/ /11/11/ I{ , ' ~Z:/ ' !/~1r//.Jd) .I.. . fh. r, -rll j ''l'~ ,v,1I' {' 1 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE vS HARP ESQ. q COMPOSED gtom {JiS own ".anusctipts, AND OTHElt AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS IN THE POSSESSION OF HIS FAMILY AND OP THE AFRICAN INSTITUTION. BY PRINCE HOARE . WITH OBSERVATIONS ON MR. SHARP'S BIBLICAL CRITICISMS, BY THE RIGHT REV. THE LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID'S. " INTAMINATIS •• •• HONORIBUS." LONDON : PRINTED FOR HENRY COLBURN AND CO. P UBLI C LIBRARY, CONDUIT S TREET, H A NO VB R SQ UA R E. 1 8 20. TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS WI L L I A M - F RED E RIC J{, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, &c. &c. &c. PRESIDENT OF THE AFRICAN INSTITUTION, THE MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP ARE, BY HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS'S PERMISSION, MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, K. G. &c. &c. &c. HIS MAJESTY'S UBRARY. ACLAND, Sir Thomas Dyke, Bart., M. P ... Killer- Bloomfield, Mr. Robert ... Shefford, Beds. ton house, Devon • Bockett, Mrs ... Tiverton, Devon AtReck, Lieut.-Gen. Sir James, Bart ... Dalham Boddington Samuel, Esq ... Upper Brook street hall, Newmarket Bowden John, Esq ... Fulbam Alcock Joseph, Esq: .. Roehampton Bowdler, Mrs. H ... Bath Alexander, Mr ... York Boys, Mr. John ... Fenchurch street Allen William, Esq ... Ploughcourt, Lombard street Brown James, Esq ... St. Alban's Alloway, Mrs. Mary ... at Captain Scott's, Wimble- Burgess, Mr. W. R. don common Butterwortb Joseph, Esq., M.P ... Bedford square Ansted, Miss ... London wall Buxton Thomas Fowell, Esq., M. P .... Spitalfields Arch, Mr ... Cornhili Buxton, Mr .... Eltham Arden J., Esq ... Northailerton, Yorkshire Asperne James, Esq ... Cornhili Caledon, the Right Hon. tbe Earl of Chalmers Alexander, Esq .. . Tbrogmorton street Baker, the Rev. William Lloyd ... Stout's Hill, Cbolmley, Sir Montague ... Norton place, Lincoln- Uley, Gloucestershire shire Baker T. J. Lloyd, Esq ... Hardwick court, Glou- Christian Joseph. Esq ... Strand cestel'shire-2 copies Clarke William, Esq ... Tower Baker, Mrs. Lloyd ... ditto, ditto Clarke, Mrs. Anthony ... Lady Wootton'i green, Baker, Miss ... ditto, ditto Canterbury Baker, Miss M. A. Lloyd ... dilto, ditto Clarkson Thomas, Esq ... Playford hall, near Ips- Raker Thomas Barwick, Esq ... ditto, ditto wich-30 copies Baker, the Rev. James ... Durham Claxton, Mn ... Somerset place, Bath Bankes, Miss ... Parson's Green, Fulham Coles, Captaiu William Cowper, 12th Lancers Barclay Robert, Esq ... Bury hill, Dorking Coles; the Rev. John ... Rector of lIehester, Hants Barclay Charles, Esq ... Clapbarn common Coles, the Rev. J. Joyce, M. A ... Silchester, near Barlow, tbe Rev. Thomas William ... Halberton, Reading neal' Tiverton, Devon Collings William, Esq. Bates, tbe Rev. G. F., M.A ... Vicar of South Cooke J., Esq ... Liverpool Mims, Middlesex Cookes, Mrs ... Bath Batley Jobn Lodge, Esq ... Masham, Yorkshire Corbett, the Rev. the Arehdeacon ... Longnor hall, Beevor Charies, Esq ... Cadogan terrace, Chelsea Salop Blicke Charles ·Tufton, Esq ... Bedford place- Corbett Uvedale, Esq ... Gower street, Bedford 2 copies sq uare VlII SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. Cowtau, Messrs., and Co ... Canterbury Heslop Mrs ... Nottingham place Cumming James, Esq., F.S.A ... Guilford street Hill, Messrs. N. and D. S ... Antigua I Highmore Anthony, jun., Esq ...T errace, Camber- Dartmouth, the Right Hon. the Earl of well Durhal1l, the Hon. and Right Rev. the Lord Hill John, Esq ... Bath Bishop of Hoare Henry, Esq ... Mitcham Daniel, Mrs ... Somerset place, Bath Hoblyn Thomas, Esq .. : Treasury chambers, Darby William, Esq. Whitehall Dealtry, the Rev. William ... Clapham liodge, Mr. William ... Chichester Derrick Charles, Esq ... Navy Pay-office' Hodgson Adam, Esq ... Liverpool Denyer, Mrs ... Dulwich Hutton, the Rev. John ... Houghton Ie Spring, De Visme, Mrs ... Notting-HilI house, Kensington Durham " Dingle J., Esq ... Bury St. Edmund's Dolben, Sir English, Bart .. . Finedon, Wellingbo- Ioipey Archibald, "Esq ... Montague place rough Ingalton Thomas, Esq ... Eton DorrietJ. Thomas, Esq ... Portman square Inglis Robert Harry, Esq ... Battersea Rise Dorrien George, Esq: .. Weymouth street, Port- man square James George, Esq ... Bruton street Douglas, the Rev. A ... Reading James George, Esq ... Duke street, Pimlico Jebb, the Hon. Mr. Justice. .. Dublin Elliott Charles, Esq ... Clapham Jebb, the Rev. John ... Abing~on glebe, Limerick Elsley Charles, Esq ... Brick court, Temple Johnston, Sir Alexander ... Cumberiand place Elsley Gregory, Esq ... Patrick Brompton, York- shire--2 copies Kelly, the Rev. A ... Castic Kelly, Ireland Elsley, the Rev. Heneage ... Burneston, Yorkshire King, Mrs ... Beckenham Elsley Gregory, jun., Esq ... ditto, ditto Kinton, Mr. N .. . Lamb's Conduit street Erskine, Mrs ... Hereford street Knight M. K., Esq ... Berner·s street Fielde, the Rev. Thomas .. . Stanstead Abbotts. LansdO\vne, the Most Hon. the Marquis of Forster Edward, Esq .. . St. Helen's place, Bishops- Lake, Mrs. Anne ... Farthingay hall, near Wood - gate bridge,Suffolk Forster Thomas Furly, Esq ... ditto, ditto Lambert James, Esq ... Bedford row Fothergill, Mrs. Eliza ...Y ork Lodge Henry, Esq .. . Teignmouth, Devon Lodge and Co., Messrs ... Ripon, Yorkshire Grafton, his Grace the Du~e of Luther, Mrs .. . Brighton " Gambier, the Right Hon. Lord Lynn, the Subscription Library at Galway, the Right Hon. Lord Viscount Grapel, Mr .. . Liverpool-6 copies Milton, the Right Hon. Lord Viscount, M.P- Green William, Esq ... Salisbury square a copies Grimston Henry, Esq ... Kensington Macartby, his Excellency Colonel, Governor of Gurney John, Esq ... Serjeant's inn Sierra Leone Macaulay Zachary, Esq ... Cadogan place Huntingdon, the Right Hon. the Earl of Madyn, the Rev. Thomas ... Perten hall Hamilton William, M.D ... Exminster Magens M. D., Esq ... Gloucester place Mankey William Alers, Esq ... Fenchurcb street Malthus, Mrs. C ... Kennington Harrison Thomas, Esq., F. R. S ... Streatham park Mason Thomas, Esq ... Spur street Harrison, Mr. George ... West hill, Wands worth Maunsell, Miss ... Clare hall, Barnet Heish P . J., Esq ... America square Milner George, Esq .. •C omberton, near Cambridge SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. IX Mitchell Alexander, Esq' ". Gerrard's Cross, Thompson, the Rev. Thomas ... Bilborough, York Bucks Tooke William, Esq .... Bedford row Monson, the Ho'n. and Rev. Thomas ... Bedale, Towers, the Rev. James ... St. Luke's, Middlesex Yorkshire Travers Joseph, Esq ... St. Swithin's lane MOI'daunt, the Lady Dowager ••• Hereford street Tuke, ' Mr. Samuel ... York Mortlock John, Esq ... Oxford street Vansittart, the Right Hon. Nicholas, Chancellor Nepean, his Excellency Sir Evan, Bart., Gover- of the Exchequer, &c. &c. &c. nor of Bombay Vaughan ---, Esq ... Fenchurch street Nares, the Rev. Dr., Rector of Biddenden Vernon John, Esq ... Tylney street, Mayfair, and Newcome, the Rev. Thomas ... Shenley rectory, Buckhnrst lodge near Barnet Vobe, Mrs ... Tottenham-court road Vowler, Mr ... St. Paul's Church yard Pigge A., Esq ... Lynn Pocock John, Esq ... Brighton Wakefield SaII!pel, Esq ... Hackney Poynder John, Esq ... Bridewell Hospital Wallis William, Esq ... Tottellham Prado Samuel, Esq ... Grafton street Ward, Mrs ... Manchester street Waterhouse N., Esq ... Liverpool Quilter James, Esq ... Hadley, near Barnet Watson W. H., Esq ... Southampton buildings Quilter Henry S., Esq ... ditto Webb, Mrs ... Farthingay hall, near Woodbridge, Suffolk Rusb, his Excellency Richard, Envoy Extraordi- Weddell, Mrs ... Upper Brook street nary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the West, Miss ... Fitzroy street, Fitzroy square United State's of America Wheler Granville H., Esq ... Otterden place, Kent Robinson John, Esq ...T uggle hall, Alnwick White Thomas Holt, Esq ... Enfield chase, Mid- Rudge, Mrs. JOhll ... Upper Seymour street dlesex Rumsey James, Esq ... Amersham Wilberforce William, Esq., M.P ... Gore house, Kensington St. David's, the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Wilbraham Edward Bootie, Esq., M. P ... Portland Savage, Mrs. place Shakespeare John, Esq., Oriental PrDfessor in Willes, the late John, Esq ... of Dulwich-I>O the Hon. East-India Company's Military Semi- copies nary, Croydon Williams James Rice, Esq ... Lee, Kent Sharp, Mrs ... Clare hall, Barnet-lO copies Williams, Vice-Admiral Sir Thomas, K. C. B ... Sharp, the Rev. Audrew ... Glebe house, Bam- Roden park, Sawbridgeworth burgh, Northumberland-I> copies Williams, the Rev. John, Rector of East Tisted, Sharp, Mrs. Andrew ... dilto, ditto-I> copies Hants Sharp W. Granville, Esq ... St. Swithin's lane Williams, Mr. EdwaTd ... East Tisted, ditto Simpson Thomas, Esq ...N ew Bridge street Willyams, Miss ... St. Stephen's, near Canterbury Smith William, Esq., M. P .•. Parndon house, Wilson Samuel~ Esq ... King's Bench walk, Temple Essex Wolferston Stanley Pipe, Esq ... Stratford' hall , Smyth John Heory, Esq., M. P ... New street, Staffordshire Spring gardens Wood R, Esq ... Fulham Snell, Miss ... Salisbury hall, Shenley, near Bar- Wyvill, the Rev. Christopher ... B'1rton hall, Y orl<- net shire Sprigg, I\Irs ... Barnes, Surrey Sweedland, Sir Christopber ... Newingtol1, Surrey York, the Subscription Library of b PREFACE. ABOUT the time that a Monument to Mr. Granville Sharp's memory wa~ erected in Westminster Abbey by the African Institution, it was understood to be the intention of that body to publish an account of the services which he had rendered to the cause of African freedom. This intention being communicated to Mr. Sharp's family; they were desirous of enlarging the proposal so far as to include a memorial of his whole life; and the plan being determined, the task of per- forming it was assigned to an intimate friend, . whose abilities and professional character ' rendered him emi- nently suited to the undertaking. ' The pressure of other occupations induced him after a time to relin- quish it; and I received a request from the Executrix that I would take the charge on myself. Obligations of gratitude to the Family precluded refusal on my part; and my high respect for the Person whose l ife was to be the subject of the Memoirs, made me accede xu PREFACE. cheei"fully to the proposal: . but in giving my consent,. I did not form an adequate idea of the task in which I was about to engage. The most voluminous and diffuse documents were consigned to my care~ from which I had to extract whatever might be thought useful to the public, and (what was far more difficult) in which I was to disco¥er and trace a connected thread of Mr. Sharp's progressive actions through his long and important life. That such a task would be tedious, it was easy to antIcIpate. But it has been further. protracted by causes which could not he foreseen,-by the suffering of repeated illness since the period when I first printed my Prospectus-of illness aggravated not unfrequently by an apprehension that, as tl;te real cause of the delay could be known only to a few, I might suffer no slight imputation, of neglect in the performance of what I had undertaken. I have, however, persevered at every interval of amendment; and have reason to hope, that I have . finally omitted nothing that materially affects !he exemplary man whose history is to be told. At the same time, conscious that contemporary biography loses something of its value by each year of delay, I PREFACE. XIll h,ave endeavoured occasionally to compres~ the indivi· dual, and enlarge the general interest of the Narrative, so as in some measure to compensate the time that has elapsed. I have also prefixed anecdotes of Mr. Sharp's immediate predecessors, which, .fr om th.e eminent station . of one of them, and the exemplary beneficence of all , may be thollght to add value to my work. As Mr. Granville Sharp's Memoirs are of a very complicated kind, it is necessary that I should say a' few words of the method which I have pursued in the I arrangement of them. -And first, that I might render a distinct aCcouIlt of the benefits which he conferreq. on his age, I have thought it expedient, in consideration of the variety , of his actions, to attend rather to the chronology of , i ';; (each action separately, than to that of his w ~ole life collectively . . A man busied with one object or in one pursuit alone, may be followed chronologically,through· the whole of his action, with advantage; but when the objects ,and avocations are numerous, as in the instance of Mr. Sharp~ it would be merely to perplex the reader's attention to adhere to that mode of proceed- ing, and to shift him at every instant, like Ariosto's readers, from one subject to another. I have therefore XIV PREFACE. -continued to trace each of his actions through its -progress to ~ts final term; and, of course, the begin- ning of every new subject is of an earlier date than the conclusion of the preceding one. With this r~ling ¥iew I have united as mUGh general regularity of dates, .as the nature of such a method would allow. But of a life so extensively varied, it is nearly im- possible to collect all the particulars: many circum- stances, which became immediate springs of · action to a mind promptly excited to beneficence, were probably known solely t~ himself, or their detail has perished iwith those -who are gone before us. Whatever docu-' :ments, however, were left by him, regarding topics of interest, are here preserved, even although the knowledge of some of the facts to which they rela.t e may still remain imperfect. At the same time, some particulars which I have preserved may- be thought too minute for general interest; but it is only by a detail of the many minute acts of goodness to which he directed his attention, that his character can be fully ~hown: and perhaps some degree even of tediousness in the narrative was necessary, in order to establish it completely. In reading the lives of men who have been renowned ..... " PREFACE. xv in distant times' and CQuntries; Qur principal Qbject is to. learn the actiQns which they perfQrmed: in thQBe Qf Qur own cQuntrymen, and in o.ur Qwn time, QUI' curio.sity is raised to learn the manner,. rather than the history, Qf their prQceedings. We are all Qf us mo.re Qr less acquainted with· what they have d~me, and Qur desire is to. learn by what means they have dQne it. In the present instance, I have endeavQured to exhibit the character in this respect, by adverting princi- pally to' his own N o.tes and LetterR. It has been less my endeavQU17 to. he the relater Qf his life, than to. make him speak flin:' himself.; to. sho.W him in his Qwn Memo.randa,-which I have therefQre kept as distinct as PQssible, sQmetimes at the risk Qf appearing abrupt. CQnceiving, as I do., that Mr. Sharp was one o.f thQse men- whQse name is likely to. go. dQwn to. late po.sterity, I have united with his private actions as much Qf the general histQry of the CQncerns' in which he to.o.k part, as may render' his Memoirs· not who.lly an unimpQrtant dQcnm,ent to. .the histQrian Qf events. His life may be divided under fQur principal heads~ 1. The Liberation Qf African Slaves in England~ '12. The Colo.nizatiQn of Sierra LeQne. S. The Establishment of Episcopacy in Amel'ica . 4. The Abo.lition of the Slave Trade. XVI PREFACE. 'Fo ." these may be added, his attempt to reconcile the British Celonies with England, at the commencement ,of the American troubles.-Were there no other records, these will probably be thought sufficient to give im- portance to his Memoirs; yet they form a part only of the promiscuous range of action to which his benevo- lence gave birth. " If a good man were a great one," said 'a friend to me, who~e talents the _public has justly appreciated, " you have an excellent subject for a Memoir." As this sentiment seemed to place goodness in the second degree of rank, I was surprised at hearing it from one who has proverotcstan t Episcopal Church opened in the Ohligations to G. S. on the part of the Ameri. United States: the Bishops arrive in England 229 can States . •.• ... • ..• •.•.•. .. ..... • •.•. . 250 The Bishops presented by G. S. to the Arch· Correspondence with Dr. Franklin, J. Jay, and bishop of Caute rbury, and consecrated···· 230 J. Adams, Esqr.. . •. ... .•.. ..••.•.• ..•. • . ib. A third American Bishop arrives: consecrated ib. Honours conferred on G. S. t, y th e Universities App li cation from othrr States to G. S. on th e of America· • • • • • . . . . . . . • . • . • . • . . . . • • • . .. 253 sanle subject·· ... .... ......... .... . , ... . 232 PART III. SETTLEMENT OF A COLONY AT SIERRA LEONE-ITS HISTORY. -ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ST. GEO RGE'S BAY COMPANY.-DISTRESSES AND DANGER$ OF THE COLONY -ASSISTANCE GRANTED BY PAR LIA MENT.- SURRENDER OF THE TERRITORY TO THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. MR. SHARP'S I.ETTERS-LETTERS F ROM THE SETTLERS-HE SENDS A VESSEL 1'0 THEIR RELIEF-SOLICITS THE PROTECTION OF THE 1IIlNISTER-OBTAINS A CH~R­ TER FOR THE COMPANY. ANECDOTES OF NAIMBANNA, PRINCE OF SIERRA LEONE. CHAP. I. L etter from G. S. to the Archb' . of Canterbury 261 Thoughts on the proposell settlement iu Africa 265 Consequences of the freedom of N~groes in M ... Smeatllman undertakes to condnct the England.. . .. . ••. • .•. . . • ............•.. 257 Negroes to Sierra Leolle·. ·· .............. 268 T hey wisb to found a colony in their native Assistance obtained from Government: Mr. cOllntry : apply to G. S ..•• , ... ...... . . ... 260 Smeathman die.: (he expedition delayed . • ib. CONTENTS. XXIX CHAP. II. Page Page Further account of 'the colouy, from G. S. to Summary history of the settlement at Sierra John Jay, Esq., America •••••••....••.•. 334 Leone: tbe Sierra Leone Company formed·· 210 CHAP. IX. CHAP. III. G. S. delivers an account of the .tate of the \ History continned ........... ·•••• .. ••· ..... 218 colony to the Lords of the Treasury ••••• • 3S1 Various correspondences on the stale of the CHAP. IV. colony. ···• .... • ............... · .. ··.·.·340 G. S. proposes to form a Company for its pro· The colony laid waste by the French········ 283 tection ............................ . . ... 341 The Company formed: correspondence with CHAP. V. Mr. Wilberforce concerning its shipping .••• 348 Memorial of G. S. to the King for the grant of Pecuniary difficulties of the Sierra Leone a Cbarter to the Company ................ 350 Company .. . .. • .... .. .. • .. .. . • .. • • .. ... 293 CHAP. X. CHAP. VI. G. S.'s interview with Mr. Pitt, and several SlIrrender of the colony to Government······ 303 letters to him· • . . . • • .. .. .. . .. .. • . .. . . .... 351 The concerns of the colony undertaken by the . CHAP. VII. Company . ................... ... ... . _. . 355 Letters ofG.S.. on that subject .............. 357 Mr. Sharp'S part in the settlement .•••..•.•. 312 Land purchased: difficulties of the outset · ··· 313 CHAP. XI. Account of the sailing of the Colonists, and their establishment at Sierra Leone, in a Tbe Charter obtained· ..................... 364 letter to Dr: Lettsom .................... 315 Great respect entertained for G. S. by the Letters from the settlers to G. S.: their perils; African Chief at Sierra Leone •••• . •..••.• 365 dispersed by a Native Chief···.· .... ·•··· 320 Anecdotes of Naimbanna: he sends his son to G. S. sends the brig Myro to their relief ••.• 324 England, to the care of G. S. ............ ib. Mr. Whitbread's present: letter to the settlers Correspondence of G. S. with KingNaimbanna: from G. S. .............................. ib. education of the young Naimbanna .•••• ••• 368 G. S. applie. to Mr. Pitt for proteclion to the His father dies: he returns to Sierra Leone- colony .... . ............................. 328 dies ....................... . .... ......... 370 Generous behaviour of Naimbanna's mother ·· 311 CHAP. vm. CHAP. XII. Mr. Sharp'. solicitude for tbe colony ... ... .. 329 Letter from tbe Old Settlers: artifices of tbe Mr. Sharp's continued intE'rest in the colony: Slave-dealers to distress them . •. .. .. . ..• . 330 another A frican sent to England for ed ucation 372 PART IV. MR. SHARP'S MEANS OF EXPENDITURE.--VARIOUS TRUSTS.-CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE MEMBERS OF ' THE FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. SOC IETY FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE-ITS PROGRESS - MR. WILBER- FORCE SUPPORTS THE CAUSE I N PARLIAMENT-BILL BROUGHT IN BY MR. ~'OX AND LORD GRENVILLE. MR. SHARP'S CONDUCT AS CHAIRMAN OF THE SOCIETY.-ANF.C DOTES OF MR. PITT RELATIVE TO THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. RELIGIOUS SOC\ETIES .-AFRICAN IN SU ITUTION .-PROTESTANT UNION. CHAP. I. His management of a large busines! · ... ... ... 38'" L egacy of Fai"ted from Mrs. Oglethorpe.·· · 385 Means of expenditure employ ed by G. S. in Plan for a Genual AsyJum .. . .. . .. . . ... ..• ill. forming the colony of Sierra Leone •• .... •. 383 Reform of London Workhouse proposed ••. . 387 xxx CONTENTS. Page Page Letter to the Bishop of London: G. S. makes The new MiDistry promote the A bolitioll : offers of Fairsted for various charitable pur- speech of Mr. Fox on his death-hed •.•••• 409 poses .................................. 388 The Bill for tbe Abolition carried tbrough both Law of MOJ·tmain prevents their ",cceptance •• 392 Houses, and completed by Lord Grenville·· 410 Otber trosts .............. ................. .. ... ib. Correspondence with I,a Fayet~e, Brissot, and CHAP. V. other Members of the FreDch National As- sembly .................................. 393 Mr. Sharp' S part in the Society for the Abolition 412 Made Chairman: his siD gular humility .••••• 413 CHAP. II. Differs iD opiDioD from the Committee re.pect. iDg the object of the Society: his protest •. 416 Associations of Quakers and others for the Enters warmly into its interests: corresponds Abolition of the Slave Trade ···.·· .••••.•• 394 wi th the Bishops of LoDdoD aDd Cloy De . • •• 416 Mr. Wilberforce agrees to nndertake the cause Has aD iDterview with Mr. Pitt·· .•..••.. •.•• 418 in Parliament .......................... 395 Mr. Pitt's conduct respectiog the Abolition of Society established ................ ....... ib. the Slave Trade ................. . ...... 4111 Motion of David Hartley, Esq., OD the subject G. S. rescues two lUore Negro Slaves .••• • ••• 422 of the Slave Trade .... .. .. .. .. .. . . . . .... 396 Progress of the Society: its publicatioDs, aDd CHAP. VI. correspondeDce ...... .. • • .. .. .. .. .. .... 397 Committee of Privy Council ordered to take Correspondence and singular memorandum on the Trade into cODsideration • •••. •• .• ' .' . ,. 398 the subject of Slavery .. . .......... . ...... 423 Mr. Wilberforce beiog ill, the su,bject is iDtro· News of the Abolition brought to G. S .•••• : . 428 duced to the House of Commons by Mr. Pitt 401 The House pledged to discussion of it in the CHAP. VII. next session: Sir William H . Dolben's Bill·· ib. InstitutioD of the first Bible. Society • •••. • •• 429 CHAP. III. , British aDd ForeigD Bible Society ............ ,130 Its progress ......................... .. .. 431 Mr. Wilberforce makes his first motion on the G.S. choseD ChairmaD: his liberal preseDt of subject ................. . ........ .. .... 403 books to tbe Society.. .. .. . . • .. .. .. .. . • ... 432 Sir W. Dolben's Bill renewed • • .•••••••••• 404 Letter from Lord Teignmoutb .............. ib. Measures taken in Paris to promote the Abo· Presents of books to other Bible Societies .••• 434 lition of the Trade . . . ................... ib· Society for Propagation of tbe Gospel. • •• •••• 435 Mr. Wilberforce makes his secoDd motioll .... ib. Society for CODversioD of the Jews-LondoD Further progress of the Society • • .••••••.•• 405 Society ................ ..... : . .. , ..... .. 436 Mr. Wilberforce makes his third and fourth AfricaD IDstitution ............... .. ....... 437 motions ; the gradual Abolition agreed to . , 406 Its motives and progress ..... .. ............. 438 Mr. Wilberforce resolves to move aDnually for G. S. cboseD one of the Directors ..••••••..•• 441 leave to bring in his proposed Bill .. •.• ... ib. MS. accouDt delivered to the Duke of Glou· cester ..... . ...•.•.. . ..•... . . . ...... . ... 442 CHAP. IV. Protestant Union . ..... . ....... . .. .. .. . . . . . ib . Account of its proceediDgs: G. S. chosen The cause of the Abolition gaiDs grouDd . • .. 408 Cbairman .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... 443 Mr. Pitt dies: Mr. Fox and Lord Grenville His great exertions ............ . ........ . . . 445 sncceed to the Ministry . .... 0.. .. .. .. . ... ib. Other charitable aDd religious InstitutioDs .. •• 446 PART V. DOMESTIC CHARACTER OF MR. SHARP.-HIS DECEASE.-PUBLIC RESPECT SHOWN TO HIS MEMORY. CHAP. I. Gentleness to servants, and benevolence to animals . - .. .. .. .. .. .. • .. • .. .. .. .. .. .. . • 453 PrefereDce given by G. S. to private duties Religious reverence of behaviour· . . .. ....... 454 over public ODes ...... . ........... . ..... 449 His charities · ... ... ...... ... .............. 455 Hi. cheerful dispositioD ................. '" 450 His loyalty ............ .. .................. 456 Affection toward. his family in sickness·· ..•• 451 ADecdote of SiI- William Jones and G. S ••••• 457 ~ CONTENTS, xxxi Page Page Regard for Iiteratu;e ", .. " .. , .... , .. " ., .. ,458 Respect shown by tile Bible Society, and by Great confidence reposed in G, S, ...... , ~ .. 460 the Shropshire Auxiliary Bible Society .... 470 Allecdote of the late Mr. Perceval, ClIancellor His epitaph ...... ' .................. , .... 471 oftbl' Excheq~er ....................... , 461 The Afrjcan Institution erects a Monument to Person and manDer~ •••••• ••••• .e • .••••••••••• 462 his memory, • , .............. ,., , ... , .. , , .. ' 472 Miscellaneous m.lmoranda ".,.,.,'.,.,', •• , 463 Insnip.tion .. .............. , , ..... , , .... , .• .... 473 CHAP, II. GHAP, ,III. Decline of. health .......................... 466 Further remarlls on Mr. Sharp's cbar.acter .... 474 Imminent danger in London ................. ib. Enloginm by Mr. parK.oD, and by Archdea· His last illness, and death. , .. . ............. 468 con C,orbett ................. , •• , ......... 47.8 Directors of th~ African Instj,tutio,! desire to !Let.ter describing his .character, from Mr. attend his fnneral ........... " ....... , .. , •• 469 Macaula)' ......................... t.. ... 480 -- from the Rev. JIlr. Owen ••.••• " ••.•. 481 PART VI. CATALO,GUE BY MR. SHARP o'F THE Bo'o'KS WRITTEN BY HIM, AND o'F o'THER WO,RKS IMMEnIATELY RELATING TO, THEM. O,BSERVATIONS o'N MR. SHARP'S BIBLICAL CRITICISMS, BY THE Lo'RD BISHOP o'F ST. DAVID'S. ADDITIo'NAL TESTIMo'NIES. BRIEF REMARKS o'N HIS Mo'RAL AND Po'LITICAL WRITINGS. CONCLUSIO,N. CHAP. 1. }'rom Dr. Horsley, Bishop of St. Asaph; he proposes tbat Mr. Sharp's Rules should be- Catalogue by Mr. Sharp of the works written come a part of the Hebrew Grammar taught by him, &c. .. ..... , .................... 487 in our pu blic schools .................... 609 From Dr. Lloyd, Regius Professor of Hebrew CHAP. II, at Cambridge .......................... 510 Mr. Sharp's literature; his own lIumhle esti- From the Rev. Mr. Ettrick, Dr. Gray, and Dr. mation of it .. . ......................... 497 Adam Clarke· .......................... 511 His early indulgence of 'reading ... ••• ••••.• 498 Recommended by Dr. Gretton to the Clergy of His style in writing . ....................... 499 the Deanery at Hereford ................ Sl2 Observations from Dr. Magee's Discourses.... ib. CHAP. III. Complimentary testimonies ••••••••••••••• , 513 •O bservations on Mr. Sharp's Biblical Criti- CHAP. V. oisms, by the Bishop of St. David's ••••••.• 500 Mr. Sharp'S moral writings: their unison with His doctrines of the Greek Article, and of the his religious opinions ................. . .. 514 Hebrew Conversive Vatt: their great vahle ib. The Law of Nature; Law of Liberty; Law Violent opposition to the former a proof of its of Passive Obedience................. .. . ib . strength ................................ 501 His opinioDs concerning spiritual agencies ., 515 Examined by Dr. Wordsworth, tbe Rev. C. His political writings: every wh~re favourable Winstanley, the Bishop of SI. David's, Dr. to freedom .............................. 516 Hal.s, and the Bishop of Calcutta .. ib. and 502 Law of Retribution.... .................... il>. Critical examination of a passage in Jude .... 503 Eloquent appeal to the Archbishops and Bishops 617 Mr. Sharp's Greek Rule., .................. 504 Tract on the injustice of Slavery, unanswerable 518 His Hebrew Rules; first proposed by him ..•• 505 System of frank-pledge; his reasons for pre· Approved by Bishop Horsley; final correction ferring it. ............................... 519 of a particular Rule .................... ib. Letters to Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Perceval ...... ib . Posthumous memorandum concerning that rule 506 Authorities from Scriptnre and English history 520 Parliamentary sllffrage: his ideas 00 it adverse CHAP. IV. to universal suffrage ..... ... ..... .... ..... 521 Furtber testimonies respecting Mr. Sharp's His condemnation of a proposal for onivenaJ criticisms .. ............................ 50S suffrage .................•...•.......... ib. From the Bishop of St. David's ........•••• ib. Variety of his writings ......... .......... 622 ~lr. Sbarp's iuterpretation of several texts re- Their commendation ... ............ .. ..•.. ib. commended in the Bishop's Diocesan Charge 509 Conclusion ... ........... .......... .... .. . 523 xxxii CONTENTS.-ERRATA. APPENDIX. Page Page No. I. A few particulars of the Establishment eminent lawyer in defence of that in· at Bamburgh Castle................ iii human transaction ...•.•••.•.•.... xvii II. Remarks on the case of John Hylas and IX. Some remarks on a late Jttempt to vin· his Wife .......................... iv dicate the Slave Trade by the laws of III. Address of the Ward of Lime Street God .............................. XXi to the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor •• vii X. Letter from Mr. Afzelius to his Excel. IV. On the opinions of Mr. Hume and lency ,tbe Swedisb Ambas!lldor in others concerning the supposed natu· London, respecting the invasion of ral inferiority of Negroes .......... ix Sierra Leone by the French ........ xxiv V. Virginian Petition to his Majesty.... xi XI. Regulations for tbe settlers at Sierra VI. Remarks on Mr. Sharp's" Shol·t Intra. Leone ............•..••.•.....•.• x)(vii ductioJl to Vocal Music," by William XII. Plan of a General Asylum proposed by Shield, Esq. ........ .............. xii Mr. Sharp, to wbich he offered to VII. Spanish regulations for tbe gradual appropriate the Estate and Manor of enfranchisement of Slaves . . ...• . .•. xvi F~irsted •••••••••••••••••••••••••• xxx "III. An account of the murder of132 Negro XIII. Comparison of brute animats with man: Slaves on board tbe ship Zong, with a fragment .....•........•........•x xxii some remarks 00 the arguments of an ERRATA. Page 14, line 1 ........................... for Smallridge, "ead Smalridge. 17, note '" ........................ fo" Ethelstone, read Adderstone-. ditto : ........................... for been washed in, read drifted in. 35, line 20 ........................... fo,' Mu:),ssen, nad MlIYSSOD. 80, line 11 .. " ...................: ... jo.· have, read bad. 94, last line but two of note '" dele the wOI'ds See A ppenuix. 104, line 1,1 ........................... jo,· procedure, read proceedings. 160, line 7 ........................... for Introduction, "cad addition to the Introduction. 192, second line of note ............ for the preceding', .-ead a preceding. 222, line 1;3 et passim ............... JOI' Prevost, 1"tad Provost. 284, line 3 ........................... !"fad Ihe lin< thus: An the information which \faS thus • obtained, concurred, c5rc. 335, last line but fi"e ............... for Nambanna, read Naimbanna. ;l37, line 21 et passim ............... fo'· Rohanna, rearl Robanna. ;344, last line but three ............ fo,' Facitus, narl Tacitus. 348, note .............................. for Pun chase read Purchas. ·aD;), lasl line ........................ dele his; and fm' demanded, read demand •• )399, last line but oue of nOle ... ... /0" £500, Had £5000. 418, line 19 ........................... fol· Larthenas, read Lanthcll;!s. 420, liDe 2;~ ........................... fOI' Sessions, i'ead Session. 437, last line but four of note ... jor 1805, l'ead IU15. 453, line 4 .... .... ................... JOI' brothe .. ·s, "ead brothers'. 463, line 6 ........................... fOI' actions, "ead action, 477, last line of note ............... fOI' 213, read 263. MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. « WHATSOEVER YE WOULD THAT MEN SHOULD DO TO YOU, DO YE EVEN SO TO THEM." INTRODUCTORY View of M1·. ·Sharp's geneml Course of Action.-Account of his Family.-His Character and Principles. LOVE OF MANKIND is a virtue of Christian date; and if it be true, that the age which is itself the most fertile of noble qualities, is a,)so the most capable of valuing them justly, never, in any period, were examples of this virtue likely to sink more deeply into the heart than at the present time. Since the rera of its first and brightest appearance, in the FOUNDER of our Holy Faith, no age has been so much distinguished by its influence as our own. The Sovereigns of insulted empires have warred but to protect,and conquered but to spare. Our country, in particular, has been largely blessed by Pro- vidence both with the will and the means to demonstrate the effects of the divine principle: The English shield has been stretched forth over the weak and oppressed of distant lands, and the bounty of England has flowed, in relief of human sufferings, on thousands who derived, perhaps, their first knowledge of our nation from its public acts of compassion and beneficence. B MEMOIRS' OF' GRANVILLE SHARP. Nor are the exemplary charities of individuals unknown or unre- membered amqng us. "Ve venerate the names of a Hanway and a Howard; we recal them to Qur hea~s and lips, when the distress of the l!lnfriende,d claims a 'tear,. Dr when -tlie' conscious sense of our common fi'ailties demands an alleviation of penance, however merited by transgression, and prompts us to recQIIect that we dlso are men. But, together with the ,celestial precept Qf charity, and under the garb of hl'lmane sentiment, a misconceived spirit of public -lenity has ' crept in upon our social state, and is discernible in the relaxation of public morals. Thosereelings -of compassionate -forbearance towards the weakness' of an offendet/ which in th'eir just degree do honour to our bosoms, although too often hastily e;xcluded fi'om our individual concerns, are unguardedly conceded without reserve to objects of more general, but.remote, agency. , Abuses, which disgrace a system of moral and political order, are at distance indolently overlooked; and perfidies, which sap the base of mutual security, and ' corrode . domestic happiness at the core, are, in · descri ption, palJ iated under forms of veuial aspect and softened names, which insidiously plead in excuse of the most abhorred and pernicio.!ls vices. To present, therefore, the history of an artless and innocent man, incapable of guile or enmity, who devoted mature life to philan- tbropical pursuits, and every where went about doing good, is but to hold up to the virtuous part of the present generation a bright image of its own mind. To shew the example of an equally mild and disQriminating philanthropist, an equally complacent and severe censor, unwearied in kindness yet inflexible in judgment, and, although unmoved to resentment, implacable to aggression and dangerous ,error, is a lesson still in store fo,r our advantage. That example, and that lesson, the following narrative is designed to convey. Some apo- 10gy is to be made for the undertaking.