably less than 2%” (Fuller, 2017: 60-61). But fishers 
lake for more than 50 years are considered one of the most expensive have rejected this claim arguing that no tree has been left in areas of the 
and highly sought after in the wood processing industry. Likening the lake where the timber salvage operations have taken place so far. 
submerged trees in the lake to terrestrial forests, fishers and landowners Fisherfolk also say oil spills from DHI’s operations is killing fish 
questioned why underwater logging is framed as having ecological stock. Apart from fishers, some environmentalists have also complained 
benefits by proponents of the project in contrast to terrestrial logging that the project will alter the lake’s biodiversity and pose significant 
which is generally considered ecologically harmful. For them, the un- risks to its habitat conditions and fish stock (York, 2009) besides water 
derwater logging project was driven mainly by economic reasons rather quality issues. DHI, however maintained that the project is environ-
than environmental and social benefit claims being trumpeted. They mentally sound and that if it were not, the Environmental Protection 
also argue that the submerged timber cannot be treated like minerals Agency of Ghana (EPA) would have raised an alarm. It must be noted 
such as gold under the earth that the government can lay claim to. They that Ghana now does not have a specific law governing underwater 
say that unlike mineral resources under the earth, the submerged forest logging operations and its activities. DHI did not conduct any new 
7
E.T. Lawer and A.D. Ablo                                                                                                                                                                     T  h  e  E  x  t r a  c  t i v e   I n  d u  s t r  i e s  a  n  d   S o  c iety xxx (xxxx) xxx
Fig. 2. Placards capturing sentiments of the demonstrators. Source: Kofi Siaw (2018).  
environmental impact assessment but had that of CSRD renewed. successive and multi-generational impacts of accumulation by dispos-
Neither the government nor the harvesting company had released the session. However, the CEO of CSRD and founding partner of DHI feels 
environmental impact assessment for the project for public scrutiny the companies cannot be blamed for the woes of fishers and lakeside 
(Fuller 2017; Ofosu-Boateng, 2012). Elsewhere, underwater logging has communities. He argued “… our little underwater logging project isn’t 
led to the pollution of water and decline in reservoir biodiversity (Gilani causing (all) that, and we’re not going to fix it all on our own, but we are also 
and Innes, 2017; Tenenbaum, 2004). in a prime position to be blamed for it (because we are harvesting the trees).” 
While there are currently no known studies documenting the pro- (Fuller 2017: 68). Attempts by fisherfolk to protest (Fig. 1) against DHI’s 
ject’s actual effects on water quality and fish stock in Ghana, fishers say operations and its impacts on their livelihood was met again by the 
their fish catch has drastically reduced and their incomes and profits deployment of the military to the area to support the company in its 
have been eroded. A fisher from Sedorm revealed that he earned about operations and to ensure uninterrupted removal of the trees. The state 
US$ 350 in a month from fishing on the lake before the start of the (government) has used the military to police the timber harvesting 
project in 2011. However, this has reduced to about US$ 100 at the time project, enforce community compliance and diffuse their opposition to 
of the interview in December 2021. The interviews and FGDs we held the project against their will. 
revealed that currently, the average monthly incomes of fishers in the In effect, the willingness of the state to dispose for economic pur-
studied communities ranged between US$ 100 – USD 150 a month, a poses and the ways it generated compliances are linked (Levien 2015: 
situation they bemoaned and blamed on the removal of the trees and Leroch, 2016). Dispossession was enacted by restricting access to the 
their (temporary) displacement from the lake during logging operations. lake for the pursuit of livelihoods and accumulating capital from the 
Underwater activities have at various times since the start of the project extracted timber at the expense of prior customarily right holders. This 
led to the displacement of fishers on the lake. As a fisher from Sedorm restriction of access is done to enable capital to operate in the name of 
stated “we are not allowed to fish near or close to areas where they are salvaging timber from the lake. Lakeside communities’ access to the lake 
removing the trees. Sometime when we set our traps, they [company and navy is infringed to enable capital accumulation that largely benefit powerful 
officials] remove them and destroy our nets. This has almost collapsed our actors. This corroborates Benjaminsen and Bryceson’s (2012) finding 
work.” (22 December 2021). A shared use of the lake by the DHI and that transnational organisations, states, and elites are often the benefi-
fishers did not work in the strict sense of the word, as fishers have been ciaries of resource commodification. Beside a few and scattered Corpo-
displaced from fishing at places they used to fish, leading to complaints rate Social Responsibility (CSR) projects across the communities 
of reduced fishing space and fish catch. Fisheries scientists who study 
inland fisheries in Ghana of which the Volta Lake accounts for about 
90% of fish catch have observed a gradual decline in the quantity of fish 
stocks harvested over the past decade (Abobi and Wolf, 2020; Asiedu 
et al., 2019). While factors such as unsustainable fishing practices and 
climate change have been cited as major reasons for the decline, York 
(2009) argued that underwater timber operations pose a significant risk 
to fish stock. As the trees served as a safe breeding ground for fish 
species, the impacts of their removal on fish production cannot be 
underestimated. Reduced fish catch further poses a non-economic 
impact on communities, including protein needs, fish diets and cultures. 
Besides the displacement and perceived decline in fish stock which 
fisherfolk said had negatively affected their livelihoods, is the issue of 
the destruction and loss of their fishing properties and equipment: “I lost 
more than ten nets through this [the timber salvage project]. They lied to us 
that they will pay for any fishing equipment they destroy. But they never did”. 
