ISLAM AND POLITICS IN THE NORTHERN REGION: FOCUS ON THE TIJANIYYA AND THE AHLU-SUNNA SECTS IN TAMALE BY ABUBAKARI MOHAMMED SADAT (10272285) THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF M.PHIL IN POLITICAL SCIENCE DEGREE JULY, 2015 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh i DECLARATION I hereby declare that this Master of Philosophy thesis is my own independent work conducted under the supervision of Dr. Iddi Ziblim. To the best of my knowledge, it contains no part previously published by another person or submitted for the award of any other degree. All references made in this work have been duly acknowledged. …………………………………………… Abubakari Mohammed Sadat 10272285 Date:………………………. ………………………………………….... ………………………………….. Dr. Iddi Ziblim Prof. Kwame Boafo-Arthur Principal Supervisor Co-Supervisor Date:……………………….. Date:……………………….. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ii ABSTRACT Like the national level, the dominant political parties in the Northern Region are the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP). The two dominant Islamic sects in the Tamale Metropolis in the Northern Region are the Ahlu- sunnas and the Tijaniyyas. Interestingly, under the Fourth Republic, most Ahlu-sunnas have aligned themselves with NDC whiles most Tijaniyyas have been affiliated with the NPP. This study sets out to investigate both the historical and contemporary reasons for these entrenched political affiliations by the two Islamic sects with the two leading political parties in the country. The study adopts the mix research approach where quantitative and qualitative methods were employed; 120 questionnaires were administered to 120 participants in a survey, interviews and focus group discussions were also organized in the Tamale Metropolis. The findings indicate that, the historical reason for these alignments is deeply rooted in the Dagbon chieftaincy matters. The contemporary reasons were the death of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in 2002 and the use of sensitive issues and cheap campaigns by politicians in Tamale. This phenomenon has militated against competent politicians who would have contributed tremendously to the democratic and socio-economic development of the Region. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iii DEDICATION This work is dedicated to all honest people. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iv TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ................................................................................................................. i ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................ ii DEDICATION ................................................................................................................... iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................... iv LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................... viii LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................. x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................................................. xi CHAPTER ONE ................................................................................................................. 1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1 1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY ......................................................................... 1 1.2 THE RESEARCH PROBLEM ................................................................................. 4 1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ....................................................................................... 6 1.4 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES ..................................................................................... 6 1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY .......................................................................... 7 1.6 RATIONALE FOR THE STUDY ............................................................................ 7 1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................ 8 1.7.1 Sociological model of voting behavior (School of Columbia) ........................... 8 1.7.2 Psychological model of voting behavior (Michigan model) ............................ 10 1.7.3 Theory of rational choice (An Economic Theory of Democracy) .................... 11 1.8 SCOPE/LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY ............................................................ 12 1.9 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY ..................................................................... 13 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v CHAPTER TWO .............................................................................................................. 14 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................. 14 2.0 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 14 2.1 THE TIJANIYYA SECT ........................................................................................ 14 2.2 THE AHLU-SUNNA SECT ................................................................................... 17 2.3 ISLAM AND POLITICS WORLDWIDE .............................................................. 19 2.4 ISLAMIC SECTS IN GHANA ............................................................................... 24 2.5 ISLAM AND POLITICS IN THE NORTHERN REGION ................................... 30 2.6 CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................... 38 CHAPTER THREE .......................................................................................................... 39 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY...................................................................................... 39 3.0 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 39 3.1 RESEARCH METHOD .......................................................................................... 39 3.1.1 Qualitative Research Method ........................................................................... 39 3.1.2 Quantitative Research Method ......................................................................... 41 3.1.3 Mixed Method .................................................................................................. 43 3.2 RESEARCH APPROACH AND DESIGN ............................................................ 44 3.3 DATA COLLECTION ............................................................................................ 46 3.3.1 Primary Data Collection ................................................................................... 46 3.3.2 Secondary Data Collection ............................................................................... 48 3.4 SAMPLE SELECTION .......................................................................................... 48 3.5 DATA ANALYSIS AND PRESENTATION......................................................... 49 3.6 CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................... 50 3.7 THE STUDY AREA-TAMALE ............................................................................. 50 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vi 3.7.1 Location and Size ............................................................................................. 50 3.7.2 Demographic Features ...................................................................................... 53 3.7.3 Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 55 CHAPTER FOUR ............................................................................................................. 56 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSIONS ...................................................................... 56 4.0 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 56 4.1 SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS ..... 56 4.1.1 Sex Distribution of Respondents ...................................................................... 57 4.1.2 Age Distribution of Respondents ..................................................................... 57 4.1.3 Educational Level of Respondents ................................................................... 58 4.1.4 Marital Status of Respondents .......................................................................... 60 4.1.5 Region of Origin of Respondents ..................................................................... 60 4.1.6 Ethnicity of Respondents .................................................................................. 61 4.1.7 Occupational Distribution of Respondents ....................................................... 62 4.2 RELIGIOUS DENOMINATION AND VOTER BEHAVIOUR ........................... 64 4.2.1 Religious Denomination of Respondents ......................................................... 64 4.2.2 Voting Pattern of respondents .......................................................................... 65 4.2.3 Political Party Voted for by the Two Denominations ...................................... 66 4.2.4 Voting Pattern and Islamic Denominations in Tamale ..................................... 68 4.2.5 Reasons for Voting by the Religious Denominations ...................................... 69 4.2.6 Reasons for Political Affiliations in the Tamale Metropolis ............................ 71 4.2.7 The History behind the Entrenched Affiliations by the Tijaniyyas and the Ahlu- sunna .......................................................................................................................... 73 4.2.8 Contemporary Reasons for the Entrenched Affiliations by the Two Sects ...... 75 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vii 4.2.9 Intra-religious affiliations in Tamale is highly political ................................... 75 4.3 INTERACTION OF POLITICS AND RELIGION IN THE TAMALE METROPOLIS .............................................................................................................. 79 4.3.1 How Tijaniyyas and Ahlu-sunnas Benefit from their Political Participation in Tamale ....................................................................................................................... 79 4.3.2 Politicians play a role in Political Affiliations in Tamale ................................ 83 4.3.3 The Role Politicians Play in Reinforcing the Voting Pattern in the Tamale Metropolis .................................................................................................................. 84 4.4 THE NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF TIJANIYYA-AHLU-SUNNA AFFILIATIONS WITH THE TWO MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE METROPOLIS .............................................................................................................. 86 4.5 WAYS TO CURB POLITICAL INTERFERENCE IN RELIGION ..................... 90 4.6 CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................... 92 CHAPTER FIVE .............................................................................................................. 93 5.0 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 93 5.1 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS .................................................................................. 94 5.2 CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................... 96 5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................................................................ 97 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................. 99 APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ 104 APPENDIX A ............................................................................................................. 104 APPENDIX B ............................................................................................................. 108 APPENDIX C ............................................................................................................. 