- . , Whoever considers the integrity, sincerity, candour, zeal, constancy, dev.out piety, and learning, of the subject of these Memoirs-exem- plifie~, as they were, by the exercise of his faculties and attainments in an unremitting series of acts of beneficence-will perceive, that INTRODUCTORY VIEW. some record of his' virtuous course is due to mankind. Whoever reflects on the variety of 'his undertakings in concerns of the most ard uous nature; on the e~tensivemess and clepth of his · researches .,il'l different languages Imd :sciences, in Biblical'Literature,"in the religious and political rights of our Constitution, OUT Country, arod 'our Natul'e- researches diligently p:nrsued throng'h- the greaterpQitioID. of , a life uninterrupled by · sickness, and :protFacted to nearly fDurscore years ~will feel how inadequate the labour of' any individual must be to ~ full -eKaminationand, just display of all that was_ tlseful and instructive in his eminent example. Happily, the willing concurretlce of some -of his , most' valued contemporaries, in the com pletion I of a grateful tribute, lightens the task, and smooths the path of investigalion; while his own manuscript notes, and other authentic d~cuments b'equeathed by himself, supply his biographer with the most copious and authentic materials, !,uffi- cient to inspire a ho'pe, that the Memorial, contained in these pages, may gratify remembrance to its fullest extent, and tend ali!<.e to stimulate and guide the philanthropi&t of future ages. A task or-this nature, from itsbel'leficial tendency, has become incumbent on Mr. Sharp's surviving fi-iends. No character, in any age, has been presented to view, in which the principle of exemplary action was more wholly unmixed with such motives as too often alloy, in human bosoms, the pure and holy desire of doing gC>od. Those to whom his heart was mo.st open, neVer detected there the faintest accent of vanity, or the most secret sigh for selfish distinction; and the reader will often be surprised to find, that transactions of such magnitude and importance were accomplished by one whose name had scarcely pervaded the general ear. But the meekness of humility passes by in unnoticed benefic;ence, and its actions too frequently find in themselves their sole reward. Yet _many circumstances con~ curred, in the present instance, gradually to establish a degree of unavoidable celebrity. It was nearly impossible for a series of vir- tuous actions to be extended to any great length, without att~actil1g the attention and respect of those who surrounded their sphere of B2 4 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. motion, The undeviating track of extremt') rectitude, which from e~rly youth he silently prescribed to himself, drew, at first, no other _ notice than from its singularity; and it wore in the -vulgar eye an appearance of visionary enthusiasm, rather than of the real simplicity of heart by which it was dictated. Time, the explorer of all truths, has ascertained, that his ability, and his activity in the cause of the good and the sufferi~g, his rigid adherence to the precepts of con- science and faith, were not the wavering flashes of a heated faney, or the sparkling of an illusive moment; but that a religious rever- ence of hl:lman rights superseded every feeling of private interest; that indefatigable toil in their- support was with him a work of c(')mplacency; and that every -if!1portant effort of his action pro- ceeded from a rooted and steady principle in his mind, which had for its basis and its scope the eternal interests of his felIow- creatures. Hi's example may, ill these -respects, be usefully looked 1:lP' to by the young, and even by the ambitious. It will afford a proof, confirnled by experience through a long course of years, of the in- trinsic force of virtuous conduct, proceeding on the sure foundations of diligence and knowledge. HumMe as his situation was in early life, the doors of the mighty'were opened to him, and he found access and attention among ' men of all parties in church and state. It was easily ascertained that his motives were of the purest kind; his presence, theref0re, could not fail to be acceptable to the good; and it was soon perceived that his researches and his counsel cOlild assist the wis,e. - At the time when this extraordinary man began his career of action, some important points in our admirable Constitution had been less discriminateli examined, or less accurately defined, than they are in the present day. In particular, the cause of reputed Slaves in 'our free country, although it had furnished opportunities of speculative argument in several instances, yet remained wholly uQestablished by any legal rule, to which future cases migh~ ' be referred. The judg- . -ments which had been given in our courts, were fluctuating and INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 5 various, resting on no g~neral principle; nor had the application of anyone of them ever extended beyond the existing case. Reason allows us to look forward to a time (in the eye of hope not far distant), when the established freedo'm of Africans shall leave in comparative obscurity the efforts of individuals in their behalf. Yet the active virtue of those individuals remains unaltered, and the details of procebdings, which redeemed an ignominious debt of pre- judice, and tended to rescue a continent of future heroes and philo- sophers from captivity and torture, must for ever awaken the / symp~thy and attract the admiration of mankind. The great and upright Chief-J ustice Holt, the dauntless vindicator of our laws in the reigns of William and Anqe, had decided, that, as soon as a Negro comes into England, he becomes free; because " one may be a villeyn in England, but not a slave*," In opposition to his high authority, (and probably to obviate the effects which it had produced), in the year 1n ~ the opinions of the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General were procured by some interested persons, and published, "in oJ:der," as the preamble states, "to rectify a mistake, that Slaves become free by their being in England, or by their being baptized." The opinions of these two able lawyers were altogether adverse to the liberty of the Negro in England. They declare, that "a Slave, by coming from the West Indies to Great Britain or Ireland, either with or without his master, doth not become free; and his master's property or right in him is not thereby determined or varied: no~ doth baptism bestow freedom on him, or make any alteration in his temporal condition, in these kingdoms." "We are also," they add, "of opinion, that the master may legally compel him to return again to the Plantations." (Signed) " P. YORK, C. TALBOT." On the other hand, the opinion obtained from these latter authori- ties, did not prevent a favourable verdict in behalf of two Neg roes, • See Salkeld's Reports, Vol. ii. p. 666. 6 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. a:bout' the years 173~' and 1739. But stlch partial efforts were with- out any farther influence, and seem at last to : have wholly sunk undBr tne preponderating weight of York and Talbot's declaration. The disrespect for human freedom . proceeded to so great a length, that ' our -common newspapers not unfrequently contained advertise- ments for the sale of Slaves, in c@trrmon with any other stock. One advertisement in the Gazetteer, April 18, 1769, classes together for sale, "anhe Bull and Gate Inn, Holborn. a chesnut gelding, a Tim whisky, and a roell-made, good-tempered Black Boy*." Rewards were also offered for recovering and securing fugitives, and for conveying them down to' certain specified .ships i~ the river, with this additional proviso, "The utmost secrecy may be depended ont." In the same open manner was the inhuman traffic authorized in our American colonies. Their daily papers denounced, in every page, those wretched beings, who had either escaped from bond- age, or were secured for sale. ,The mother and the child might, in the latter case, be purchased in one, or in separate lots, as best suited the interest of the b,uyer:t; while, in the former, the punish. me'nt that was, sometimes menaced, and the reward, that was pro- 'mised, appear to have been dictated by a spirit next to infernal§. * Sharp's Tract" On the Injustice of tolerating Slavery in England.;' t See Gazetteer above mentioned, April 18,1769: advertisement for the apprehension o( Jerry Rowland. ' t 'From the New-York Journal, October' 22, 1767 :-" To be sold, for want of employment, a likely, strong, a~tive Negro, &c. &c. ' Also, a healthy Negro -wench, of about twenty-one years old; , is a tolerable cook, and capable of doing all sorts of house-work; can be weU recommended for her honesty a)ld sobriety; slle Itas a female cltild of niglt tltree yea,·s old, which will be sold wit!t the wenc", if req/Ii1'ed," &c.-(Sharp's Tract.) § From the Williamsburgh Gazette, in Virginia :-" Run away from the subscriber, in Prince George, on the lOth iustant April, a lusty, strong, boney, Negro fellow" named Bob, of a brownish complexion, upwards of six feet higb, aboJlt fifty years old, bow kneed, and had on a cotton waistcoat and breeches, and an Osnabrug shirt: has a long visage, a Roman nose, and one of his upper lore-teeth is out. He has a wife at Mr. John Nelson's in Louisa, and I . imagine he is gone up there, and may be harboured by some of his Negroes. The said fellow is outlawed, and I will give ten pounds rewal·d for !ti~ Itead severed from !tis body, or forty shillings if brought alive. He has been burnt in the hand, "and I suppose some evil· disposed person has given him a pass, that he may pass for a freeman. " JOHN WOODLIFF, SENIOR." From the North-Carolina Newspaper: _H Run away, last November, from the subscriber, i,l INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 7 The cause of the' Negro Slaves bad at length found advocates in America, in the Society of Quakers, whose efforts were great and ' unremitting, but unavailing except amppg their own body; to whose honour it is recorded, that, after many laudable researt:hes, carried on by individuals, respecting the actual state of the Slaves; a public ackn'owledgment oLthe sentiments of the Quakers was made in 1754, declaring, "that to live in ease and plenty by the toil of those: whom {i'aud and violence had put into the~r ,power, was neither consistent with Christianity nor Common Justice." Shortly ,afier this declaration, a g(meral emancipation of Slaves belcmging tQ Quakers was agreed on and begun *. But the ex-ample, of this benevolent sect was more admired than imitated. They seem to have waited for 'the powerful direction of that 'associate, w hom Providence was now about to unite with them, and whose clear and comprehensive mind arose, like, a friendly genius to man, to establish on solid grounds the long-con- tested, but indefeasible, rights of every creature of God. ' In that country, likewise, a great political revolution was preparing, in which the same friena of mankind was destined to plead with less successful result in b~half of mutual amity and reconciliation; though his virtues, as will be seen, were usefully called into action at a' later period, in an important establishment of religious worship. His labours are equally conspicuous in other important [Joints affect- ing our national character. The continent of Africa, after enduring Prince George, East River, a Negro fellow, named Zeb, aged thirty-six years. He is abou t five feet eight inches high; a very good cooper hy trade: he is remarkable black, plays on the violin, and bas ~ great deal to say for himself. As he is outlawed, I will pay twenty pounds proclamation money, out of what the Act of Assembly(a) allows in such cases, to any person who shall produce his head severed f"om Ilis body, and five pounds proclamation money, if brought home alive. He is suspected to be harboured about Mount Misery. "JOHN MOSELIlY." • Mr. West, the venerable President of the Royal Academy, informs me, that his father, a Pennsylvanian Quaker, was the first person who liberated his slaves, about twenty yeats previ- ously to the public declaration. (d) T he Act of Assembly allowed a certain 6um for every Negro that was killeu after haviJlg beeu "adlawl'd; which was tbe penalty of ahsentiDg himself from his master'i1 lervice for tlJe .pace of three OIootha o 8 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. for nearly three centuries the ~ravages of avarice, owed to him the first foreign settlement of friendly cOll}m~rce on her shores; and Great Britain claim~d, through his arduous struggles, the gratitude of a long-degraded people for the returning dawn of civilization. At home, many of the distinguished efforts of benevolent and religious societies, in which he will be found to hav€ born a principal part, are wholly of his time. That which finally extorted from sluggish apathy. fi'om power and prejudice, the abolition of the inhuman Slave Trade. stands in the list. The societies themselves either did not exist when his humane and virtuous mind first impelled him - forward in the pursuit of public go od, or all have derived an increase of strength from his co-operation. ' , , Th€ lives ofs ome men may be contemplated in their opinions and private studies; of others, in their exertions and public concerns. It i~ Tarely that the world beholds the union of unceasing action and unwearied study : still more rarely does it enjoy the sight of such united power devoting itself, at once meekly and resolutely. to the fear of God and the aid of man. Yet such .was the character of GRANVILLE SHARP. Mr. SHARP* was descended from a family very antiently settled at Bradford-dale, in Yorkshire; and his more immediate predecessors had been distinguished for the same high qualities of which he main- tained the lustre in his own example. . ' During the war between Charles 1. ~nd the Parliament, Thomas Sharp rose into notice from the particular degree of favolIT in which he stood with Gener~l Lord Fairfax, who held his - head-quarters at his hQuse at Bradford, and, among otller marks of regard, offered him a cominission in the army; but he declined it, preferring to continue in trade. It is unnecessary to say, that he was attached " The name of Granville was derived from Sir Richard yranville, who was Vice-Admiral of England in the reign of Elizabeth. "He reduced Virginia to allegiance, and added it to her Majesty's dominions. He was himself lineally descended from Richard, the third Duke of Normandy."-Raleigh·s Naval Rrgister. INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 9 to the opinions of the Puritans. . His infant son, John, would have been brought up 'in the same p\'~nciples, if the contrary attachment of the mother to the Royalist party had not given -a more salutary direc- tion to his mind. At the ' hazard of Lord Fairfax's displeasure, arid eluding all the searches that were made for Common Prayer Books in every house, she had preserved those of her family; and one of them she put into the hands of her son, instructing him to love and value it. The boy was particularly moved. by reading the Litany; and to this first feeling was soon ad ded a more powerful excitement by the accidental view of his father's secret devotions. Through a chink in the door of an adjoining room, he had perceived him at his private prayers: childish curiosity brought hini back frequently to the same place, and he found "something in his father's manner of addressing himself to God in secret, something in the importunate earnestness of his devotions," so forcibly affecting his heart, that the impression was never effaced. This boy was afterwards the venerable Archbishop of York"'. The disclosure of early talents in the child, probably induced the father to devote him to learned pursuits. At the age of sixteen, with no other helps to literature than he had gained at the grammar-school of his native town at Bradford, John was a.dmitted of Christ's-Church College, Cambridge, under the care of a faithful and enlightened tutor, whose diligent services he gratefully recompensed on his first ad- vancement in the church t. In the course of his college studies, the intenseness of his application brought on an illness, which terminated in hypochondriac melan- choly, and, to rouse himself from this benumbing malady, he left the • He retained his affection for the Litany through life, "judging it," as he said, "as to the matter, extremely well suited to the wants of mankind; and, as to the manne" oj it, exceedingl:y well contrived for the helping our infirmities in prayer." t This was the Rev. Mr. Brooksbank, who, through the application of his pupil, then Arch- deacon of Berks, obtained from the Chancellor the living of St. Mary's in Reading. Dr. Sharp offered to resign the archdeaconry in favour of his old master, to which the Chancellor would Rot consent, but added to his gift one of the prebends of Salisbury. C 10 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. university for a short time; after which, having succeeded in regaining' his health, 'he returned, to commence his studie's in divinify". His great attention to the church service procured him an dnsolicited Living, and his excellent character the situation of Tutor and Dolnestic Chaplain in the faI:I'l'ily of Sir Heneage Finch, Solicitor General. ,He was a~mitted into Holy Orders in 1667, and ordained Deacon and Priest in the same day by a particular dispensation from the Archbishop of Canterbury. In Sir Heneage's family he had the care of four youths, two of whom, 'afterwards, entering the church, were made by him dignitaries of the ca.thedral of York. He was scarcely twenty-eight years of age, when his patron (now made , Attorney-'General~ informed him that the King had conferred Oh him the Archdeaconry of Berkshire. Sharp replied, that "he wall too young and ignorant, and he wished to decline the preferment; " but the Attorney-General would not accept the excuse, and furnished him with all requisites for taking immediate possession. Sir Heneage, (created a Peer in 1674, and) succeeding to the Chancellorship of England in 1675, soon placed his chaplain in a more conspicuous point of view, by entrusting to him the entire charge of recommending persons properly qualified to take the numerous p~e­ ferments in his gift. This arduous task he executed in so exemplary a manner, that rio preferment passed through his hands, that was not bestowed on some one of the most learned and virtuous men of the timet. Three gifts only the Chancellor reserved