(FGD, Sedorm). Explaining what has happened in the ten years since the 
removal of the trees started, a fisher remarked “our work has been 
destroyed. Our children are now out of school.” (Fisher, Akateng). This 
suggests that besides the dispossession that took place during the dam 
formation and now during the timber salvage project, the inability of 
Fig. 3. Hardwood harvested from the Volta Lake 
fishers to take care of their children’s educational needs shows the Source: DHI (Dedeso Holdings Incorporated) (2018) 
8
E.T. Lawer and A.D. Ablo                                                                                                                                                                     T  h  e  E  x  t r a  c  t i v e   I n  d u  s t r  i e s  a  n  d   S o  c iety xxx (xxxx) xxx
deployment of the military by the state and the destructions caused to 
their fishing nets without any compensation affected their momentum. 
At the same time, fishers and landowners did not believe the use of the 
courts will get them justice as they did not believe there is a separation 
of powers between the government and the judiciary. These power 
asymmetries ensured that the interest of the state and its capitalist col-
laborators prevailed while fishers and landowners faced the brunt of the 
project. 
Thus, while the timber extraction companies and the state accumu-
late wealth from the extraction of submerged timber that lies in the 
depths of the Volta Lake, the project has proved a great source of 
disappointment for fishers and landowners in communities along the 
lake. While the project has created some benefits for a few local elites, 
most residents of local communities are gnashing their teeth as their 
livelihoods are under siege. Transnational organisations, states and local 
elites have become the beneficiaries of the commodification of the lake 
to the detriment of the poor. The findings raise questions about the 
treatment of prior resource users’ rights in resource development pro-
cesses. This project primarily functions as another vehicle of “accumu-
Fig. 4. Hardwood harvested from the Volta Lake lation by dispossession” whereby powerful actors seek to sustain the 
Source: Triton (2011) wheels of capitalism. 
In sum, the major outcome of neoliberal policies and the notion of 
(including the funding of a borehole at Sedorm-Yeti for water supply), providing enabling environment for foreign investment in Ghana 
these communities have nothing to show as benefits from the project created space for capital accumulation. The lake building and subse-
even as the associated adverse impacts are enormous. See Fig. 2 showing quent timber salvage project have created successive and multi- 
a photo highlighting the sentiments of demonstrators, and Figs. 3 and 4 generational impacts where communities continue to be dispossessed 
showing photos of hardwood harvested from the Lake. to allow capital accumulation. The study recommends the need for a benefit distribution and 
5. Conclusion management framework that is more capable of capturing multiple ac-tors that lay claim to resources in such complex situations and fairly 
The Timber Salvage Project on Ghana’s Volta Lake was anchored on distributing the benefits of underwater logging projects. This could 
the trilogy of ecological sustainability, expansion of the local economy include making local communities’ shareholders in projects where the 
and providing social benefits such as safer lake transport. Contrary to ownership of the resource to be extracted is historically contested like 
claims that it would boost the local economy and create employment the timber salvage project on Ghana’s Volta Lake. A similar framework 
opportunities for local communities, the project led to dispossession – i. has been applied in the Nechako reservoir in Canada where the under-
e., the restriction of fishers’ access to the lake for the pursuit of their water timber harvesting project is jointly managed by the company, the 
livelihoods while the extraction companies accumulate capital. It is a local community, and the government (Randalls and Petrokofsky, 2014: 
case of double agony for local communities. The banks of the Volta Lake 219). Secondly, to gain the support of local communities and ensure the 
in the Voltain basin have been a site of multiple dispossessions. First sustainability of the current project, DHI should take CSR more seri-
communities lost lands and ancestral homes to the construction of the ously. If done well and in collaboration with local communities, CSR can 
dam (Miescher, 2014; Tsikata 2006). And now fisherfolk are dispos- potentially offset the negative impacts extractive projects impose on 
sessed of vital fishing grounds, while landowners are denied a share of local communities. Thirdly we recommend that future projects should, 
the benefits of extracting the trees. at the outset, engage affected communities meaningfully to address all 
The extractive companies involved in the project did not see local potential conflict triggers such as unresolved compensation issues for 
communities as direct stakeholders. For them, local communities were different stakeholder groups affected by the project. The maltreatment 
already compensated during the first wave of dispossession because of and intimidation of fishers’ using the military should cease going for-
the creation of the lake. As such they should have no say in how the lake, ward if the government and DHI want to regain their trust and 
or the submerged timber are managed and utilised. The lack of trans- cooperation. 
parency concerning the project details implies the use of deception as a 
tool to dispossess. The Ghanaian government (state) and local elites Declaration of Competing Interest 
(mainly appointed officers of the president) aligned themselves with the 
extraction companies instead of protecting community interests. This The authors declare that they have no known competing financial 
facilitated the dispossession of fishers fishing space and the appropria- interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence 
tion of landowners’ customary rights over the timber in the lake. Fishers the work reported in this paper. 
have fished on the river Volta even before the creation of the lake and 
have continued to do so after its creation. The timber salvage project has References 
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E.T. Lawer and A.D. Ablo                                                                                                                                                                     T  h  e  E  x  t r a  c  t i v e   I n  d u  s t r  i e s  a  n  d   S o  c iety xxx (xxxx) xxx
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