111 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 3.1 Map of Districts in Northern Region…………………………………………51 Figure 3.2 Map of Tamale Showing Residential Areas………………………………….52 Figure 4.1 Age Distribution of Respondents…………………………………………….58 Figure 4.2 Percentage of Respondents by Education……………………………………59 Figure 4.3 Region of Origin of Respondents……………………………………………61 Figure 4.4 Ethnicity of Respondents…………………………………………………….62 Figure 4.5 Occupation of Respondents………………………………………………….63 Figure 4.6 Religious Denominations of Respondents……………..……………………65 Figure 4.7 Percentage of Political Parties voted for by the two Denominations…..…...67 Figure 4.8 Do you believe that voting pattern is linked to Islamic Denominations in Tamale?............................................................................................................................69 Figure 4.9 Why did you vote for that Political Party? .....................................................71 Figure 4.10 The root cause of Intra-religious Affiliations in Tamale is deeply rooted in Dagbon Chieftaincy matters…..…………………………………………………...……72 Figure 4.11 Intra-religious Affiliations in Tamale is highly Political…………………...76 Figure 4.12 Intra-religious Affiliations lead to Heightened Tensions in the Tamale Metropolis……………………………………………………………………………….78 Figure 4.13 Do you think both the Tijaniyyas and the Ahlu-sunnas sects benefit from this pattern of Affiliations in the Tamale Meropolis? …………………………...………….80 Figure 4.14 The Benefits of the two sects from their Political Affiliations………..…...81 Figure 4.15 Do you think Politicians play a role in this pattern of Affiliations in the Tamale Metropolis? …………………………………………..…………………………83 Figure 4.16 How Politicians maintain the current pattern of Affiliations in Tamale……85 Figure 4.17 Why Religion and Politics should be separated from one another…………88 Figure 4.18 What are the problems of associating Politics with Religion in the Tamale Metropolis…………….………………………………………………………………...89 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ix Figure 4.19 In your opinion, what should be done to stop the interaction of Religion and Politics…………………………………………………………………………………..91 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh x LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1 Religious Groupings in the Tamale Metropolis…………………………...…..54 Table 4.1 Sex of Respondents………………………………………………………..…..57 Table 4.2 Marital Status of Respondents…………………...……………………………60 Table 4.3 Have You Ever Voted in any General Elections under the Forth Republic? ...66 Table 4.4 In your opinion, should politics be tied to Religion? …………...………….…87 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh xi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the Almighty Allah for His guidance throughout this work. I would also like to express my special appreciation and thanks to my supervisor Dr. Iddi Ziblim, you have been a tremendous mentor for me. I thank you for your time, patience and encouraging my research. Prof. Kwame Boafo-Arthur, thank you for your inspiring guidance. I am using this opportunity to express my gratitude to everyone who supported me throughout the course of this study. I am thankful for your inspiring guidance, invaluable and constructive criticism and friendly advice during this project work. I am sincerely grateful to you for sharing your truthful and illuminating views on a number of issues regarding the topic. My final thanks go to my family and friends for their support all the time. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY Throughout history and contemporary societies, religion has played a major role in political development in the world. There is a symbiotic relationship between religion and politics; Politics has an independent causal effect on Religion and Religion has an independent causal effect on Politics. Weber (1904) argued that causality runs both ways between religion and politics. This relationship can have both negative and positive impact on the development of society. However, there has been a general agreement on the need to separate religion from politics and politics from religion by political scientists. The relation between religion and politics continues to be an important theme in political philosophy, despite the emergent consensus on the right to freedom of conscience and on the need for some sort of separation between church and state. One reason for the importance of this topic is that religions often make strong claims on people’s allegiance, and universal religions make these claims on all people, rather than just a particular community. For example, Islam has traditionally held that all people owe obedience to Allah’s will. Thus, it is probably inevitable that religious commitments will sometimes come into conflict with the demands of politics. But religious beliefs and practices also potentially support politics in many ways. (Callaway, 2009) The autonomy of the state has been recognized since the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. “Under this treaty, the authority of the Pope over Europe’s people was radically curtailed. Without this rival spiritual authority, states were free to direct religion within their own territory, subordinating the spiritual to the political.”(O’Neil, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh http://www.iep.utm.edu/polphil 2 2007). Thomas Hobbes in the Leviathan sees religion and its divisiveness as a source of political instability, and argues that the sovereign has the right to determine which opinions may be publicly espoused and disseminated, a power necessary for maintaining civil peace. In recent times, France has passed a law that makes it illegal for students to wear cloths which have religious significance such as the hijab. The rationalization by the French government was that, there was the need to separate religion and the state: to keep France united and not being divided by religion. However, if the right to one’s conscience can be the right to choose and believe in the religion of one’s choice, then this can be seen as interference in one’s faith by the state. Attention has been drawn on Islam and the West, for that matter democratic politics, in the last century and more; especially after the September 11 attack on the United State. Scholars have argued on both the compatibility and the inconsistency of the two cultures. Tauseef (2011) observed that: Islamic resurgence and democratization are two of the most important developments of the 20 th century that have gained an impetus from the final decades. Within these two developments, the question of the relationship between Islam and democracy - the compatibility and co-existence of the teachings of Islam with the principles of democracy – an issue that has now highly intensified – is a theme that is hotly debated, defined, and discussed by the diversity of voices - facing the Muslim world today. There is a misconception (among various scholars, both Muslims and non Muslims) that Islam and democracy are incompatible institutions.( Tauseef Ahmed Parray, 2011) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3 Religious conflicts are now a major feature of world conflicts today. Evidence can be seen in the insurgency among the Shiah and Sunni Muslims in Baghdad, Syria, Iran, Pakistan and Jos in Nigeria. Islam has a considerable long existence in Ghana and in the Northern part of the country in particular. Samwini (2006) observes that Islam has been in Ghana since the 16 th century: among the Gonja in the middle of the 16 th century, among the Dagombas and Wala in the 17 th century and by the 18 th century it was in the South specifically among the Asante. Throughout these periods Muslims have lived peacefully among themselves and their Christian and Indigenous neighbours. However, the beginning of Islamic resurgence in Ghana can be traced to the emergence of new sects such as the Ahmadiyyah Movement and Ahlu-sunna Wal Jama’a according to Samwini (2006).Their teachings, practices and religious observations are often inconsistent with one another often leading to violent confrontations among them especially in the Northern Region. “This region has experienced a number of conflicts, new and old, small and large. These conflicts include religious, chieftaincy and land conflicts.” (Awedoba, 2009). In 1992, the ban on partisan politics was lifted in Ghana. The New Patriotic Party (NPP) was formed out of the Danquah/Busia Club of the UP tradition. The Eagle Club of the PNDC transformed itself into the National Democratic Congress (NDC). Unlike the NPP, the NDC had no preindependence political root and tradition and, therefore had to draw support from the two main traditions, thus had their followers from both the Abudus and Andanis (two chieftaincy rival gates in Dagbon). The NDC therefore had no party position on the Dagbon chieftaincy and this attitude effectively contained the crisis University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4 during the first two terms of their rule in the Fourth Republic (Yakubu, 2005). However, after their first two terms in office, the NDC turn to associate itself with the Andanis more than the Abudus and the Ahlu-sunnas more than the Tijaniyyas. These violent confrontations are more prominent between the two major Islamic sects in the Northern Region (the Tijaniyya, and the Ahlu-sunna). Unfortunately, these confrontations also turn to have political dimension which turn to strengthen the division between these two sects in the Region. It is against this background that the study seeks to investigate the two major Islamic sects in Tamale and their participation in Politics under the Forth Republic. 1.2 THE RESEARCH PROBLEM Tamale, the Northern Regional capital and one of the largest commercial towns of the country inhabits diverse ethnic groups with different religious backgrounds. According to the 2010 Population and Housing Census, Islam is the predominant religion in the Tamale Metropolis with 84% of the population affiliated to it. Barker observes that: Tamale in particular is becoming an important Muslim centre. Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States are channeling oil wealth into promoting Islam in Africa, and in recent years a series of new Muslim institutions has appeared on the scene. In Tamale alone there are over dozen Muslim missionaries at the present time. (Barker, 1986) The Muslim population consists of Tijaniyyah, Ahlu-sunna, the Ahmadiyyah and the Shiites. The dominant two are the Tijaniyya, and the Ahlu-sunna sects. Aside chieftaincy and land, Awedoba, (2009) identifies religious differences, partisan politics and disagreement between communities about ‘Order of Precedence’ and University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5 abuse or over use of communal resources as conflict triggers in the North. All the Islamic sects identified in Ghana based their teachings and practices on the Quran and the Hadith hence they have similar ideologies. However, the practices of the Tijaniyya, and the Ahlu-sunna sects often lead to violent confrontations between and among them in the Tamale metropolis “… the Tijaniyya and the Ahlu-sunna Waljama’a are the two most dominant groups, whose religious practices have contributed largely to radicalizing Muslim youth and hence predisposing them to potential violence” (Kwesi and Mustapha, 2008). The two major sects have aligned themselves with the two main political parties and enjoy support from these political parties. That is the Tijaniyyas tend to align themselves with the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the Ahlu-sunnas tend to align themselves with the National Democratic Congress (NDC). What is more, the two sects are sharply divided along the Chieftaincy divide in the Dagbon conflict. With these alignments, political violence will be viewed as religious violence and also the Dagbon Chieftaincy conflict will be seen as a political conflict and a religious conflict. Whereas the subject of Chieftaincy and Politics in Northern Ghana has been widely researched and discussed in academic literature, very little research, if any, has been done on the interaction of Islam and Politics in the Northern Region. This study therefore seeks to fill the gap in the literature on the topic. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6 1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS The study would be guided by the following research questions: 1. What factors account for the entrenched affiliations of the two sects with the two major political parties? 2. What roles have political parties performed to maintain these affiliations? 3. What benefits do the two sects get in maintaining these affiliations? 4. What are the negative consequences of the marriage between Religion and Politics in Tamale? 1.4 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES The research has the main objective of examining the reason(s) why the two major religious sects are entrenched in their political affiliations in Tamale. Specifically, the study seeks to achieve the following objectives: 1. To examine the historical and contemporary reasons for the entrenched political affiliations by the two sects. 2. To investigate the role political parties play in the entrenchment of these affiliations by the two sects. 3. To examine what the two sects benefit from maintaining their affiliations with these two political parties. 4. To reveal the negative consequences of their affiliations with the two major political parties. 5. To offer possible recommendations to deal with the current pattern of political affiliation in Tamale. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 7 1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY 1. The research will reveal the weaknesses associated with Ghana’s political participation and affiliations that often lead to violence in the country. This will help guide politicians and policy makers, especially the security services. 2. This study will fill the gap in literature on political participation and affiliations that often lead to heightened tension and violence. 3. Findings of the research will help promote Ghana’s democracy. 4. Finally, the research will provide recommendations and suggestions that will help reduce the violence associated with political participation and affiliation if not completely eliminated. 1.6 RATIONALE FOR THE STUDY Even though a lot of scholarly works on Islam and Politics have been done, it tends to be concentrated around the Middle East and in particular the Levantine Countries and North African Countries which are predominantly Muslim areas. In the specific case of Tamale, less scholarly work has been done on the interaction between Islam and Politics which involves the increasingly affiliation of the two major Islamic sects (the Tijaniyyas and and the Ahlu-sunnas) with the two major political parties in the country. These entrenched affiliations sometimes lead heightened tension in Tamale. Meanwhile, in recent years, a lot of countries have experienced political turmoil as a result of the interference of religion and politics. It is therefore prudent to investigate into the factors that give rise to political participation and sometimes lead to violence in our democracy and pose a threat to democratic growth. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 8 Findings and recommendations from this research will therefore provide an input to empirical studies of the interaction of religion and politics in Ghana. Also, important lessons from this study shall guide the policy advising community on how to deal with intra religious and or political violence in order to safeguard our democracy. 1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Theories often serve as the basis for research and also provide guidance for research ideas. “A theory is a conceptualization, or description, of a phenomenon that attempts to integrate all that we know about the phenomenon into a concise statement or question” (Geoffrey et al 2005). “… a set of interrelated constructs (variables) definitions and propositions that presents a systematic view of phenomena by specifying relations among variables with the purpose of explaining natural phenomena.” Kirlinger (1979:64). This section discusses the theoretical basis within which the study is conducted. This study will be guided by the theoretical models that explain voter behavior. They include the sociological model of voting behavior, the psychological model of voting behavior and the rational choice model. 1.7.1 Sociological model of voting behavior (School of Columbia) The theoretical assumptions of this model are found in these three important works: The People’s Choice: How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and Gaudet, 1944), A Study of Opinion Formation in a Presidential Campaign (Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee 1954) and Personal Influence: University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 9 The Part Played by People in the Flow of Mass Communications. (Katz and Lazarsfeld, 1955). The basic conclusion of Lazarsfeld et al. (1944) was that ‘Political homogeneity of social groups’ account for how people vote for a candidate or a party. That is “the majority of voters voted according to their original political predisposition” The association between electoral behavior and the social groups to which they belonged was so strong that it was possible to explain the electoral choices using only the three factors that defined the Index of Political Predisposition used in research: socio-economic status, religion and area of residence. (Antunes, 2008). Lazersfeld et al observed that: There is a familiar adage in American folklore to the effect that a person is only what he thinks he is, an adage which reflects the typically American notion of unlimited opportunity, the tendency toward self-betterment, etc. Now we find that the reverse of the adage is true: a person thinks, politically, as he is, socially. Social characteristics determine political preference. (Lazarsfeld et al., 1968, p. 69) The campaign massages that fit well in a social group of voters are more likely to result in the voting choices of these voters at the end of an election. Voters are persuaded to vote for a particular candidate or party, not as a result of the analysis of the ‘proposal’ or the manifesto submitted by the candidate or the party but they follow the pressure from members of their group or community. In considering the case of the Tijaniyya, and the Ahlu-sunna sects in Tamale, it can be argued that the Tijaniyya group vote for NPP because they belong to that religious sect and feel pressured to vote for it than a careful analysis of the manifesto of the NPP. In the same vein, the Ahlu-sunna group vote for University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 10 the NDC not as a result of the analysis of the NDC manifesto but because they belong to that religious group and feel pressured to vote for the NDC. 1.7.2 Psychological model of voting behavior (Michigan model) This model has its origin from the studies conducted by the Survey Research Centre at the University of Michigan. It was conducted during the 1948 U.S. presidential elections. The results of this election were subsequently analyzed by Campbell and Kahn (1952) in the People Elect a President. The Report of the election was presented by Campbell, Gurin and Miller (1954) in The Voter Decides. This led the publication of the book The American Voter, written by Campbell, Converse Miller and Stokes (1960). The main assumption of this model of “…voting behavior is partisanship which is designed as a psychological affinity, stable and lasting relationship with a political party that does not necessarily translate into a concrete link, namely registration, or consistently voting and systematically militancy with this party” (Antunes, 2008). … partisanship is acquired through a socialization process, influenced by the values and attitudes of family, colleagues and peers, a process that Miller and Shanks (1996) considered similar to that which leads subjects to identify a religion. This emotional link the subject to “their” political party can be achieved with varying degrees of involvement in a process analogous to what happens with the connection of individuals to a religion, manifested in ways as different as going from non-religious to deeply religious. In this perspective, partisanship is a genuine form of social identification in which “citizens have an enduring sense of what sorts of people belong to various parties and whether they identify with these social groups” (Green, Palmquist, & Schickler, 2002, p. ix). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 11 With this model, the individual forms psychological attachment and long lasting relationship with a political party. This partisanship is acquired through a socialization process, influenced by the values and attitudes of family, colleagues and peers. Considering the case of the Tijaniyya, and the Ahlu-sunna sects in Tamale, one can argue that members of the Tijaniyya sect have formed psychological attachment with the NPP and members of the Ahlu-sunna sect have also formed psychological attachment with NDC. This attachment is passed down from generation to generation in the family. 1.7.3 Theory of rational choice (An Economic Theory of Democracy) The theoretical basis for the economic explanation of voting behavior is found in the work of Anthony Downs (1957): “An Economic Theory of Democracy.” It has the premise that: “if the assumptions of rational choice are able to explain the market, then they can explain the political functioning” It establishes a direct comparison between consumers in a market and voters in an election and between businesses and political parties. “If companies seek to maximize profits and consumers act to maximize the utility, we can, then, theorize in the sense that voters seek to maximize the utility of their vote as the parties act to maximize electoral gains obtained from their political proposals” (Antunes, 2008). Down notes that: Our main thesis is that parties in democratic politics are analogous to entrepreneurs in a profit-seeking economy. So as, to attain their private ends, they formulate whatever policies they believe will gain the most votes, just as entrepreneurs produce whatever products they believe will gain the most profits for the same reason. In order to examine the implications of this thesis, we have assumed that citizens behave rationally in politics. (Downs, 1957, pp. 295-296). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 12 Like this model is use to explain the functioning of the market. That is, if companies seek to maximize profits and consumers act to maximize utility, then it make sense for voters to maximize the utility of their votes as parties act to maximize electoral gains. The model works on the basic premise that all decisions, both the decisions of voters and political parties, are rational: guided by their selfish interest and based on the principle of utility maximization. From this, it can be suggested that both the Tijaniyya, and the Ahlu-sunna sects have their selfish interest in their affiliation with the two major political parties. The study focus on how an individual’s association with his/her influences him/her to vote for a particular hence the sociological model of voting behavior guided the researcher in the execution of this study. 1.8 SCOPE/LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY This research is placed within the scope of political participation and why political party affiliations by the two major Islamic sects (the Tijaniyyas and the Ahlu-sunnas) in the Tamale Metropolis often lead to heightened tensions and violence. In carrying out this study, the researcher anticipates the following challenges; 1. The research makes reference to historical factors relating to the cause(s) of these political affiliations by the two major Islamic sects. But due to the sensitive nature of the issues involved and the stretch of period it has gone through, the study might ask more questions than it can answer. 