for his own .. To unbend his mind from severer studies, he commenced a collecti~n of medals; which he afterwards so improved and enlarged, that it was inferior to few in England, particularly in regard of the Saxon and English coins. The collection has been further augmented by hii descendants. t His conduct in this respect was uniform through life. "During a part of King Charles's reign, as well as in that of King William (by being joined in an extraordinary commission with some other bishops to recommend fit persons to crown-preferments), and also in the reign of Queen Anne, through the respect the Queen paid to his recom- mendation, he became instrumental in promoting some of the most shining lights in literature that the age in which he lived, or perhaps any other age, ever produced; Archbishop Tillotson, who was made Dean of Canterbury (his first preferment) by his recommendation; Bishops Bull and Beveridge, whose learned and truly pious publications will ever do honour to their namei ; Dr. Prideaux, Dean of Norwich, author of the ' Connection between the Old and New Testament ;' INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 11 disposal, and those he conferred on MI', Sharp himself. Among them' was the rectory of St. Giles's, wh\ch became his residence for sixteen years, and where he was revered as a minister, who 'zea- lously and faithfully discharged all the duties of his office, but par- ticularly those most important ones of catechising the youth and comforting the sick. In the performance of the lwtter duty he bore an equal share with his curates, visiting the poor ,in the meanest garrets and cellars, and never refusing his personal attendance, wherever it was required *. In 1679 he commenced Doctor in Divinity at Cambridge, and in 1681 was promoted to the Deanery of Norwich. In 1686 he was appointed Chaplain in Ordinary to James the Second, and continued S0 till the Revolution; though the manner in which he spoke of the Church of Rome, in the pulpit, was- so ' little agreeable to this monarch, that the Bishop of London (Dr, Compton) was advised to ~usp€nd him; but he refused, and, after a short time, Dr. Sharp was restored to the King's favour. The Revolution which took place, did not, in any manner, alt~r the steady tenour of his conduct. With the same independence Dr. Bentley, the learned Maste,r of Trinity College; Dr. Potter, highly esteemed for his Greek Antiquities and other works of learning, and afterwards eminent as Archbishop of Canterbury; the worthy and amiable Sir WilUam Dawes, who, by Dr. Sharp's paTticular recommendation to tlie Queen just before he died, succeeded him as Archbi~hop of York; the learned Dr. Mill; Dr. Hales, eminent afterwards as a, philosopher; and Dr. Grube, a learned Prussian divine. Many other pious and worthy men were preferred by his means, but the above were the most eminent."-Letter from Granville Sltarp to D,' , Witherspoon, 1764. • " His compliance herein pu~ him sometimes ~n h3.2;ard of his life. Once, when he wa. called, by two unknown gentlemen, to an unknown place, on pretence of visiting a dying friend, and not without suspicions of some treacherous design upon himself-(for it was a particular time in King James's reign, when he had grounds for such a distrust)-he neverthe- less ventured with them, only taking with him the guard of a servant, which was not usual with him, and orderillg him to stand in the street before the house whither he was carried, and not to stir from thence upon any account whatever, till he saw him come out of the house .. gain. (This indeed was Mrs. Sharp's advice and precaution.) And it had this efl"ect, that when the design of the servant's attendance in the street was observed, by his utterly refusing io enter the house, the Rector, after waiting som e time, wa. told that the stranger patient was then taking rest, and could not conveniently be disturbed; and so he was dismissed, and never heard afterwards either of the patient or his friends." MS. Life ~f AI'CJ.bi.llOp Sha,.p, by Iii, Son, D,.. Tltomas Slint']J, 1'2 MEMOIRS {)F GRANVILLE SH-ARP. with which he had censured the Romish religion before James, he prayed for that monarch before the Prince of Orange, on the first Sunday after the opening of the Convention, and also· before the House of Commons, on the Wednesday following; considering, that, though the vote of abdication had passed that House, it had not yet received the concurrence of the Lords, .and that the Service of the ChUl;ch had not yet been .altered by ar.lY due authority. In 1689, he was farther promoted to the Deanery of Canterbury, and was named by King William one of the persons appointed to fill the sees vacant by the deprivation of their oisbops. But in this latter point he unexpectedly declined obedience, on account of the dispossessed bishops being .still alive, and his unwillingness to remove to any of those hOI)ourable situations under sllchcircumstances. He requested, therefore, to remain in his own humbler station. But the strong friendship of Dr. Tillotson (then nominated for Archbishop of Canterbury), and his interest with the King,pFevailed in reconciling the feelings of all parties. He represented to Dr. Sharp, that the King ,~as offended at his refusal of a bishoprick. and that the only mea- sure which could restore him to favour, would be, that of consenting to accept the Archbishoprick of York, whenever it should become vacant. This point he carried, and then obtained &om William the order for the succession. About a week afterwards, the Archbishop of York (Lamplugh) died, and the two friends, Tillotson and Sharp, received their archiepiscopal consecration nearly at the same period. Dr. Sharp took the most affectionate leave of his parishioners in St. Giles's. He was in his forty-seventh year when he was advanced to the see of York, and he sate in it two-and-twenty years . . His life as an Archbishop is to() important in history, to admit of adequate mention in this place. Bis constancy and integrity, his • learning and piety, his disinterested zeal and loyalty, secured to him the favour of William, and made him the confidential friend of Anne to the last hour of his life. After the virtuous fulfilment of a long course of exemplary and. painful duties, he died at Bath, Feb. 2, 1713-14; and was succeeded in INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 13 his high dignity by the person whom he had himself recommended to the Queen. His character was drawn, with less of eloquence than of feeling, in a sermon, preached at York on his decease, by the Rev. John Blower, a prebendary of that cathedral ~'. The epitaph engraved on his * Some particulars of the Archbishop's character h_ere described bear so strongly on that of Mr. Granville Sharp, that they will, perhaps, be found worthy of reference.- " Though he did not, upon several occasions, concur in his judgment, nor come into the same measures, with some eminent persons, both in church and state, yet he was never disunited from them in affection by a contrariety of sentiments. " I can truly assert, that he was as hearty a well-wisher to the peace and prosperity both of the church and kingdom, and to the happiness of all mankind, as any ~ne living ; and as ready to promote these blessings according to his power; but he did not imagine that a zeal for the Iiest tllings, or the most laudable aversion to all erroneous opinions, could sanctify-any uncharitable animosity against the persons of men. . " Never was any man, as well hy the tenderness of his nature as by the impulse of reli- gion, better disposed to succour the distressed, and reIleve the necessities of the poor; to which merciful offices he had so strong an inclination, that no r~asonable solicitations were ever in danger of meeting with a repulse. Nay, he was more prone to seek out proper objects of his bounty, than to reject them when recommended; and so far was his charity from any suspicion of being extorted by importunity, that it appeared rather a delight than uneasiness to him to extend his lib~ality upon all proper occasions." - DiscouTSe delivered in tlte Cailud"ul Churclt oj York, Feb. 14, 1713-14. For the same reason, a singular anecdote of the Archbishop, related in the London Chronicle of Aug. 13, 1785, and always credited by his family, may be thought worth -preserving. " It was his Lordship's custom to have a saddle-horse attend his carriage, that, in case of fatigue from sitting, he might take the refreshment of a ride. As- he was thus going to his episcopal residence, and was got a mile or two before his carriage, a decent, well-looking young man came up to him, and with a trembling hand and faltering tongue, presenting a pistol to his Lordship's breast, demanded his money. The Archbishop with great composure turned about, and, looking stedfastly at him, desired he would remove that dangerous weapon, and tell him fairly his condition. 'Sir! Sir!' with great agitation, cried the youth: ' No words- 'tis not a time-your money instantly.'-' Hear me, young man,' said the Archbishop. You seeI'am a very old man, and my life is of very little consequence; yours seems far otherwise. I am named Sharp, and am Archbishop of York; my carriage and-servants are behind; tell me what money you want, and who you are, and I'll not injure you, but prove a friend. Here, take this- and now ingenuously tell me how much you want to make you independent of so destructive a business as you are now engaged in.' '0 Sir!' replied the man, 'I detest the business as much as you. I am-But-but-at home there are creditors who will not stay-Fifty pounds, my Lord, indeed would do what no tongue besides my own can tell.' - ' Well, Sir, I take it on you\' word: and, upon my honour, if you will, in a day or two, call on me at - --, what I have now given shall be made up that sum.'-The highwayman looked at him, was silent, and went off; and at the time appointed actually waited on the Archbishop, and assured his Lordship his words had left impressions which nothing could ever destroy. "Nothing more transpired for a year and a half, or more; when one morning a person- 14 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. monument, was written by Dr. Smallridge, afterwards Bishop of Bristol *. The Archbishop was born in 1644, and, at the age of thirty-three, married a daughter of William Palmer, Esq., of Win thorp, in Lin- colnshire-a lady of an eminently virtuous disposition. Several children were th~ fruit of this marriage. Thomas, his youngest son t, and father of the subject of the present Memoirs, was made Archdeacon of Northumberland in 1722. No less distinguished than the Archbishop had been, for integrity, piety, and a conscientious discharge of his duty, he was indefatigable in making himself acquainted with every clergyman in his province, and , with the circumstances of their respecti ve cures; so that not a curate por a schoolmaster was appointed without his sanction. All petitions, all cases of difficulty, every particular relative to church duties or parochial affairs, were referred to him, and never failed, to receive an immediate and most scrupulous attention. As a mediator and peace-maker, he was consulted alike by the rich and poor. knocked at his Grace's gate, and with a pecuHar earnestness desired to see him. The Arch- bishop ordered the stranger to be brought in. He entered the room where his Lordsbip was, but had scarce advanced' a few steps before his countenance changed, his knees tottered, !Lnd he sank almost breathless on the floor. On recovering, he requested an audience in private, The apartment being cleared, • My Lord,' said he, • you cannot have forgotten the circumstances 'at such a time and place; gratitude will never suffer them to be obliterated from my mind. In me, my Lord, you now behold that once mast wretched of mankind; but now, by your inexpressible humanity, rehdered equal, perhaps superior, in happiness to millions. Oh, my Lord,' (tears for a while preventing his utterance) • 'tis you, 'tis you, that have saved m~ body and soul; 'tis you that have saved a dear and much-loved wife, and a little brood of children, whom I tendered dearer than my life. Here are the fifty pounds; but never shall I find language to test.ify what I feel. Your God is your witness; your deed itself is your glory; &Dd may heaven, and all its blessings, be your present and everlasting reward! - I was the younger son of a wealthy man; your Lordship knows him: his name was My marriage alienated his affection, and my brother withdl'Cw his love, and left me t<) sorrow and penury. A month since my brother died a bacbelor, and intestate. Wbat was his, is become mine; and, by your astonishing goodness, I am now at once the most penitent, the most grateful, and happiest of my species.' " * The character of this excellent prelate is likewise ably drawn, at the end of Boyer's Hist . •/ Queen Anne, fol, Lond. 1735, p. 64. t Born, December '12, 1693. INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 15 His charities were extensive and useful. "My father," says Gran- ville (in a letter to a friend in ] 793), "was Rector of an extensive " parish, Rothbury, in the county of Northumberland, and retained at "his own expense five, if not more, different schools in the villages, " at convenient distances, for the instruction of poor children whose " parents could not afford to send them to' school. The children in "all these schools were taught writing and arithmetic, as well as " reading; so that, in a long course of years, there were few to be "found in the parish who. co'uld not write, if not retain also some " knowledge of figures: and no people could be more remarkable U for industrious exertion in the most humble labour, and at the same " time for modesty and good behaviour, than the parishioners of Roth- " bury in general. The children of Roman Catholics, and of all "other sects, were equally admitted to the benefit of the schools; "and very strict care was taken not to give any offence to them, or " their parents, about the difference of religious opinions *." His writings are very numeroust· Among the most valuable is a MS. Narrative of his Father, the Archbishop;s Life, both public and private, together with a collection of many of his letters, an~ other papers-a work which, whenever it shall De published, will form ~n important addition to the annals of English biographyt. • Rothbury, in the diocese of Durham, was his first preferment. He was also a Prebendary of York, of the collegiate church of Southwell, and, finally, of Durham. He resided by tum. at Durham and Rothbury, and, every third year, passed three months at Southwell; during which time, with virtuous munificence, he regularly expended the whole of the three year»' revenues arising from his prebendal stall at that place, in acts of hospitality and charity. t His printed works, in 6 vols. 8vo. are deposited in the episcopal library at Durham, together with two manuscripts relative to the history of the Cathedral and its principal Dignitaries, frOID the year 635 to his own time. t The anecdotes above related of the Archbishop are taken from this manuscript. [ shall add the character of the writer, as farther given in a marginal note, by his loa Granville, in one of thp works above mentioned.- " The candour, judgment, and learning of this author are shewn in such of his works as are already printed, and particularly in the Hebrew controversy, wherein he so happily succeeded against the followers of Mr. Hutchinson. He was remarkable fer his great sagacity and discern- ment as a critic. Of his thorough knowledge of ecclesiastical affairs, he has left a lasting monument to posterity, in his' Discourses on the Rubrics and Canons of the Church of England, so far lIS they relate to the Parochial Clergy.'" 16 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. He married Judith, youngest daughter of Sir George Wheler, a prebend of Durham, and died in 1758, having been the father of a numerous pffspring, of whom five sons and three daughters arrived at maturity. I Of so large a family, the limits of a biographical work, devoted to a single eminent character, necessarily restrict the measure even of the most merited notice; but adorned, as the several individuals were, by qualities which form the ~itizen, and describe the Christian, it would be injurious to pass their names in silence. The characters of the greater part are too strongly marked, to want the interest which biography demands.' The eldest son, John, who succeeded to his father's principal digni- ties in the church *, stands distinguished in the records of British humanity at Bamburgh Castle in Northumberland!-a p~ace where many circumstances have contributed to produce a charitable asylum unparalleled in our (or, probably, in any other) island. The castle, now devoted to purposes of most singular benevolence, is situated on an almost perpendicular rock, close to the sea, . and accessible only on the south-east side; on a spot, where (according ,to the monkish historians) once stood the palace of the kings of Northumberland, built by Ida, about the year 560; and parts of the present ruins are supposed to be the remains of his work. The rock on which it is placed, is one hundred and fifty feet above low-water mark, -and, after the' struc~ure had fallen to decay, was famous only for the wreck of vessels, and the helpless cry of forlorn mariFlers thrown on the coast. Some partial repairs had been under- taken, for the purpose of holding the manor courts, and of formi-ng a temporary dwelling for a religious minister within the castle, when the view of its stately remains of antient grandeur, and of the distress and * As Prebendary of Durham, and Archdeacon of Northumberland. He was also Vicar of Martburo, and Curate to the perpetual curacy of Bamburgh. INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 17 . danger which surrounded them, suggested to pr. Sharp more en- larged designs, and ideas · of relief proportionate to the magnitude of the occasion. On his succeeding his father as one of the Trustees of Lord Crewe's Charity*, plans were laid down, and preparations made, for roofing and clearing out the g~eat tower · or keep, and adapting its spacious contents to the service of several charitable establishments. The upper story . of the tower was formed into granaries, whence in times of scarcity corn was distributed to the indigent, without distinction, at a low price;. thE} lower · story was divided into rooms for the manor-courts, schools for educating the children of the poor, a hospital (with accommodation also for in- curables), a dispensary, and a general surgery, with cold and warm baths for poor persons of all descriptions. In the course of the former repairs, in sinking the floor of a cellar, a curious draw-well had accidentally been found, one hundred and forty-five feet in depth, cut through the solid rock; and at another part the remll-ins of a. chapel were discovered, one hundred feet in lengtht: both were now rendered useful to the purposes of the charity. • The ctlstie is said to have been in good repair at the time of the Conquest, when it had, in aU likelihood, somp. aclclit.ions made to its works; and in the tim" of Henry the Second gTeat repairs were also ·made, and other parts added. The keep, ot great tower, was perhaps built · at that time. The castle remained in the Crown until the l()th of Elizabeth, when the Qne~n appointed Sir John Foster, of Bamburgh Abbey, Governor of it; and his gTandson aft~rwards had !l grant of it, together with the manor; but one of his descendants (Thomas Foster, of Ethelstone), engaging in the Rebellion, in 1715, his estat.es, including the castle, were c!mfiscated, They were afterwards purchased by his uncle, Nathaniel Lord Crewe, Bishop of purham, who died 1722, having devised considerable estates in the counties of Durham and Northumberland to five Trustees, charged, in the first place, with the annual payment of some noble an~l well- known benefactiOl).s, (to the University of Oxford, and to Lincohl College, of which he had been Rector; and for the augmentation of Livipgs, and the institution of Schools and Alms- liouses, and other beneficent purposes, in the several counties apd parish~!S with which he had been connected), and the residue being made applicable to any charitable use or uses, which the Trustees should from time to time appoint and direct, This surplus was accordingly applied to various purpos~s of charity, as occasion offered, but without any regular or permanent system, till Dr. Sharp took the management of the trust, more than thirty years after the testator's decease. t The chapel was found by throwing over the bank a vast quantity of sand, which had heen washed in, and had greatly accumulated in length of time. The chancel of the chapel D 18 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. But the protection of the mariner who navigates along this dangerous coast, was the peculiar object of the establishment. For his sake a constant watch' was set at the top of the tower; and when any ship was discovered in distress, signals were made, to direct the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, to hasten to its assistance. If the vessel suffered distress in the adjacent Fern Islands, or Staples, a flag was hoisted, guns fired morning and evening, and a rocket sent up every night" that the sufferers might know that they were percei ved from the · shore, and that efforts were making for their relief. Signals were also made to the fishermen of Holy Island, whQ, from their situation, are able to put off their boats, when none from the ,main land can pass the breakers; and premiums wer~ assigned to those who should get the start in conveying succour. In foggy weather,. a bell sounding from the tower, and a gun ~ fired every quarter of an hour, were signals to the same effect. 111 every violent storm, two men on horseback patroled the coast from sun-rise to sun-set; one of whom, in case of any shipwreck, returned to give alarm at the castle; and' premiums were paid to any one who brought the earliest intelligence. Within' the castle, thirty beds were kept, well-aired, and in constant readiness to receive the sailors who ,escaped the storm, and who here found a store-house for depositing in security whatever might be sayed from the wreck; and tools, timber, cables-and, in short, all that could be wanted for the repair of vessels-ready for their use. The bodies of .such as were cast lifeless 'on shore, were decently interred*. is thirty-six feet long, and twenty in breadth; the east end (according to the Saxon fashion) semicircular. The altar stood in the centre of the semicircle, with a walk round it, three feet broad, for the priest to carry the Host in procession. The front, richly carved, is still remaining . .. Mr. Granville' Shil.Tp, in a letter to the Marquis of Lansdown (1792), gives the following particulars of the charity.- . ' " The Account of Bamborough Castle, printed some years ago, contains but a very small part of the' charities now ip the establishment at that place. There is a medical dispensary, where many hundred sick and wounded persons every year receive advice and assistance. A large Saxon hall has been repaired and roofed as a school, wherein about 120 children are instructed ; INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 19 All these beneficent plans' were, in the first instance, <;:arried into execution with the utmost zeal and promptitude under Dr. I Sharp's direction, and were conducted by him with equal attention and inde- fatigable perseverance for more than thirty years, to the time .of his decease*': He resided in Bamburgh Castle s~veral months in every year, anxiously superintending every part of the managemen~; and, in order to encourage his success.ors to cont,inue the good work, qe n.ot - only expended a large part .of his .own property in his life-time on the impr.ovements and accommodati.ons .of the placet, but at his death beql:leathed t.o the Trustees his furniture, and his large and valuable library,- besides a freeh.old estate, and a considerable sum of money t.o be vested in the funds, f.or the perpetual'repair of the great t.ower or keep, which he had himself .occupied, and now proposed for thei r dwelling and use. He died 28th April, 1792, "leaving," says Granville, "S.o ample a remembrance of his worth as to need no farther descripti.on." , Thomas, the second son, an acconiplished sch.olar, and an exem. plary parish priest:f:, greatly assisted his brother in establishing the charities .of Bamburgh. He died in the prime .of life. Thetw.o next sons, William and James, raised themselves by.talents and industry; the. one to professional eminence, arid both t.o affluence. To the memory .of the f.ormer, while I pay the tribute of duty as a biographer, let me be all .owed to add that of affection as a friend, and t.o express the gratefHI reverence with which I call him to and an old Saxon chap'el has been rebuilt on the ancient site; and both of them renewed a$ nearly as possible in the original style. Granaries are formed in the castle for cQrn, which is sold to the pOOl' at aQ, under price; and hand-mills are placed in the castle, that they may grind for themselves." • A very interesting letter, written by himself, in which he gives a full detail of these chari- table exertions, is preserved in Mr. Nichols's Biographical Anecdotes.-(See Letter S.) t Dr. Sharp seems to have taken pains to conceal the sums expended on the charity by himself; but the whole amount was probably little less than ten thousand pounds. t He was Rector cf St. Bartholomew the Less ill London, and Perpetual Curate of the curacy of Bamburgh. 20 MEMOiRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. remembrance; happy, beyond my hope, 'if any record that I am able to offer, can repay a portion ()f the debt due to that almost parental care, which his heart, overflowing with kindness, prompted him to extend to all. The _view of his character, in comparison with that of Granville-a view so often and forcibly impressed on my observ9-tion during a long intercourse with the family - may in some degree serve to el ucidate both. When you addressed yourself to William, you waked at once 'the attention of a benevolent and affectionat~ spirit, that anxiously bent towards you, with the desire of contributing instantly to your relief; of one who felt, no less than the sufferer, the pain he witnessed; who strove to sooth the irksome sense of human infirmity, and to reconcile the affi icted to themselves. His looks spoke the compassion of his heartl and his presence brought comfort, even (though that was rare) where his skill failed to afford relieL-In Granv£lle, benevolence and charity were not less prominently conspicuous, but they appeared divested of that keenness of sensibility which so quickly and irresistibly endeared the character of William. Granville's benevolence was pure and complacent, without anxiety,-without other emotion than tha~ of an uprjght and generous spirit, steadily and actively discharging his Maker's commlSSlOn. The expression of his sentiments was wholly free from disguise. Although his habitual charity of mind taught him to love the man whose opinion he chastised, he did not palliate error, nor veil the severest truth: what he spoke, you might at all times be sure was from the consent of his whole heart; all was simple, all was sterling.-Such were the nice features of distinction, in two men eminently united. in every amiable and friendly quality, eminently pure, religious, charitable, and useful to mankind. William's profession was surgery, which he practised, with unremit- ting assiduity and the highest reputation, for a coul'se of thirty-seven years, until a most severe and all but mortal attack of illness, attended with the loss of sight in one eye, comp!:!lled him to relinquish it*. • Memorandum left on a slip of paper by G. Sltarp.-" William Sharp, the sixth son and seventh child, ' born at Whitton Tower, Rothbury, 1728-9, March 12th; married Sept. 5th, INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 21 During the wh ole of his professional attendance, he was known never to have consented to the amputation of a limb, until every effort to _ preserve it had been exhaustt;d; and, in that case, his concern for human sufferings was such, that the pre'¢ious agitation of his countenance never failed to announce the impending operation to his family. Such, too, was the benignity of his professional feelings, that once, while relating the progress of his early life, being asked if he had at the outset allY powerful rival, he simply replied, " I was neper the rival of any man." He extended his charities around him in every manner; relieving the sick and indigent, assisting the willing, and encouraging, with a fostering hand that never withdrew its protection, the advance of youthful talents and industry, wherever they came within his sphere .. His house appeared the chosen residence of domestic peace and love. In it was assembled; every evening, the numerous band of brothers and sisters, knit in the union of Christian charity. No sight could be more affecting, more endearing. Alas I-if we may, sigh for those who rest in bliss-of all who formed that happy circle, t}Vo alone remain! the widow of James, and his daughter, to whom the reader owes the present accurate collection of important documents. His death, in advanced and declining age, is said to have been hastened by excessive alarm at the unexpectedly rapid appro~ch of his only chile's mortal dissolution. Severe indeed must have been a parent's presage of such a loss! The loss of one who was lovely in mind and exemplary in conduct; a long-enduring lesson of meekness, patient suffering, and resignation to the Divine Will! · 1765, to Catherine, fifth daughter of Thomas Barwick, of Friday Street. They had only one child born alive, Mary, born 19th of April, 1778. He was most eminent in his profession as a surgeon in London, during the time he practised for himself, from 1700 to 1787; and having acquired a handsome fortune, retired to Fulham." • I wish to ref~r the reader, for a fuller account of Mr. William Sharp, to the funeral sermon, preached on occasion of his death, by the Rev. John Owen, of Fulham, March 25, 1810. J shall extract from it an anecdote of singular interest.- Mr. Owen, after describing, with his natural eloquence, the demeanour of Mr. Sharp during the Church Service, proceeds thus :-" But to view this part of his portrait complete, we must meet him 22 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. The name of James will occasionally be found in the following Memoirs, in his united. action with Granville. His unshaken inte~ grity gave him great inftuence in the city, where he carried on an extensive business as an ironrnonger .. His inventive genius, and know- ledge of meohanics, rendered his efforts in trade more than commonly useful and beneficial. To him, chiefly, this kingdom is indebted for the establishment of its inland n~vigation *. His house, like that of William, was the general home of the family; nor did he possess in a less eminent degree those affections_o f the .heart which render home . delightful. Of Dr. Sharp's daughters, the virtues were domestic and exemplary. I will not believe- that England is deficient in other circles of d(;)lnestic life, in which as many useful, ~irtuous, and endearing qua- lities are' concentrated, as in the family whose shadows I am now tracing; but it is the lot of few to km)w them intimately. I have enjoyed a blessing of that kind, and my heart is grateful for it; and, while it indulges the remembrance of so much excellence, kindred minds shaJI, as I hope, be roused to emulation by these records, mid chiefly by the memorial of him whose history I now pro- ceed to detail, in the confidence of a.dding to the moral and religious at the altar, and see him kneeling to receive the pledges he so dearly v~ued of his Saviour's love. At this table, spread by the Lord ofglol,)" and covered with more than angels' food, he was a constant and a thankful gue~t. So highly did he deem the obligation and the benefit of thi~ peculiarly Christian ordinance, that he lost no opportunity of celebrating it himself, alld took no comll\OU pains to l,ring all the members of his household to be paFtakers with him. On one occasion, all occ~sion which will be eve. fresh in the memory of myself and those who witnessed it, he lingered, contrary to his general custom, behind the body of communicants. At length he approached the altar; but it was in company with a livery servant, newly received into his employmellt, and whose devotions he had been guiding duriIlg the progress of the service. With a tel1dernes~ and humility, seldom perhaps equalled, he made his servant kneel before he would advance; !lnd then, servant apd master, on their bended knees beside each other, and in the preseuce oc" God and of the congregation, ate the same spiritual meat aud drank the same spiritual drink, as equally the objects of acceptance and mercy with Him who is no respecter of persons." .. " He distinguished himself by his zeal in projecting and promoting a scheme for a navigable canal from WalthamA-bbey to Moorfidds." -Nichols's A1Ifcdotes. INTRODUCTORY VIEW. 23 treasures of the world, if my task shall be duly fulfilled. The example of a good man is an inheritance to ages; and it will be my endeavour to give an unbiassed and faithful narrative, ~uch as will best suit the tenour of his simple and sincere course-with the recollection ' that I should offend the memory of a sainted spirit, if I should exag'gerate . the fair and real merit of his actions; yet remembering also, that to extenuate it, even in a single point, would be to desert the <;ause of truth; and to defraud virtue of one of its just incentives to social action. The character which I shall have to delineate is of the highest order; but it is also the most plain and easy to .be understood, as it was always shewn without artifice or disguise. It is that of a maN who, gifted with rare endowments, and led by the disposing hand of Providence to good, found his heart irresistibly directed to the relief of unmerited sufferings; his reason arollsed to the reproof I of pernicious errors, and his whole soul filled with the desire of universal human happiness. To the advancement of these sublime purposes h~ moved forward by a clew that admitted of no mistake, and that could not be broken. Intimately convinced of the divine origin of the Scriptures, and of their containing the only certain grounds of our temporal and eternal welfare, he resolutely applied the whole faculties of his understanding, and bent .t he whole vigour of his mind, to search with accuracy their strict and unquestionable meaning. The languages in which they have been delivered to us, were made the objects of his profound inquiry, and, he became one of the ablest interpreters of them, that has appeared even to the present day. Having thus endeavoured to render hi~self master of the real intent of the Sacred Precepts, he took them unalterably for his guides: . he proposed them as a rule of conduct on all occasions, and he rigidly adhered to them in all his actions. To the same high tribunal, also, be referred all the reasonings and actions of other men; and the distinctions of season, power, place, and rank, sunk before it into comparative insignificance. This is the true light in which he is to MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. be viewed in every part of his long life, and in which he will be uniformly seen through the whole of this Narrative. There is no moment of instability in his rule of duty, none of inconsistency in his practice. Like the Great Teacher whose lessons he humbly strove to obey, he pitied, respected, and loved mankind; but he condemned their errors, and reproved, in the hope to reform ·and save. MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. PART I. HIS EDUCATION-SITUATION IN EARLY LIFF~DEVELOPMENT OF GENERAL PHI. LANTHROPY - LIBERATION OF AFRICAN SLAVES IN ENGLAND - HIS UNION WITH AMERICAN COLO:.'ifISTS IN FAVOUR OF AFRICAN SLAVES- CONSEQli1ENCES OF THAT UNION.