2. The researcher anticipates financial constraints since the research is not financed. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 13 3. Access to some important information from political leaders and religious leaders might hinder the smooth conduct of this research since they are busy people. 1.9 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY In terms of the organization, the work is grouped into five chapters. Chapter One is the introductory chapter which includes the background of the study, the statement of the problem, the research questions, the research objectives, the theoretical framework for the study. Also included in this chapter are the rationale for the study, the scope and limitations of the study and finally the organization of the work. Chapter Two is made up of the relevant literature. Literature is reviewed on Islam and Politics worldwide, Islamic sects in Ghana and Islam and Politics in the Northern Region. Chapter Three focuses on the methodological approach within which the work is carried out and the study area. Chapter Four focuses on the types of data collected for the study, methods, and procedures for data collection and the steps for data processing. Also, sources from which data are collected and discussed are included in this chapter. Finally, Chapter Five summarizes the findings from the analysis of the study, conclusions and recommendations of the study. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 14 CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 INTRODUCTION There are a number of scholarly works on Islam and Politics, especially between the second half of the 20 th century and the beginning of the 21 st century. Majority of these works cover the Middle East and in particular the Levantine Countries and North African Countries which are mostly Muslim dominated areas. Different scholars based on their backgrounds have given different explanations for the renewed interest in the area in recent times. However, there is no specific study on Islam and Politics in the Northern Region of Ghana with focus on two Islamic sects in Tamale and their participation in politics. The study is novel regarding its specific objectives. The literature review will be categorized into major themes. 2.1 THE TIJANIYYA SECT Tijaniyya Tariqah (way) is a sufi movement that originated from the teachings of sheikh Ahmad Tijani who was an Algerian scholar. He saw himself and the followers of his movement to be superior to the other Tariqah or sufi-groups. While the other sufi-groups (Qadiriyya, Iddrisiyya, Sanusiyya) focused on the mystical relationship between the believer and Allah, the Tijaniyya movement focused on the mystical relationship between the believer and the Prophet. Annette (2003) observes that, Sufi religious practice is marked by a commitment of the individual to mystical powers. One important propagator of the Tijaniyya movement in the southern Sahara was Al-hajj Umar Tall. He was a Fulani jihadist of the mid-19 th century (Vikor, 2000). Known for University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 15 his intelligence and learning, Al-Hajj Umar went to Mecca in 1826-30, where he became a disciple of Muhammad Al-Ghali, a direct disciple of Sheikh Ahmad Tijani, and was made Khalifa (representative of authority) of the order for West Africa (Abun-Nasr, 1965). After returning from the pilgrimage, Al-Hajj Umar married the daughter of Muhammad Al-Ghali and helped him fight his enemies for eight years in the Islamic Court of Sokoto. According to Robinson(2000), this stay was decisive in his later trajectory, when after returning to his homeland of Futa Toro and establishing a Tijani center of learning, aI-Hajj 'Umar launched his jihad in 1852, which spread through present-day Guinea, Senegal and Mali. He conquered Western Sudan, ordering its ‘pagan’ inhabitants to Islam, while at the same time spreading sheikh Tijani’s way among those who are already Muslims (Triaud 2000). Tijaniyya’s greatest expansion occurred around the mid-19 th century (Zackery 2012). According to Zackery (2012), the Algeria spread of Tijaniyya was due to the fact that the Tijaniyya leaders gained favoritism with the French colonialist leaders. If it was not for the French pull, Tijaniyya may have not had that strong of a hold in Algeria. Since then Tijaniyya has spread rapidly throughout Africa. Sheikh Ibrahim Niasse (1900-1975), a Senegalese scholar, through his revivalist movement helped spread the Tijaniyya ideology throughout Senegal and other West African countries. Sheikh Ibrahim Niasse was West Africa’s most renowned Islamic scholar in the 20 th century. His followers numbered in the millions and comprised the largest single Muslim movement in West Africa (Hiskett, 1984). The ideology of the Tijaniyya movement is fundamentally the same as any other sect in Islam. The actual differences are in three forms: University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 16 1. The recitation of the wirds (litany) of the order. The wirds are performed twice daily, (morning and evening) and consist of: recitation of the formula of penitence Astaghfiru Allah (I beg forgiveness of God) 100 times. 2. The wazifa (office) at least once in the morning, Saying a prayer for the Prophet, preferably in the form of the Tijani prayer Salat al- Fatih(O God, bless and salute the advent of the Truth; the greatest treasure, Thy mysterious Light. May God bless the Prophet and his household, a prayer which brings us to knowledge of him) 100 times. 3. Participation in the hadra (seance) on Friday. Reciting the formula of the Hailalah, La Ilaha illa Allah (There is no god but Allah) 100 times. (Vikor, 2000) Annette (2003) observes that through the daily ritual practices a believer expresses his or her submission and devotion to God. But, he becomes more religiously devoted through such additional practices of the Tijaniyya. The Tijaniyya Tariqah (way) is one of the Sufi movements with considerable Muslim population in Tamale. Annette (2003) states that, the Sufi Brotherhood was introduced to northern Ghana during the late 19 th century by some Hausa scholars who came into contact with Al-hajj Umar Tall. Al-hajj Umar of Kete Krachi who was one of the followers of Al-Hajj Umar Tall, settled in Salaga in the Northern Region and became the spiritual leader of the Tijaniyyah in Ghana. Annette (2003) also argues that, the visit by Sheikh Ibrahim Niasse to Tamale in 1952 won more supporters for the Tijaniyyas as this visit placed emphasis on the characteristics of the Sufi way of Islamic practice. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 17 During the late 1870s, Salaga was an important commercial center in Ghana. When the Salaga market broke down by the end of the 19 th century, the Hausa clerics and traders spread all over the Region and thus propagating the teachings of the Tijaniyya movement to other parts of the Region including Tamale. Today it is estimated that the Tijaniyya population in Tamale number about 200,000 and still growing. 2.2 THE AHLU-SUNNA SECT The term ‘Ahlu-sunna’ refers to the teachings and practices of the Prophet. This indicates that, what the Prophet did and did not is of much concern to this group. Ahlu- sunna Waljama’a (Wahabism) originated from Saudi Arabia around 1745 as a radical reformist movement in the Middle East. This radical movement was led by Abdul- Wahab, a Saudi Arabian. His teachings were being influenced by the 13 th century teaching of Taymiya from the Hanbali School. The Hanbali is one of the four leading Imams of the Sunni School in Saudi Arabia. The other schools are Shafi, Hanafi and Maliki. The Tijaniyya movement follows the Maliki School while the Ahlu-sunna follows either of them depending on the circumstance and issue at hand. Abdul-Wahab preaching aims at the purification of Islam from the influences of foreigners and their modernization and innovations. Wahabism is therefore a way of going back to the original Sunni as practiced by the Prophet Muhammad, and not an innovation or modernization. There seems to be consensus among historians like Robinson (2004) and Boahen (1966) on how Ghanaian Muslims became exposed to Islamic ideas and the Islamic world. To them, philanthropic institutions and Islamic missionary institutions in Algeria, Pakistan, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 18 Libya, Egypt and Saudi Arabia offered scholarships to a number of students in their respective countries. These students came into contact with new ideas and trends in Islam which they brought to West Africa after graduation. Annette (2003) observes that, Al-hajj Yussuf Ajura a beneficiary of these scholarships, inspired by the Saudi Arabian orientation on Islam in the late 1940s, nursed an interest and by the 1950s introduced such new ideas in Tamale. The purpose of his idea was to move away from the Wangara and Hausa doctrines (Sufi traditions) as well as its leading personalities in these traditions. According to Kwesi and Mustapha (2008), Afa Ajura in the 1950s drew the attention of the Saudi government and established a close contact with the Saudi Embassy in Ghana. This subsequently resulted in him attracting financial support from Muslim philanthropists and Muslim Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) through the Saudi Embassy in Ghana. “Thus, Afa Ajura established the first Sunni Madrasa (Islamic school) known as Ambariyya Islamic Institute in Tamale. This became a training ground for the youth. Thus, he inculcated in the youth radical consciousness and high sense of revivalism.” Kwesi and Mustapha (2008) Annette (2003) stated that, Afa Ajura as an upcoming scholar gathered more supporters after the visit by Sheikh Ibrahim Niasse to Tamale in 1952, as his visit emphasized more on the Tijaniyya way of Islamic practices. This partially led to construction of the Ahlu- sunna Mosque at Sakasaka in Tamale. Like the Ambariya Islamic Institute, this project was financially supported by the Saudi Embassy. According to Kaba (2000), it was in the 1967 that Afa Ajura and group gained a substantial support to observe Friday prayers at the Sakasaka Mosque which he started in University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 19 1953. This made the break away from the Sufi tradition come true. Afa Ajura later joined the newly formed group of Ghanaian students from Saudi Arabia with the aim of ending what they termed innovation of Islam in Ghana by the Tijaniyyas. “In Ghana, the Ahlus-unna, which is an off-shoot of Wahabists was formally launched as an Islamic Movement in 1997 with a written constitution.” Kwesi and Mustapha (2008) 2.3 ISLAM AND POLITICS WORLDWIDE Abid (2003), in his work ‘The End of Democracy’ provides a thought-provoking, persuasive and conclusive study pointing out the solutions for the problems caused by the failure of secular democracy. According to Abid, democracy has failed and is being used and abused especially following September 11. Democracy has been undermined by a minority ruling elite to curtail civil liberties and mislead the public at home, whilst waging wars of domination abroad. The author argues that “since the positive aspects of democracy are part of Islam, thereby undermining the case that Islam is incompatible with democracy; it will be Islam that will ultimately challenge and triumph over liberal democracy as we know it” Abid (2003). Abid sees Islamism and democracy in a –‘zero-sum-game’ and has already announced the – ‘demise of democracy’ and the triumph of Islamism, acknowledges that the positive values of democracy are also included in Islam. He argues and concludes among other things that democracy is not a challenge to Islam, but rather Islam is a challenge to the – ‘most exploited concept of democracy’ (Abid 2003:pp.67) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 20 Nathan (2013) examined Islam and Politics in the wake of Egypt’s 2011national uprising. In his work, Islam and Politics in the New Egypt, identified three growing influence of Islamic forces: The Muslim Brotherhood which is experienced and “has shown tactical agility in winning electoral victories”. However, the Brotherhood “still needs a clear strategic vision that enables it to change from an opposition social movement dedicated to the reform of all society into a competitive political party”. The second Islamic force is the Salafis which have also enjoyed electoral victories even though they are less politically experienced compared to the Muslim Brotherhood. The third force is the state religious institutions like Egypt’s premier Sunni center of learning (the al-Azhar) which has a legal basis and has achieved a more prominent role. To him, they must learn how to reconcile their dedication to religious truth and democratic politics. And they have to learn how to form disciplined political organizations out of a formerly diffuse leadership of preachers and scholars. (Nathan 2013). The role of this institution is supported by the constitution. Appointment of its leaders is a political affair. “… fiscal dependence of al-Azhar on the Egyptian state and the fact that the sheikh of al-Azhar was a presidential appointment deeply rankled some scholars inside and outside of the institution” (Nathan 2013). However, public pressure is likely to displace its autonomy. He also identified three underlying trends: 1. Islamic forces are being reshaped by their participation in politics. The Muslim Brotherhood, Salafis, and state institutions related to Islam are plunging into the new environment unaware of and unable to control the ways politics will change them. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 21 2. Egypt is not following Iran’s path toward theocracy, but when religion enters the realm of politics it will not remain unchanged. Clerics are not gaining positions of political power, state institutions continue to function, and democratic practices still manage to limp along, though they are increasingly threatened by distrust and polarization. 3. Religion will undoubtedly play a major part in the new Egypt—though the exact role is unclear. Islamic forces that want to use the power of the state to build a more religious society may one day conclude that they should have wished more carefully. (Nathan 2013). He noted ‘A Confusing Egyptian Path’ in the conclusion of his work: Even though religion will play an important role in future, it seems to be unclear how it would be done and whether the Egyptian understanding of religion will change largely in the processes. There is a strong belief in religion in Egypt which manifests itself in the state institutions. They are seeking to build an Egypt where public space continues to be favorable for religion, but faith maintains some distance from political authority and the contaminations of day-to-day politics. (Nathan 2013). From his study, it is clear that, religion and politics are two fundamental issues that cannot be undermined in Egypt. Egypt cannot build a strong political system that undermines its faith. Any attempt in reforming politics should consider the various factions which have different objectives and political experiences in the Egyptian society. Egypt’s experience is not manifested in general elections. This study on Islam and Politics in Tamale is focused on electoral politics since the inception of the Fourth Republic. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 22 Esposito and Voll (1996) examine the relationship between Islam and Democracy, between the global level of democratization and the development of what is often called Islamic fundamentalism or Islamism. To Esposito and Voll, while they will not go so far as to say that Islamism is helpful to democracy, they try to refute the common Western opinion; Islamism is a threat to democracy. In this book, they say much on the positive side: they argue in favor of compatibility of Islam and democracy. They point out that democracy and Islamic resurgence have become complementary agencies in many countries. The book, ‘Islam and Democracy’ explores the Islamic beliefs and institutions relevant to the current debate over greater political participation and democratization. Esposito and Voll use six case studies - Algeria, Egypt, Iran, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Sudan - to look at the diversity of Muslim experiences. The study concluded that: “… despite differing national contexts and identities give rise to a multiplicity of agendas and strategies. This broad spectrum of case studies, reflecting the multifaceted relationship of Islam and Democracy, provides important insight into the powerful forces of religious resurgence and democratization which will inevitably impact global politics in the 21 st century”.(Esposito and Voll, 1996). The work’s comprehensive analysis of the complex and dynamic relations between Islamic resurgence and democratization is extremely important. It acknowledges the fact that religious resurgence and democracy have an important role to play in this 21 st century global politics. It provides the basis of the transformation of the Islamic societies currently, especially Algeria, Egypt, and Tunisia. This work is important to the study in University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 23 the sense that it admits the critical role Islam performs in any Muslim community: democracy cannot be enhanced without taking into account the culture of the society. Vitaly N. etal (2013), in their work “Islam in Politics: Ideology or Pragmatism?” examines the disturbing events in the Arab Awakening in the Middle East and North Africa in between 2011 to 2012. To them, the event brought significant socio-political transformations in the region ranging from the collapse of decades-old autocratic regimes and the rise of new political environment. It also left bloody protracted conflicts involving ethno-religious and political forces. The event has affected different countries in different ways and however they all have a common feature –“the emergence of predominately Sunni Islamist parties and movements in the political arena, who have since taken power in Tunisia and Egypt” (Vitaly N. etal 2013: pp 62). To them the situation in those countries is still chaotic and extremely volatile. It is therefore natural for experts and politicians to offer divergent views on the causes and future prospects of these sweeping changes in the region. To them, the religious, historical and cultural identity of both the society and the state has moved to the top of the political agenda in the countries of the Arab Awakening. There is accusations and counter-accusation between the Secular parties and the Islamists religious groups. “Secular parties accuse Islamists of exploiting religion to seize power and being unfit to govern. The Islamists defend themselves by pointing to the long track record of success in the social and administrative spheres as well as regional politics”. (Vitaly N. etal, 2013: pp 67). They argued that, in order to create a well functioning democracy, the Islamists must become agents of change. “Islamists are drawing a line between democracy as a University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 24 principle of exercising power (which they accept) and democracy as a set institutions and procedures borrowed from the West (which they reject)”(Vitaly N. etal 2013: pp 69). However, Secular forces have shown their weakness in the post-revolutionary periods and focusing on attracting voters for next elections instead of addressing the fundamental issues facing their countries and national development. To them the survival of society and the state in the region is contingent “on the ability of the governing forces to halt the erosion of government institutions, ensure social and national security, and meet the moral and ethical requirements of the people”(Vitaly N. etal 2013: pp 72). They therefore concluded that the ‘current authorities are facing much bigger security challenges than their predecessors, and with extremely limited resources’ way forward is to build a system free from the old system and ‘combine political democracy with social democracy’. Their work is extremely important to this study in the sense that it discusses some correlation between religion and politics. Their analysis shows how Islamist groups can use politics to satisfy their religious ends and also how political elites can also use religion for their political advantage. This study therefore looks at the interaction between religion and politics in Tamale. 2.4 ISLAMIC SECTS IN GHANA Samwini (2006), in his book The Muslim resurgence in Ghana since 1950: Its effects upon Muslims and Muslim-Christian relations, observes that, Islam has had an early contact with the people of Ghana especially among the Northern part. He stated that, Muslims have performed important roles in the historical development of some tribes University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 25 notably the Wala, the Gonja, the Dagomba, and the Mamprisi and in the South, the Asante and the Costal tribes in Ghana. He also examined the tremendous success it has achieved in the area of education, health, trade, and finance among others. He examined the role played by visiting Islamic clerics all over the world in the historical development of many towns in Ghana like Wa, Kumasi, Kintampo, Salaga, Keta Krachi, Wenchi, Techiman and the Fante areas among others. The historical relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims is assessed by the author: he noted that Muslims have lived peacefully among themselves and among their Christian and Indigenous neighbours. He examined the ideological discrepancies among Muslims and identified intolerance, radical preaching, leadership among other factors to be the root causes for intra-religious conflicts among Muslims communities in contemporary Ghana. Samwini’s work is important to this current study since it argues that, the Islamic religion had an early contact with the people of the north; this clearly indicates that Islam has influenced the lives and the general way of life of the people in the North. It also indicates that if any meaning study has to be done on the people of the North, the Islamic religion must be taking into consideration. The relation of his work to the current study is also seen when he noted that, the root causes of the intra-religious conflicts are the ideological differences among Muslims, intolerance, radical preaching and leadership. Kwesi and Mustapha (2008) examined the Islamic radicalization and violence in Ghana. This was part of a broader study to examine the incidences of radicalization in West Africa. They noted that, the intensity and frequency of radicalization and violence in Ghana cannot be compared to many West African countries. They identified ideological differences among various Islamic sects as a potential source of Islamic radicalization University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 26 and violence in Ghana. “…emerging doctrinal and interpretational differences in Islamic ideologies and other factors (socio-economic, political, demographic, external influence) may contribute to Islamic radicalization and violence in Ghana”. They identified five Islamic religious groups in Ghana to include Tijaniyya, Ahlussanna Waljama’a, Ahmadiyya Movement, Shiite and, Jama’at Tabligh. They observed “that the Tijaniyya and the Ahlussunna Waljama’a are the two most dominant groups, whose religious practices have contributed largely to radicalizing Muslim youth and hence predisposing them to potential violence. They observed that the Ahlussunna Waljama’a holds radical views about the religion which has a potential of radicalizing the Muslim youth in contemporary Ghana. To them, the perpetration of violence is not a preserved of the Ahlu-sunna group alone, the Tijaniyya; in its efforts to maintain the status quo have also been involved in violence because of “doctrinal and interpretational differences”. The Ahmadiyyah Movement in their belief in another prophet other than Prophet Muhammad, who is widely accepted by the other sects as the seal prophets, has also been involved in violent confrontations. The study however acknowledges that “no attempt has been identified by any of the group to undermine the authority of the state”. Even though, their work is comprehensive in understanding the nature of intra-religious violence, it did not explain why the Ahlu-sunna and the Tijaniyya sects are sharply divided along the NDC and NPP and between the Andani and Abudu gates in the Dagbon chieftaincy crisis respectively. It has however enlightened us more on the possible reasons intra-Muslim conflicts are usually between the Ahlu-sunna and the Tijaniyya. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 27 Mbillah (1999), in his study, The Causes of Present day Muslim Unrest in Ghana, examines two historical stages of Islam; the peaceful stage and the militant stage. The study further examines the political and ethnic factors that are responsible for the intra- Muslim conflicts in Ghana in the 1950’s; these factors became the divisive elements of Muslims since the 1950’s. The work identified the doctrinal differences as a cause for the intra-Muslim conflicts in Ghana. The study also put more emphasis on the effects of intra-religious conflicts on the relationship among Muslims. He work also included Muslim-Christian doctrinal conflicts and how several meetings are held by Muslim and Christian leaders in Ghana to resolve these conflicts. Even though Mbillah’s work acknowledges the existence of intra-Muslim conflicts and violence in Ghana; however, it did not talk about the specific case of the political affiliation by the religious sects in the Tamale Metropolis and their political participation in national elections. Tsikata and Seini (2004) in their work: Identities, Inequalities and Conflicts in Ghana, argued that Ghana is currently enjoying a peaceful and stable environment compared to its neighbours which ‘is worthy of attention’. To them, despite this ‘relative stability’, Ghana’s ‘periodic flaring up of conflicts into serious violence has become a source of worry’. Their work brought to light “the emergence of particular identities and inequalities and their role in promoting instability, conflict and violence”. Tsikata and Seini (2004) “understanding the emergence and dynamics of certain identities in any place is complicated by a number of factors”. For instance, those who “consider identities such as ethnicity to be primordial are correct in that identities are not simple to University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 28 assume and discard”. To them, inequalities in Ghana occur in terms of economic development and natural resource endowment. Tsikata and Seini observed that: “Inequalities tend to arise principally out of differences in economic development and to some extent endowment in natural resources. A glaring pattern of inequality in Ghana manifests itself in the North-South dichotomy in development. A number of studies have emphasized the broad disparity between the North and the South of the country in terms of levels of economic development and the general quality of life resulting in the relative backwardness of Northern Ghana in relation to Southern Ghana”. (Tsikata and Seini, 2004) They opined that, these differences in development between the North and the South has never resulted in any conflict in Ghana. However, they identified different categories of continuous conflict, some of it violent to include; “… inter-ethnic conflicts, mostly centred on control over land and other resources and sovereignty issues; intra ethnic conflicts around land ownership, competing uses of land and the siting of institutions and services, but mostly about chieftaincy succession; and conflicts between state institutions, such as the police and communities, over policing and law and order issues arising from communal conflicts and inter-personal disputes”. (Tsikata and Seini, 2004) On the issue of religious conflicts, they observed that religious conflicts in Ghana are not in the same degree compared to other West African countries. However, there still exist “longstanding religious conflicts; some involving intra- and interethnic rivalries, periodically break into violence”. They stated the following religious conflicts in Ghana from 1996 to 2000: There have been violent incidents 1996, a religious clash between Kotokoli and Dagomba at the Akim Oda Zongo resulted in six deaths, the burning of ten houses and destruction of property worth millions of cedis (GT, 17/9/96). Clashes have been reported between Muslim groups at Wa in theUpper West Region (GTR, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 29 15/12/97), Tamale in the Northern Region (GT, 6/12/1997) and Kumasi in the Ashanti Region (GT, 5/9/98. In 1994 and 1998, there were clashes between the Tijaniya and Al Sunna Muslims at Wenchi in the Brong Ahafo Region (GT, 6/10/97; 29/1/98). The 1998 violence in which four persons died, twenty four others were seriously injured and property destroyed was triggered by a dispute between the two groups over proprietary rights over the Wenchi Muslim cemetery (GT, 19/1/98). There was a suggestion by the then Inspector General of Police (IGP) that there could be non-Ghanaians involved in the conflict, when he stated that if foreigners were found to be behind the violence, they would be deported (GT, 27/1/1998). The Tijanniya and Al-Sunni also clashed at Tamale in the Northern Region, where one person died and several were injured (GT 9/12/97). At another dispute between Muslims at Chereponi in the Northern Region over who should become the next imam after the serving imam died, police were called upon to prevent violence (GT, 15/4/2000). (Tsikata and Seini, 2004) However, the authors concluded, violent incidents between Muslims and Christians is on the decline over those years. “In the period when all the Intra-Muslim disputes were reported, there were no reports of violence between Muslims and Christians”. Tsikata and Seini (2004) Their work is related to the current study in the sense that, it observed intra-Muslims conflicts in throughout Ghana especially in Muslim dominated communities. It cited violent clashes between the Tijaniyya and the Ahlu-sunna groups in the study area. However, their work did not find any link between these two Islamic groups and their participation in national politics especially with the two major political parties in the country. This current work seeks to unearth the political participation of these two rivalry groups with the major political parties Ghana. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 30 2.5 ISLAM AND POLITICS IN THE NORTHERN REGION Pobee (1987) in his article “Religion and Politics in Ghana 1972-1978: Some Case Studies of the Rule of General Acheampong” in recounting the case of the rule of General Acheampong has observed that, the coming of the Ahlu-sunna Wal-jama’a into Ghana looks dangerous and frustrating, especially in Tamale. He points to the case of 1966 where a Somali itinerant preacher Mustapha Nowali, raised tensions between the Ahlu-sunna and the Tijaniyya sects in Tamale. This occurred on two separate nights of preaching. In a preaching with Ahlu-sunna sect, Mustapha Nowali condemned the claim that God can be seen by any Muslim and stressed that God cannot be seen by any means by any Muslim. On the following night, that same Mustapha Nowali in addressing the Tijaniyya group, contrary to what he said with the Ahlu-sunna group claimed that it was possible for a true believer to see God after performing the ‘taribiya’ (a Sufi initiation). This contradictory statement by Mustapha Nowali left a recipe for conflict between these two rival sects who have been disputing each other’s claims for several years in Tamale. This strengthen the nick-names for both sects: Nawuni nyeriba (seers of God- Tijaniyyas) and Munchiri (a corrupt Arabic term ‘Munkir’ meaning someone who condemns- Ahlu- sunna). Pobee has revealed that, there exist tension between the Tijaniyya and the Ahlu-sunna sects in Tamale. He also pointed it out that this relationship is a threat to the security of the area and country at large. However, the current state of this relationship between the Tijaniyya and the Ahlu-sunna has taken a political dimension: where the Tijaniyyas turn to align themselves with the NPP and the Ahlu-sunna supporting the NDC at all cost is University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 31 not mentioned in his work. This current study therefore differs from the work of Pobee by discussing the political dimension of their difference under the Fourth Republic. Jon P. Kirby (1998) in his work: Thoughts about Culture 'The Politics of Religion in Northern Ghana', compares conversions of a person from paganism to Christianity and Islam. He noted that in Christianity the changes are often short whiles in Islam it normally takes longer time for an individual to adjust. The Christian Gospel appeals to individual decision and often changes a person's way of life in a very short space of time. Islam can also produce sudden conversions, but more often the change is slower (Kirby, 1998). He identified three stages of the transition from paganism to Islam using Trimingham’s model. The first stage identified in Trimingham’s model is the preparatory stage which involves Islam first contact with indigenous people by the visit and settlement of traders and clerics. This leads to 'the breaking down of barriers and the adoption of certain aspects, mostly material, of Islamic culture - the wearing of Islamic amulets and dress'. The Traditional African Religion is not offended at this stage. The second stage is marked by the adoption of real Islamic elements and culture such as ritual prayer and recognition of what is right and what is wrong. However, there is no conflict between the Islamic religion and Traditional religion at this stage. Consequently, there is crisis which leads to the third stage (reorientation) when “the old religious authority is consciously rejected, the village ritual pattern is disrupted, priests of communal cults lose their power, and the clergy take their place as the guides for the religiosocial life. Ancestor-worship must go because it is the core of the old religion, but a great deal of the old is retained. Offerings University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 32 continue to be made to the nature spirits; and medicine men since they as individual practitioners still flourish, but ... Islam is now really influencing society”. (Trimingham 1968) To Kirby, Muslims in Ghana form the minority; however Islam seems to be rapidly moving from stage one and two to the third stage of Trimingham's model. According to him, there has been an increase in the attendance at Mosques on Fridays in recent years. We have also witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of sectarian clashes among the Muslims and a growing rift between Muslims and Christians. (Kirby1998). “The first stage of Islamic conversion has been strongly linked with the formation of ethnic identities and traditional states (Levztion 1968). … Over the last 500 years the indigenous Guang and Gur peoples of Northern Ghana have been gradually reforming their social identities from structurally simple organisations involving leadership by clan elders backed by religious beliefs in the primal authority of the ancestors, toward the 'traditional state' - a more highly structured form of social organisation with rulers and elaborate institutions including religious