--':HlS WRITINGS, TILL THE YEAR 1776. PART I. CHAP., I. GRANVILLE SHARP was born at Durham, on the 10th of November 1735, O. S. A large part of his father's fortulle had been expended on the education of the two elder sons. The portions of the others were equally divided, and applied to their advancerntmt in their respective occupations; that of the youngest being set apart to serve as an apprentice-fee in Londoll, where it was his father's inten- tion to place him in trade. With a view to this , destination~ he was at a very early age withdrawn from the public grammar-~chool at Durham, before he had gained more than the first rudiments of the learned languages, and was sent to a smaller schoo), to be instructed more particularly in writing and arithmetic. In the spring of the year 1750 he left Durham, and in May was bound apprentice, in London, to a linen~draper of the name of Halsey, a Quaker, on Great Tower Hill; who dying in 1753, he remained, under the same indentures, with Halsey'S father-in-law and executor, Henry Willoughby, Esq., a justice of the peace, and a Presbyterian. In 1755 he was discharged by judgment of the Lord Mayor's court (in order to serve out the remainder of his term with E2 28 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. another freeman of Halsey's company), but the judgment being reversed in the same year, he continued to _reside with Willoughby till the following summer, when he obtained his consent to go into employ in the house of Bourke (a Roman Catholic) and Co., Irish factors, in Cheapside. . At the expiration of his apprenticeship he quitted his situation, and immediately engaged himself in the service of another linen-factory, which he had reason to suppose established on a large foundation; but finding the concern far more contracted than he had imagined, he soon relinquished his engagement. To these circumstances, apparently of little importance, his own reflecting mind has given an unexpected interest. In this early stage _ of his life were laid the foundations _o f that equal temper, with which he was enabled to enter into argument with all who differed from him in religious opinions. "Though my father," he says*, " was a dignified clergyman of the Church of England, and brought me up in the public profession of that church, yet he was so far from being prejudiced against any man for being of a different persuasion . fro'm himself, that he did not scruple to bind me as an apprentice to a Quaker, at the distance of nearly three hundred miles from home, though I was of so tender an ' age that I could not be supposed capable of discerning the propriety or impropriety of any difficult argument that might be throw» in my way, and. consequently, was liable to receive prejudices of education even in favour of Quakerism. " After I ):lad served about three years of my apprenticeship, my master the Quaker died, and I was turned over to a Presby- terian, or ~'ather, as he was more properly called, an Independent. I afterward lived some time with an Irish Papist, and also with another person, who, I believe, had no religiQn at all. "This short history" of himself: he adds, may serve to " re- move any suspicion of" his "being influenced by prejudice of edu- cati,on against any particular sect;" and he grounds on it a rule of • Letter to Dr. fothergill, Aug. 1770. CHAP. I.] EARLY LIFE. 29 conduct' which cannot be too warmly recommende4 to our notice; -" This extraordimiry experience," he says, " has taught me to make a proper distinction between the OPINIONS of men and their PERSONS. The former I can freely condeltm, without presuming to judge the individuals themselves. Thus freedom of argument is p~eserved, aS 'well as Christian charity, leaving personal judgment to Him to whom alone it belongs." In this period he made his first advanc,es in learning. A series of controversies with an inmate of his master's house, who happened to be a Socinian, first excited him to the study of the Greek tongue. They disputed concerning the Tri.nity, and the Atonement of Christ; and on these topics the Socinian declared, that Granville was mis- taken in the opinions which he uttered, and that his misconception arose from his want of acquaintance with the Greek language, "in which," he asserted, "the subjects of their dispute did not suffer the interpretation which he put on them, and he therefore referred him to the New Testament in its original text." He learned Hebrew ~early at the same time, and from a cause exactly similar. A Jew, who appears to have resided also in his master's house, frequently ' contested with him the truths of the Christian religion, and, whep. hard pressed by his earnest reasonings, constantly declared that he misinterpreted the prophecies, from ignorance of the language in which they were written; referring him to the Hebrew Bible, in the same manner as the Socinian had done to the Greek Testament. To be ignorant of the truth, was, to his ardent mind, a source of inexpressible pain; to neglect the means of acquiring a knowledge of it, insupportable disgrace. The diligence of his inquiries kept pace with the acuteness of his feelings. A disposition to beneficence also manifested itself in these early years of his life. Justice Willoughby had formerly followed various occupations in trade, fi-01I"\ ~rhich he had finally retired. He very 500n began to take great notice of young Granville, who, in return, after two or three years' residence in Halsey's house, discovering that 30 MEMOIRS or GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. his friend ha'd a rightful claim t~ the title of Ba;ron de Parham, de- vised the only method il'l his power to promote it. His relation, Dr. Dering, was ~haplairi to the Eatl of Winchelsea, the descendant of Archbishop Sharp's gre:ft patr'on, tge Lord Ch3Jhcellor Finch. To him Granville made a: report of the circu[I)stances; 3Jnd his Lordship. being by fhes~ rneafis apprizecl ' of them. ca,us€d Willoughl;)y's claim to be laid duly before Parliament, ana p'Focl1red hi.s acbu,issiQn to the Notlse 'of Peers, where he sate for the relnaiFling years of his life *. , Mr. Shm'p took up his fi'eedc;iID @f the city, ilil the Company of , Fishrnongers, in August 1757. In the same year he recei ved the afflicting news of his mother's death, and, in the spring of the yeal' foUowing~ ,h.is father's also. OJ;! both these occasions he hastened to his family in the North; and in the' latter visit he remained some time" in order tQ assist his brothers amI sisters in the various removals that enstted; and fiaaHy retumed to London, bringing with him two' of his sist€rs. The reasons that induced him to abandon the track of business in which he had been twice engaged, 3Jre now unknown. The de3Jth of his father, however, left his choice at liberty; and in June 1758 he obtained a sub@rdinate appointment in the Ordnance office. From that date to the year 1764 there are few notices concern- ing the employment of his time-his office necessarily engaged the greatest portion of it ;-but it is certain that in this inteT\Tal he completed those acquisitions in the sacred languages, which enabled him anerwards to maintain the extraordinary part that he assumed in society. His hours of study were snatched from sleep, and some hints of the eagerness with which he pursued his researches are found in his letters. In the March quarter of the year 1764 he was appoint~d a Clerk in ordinary, and removed to the Minuting Branch. ,. The title wa's adjudged to him (in consequence of the decease of Hugh, fifteenth Lord Willoughby de Parham) in the sixth Session of the twelfth Parliament of Great Britain, and be took his seat accordingly, April 25, 1767. He died in 1775, aged seventy-nine." Collins's Peerage. CHAP. I.) DISCLOSURE OF "CHARACTER. 81 It was very soon after the date of this appointment that the sin- gularity of his character began to unfold itself. In 17'65, he unex- pectedly engaged in a literary controversy with Dr. Kennicott (the learned publisher of the Hebrew Bible), which involV'ed a contest for superior accuracy in Hebrew literature afld Biblical learning, and which he conducted with no inconsiderable credit to his abilities'*'. Some other tracts also appeared from his pen, tending t@ promote the general interests of society. Nearly at the same time, chance directed his attention towards the sufferings of a race of men who had long been the sport and victims of European avarice. In the first moments of his action, he had flO other object in view than the relief of a miserable fellow-creature, strug- gling with disease and extreme indigence; but such was then, under Heaven, the widely increasing spirit of social charity, that England was destined shortly to behold (and to be herself the scene of the extraoFdinary spedacle) a private and powerless individual standing forth, at the divine excitement of Mercy, to .rescue those whom the force of disgraceful cuslom inj uriollsly bound in chains ;-to see him, w.hen opP(i)sed in his benevoleNt efforts, arm hims.elf, by the study of our laws, t(1) asseJlt the unalterable course of justice, and for that end .prepare to resist the formidable decisions of men who had filled the highest stations in our courts of judicature; maintaining his ground against dl'em with unanswerable arguments, and finally over- throwing the influence of authoritative, but unjust, opinions - an , event not more glorious to the individual himself, than to our coun- try's constitution, of which it demonstrated the mild and liberal spirit, fr.iendly to every consideration that can he suggested for the benefit of mankind. Mr. . Shat;p:s pape.rs, fQrtunately, afford the most accurate notices of these ·s ingular -transactions from their commencement. They are described in his usual clear and unaffected manner; and as the plainest tl1Uth is ,the greatest ornament of historical relation, the • The reader lwi.U '#.\11-4 /10 Account .Qf .thi. controversy in its proper place. 32 MEMDIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. whole of his manuscript notes will be copied as occasion requires, and collected in ,the course of the following narrative. The read~r has only to observe, that the parts so transcribed will be regularly tli'stinguished by the prefatory capitals ~~.; ul}der which, both in 1:he present and ,other parts of' these Memoirs, Mr. Sharp will be left to relate his own history. He gives the account of an AFRICAN, of the name of Jonathan Strong, whose pitIable case furnished the 6rst opportunity of trying a cause as important to humanity in general as to the just renown of our English charter. . The .professioNal arrangements of Mr. 'Villiam Sharp, whose house , w~s open every morning for the gratuitous relief of the poor, were the first means of bringing Strong to the knowledge of either brother. Pain and disease, the c(;)nsequence of severe blows and hardships, led the miserable sufferer to seek the aid of medical attendance; and it was in one of his morning visits to the surgery in Mincing Lane that he was met by Granville, as he approached the door of the house, ready·to fainethrough extreme weakness. On inquiry, it was foun<}' that he had been a Slave of Mr. David Lisle, a lawyer of Barbadoes, whose barbarous treatment had by degrees reduced him to a state of us~lessness, and whose brutal heart had then turned him adrift in the streets "'. This happened in 1765. By the united care of the two brothers, into whose haI\ds Strong had providentially fallen, he was restored to health t, and placed .. It appeared in the comse of the legal examinations which ~nsued" that Strong's master, Lisle, had beaten him violently on the head with a pistol, which made his head swell very greatly, and, when the swelling abated, a disorder fell on his ey'es, which nearly occasioned the loss of his sight. This was followed by an "gue, fever, and lameness in both fe~t, in which miserable condition he came to the surgery for relief. ' . , The minutes of this case, as well as of the succeeding Negro causes, were taken down in short-hand by Mr. Sharp's orders. Copies of them in full are preserved in the apartments of the African Institution, . t " Mr. William Sharp gave him admission to St. Bartholomew's Hospital, where he was .cured of his general complaints, but t he return; of bis ,sigbt remained very doubtful. This affliction rendering him still incapable of providing for qimself, both Mr. William and M~. Granville Sharp gave bim charitable assistancp at different times, not having the least suspicion that any person whatever had any claim on his person."-Mil1utes of the Case oj J. St1'ong. CHAP. J.] FIRST EFFORTS FOR ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN ENGLAND. 33 in the service of a respectable apothecary (Mr. Brown) in Fenchurch Street. In that comfortable situation he remained for two years, when, as he was one day attending his mistress behind a hackney coach, he was ,seen, and quickly recognised, by the lawyer to whom he had been a slave; and who, conceiving, from his appearance and active employment, that he must have regained his strength sufficiently for useful labour, instantly formed a design to recover possession of him. He followed the coach, for the purpose of ob- taining intelligence of his abode; and having discovered it, laid a plan to entrap him. ~~. '~Some days afterwards, he (David Lisle) employed two of the Lord Mayor'S officers to attend him to a public-house, from whence he sent a messenger, to acquaint Jonathan Strong that a person wanted to speak with him.: Jonathan, of course, came, and was shocked to find that it was his old master who han sent for him, and who now immediately delivered him int.o the custody of the two officers. Jonathan, however, sent for Mr. Brown, who likewise came, but being violently threatened by the lawyer, on a charge of having detained his propel·ty (as he called Strong), he was intimidated, and left him in Lisle's hands. " After this, G. S. received a letter from the ,Poultry Compter, signed Jonathan Strong, a name which he did not at first recollect; he sent, however, a messenger to ·the Compter to inquire about him, but the keepers denied . that they had any such ·p erson committed to their charge." I cannot refrain from adding another short testimony of Mr. William Sharp's humane behaviour to the distressed, which appeared ill the voucher delivered in court by Strong himself: " I meet with a man-told him my case-he recommended to Mr. William Sharp in Mincing Lane, Fenchurch Street: I took his ad"ice and went to Mr. Sharp. I could hardly walk, or see my way, where I was going. When I came to him, and he saw me in that condition, the gentleman take charity of me, and give me some stoff to wash my eyes with, and some money to get mysclfa little necessaries till next day. The day after, I come to the gentleman, and he sent me into the hospital, and I was in there four months and half. All the while I was in the hospital, the gentleman find me in clothes, shoes, and siockings, and when I come out, he paid for my lodging, and a money to find myself some necessaries, till he get me into a place· JON ATIIAN STlWNG: · F 34 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP~ [PART I. This refusal was sufficient to rouse the suspicion and to call forth the active benevolence of Mr. Sharp. ~~. "G. S. then went himself to the Compter, inquired for the master of the prison, and insisted on seeing Jonathan Strong. He was then called, and was immediately recollected by G. S., who charg~d the master of the prison, at his own peril, not to deliver 'him 'Up to anY ,person whatever, who might claim him, until he had been carried before the Lord Mayor (Sir Robert Kite), to whom G. S. immediately went, and gave information that a Jonathan Strong had been confined in prison without any warrant; and he therefore re- quested of his Lordship to summon those persons who detained him, and to' give G. S. notice to attend at the same time. This request was complied with." 1ft is feelingly remarked, by an eminent and intimate friend of Mr. Sharp, that his extraordimlrY l'Iction in behalf of the African race did not take its rise in theory, but was elicited by the occurrence of natural circumstances; and, agreeably to this observation, it will pre- sently be seen, that the few events just related form the whole ground-~ork of his final success in the present case, and of his sub- sequent exertions in others of a similar -nature. ~~. " When the appointed day was come (Sept. 18), G. S. attended at the Mansion-House, and found Jonathan in the presence of the Lord Mayor, and also two persons who claimed him; the one, a notary public, who produced a bill of sale from the original master * to James Kerr, Esq" a Jamaica planter, who had refused * As documents of this kind are now happily obs(!iete -in England, the reader may thiuk a specimen of them worthy his curiosity. " BILL, 8fc. 8fc.-To all t? whom. these presents shall come, David Lisle, of the parish of St. James, &c. &c. greeting. Know ye that the said David Lisle, for and in coftsiderdtion of the sum of thirty pounds good and lawful money, &c. to him in hand truly paid by James _ Kerr, Esq. late of Jamaica, &c. &c., doth grant, bargain, sell, and confirm unto the said James Kerr, his heirs and assigns, one Negro IVlan Slave, named Jonathan Strong, now in t he CIlAP. I.] FIRST EFFORTS FOR ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN ENGLAND. 