beliefs in the accessibility of a trans-territorial God” (Kirby, 1998). To Kirby, This ‘traditional state’ was introduced by slave raiders who travelled with Muslim clerics in Northern Ghana. However, this raiding was abolished by the colonial administration to ensure a stable political and social environment. This changed the structure of the ‘traditional state’ to meet the needs of the colonial administration. This ‘traditional state’ is further undermined by the influences of education, Christianity and democratic processes; a new political and ethnic identities are formed hence the formation of major and minority groups. According to Kirby, in Northern Ghana, these processes have resulted in conflicting political agendas that have accelerated Islamic University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 33 conversion among the major groups and fostered the conversion to Christianity in the minority groups. According to Kirby, the new Islamic presence is evident everywhere in Ghana to especially in the North. The villages around Tamale now have a Muslim population of 40 per cent. To Kirby, the major groups are more and more coming to identify themselves as Muslims and their traditions are changing rapidly. He noted that: “Muslim missions to Northern Ghana have increased, hundreds of scholarships have been awarded Northern Ghanaians to attend Islamic Universities and they are now returning home with a new brand of Islam. Islamic schools have been built across the North and hundreds of mosques have been sponsored by Islamic States along with development projects aimed at serving only the Muslim communities and excluding Christians and Traditionalists” (Kirby, 1998). Kirby observes a lot of divisions both in Christianity and in Islam. He identified three (3) factions of the Islamic religion in Tamale. They include; the 'traditional culture' group (the Tijaniyya’s), the largest and attracts its mostly illiterate following from the youthful masses (the Ahlu-sunna’s) and a smaller but more radical group (the Shiites). He observed that: “Islam in Ghana is as divided as Christianity. There are three factions in Tamale, the Muslim centre for the North. The first is the 'traditional culture' group which is largely made up of educated 'élites,' bureaucrats and businessmen. The second group is the largest and attracts its mostly illiterate following from the youthful masses who have left the villages seeking prosperity in the city. They are strongly influenced by Saudi Wahabis. The third is a smaller but more radical group influenced by Shiites and led by a fiery fundamentalist Imam. There are also the 'commercial' Muslims with Hausa and Yoruba connections though these are not politically significant. Infighting among the factions effectively limits political University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 34 control but even with these limitations Muslim power is overwhelming. The leader of the second group once boasted that if he nominated a dog against any political candidate the North could offer, the dog would win”(Kirby, 1998). To Kirby, the new Islamic presence is evident everywhere in Ghana, especially in the North. The villages around Tamale which had almost no Muslims 15 years ago are now 40 per cent Muslim. The cultures of the chiefly groups such as the Dagombas and Gonjas are increasingly becoming ‘Islamicized’. Muslim missions and scholarships to Northern Ghana have increased. . Muslim fundamentalism has also reached Ghana. The name of the Iranian development headquarters in Northern Ghana is 'Jihad House'. (Kirby 1998) Chiefly peoples of Northern Ghana are getting powerful in eyes of the international Islam hence strengthen their control of political process in the face of the growing democratization. This interaction between Politics and Religion is a threat to peace and security. The increase in politically motivated religious polarisation is a serious threat to peace and justice, freedom and democracy. Religious institutions, even more than others because of their fundamental nature, tend toward dogmatism. (Kirby 1998) He therefore concludes that, if unity and peace are to prevail in Northern Ghana, it must start with the villages. The North needs to be part of the modern world. The North is involved in a world organization, it ‘compete in world activities and holds an important position in the global scene’. Some look towards the Islamic culture whiles others look towards the Christian culture for solution to the problem. The Church emphasis on freedom and equality, human dignity and development in the villages is a pledge of peace and love. (Kirby 1998) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 35 Kirby seems to have faith in Religion’s ability to resolve the problems of the Northern people. This approach is not completely possible considering the polarized nature of the Islamic religion. This would have been possible if the Islamic religion in Tamale was not polarized. However, Islam seems to be making the issue more complex in Tamale especially through its various factions and its alignment with political parties. This calls for investigation into Islam and Politics in Tamale. Mustapha Hamid (2011), in his work; Islam, Politics and Development: Negotiating the Future of Dagbon, examines the coming into effect of Islam in Tamale. He also discusses the relationship among Islam, Politics and Development in the area. To him, Islam was introduce into the area in 1700 through the conversion of Na Zangina (the King of Dagban at that time) and since then, has exerted great influence on the customs and traditions of the people. These influences can be seen in their festivals, naming, marriage and funeral ceremonies. “Even the most important festival of the Dagomba people, Damba, is celebrated to commemorate or coincide with Prophet Muhammad’s birthday” (Mustapha, 2011). He further noted that the people hardly refer to themselves as chefira (a corrupt Arabic word- kafir which means unbeliever). To him, the people distinguish three levels of commitment to Islam; the first is the afanema (that is those who have literacy in Islam and Arabic and therefore preside over birth, marriage and funeral ceremonies), the second is the jing puhriba (that is those pray the Islamic way) and the third is the Dagbang dabba (the nominal Muslims who actively participate in traditional rituals). Mustapha noted that the Dagbon succession dispute has seen political involvement from all governments since the First Republic to the present. He cited the National Democratic University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 36 Congress (NDC) in the run-up to the 2008 Presidential and Parliamentary elections, made the Dagbon chieftaincy crisis a major part of their campaign. In this the then opposition NDC accused the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) government of complicity in the killing of the Dagbon king and pledged to set an independent non-partisan competent Presidential Commission to re-open investigations into the murder of the Ya Na Yakubu Andani II and his elders in March 2002. He observes that, the politicization of a purely traditional dispute between the brothers is recipe for the perpetuation of conflicts in the area; the NDC since coming into office in January 2009, in an attempt to fulfill its campaign promise of finding the killers of the Ya Na Yakubu Andani II set up a Presidential Commission to re-open investigations into events of 25-27 March, 2002. In July 2010, the NDC government arrested 15 members of the Abudu family and put them before a High Court. However, on the 29 th of March 2011, the 15 members were set free by the Court for lack of evidence. This incidence sparked off violence in Tamale, where offices of the ruling NDC were burnt by rampaging Andani youth; they accused the NDC for deceiving them to vote for it in return for finding the killers of the Ya Na when it comes to power. On the basis of this crisis and how Islam has influenced the lives of the people of Tamale, the study concluded that he therefore concluded that the crisis will continue for a very long if parties to the conflict and state actors do not work at ending it. To him, since the political solutions have failed, the alternative conflict resolution must be sort; the traditional and the Islamic modes of conflict resolution. “…religion and for that matter Islam, becomes an important part of finding a solution to this crisis” (Mustapha, 2011). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 37 Mustapha’s work is related to the current study in the sense that it has pointed it clearly that Islam has been in contact with the people of Tamale for a very long time; the culture and that of Islam is now difficult to separate. “Dagomba customs and traditions are inextricably interwoven with Islamic ones” (Mustapha, 2011). He discusses the politicization of a purely traditional matter in involving a dispute by the two brothers in Dagbon (the Abudu and the Andani gates): his work criticizes the then opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) for making this purely traditional matter a campaign promise in the 2008 general elections and “…. accused the then ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) government of complicity in the killing of the Dagbon king, and promised to set up a new and truly non-partisan professionally competent and independent Presidential Commission to re-open investigations into the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II and his elders in March 2002” (Mustapha, 2011). With this, his work brought the chieftaincy dimension to political participation in Tamale. However, his work did not recognize the divisions in Islam along these two major political parties in Tamale and hence prescribed Islam as a solution to dealing with the violence in the Tamale Metropolis. In the opinion of this research, the affiliation of the two major religious sects (the Tijaniyya and the Ahlu-sunna) with the NPP and the NDC is a source of violence in the area. How can Islam be a source of solution when it has been politicized by the two major political parties in the country? This gap in literature; the political participation of the two major Islamic sects in Tamale under the Fourth Republic is what the study seeks to fill. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 38 2.6 CONCLUSION This chapter has reviewed literature on the historical developments of both the Tijaniyya and the Ahlu-sunna groups. It has also discussed Islam and Politics worldwide, Islamic sects in Ghana and Islam and Politics in the Northern Region. The literature on Islam and politics seem to be talking about the compatibility and incompatibility of Islam and democracy. Some scholars argued that Islamic principles and democracy ideals can be compatible while on the contrary, some scholars argued that there is no basis for the compatibility of Islam and democracy. Another issue is that, Islam is polarized and divided along religious sects and mostly resulting in sectarian violence almost in the entire Islamic world, which Ghana especially the North is not an exception. The influence of religion on politics and politics on religion is also in the review of the literature. The above reviewed works are relevant to the study in the sense that, they confirm that religion and politics are like the two sides of the same coin in every Muslim community which cannot be undermined if a meaningful and a well functioning democracy is to be established in any Islamic country. However, the above works deviate from this study because this study is concentrated on two major Islamic sects in Tamale and their political participation in national politics under the Forth Republic. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 39 CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.0 INTRODUCTION This chapter focuses on the methodology underlying the study. It involves the strategies and techniques that were employed to conduct the study. This chapter purports to be an exposition of the general research methods that guides the conduct of this study. It looks at the appropriate data collection procedures, sampling and the tools used for data analysis of the study. Finally, it also looks at the study area and justification for the selection of Tamale as the case study. 3.1 RESEARCH METHOD Research Methodology is a way to systematically solve the research problem (Kothari, 2004:pp 8). It is seen as a scientific way of addressing a problem in the society. It may be understood as a science of studying how research is done scientifically. Harwell (2011) categorizes a research methodology as qualitative, quantitative, or as involving both qualitative and quantitative methods, which is referred to as the mixed method. This study made use of the mixed method in order to benefit from both advantages and compensate for both weaknesses. 3.1.1 Qualitative Research Method Qualitative research is based on the measurement of quality or kind as opposed to quantity or amount. Qualitative research studies are focused on differences in quality, rather than differences in quantity. Results are mostly in words or pictures rather than University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 40 expressed in numbers or quantity. Qualitative studies usually have fewer participants than quantitative studies because the depth of the data collection does not allow for large numbers of participants. Kothari observes that: “… phenomena relating to or involving quality or kind. For instance, when we are interested in investigating the reasons for human behaviour (i.e., why people think or do certain things), we quite often talk of ‘Motivation Research’, an important type of qualitative research. This type of research aims at discovering the underlying motives and desires, using in depth interviews for the purpose. Other techniques of such research are word association tests, sentence completion tests, story completion tests and similar other projective techniques. Attitude or opinion research i.e., research designed to find out how people feel or what they think about a particular subject or institution is also qualitative research”. (Kothari, 2004:pp 3) Strauss and Corbin (1998) opine that, the term qualitative research is controversial and may be understood differently by different people. They defined qualitative research to “… mean any type of research that produces findings not arrived at by statistical procedures or other means of quantification.” They also argued further that, some studies quantify data collected through techniques such as interviews, observations among others; they are normally associated with qualitative method. To them qualitative analysis refers not to quantifying of qualitative data but rather to a non mathematical process of interpretation carried out for the purpose of discovering concepts and relationships in raw data and then organizing these into a theoretical explanatory scheme. Mack N. etal (2005) observes that, qualitative method, when used with the quantitative method produce better outcomes. To them, the strength of qualitative research method can be seen in it capacity to analyze complex description of how people experience a given situation. It is also useful in identifying intangible social factors such as socio- University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 41 economic status, gender roles, social norms, ethnicity and religion. It helps to assess the ‘human’ aspect of an issue: that is the most often contradictory elements such as behaviors, opinions, emotions, beliefs and relationship of individuals. When used along with quantitative methods, qualitative research can help us to interpret and better understand the complex reality of a given situation and the implications of quantitative data. Mostly, findings from qualitative research can be extended to people with characteristics similar to those in the study population. This study examines the complex nature of the problem of political affiliation by the Tijaniyya and the Ahlu-sunna sects in Tamale. To understand its nature, causes and offer recommendations, it is extremely relevant to subject the study to qualitative method, which is generally concerned with ‘why’, ‘how’ or in ‘what manner’ rather than the qualitative which is concerned with questions about; ‘how many’, ‘how much’, ‘to what extent’ or ‘how often’. Lokesh (2009) criticizes the qualitative research because of its use of purposive sampling. To him, the findings of qualitative research lack generalization due to the nature and size of samples and method of data collection. Through these processes, subjectivity can be introduced which can undermine the reliability of a study. To cater for these biases in qualitative research, the quantitative method was also introduced in the study. 3.1.2 Quantitative Research Method This method relies on quantities or numbers. Its analyses are based on numerical analysis and statistics. It relies on many participants. Quantitative research is the numerical representation and manipulation of observations for the purpose of describing and University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 42 explaining the phenomena that those observations reflect. It is used in a wide variety of Natural and Social Sciences, including Physics, Biology, Psychology, Sociology and Geology (Wikipedia Encyclopedia, 2005). Creswell (1994) also defines quantitative research as a type of research which involves “explaining phenomena by collecting numerical data that are analyzed using mathematically based methods (in particular statistics).” Quantitative method is essentially about collecting numerical data to explain a particular phenomenon. Some questions can be answered using quantitative methods. Example: 1. How many voters voted for the ruling party in the last general elections? 2. What percentage of votes did the ruling party use to win the elections? 3. What is the ratio of votes of the ruling party to the opposition party? All these questions can be answered using quantitative analysis of data. In this example, the data to collect will be in numerical form- quantitative data. Qualitative analysis is usually for more descriptive purposes. Quantitative research mostly allows researchers to test specific hypotheses. Depending on research findings, hypotheses are either confirmed or rejected. Researchers are typically open to allowing the data to take them in different directions. Because qualitative research is more open to different interpretations, qualitative researchers may be more prone to accusations of bias and personal subjectivity. The strengths of quantitative research over qualitative research can be seen in terms of the outcome. The outcome of quantitative research is statistically reliable. Second, the result of quantitative research can be generalized to the whole population. Third, there is the ability to control extraneous variables and biases. The use of multivariate methods and University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 43 analysis is helpful in measuring and controlling the variable or variables which intervene between the independent and dependent variables (Lokesh, 2009). On the other hand not all issues require statistical analysis. Some of the weaknesses of the quantitative research include: it is incapable of doing an in-depth and detail analysis of a situation. The formulation of hypothesis is a requirement of quantitative research; however in certain researches it is not always possible to formulate hypotheses for generalization. Due to the weaknesses in both the quantitative and the qualitative methods, the study adopted the mixed method of research. 3.1.3 Mixed Method The Mixed Method appears to be an area that currently receives attention from researchers in a variety of disciplines. Tashakkori and Teddlie (2010) refer to the Mixed Method as an area which has: … gone through a relatively rapid growth spurt…it has acquired a formal methodology that did not exist before and is subscribed to by an emerging community of practitioners and methodologists across the disciplines. In the process of developing a distinct identity, as compared with other major research communities of researchers in the social and human sciences, mixed methods has been adopted as the de facto third alternative, or “third methodological movement”. Tashakkori and Teddlie (2010: pp 803-804) The Mixed Method can be seen as a method involving the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods. The mixed method is a procedure for collecting and analyzing data which involves the “mixing” of both quantitative and qualitative research and methods in a single study to understand a research problem. This method has been defined variously University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 44 by different scholars. For instance, Harwell (2011), notes that, the mixed method “is a research in which the researcher uses the qualitative research paradigm for one phase of a research study and the quantitative research paradigm for another phase of the study”. Creswell and Plano Clark also defined the mixed method as follows: Mixed methods research is a research design with philosophical assumptions as well as methods of inquiry. As a methodology, it involves philosophical assumptions that guide the direction of the collection and analysis of data and the mixture of qualitative and quantitative data in a single study or series of studies. Its central premise is that the use of quantitative and qualitative approaches in combination provides a better understanding of research problems that either approach alone. (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2007: 5) When both quantitative and qualitative methods are used together, the research provides a better understanding of your research problem than either type by itself. It is for this extremely important reason why this study adopted the mixed method. 3.2 RESEARCH APPROACH AND DESIGN The Case Study approach was used in this study. This is because the case study method involves techniques of investigation which enable the researcher to grasp and understand individuals, the community and the social issue to propose interventions that take into account the special and peculiar circumstances surrounding the case to be investigated. This is a systematic and empirical method that allows the researcher to investigate and understand the current phenomenon of political participation by the two major rival religious sects in Tamale. It is capable of narrowing down a very broad field of research University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 45 into a manageable and researchable topic. This approach is preferred in a sense that it allows for a systematic way of looking events, collecting data, analyzing and communicating results. A research design provides the foundations for collection and analysis of data in a way that is relevant to the research purpose or problem. In fact, the research design is the conceptual structure within which research is conducted; it constitutes the blueprint for the collection, measurement and analysis of data (Kothari,2004:pp 31). Kothari noted the significance of a good research design below: Research design is needed because it facilitates the smooth sailing of the various research operations, thereby making research as efficient as possible yielding maximal information with minimal expenditure of effort, time and money. Just as for better, economical and attractive construction of a house, we need a blueprint (or what is commonly called the map of the house) well thought out and prepared by an expert architect, similarly we need a research design or a plan in advance of data collection and analysis for our research project. Research design stands for advance planning of the methods to be adopted for collecting the relevant data and the techniques to be used in th