35 to pay' the purchase money, (thirty pounds) until the Negro should be delivered on board a ship belonging to Messrs. Muir and Atkinson, bound to Jamaica, the captain of which vessel, Mr. David Lair, was the other person then attending to take him away. " The Lord Mayor having heard the claim, said, that' the lad had ' not stolen any thing, and was not guilty of any offence, and was therefore at liberty to go away;' whereupon the captain seized him by the arm, and told the Lord Mayor, I he took him as the property of Mr. Kerr.' Mr. Beech, the city coroner, now came behind G. S., and whispered in his ear the words ' Charge him;' at which G, S. turned upon the captain, and in an angry manner said, 'Sir, I charge you for an assault: ' On this, Captain Lair quitted his hold of Jonathan's arm, and all bowed to the Lord Mayor and came away, Jonathan following G. S., and no one daring to touch him," " 1\ few days after this transaction,. G. S. was charged, b¥.a writ, with having robbed the original master, David Lisle, the lawyer, of a Negro slave, and also of another slave, &c. &c," In' these charitable exertions GranviHe appears to have been seconded by his brother James. He alludes to this circumstance, in a letter addressed to the Rev. Dr. Muyssen, (in-Nov. 1767), in which he mentions " a law-suit commenced against him and his brother James for having lawfully and openly obtain~d the liberty of a ' poor Negro before the Chief Magistrate of the city *," possession of the said David Lisle, and the reversion and reversions, remainder and remainders rents, profits, an!1 services of the said Slave, and all the estate, right, title, interest, property. claim. and demand whatsoever, of him the said David Lisle, of, in, and to the same, To have and to bold the said Negro man, Jonathan Strong, unto the said James Kerr. his heirs, &c. to the ouly proper and absolute use and behoof of the said J. Kerr, Iris heirs, and assigns, &c. for ever, &c. "Signed, DAVID LISLE." (Here follows a receipt from Da\·id Lisle for the thirty pounds paid by James Kerr.) Minutes oj tlte Trial of Jonatltan Strong. • A manuscript account (also drawn up by Mr. Granville Sharp) of the action brought on this occasion by Lisle, is entitled. " TILe Case oj James and Granville Sharp, al far as t"~!1 "aoe any concern with James K.rr, Esq." F2 36 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PA.RT I. But the action at law was not the only weapon employed to alarm him, and to deter him fi'om the prosecution of his humane task. That no method might be left · unessayed, which avarice or malice could prompt, to retrieve the step, that had been lost, David Lisle sought out the Negro's FRIEND at his brother William's house (where he then resided), and having announced his name, was admitted. The conversation, on one part at least, was warm; and Lisle, ' after ineffectual denunciatio~s of revenge in various ways, attempted to intim'idate by a challenge.-It is important to learn in what manner a defiance of this nature was received by a man of Mr. Sharp's character: the anecdote is thlls related in the Ma- nuscript Notes. "Oct. I, 1767. David Lisle, Esq. (a man of the 'law) called on me in Mincing Lane, to demand gentleman like satisfaction, because I had procured the liberty of his slave, Jonathan Strong. I told him, that, 'as he had studied the law so many years, he should want no satisfaction that the law could give him.' " Mr. Sharp kept his word faithfully, but in a way little to be expected from it person who, as he ' himself states, "had never once opened a law book to consult it, till on occasion of the present cause." His first step, in order to defend himself from the legal process instituted against himl was, to apply to an eminent solicitor in the Lord Mayor'S office,_ and to retain Sir James Eyre, then Recorder of the city (and afterwards Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas), as his counsel. After some consideration of the case, the solicitor brought him a copy of the opinion given in the year 1729, by the Attorney and Solicitor General, York and Talbot (asserting, as before stated, that a Slave coming from the West Indies to Great Britain or Ireland, does not become free), and assured him that they should not be able to defend him against the action, as the Lord Chief Justice Mansfield was also decidedly of the same opinion. Information coming from such sources, and delivered on such .a uthorities, would have produced despair in a mind less firm, less conscious of its own powers, and of the unconquerable claims of CHAP. 1.) FIRST EFF~RTS FOR ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN ENGLAND. 37 universal justice. To Granville it fumished excitement, and a reso- lution (however unwillingly taken) to depend ori himself in the arduous task which he now saw presented to him. "Thus ·forsaken," he says (in a letter of reply to the Earl of Hardwicke*), "by my professional defenders, I was compelled, through the want of regular legal as:>istance, to make a hopeless attempt at self-defence, though I was totally unacquainted, either with the practice of the law, or the foundations of it, having never opened a law-book (except the Bible) in my lite, until that time, when I most reluctantly undertook to search the indexes of a law-library, which my bookseller had lately purchased." It will be found, from a subsequent letter to the Bishop of London, that, in pursuance of this resolution, he gave himself up, for nearly two years, to an intense study of the English laws on those points particularly which regard the liberty of person in British subjects. A folio common-place book, filled with the most important extracts on that topic, attests his unremitting diligencet. As it was during these researches that his mind appears to have been first turned to the substantial reclress of detested slavery, our attention is naturally caBed to observe the rising progress of his thoughts on the subject. The following notes, in which, as before hinted, a simple recurrence to the acts of aggression on tbe part of Lisle is rendered productive of the most powerful inference, are copied from an entry made by himself on a detached sheet of paper. They follow in the order here given:- e,@~. "1767, Saturday, September 12.-Received a letter from Jonathan Strong, a Negro. • Tbe Opinion of York and Talbot being quoted (many years afterwards) in Bowyer's" Poems . on the Abolition of tbe Slave Trade," the Earl of Hardwicke, with feelings whicb did honour to his beart, but 'under the influence of less accurate information tban was bis due, addressed a note to Mr. Bowyer, questioning the correctness of tbe statement. Mr. Bowyer applied to Mr. Sbarp for a satisfactory answer to his Lordsbip's observations; which was accordingly sent in the lettcr here alluded to. t The folio is thus marked on the cover, in bis own band-writing:-" Memorandums of Law and Constitutional History, selected in tbe course of reading." 38 MEMOIRS o.F GRANVILLE SHARP. " [PART I. " Went to Mr. Brown's, to inquire. " Saw Mr. Brown's shopman, who informed m~, that J. Strong was carried away to the Poultry Compter by a , person (assisted by two other$) WID.O said that Strong was his slave; " That he said Strong had robbed him (or carried away his pro- perty), but <'m beilIilg questiolled as to what he had lost, it appeared to be only an old livery on' Jonathan's back, ' part of which he con- fessed tIDe boy ,had p:!l!rted with some time before he left him. " That Mr. Brown sent Poole to see the ~oy in the Compter, who was twice denied admittance;" . . • . " , EVERY ALIEN AND STRANGER are bounden by and unto the laws ood statutes of tIDis Fealm, and to all and singular the contents of the same.' .Act 32 Henry VII I.-Consequently, they are the King's sl!lbjects within this realm, and as such must be under the protectioll of the .laws of this realm.-Query, whether aliells oppressed in England, under the pretence of their being slaves, may not sue their respective masters, in , the King's name, for attempting forcibly to keep, detain, and transport out of the kingdom as slaves, aliens that are his Majesty's subjects, as above recited, and are, consequently, under the protection of the laws of this realm?" .... " There is no English law to justify the masters of slaves against such a plea. One or two late precedents of trials, may, perhaps, be alleged, which may seem to confirm a right over slaves; but I apprehend that the trials were founded only in a vulgar error, that Negroes are made free by baptism, and therefore, as such a supposition has nothing to support it, the causes were of course lost. " But the same cannot be said, when put upon the right footing; for there is no law to justify a claim to the servitude of any man in England, native or alien, unless he is indentured for a term of years with his own consent. An Act was passed iIi 1st Edward VI. chap. 3, by which vagabonds were made slaves, but was r.epealed the 3d or 4th of the same reign (chap. 16). And, besides, the word slaves, or any thing that ·can justify the enslaving of othe~s, is n0tto 'be CHAP. I.) FIRST EfFORTS FOR ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN ENGLAND. 39 found, God be thanked, in any other law or statute whatever-at least, that I am able to find out." There is something deeply affecting in this document. The single point of truth which here dawned on his mind, opened the whole subject to his view, and, like the apple which fell to the ground in N~wton's sight, led to the astonishing consequences which have followed his exertions. This 'point once establish€d, the errors ,of ignorance and the artifices of fr~ud .b ecame alike ineffectual. Here was the solution of all the difficulties which had embarrassed the former trials of Negro cauSes. , In his difficult task of legal inquiry he had no instructor; no assistant, except his own diligence; no encourager, except his own conscience. For it is remarkable, that, during his studies, he ap- plied to the celebrated judge and commentator, Dr. Blackstone, but received little satisfaction from his opinion on the interesting subject in question *. He consulted, likewise, several other professional men of eminence, but could find no one whose opinion was favourable to his undertaking. "Even 'my own lawyers," he repeats, "were against me;" so much force had precedent, and the authority of those great names, .Y ork and Talbot, to bias even the soundest judg- ments. The powers of Mr. Sharp'S genius were shown in the result of his study. Decided and unsubmitting as to th,e end of his labour, he gradually put forth in manuscript such arguments as he deemed most powerful in favour of the Negro'S rights, cO~lbating every objection with fresh vigour, and continuing to join part to part of his work, as the cause proceeded. Lisle, finding the nature of the person w~th whom he had to deal, invented various pretexts for deferring the suit against him, and at length offered a compromise, which Mr. Sharp rejected. By continued application, before the final term when he was to answer the charge against his brother and himself. Granville had • Some of his letters wiU be found in the CQt·respQnd~lIct. 40 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PART I. added to a thorough investigation of the English laws much extraneous research into those of other nations; and he . had compiled in manu- script, ~ tract" On the lnjustice and dangerous Tendency of tolerating Slavery, or even of admitting th~ least Claim to private Property • in the Persons of Men, in Eng·land." This tract, when completed, he submitted to the perusal of Dr. Blackstone~; and then employed his utmost efforts to circulate it, by means of numerous copies, among those on whom he wished it to produce a favourable effect. The arguments contained in it were irresistible, and by its success he had the satisfaction of amply fulfilling his promise to his antagonist. " The substance of this tract," he says, "was handed about among the gentlemen of the law, in twenty or more different MS., copiest, for nearly two yeats, until the lawyers employed against the Negro, Jonathan Strong, were intimidated +,' and the plaintiff Was compell_ed to pay treble costs for not bringing forward the action §; after which," he adds, "the tract was printed in 1769." ~ His letter to Dr. Blackstone on this occasion is remarkable for the great deference with which he looked to his candid assistance aud advice, at the time that he was resolutely acting in opposition to his avowed sentiments in his Commentaries. " Oct. 4, 1768. " SIR,-Being desirous that my remarks on the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor- General, York and Talbot, should be quite ready for the press against the termination of my law-suit, I have lately revised and made several a~terat\ons in them, and have taken the liberty to send you a copy, which I earnestly desire you to peruse, and to inform me, whether you have any objection to what I wrot~ concerning your own opinion on that head. I shall think myself much honoured by your directions, if you should thiuk proper 1hat I ought to make any farther alterations. However defective my writings on the subject may be, I am assured of your good opinion, with respect to the intentions of them, by the polite and affable reception which Diy brother James and myself met with, when we had the honour of waiting on you in Lincoln's Inn Fields. The Solicitor-General, before he left town, advised me to have a con- sultation of counsel in the begining of next term, and this, whether my advel'saries continued their suit or not. .. G. SHARP." The counsel alluded to appear to have been, Dr. Blackstone himself, the Solicitor-General before-mentioned, and the Recorder. t Twenty copies were found among the papers given by Mr. Sharp's executrix to the Aft'ica" Institution. t For the causes of their alarm, read the extract from the ' " Act for t he better securing the Liberty ofthe Subject, and for preventing of Imprisonment beyond the Seas;" 31 Car. II. 1679; printed in Mr. Sharp's Tract on Slavery, at the end of the first part. § This circumstance is verified by the following memorandum :-" 1774. May 24th. Received CHAP. J.] FIRST EFFORTS FOR ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN ENGLAND. 41 Thus far Mr. Sharp's own narrative. It is now proper to ~ive some account of the singular instrument by which he secured his triumph over his opponent. The Tract on the Injustice of tolerating Slavery in England, was a plain, manly, and clear defence of the part which he had taken. In it, he combated the opinion of York and Talbot, first, by opposing to it the authority of the eminent Lord Chief Justice Holt: he then impugned it, by asserting that ·it was delivered conditionally only, not absolutely, and stated its conditiollal conclusion to be perfectly right, and its defect tQ be, the having omitted to 'e.t]Jress the condition on which alone it rests-namely, the exish~nce of a prior contract in writing, denoting the voluntary relinquishment u." Mr. Sharp began to read and to exa- mine. His natunil earnestness of investigati'on soon again animated his study. The rights of human freedom, graciously jmparted by the Creator¥ had already called him forth to useful labour; the return of pure obedience and"worship 'from the creature, now became with him an object of equal solicitude. The result of his researches was the production of a work in reply, which, previous to its intended publica- tion, he sent in MS. to Dr. Fothergill, according to his custom *. Th~ Doctor, hQwever., did not immediatel.y accept his advances in the same k'ind part in which they were designed, and an intercourse of ., ' It was entitled J< An Apology for an Apology," &c. This work, I believe, was never printed, probably from Mr. Sharp's perceiving that he was in dang.er of unprofitably offending those whom he, could"n ot hope to convince.- ' It is just to notice, ' in this instance, a proof, confirmed by numerous subsequent ones, of the real and constant motive by which he was actuated, i,n the publication of his various writings. They were, uniformly, either handed about in manuscript, or presented gratuitously in print to those whose interest he conceived to be any way jnvolved in them, or to whom he thougbt they might be acceptable; but were ruelyoffered to the public, and never with any view of emolument from their sale; so decidedly ~\'lls the hope of doing good the sole object in every action of his life.' This was particularly, his mode, of proceeding in all matters of a controversial nature, wishing always that those persons whose opinions ' he opposed should be the first to be made ac- , quainted with his sentiments, and have time to consider his arguments, before they were publicly stated. Indeed, if they produced any effect on the mind of his opponent, he either remained satisfied, or obtained his permission to make them known for the good of others . It was net tlll 1807 that he printed a Letter in answer to some of the " Leading Principles and Doctrines of the People called Quakers;" and even that Lettt'r" as the title-page expressed, was printed only for private communication. CHAP. I.] CORRESPONDENCE WITH DR. FOTHERGILL. 51 letters was commenced, altogether of the most interesting and im- portant nature. Two letters in particular, (one from each party), present a most striking example of that temper and Christian bene- volence, which in argument appear to 'adorn none but the brightest and wisest minds·. Mr. Sharp's acquaintance with Dr. Fothergill began on that occa- sion; and it will be seen, in the events that succeeded, how justly both these excellent disciples of an equal Master had learned to appreciate the difference between opinions and personal worth. " See Correspondence. 52 MEMOIRS .oF GRANVILLE -SHARP. [PART I. CHAP. II. AT no great distance of time from the preceding events, the powerf"Il weight of Mr. Sharp's arguments, printed in his tract on Slavery, was again felt in our courts of law. He had the gratifica- tion of witnessing their influence on the occasion of a trial in defence of another Negro, whom he (as his MS. Notes state), " at the request and at the expense of Mrs. Banks, mother of Mr. Banks, the Tra- -veller*, h~d released, by writ rts ofA merica is talked of (as ·I am informed), and eamestly recommended as necessary, with plau~ible reasons for the same. C, But treachery, injustice, and oppression" can never be sound policy, however recommended; and therefore it is much to be wished, that such proposals, if they snould really be offered to the ministry, may be rejected with that disdain and contemptiof the-authors which they justly deserve. " With the greatest respect," &c. &c. In proportion as his mind became informed by an investigation of our constitutional rights, Granville found his scene of action conti- nually extending. When his beloved brother, James, who was a member of the Common Council, took part in a public concern which affected the rLberties of the city, he contributed essentially to assist his cause. In the spring of the year 1771, Brass Crosby, Esq., Lord Mayor of London, had given his warrant to commit a messenger of the House of Commons, who was executing his errand in the City; for which the House, in return, procured the Mayor to 64 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. be sent to the Tower. Crosby, thus become a champion and martyr in 'the cause of civic rights, was co~plimented by the various wards ; and amongst them, the ward of Lime Street, to which Mr. James Sharp belonged, stood foremost, and, at his instance, presented an address replete with sentiments of legal liberty, and distinguished by its legal information and manly sense. Of this composition, with the exception of a short introductory period, it appears from the MS. Notes, that Granville was the author. The address will be found in ' the Appendix. 1n the same year '(1771), another circumstance occurred, which contributed greatly to increase the respect already acquired by his character, and is an instance of the elevation of sentiment that distin- guished ' it; since it proves, that, with the kindness 'of heart which led him to the quick relief of the wretched, was mixed an equal aqd no less active indignation against wrong, whether offered to the highest and most powerful, or to the lowest and weakest subject of the realm. When the Dukeot Grafton was at the head of the Treasury, in 1'7-68" during Lord Chatham's illness,an attempt was made to di~inish the Duke of Portland's influence in Parliamentary elections, by an un- expected reclaim from the Crown of some lands which (in consequence tif'a grant from King William) had been quietly enjoyed by the Duke's family for more than seventy years, and which were very numerously tenanted. The Duke's resistance of the claim, and the investigation , lin Parliament of the circumstances regarding it, gave rise to the Nullum Tempus Act, fbr quieting the possessions of the subject *. " Thc particulars are thus stated in Belsham's History of George III.- " Tile Portland family had, in consequence of a grant from King William, possessed for .eventy years the honour of Penrlth, and its appurtenances, situated ill the county of Cumber- land. The Forest of Inglewood, alld the Manor and Castle of ~arlisle, being considered a. parts of this grant, were quietly elljoyed by the family for several descents, under the same tenure, though not pal'tieularly specified. Sir Jam'es Lowther, the son-in-law' of Lord Bllte, being apprised of this omissioli-, made application to the Crown for a lease of the premises i11 questioll; and the Surveyor-Gelleral of the Crown Land, though no lawyer, took upon him to decide that these estates were still vested in the Crown. Orders were there- fore issued for a new grant to Sir James Lowther, in which the soccage of Carlisle was rated CHAP IlL] NULLUM TEMPUS ACT. 65 At the early part of this business, Mr. Sharp had written several letters to the Duke ' of Portland, under a feigned signature, which were very favourably received; and as, after the passing of the Act, some efforts were still made to prevent the Duke from availing himself of it, he now thought l1imself enlitled to avow his name, united with an ofter of his further services. To h~s(}race the Duke if Portland. " My Lord, , "Two or three years ago, under the signature of 4mzcus, 1 took the iiberty of transmitting to your Grace some references to statutes re1ating to Crown lands, which I then thought ,absolutely sufficient to secure your' Grace's right of continuing in possession df the, lands then claimed by the Crown; for .I could not conceive that the Nullum Tempus doctrine would be allowed any weight in opposition to POSITIVE LAWS, because it is a maxim 'that the law general must yield to th~ Jato, special. (Noyes's Maxims, p. 1 0.) Howe~er, a~ I have lately heard that it 'is now disputed, whether or not your ' Grace ought to be excluded from the benefit of the late Nullum Tempus Act for quieting the possessions of the subject, I have taken the liberty to enclose, for you~ 'Grace's perusal, a short tract on the general doctrine of ' Nul/urn Tempus occurrit Regi.' How far the same may be applicable to the point in contest between your Grace and the 'Treasury Board, I 'cannot pretend to judge,because my information concerning that affair arises merely trom common report; so that, of course, I must profess myself a stranger to tbe ,particular circumstaaces of the case. at fifty pounds per annuln, and tbe forest of Ingfewood at fourteen shillings and four-pence, tbough in reality of immense value, and commanding an extensive election influence. When the Board of ~(easury met, the Duke of Portland presented a Memorial to the Lords, in which he prayetl to be heard 'in defence of his title. He was informed, that no step wonld be taken to his prej udice, till an impartial investigation had taken place. Yet, while the Duke's solicitors were searching 'old surveys and court-rolls, he was informed that the grant was actuaJly completed; and, notwithstanding the caveat entered in the Court of Exch equer, the Chancellor, Lord North, affixed the seal, in pursuance of a positive order froin the Lords of the TTeasury • .. .... A Bill was, on this occasion, in the early part of the year 1768, brought in and patronised by the Opposition, under the name Qf the Nullum Tfmpus BILL, for quieting tbe possessions of th~ subject, and securing them frolll all obsolete and vexatious claims. The Minister of the Crown proposed the postponement of the "Bill to the 'ensuing Session, which was accordingly carried, At a subsequeBt time, the Bill was passed ioto a law, and provided, that the term of sixty )ears of '1uiet possession should constitute an irreclaimable right." K 66 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART 1. " Nevertheless, as I happened, in the course of my reading the other day, to light upon a passage in · Bracton, which to me see~ed capable of affording a clear explanation of the Nultum Tempus doctrine, I thought it a duty incumbent on me to send your Grace my thoughts upon it*. " It may indeed be said, that Bracton is in the hands of every lawyer, and that I ought to have known that the learned gent.Iemen of the law employed by your Grace are already apprised of the passage to which I refer, as they must certainly, at some time or other, have read it. Nevertheless, there is sufficient reason for me to presume that they have entirely overlooked it in the present case, and even the Legislature also, · because the late Act of Parliament (which was made expressly to guard against the mistakm doctr'infJ 0/ Nullum Tempus) must otherwise appear abszrrd and super:fluous! I think it necessary to premise thus much, my Lord, by way of excuse for having pre- sumed to write to your Grace about business which don't in the least concern me, as it might otherwise be deemed impertinence to suppose that your Grace has not already the most learned advice that can be procured. " If the little tract contains , any hin~s that are thought capable of being enforced to. your Grace's advantage, it will give me real pleasure; for, indeed, I hftve no greater happiness than that of being serviceable (when it lies in my power) to any man whatever, whether friend or stranger. But if, on the con- trary, my arguments do not appear sufficiently conclusive to engage your appro- bation, yet I hope my endeavours will at least have so far entitled IDe to your Grace's favour, that what I have ~ritten may not be exposed to any third person whatever; an.d that your Grace will be pleased to return both the tract and the letter (sealed up), as soon as you have read them, lest it should by any means be known that I have interfered in a contest of this nature, which probably would give offence, as I am engaged in his Majesty's service: but howsoever such an actlIlay be looked upon by courtiers and placemen in general, yet I am thoroughly conscious that no man can be more zealous for his Majesty's honour and true interest than myself. " With the greatest respect," &c. &c. " GRANVILLE SHARP." " Old Jewry, Cheapside, 6th May, 1771." *' The MS. of the short tract, afterwards published, concerning the doctrine of Nullum Tempus occurrit Regi; wherein he examines with great. precision the cases in which the King's "ights al'e alienable, and those in which they are otherwise. CHAP. III.] NULLUM TEMPUS ACT. 67 His motive for a free avowal of this nature, is given in the following extract from a letter of a later date :-" Although I am a placeman, and indeed of a: very inferior l'an~, yet I look on myself to be per- fectly independent, because I have neV"er yet been afraid to do and avow whatever 1 thought just and right, without the consideration of consequences to myself: for, indeed, I think it unworthy of a man to be afraid of the world; and it is a point with me, never to conceal my sentiments on any subject whatever, not even from my superiors in office, when there isa p1'obability of answel'ing any good purpose by it." These sentiments are also entirely in unison with an expression in a letter to Lord Carysfort in 1781.:-" This is ·tnt)! compendil:Hh or sum total of all my politics, so that I include themin a very small compass: I am thoroughly convinced that Tight ought to be adopted and main- tained on all occasions, without regard to consequences either probable or possible; for these (when we have done our own duty as honest men) must, after all, be left to the disposal of Divine Providence. which has declared a blessing in favour of Right: 'Blessed are the keepers of judgment, and he that doeth righteousness at all times.' (Psalm cvi. 3.)" The following was the Duke ' of Portland's answer. To Gram'Vilte Sharp, Esq. " Sir, " Loudon, Tuesday June 25,1771. " I feel myself so much obliged to you for your repeated favours, that I know not what apology to offer for having so long delayed my thanks for them, except the desire of making myself master of the reasonings contained in the little tract upon the doctrine of Nullum Tempus. Your having forbad the communi- cation of it to a third pel'son, together with the right you had so to do, made it impossible for me to satisfy myself with a single perusal of it ; and as I thought myself" equally unautl,lorised to take notes or make extracts from it, it was uecessary for me to r~ad it over and over again, to be enabled to procure those advantages which it was intended to afford. This fair state of the case, and the assurance of its not having been seen by any body but llJyself, will, I hope, 68 MEMOIRS ' OF. GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. app'ear. a sufficient excuse for my having oetained your paper, and deferred my acknowledgments till this time." I have only to repeat my thanks to you for this obliging proof of your good intentions, and for letting me know who the person was; who so properly adopted the signature of Amicu~, ,to whom I am, with great regard, Sir, " A very much obliged and obedient Servant, " PORTLAND*," * repu- :hitjon, and since well known for his publication of the State Trials; and it is observable, from the tenour of his letter (and still more strongly from the following reply), that, although Granville djrected the whole of the prosecution in behalf of Somerset, he did not pro- fess, nor even acknowledge, his concern in it, to any but those who acted immediately with himself. , G. S. to 11k. Ha1f;i"ave. " Dear Sir, " Oid Jewry, 26th Jan. 1772. " I think.myself gi'eatly ohliged to you for your kind elfer of communicating CHAP. IV.] CAUSE OF THE NEGRO SOMERSET. 73 to me the argutnents which. have occurl'ed to you on the subject of slavery in England. The particular case, in which my brother and myself were .parties, is now at an end; so that I am no . more concerned at present than every other man is in reality, or at least ought to be, for the general cause of huma- nity; for I apprehend, that the honour or degradation of human nature greatly depends upon the present question. " I have enclosed a little A ppendix to my former treatise on this subject, which I printed last week, in order to send to the Judges previous to the question on Friday last : though, indeed, having been written on aCCQunt of a former case, tried last year in the King's Bench, it will not perhaps be' understood, except by Lord Mansfield himself and those who knew the merits of that case; for I have given n0 names, but only hinted at facts as if they were mere suppositions drawl1up for argument's-sake. This method I chose, because I have no dislike to the person of any man, but merely to the actions or opinions of men, where I conceive them to be wrong, and which I can more freely censure than the authors of them', without fear ' of occasioning any personal injury. " The ease I referred to was the King and Thomas Lewis (a Negro) against Stapylton and others. The Jury brought their verdict, That the Negro was no property, and that the defendants were guilty of the indictment. This verdict Lord Mansfield himself approved three times expressly, and yet afterwards refused to give judgment, on account of a doubt in his mind"' . I have, how- ever, the satisfaction to find, by the minutes of what passed on last Friday, that Lord Mansfield then expressed himself more cautiously upori the point than formerly, and that he even went so far as to drop some hints of favourable wishes for the tause of the Negro. " If his Lordship should ingenuously give up his former opinion, I shall most readily forgive him what is past ; nay, I shall h'onour him for being so open to conviction. Nevertheless, I apprehend that argume.nts from any other hand than mir.e will be more acceptable, and, consequeritly, more efficacious at present; and therefore I c'an only thank you again sincerely for your obliging offer of communication; but at the same time, let me privately request you to make known your arguments (which I am sure, from what I have already seen, will be much to the purpose) either to the Court of King's * See an account of this circumstance, in a letter from G. S. to Sir J . Banks, February 20, 1772, in the Corrtspondonce. ' L 74 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. Bench, or to your brethren, the professors of law in gel'leral,-or In whatever manner you think 'they will have most success. " The bearer, James Somerse~, is the unfortunate Negro whose cal!se is now before the . Court; and in whatever manner you can best serve him, either as one of his counsel, to assist Seljeant Davy, or as . his advocate in print (I mean in respect to the general question), you will certainly do a great act of private charity,' as well as a public good. The hint, which I have already given you about Lord Mansfield's behaviour on Friday, will convince you, that arguments on this point cannot be produced at a more critical or more ·favour- able time than the present. " Enclosed, I send you the opinion of Lord Chief Justice De Grey, which he would not permit me to print, because it was given on a private case, but he acknowledged it to be his opinion, and that he was then (f7ti9) of the same opinion *. If you desire the notes of what passed 011 Friday, I shall most willingly communicate t4em as soon as I receive. my fair copy; and also some other proceedings, if. agreeable to you, on ~imilar cases, which r had caused to be taken in short-hand from the mouths of the pleaders. " Dear Sir, with great esteem," &c. &c. MI;. Hargrave's conduct had demonstrated that he was Jikely to prove too able an assistant not to be engaged with his utmost force in the cause, and his name was soon added to the list of the counsel. -The modest zeal of a professional man is expressed in the follow- ing reply. " Dear Sir, " January 31, 1772. " This morning I received a retainer in the case of Somerset, the Negro; and you may be assured, that no application shall be wanting on my part to conduce to that great end which you have in view. I have long formed my opinion upon the subject, and am thoroughly convinced that the state of slavery in which a Negro may be before his arrival in England, gives no title whatever to service here, either 011 the ground of property or on presumption of a contract. , This o'pin-ion I shall be zealous to support; but, never having yet argued any thing publicly, I distrust my abilities to acquit myself as such . .• .N amely, That theFe couid be no property in the person of a Slave, by the laws of this country • . CHAP. IV.) CAUSE OF THE NEGRO SOMERSET. 75 a cause requires. On that account, my situation will be painful; though I hope, that the expe:ctatiem of that indulgence . of the Court usually given to persons under my circumstances, and the assurance that others who shall hear me will make the due allowance, will so far operate on my mind as to give me the opportunity of urging all the arguments which shall occur to me. , " I am, Sir, &c. &c. " Granville Sharp, Esq1' " Fl~ANCIS HARGRAVE. " As the day for the hearing of the cause drew near, Mr. Sharp'S vigilance and anxiety increased. G. S. to M1'. Hargra'O€. " Dear Sir, . " Old Jewry, Feb. 6. 1772. " I was exceedingly disappointed, when I was informed last night, that Mr. Priddle had not yet sent you a brief, nor to any of the other gentlemen. His clerk promised that copies of the affidavits and writ of Habeas Corpus should be sfmt to all the counsel punctually on Monday morning last. I saw Priddle himself on Tuesday; when he promised that briefs ' should be sent without fail the next morning. To what his behaviour is to be attributed I don't know, but I make no doubt but that you and the other gentlemen will be sufficiently aware to _ prevent his negligence (whethe~' wilful or otherwise) from injuring the poor man's cause. " With great esteem," &c. &c. On the 7th of February the case was again brought before Lord Ma nsfieid, assisted by the three Justices; Ashton, Willes, and Ashurst. The cause of liberty was now no longer to be tried on the ground . of a mere special · indictment, but on the broad principle of the essential and constitutional right of every man in England to the liberty of his persoll, unless forfeited by the laws of England. It was opened by Mr. Seljeant Davy, with a vast mass of information on the subject of slavery, prefaced by a declaration of his intention to main- tain before the Court the following proposition i "That no man at this day is, or can be, a Slave in Englanu *." • Some few passages only are here selected from the speeches delivered by the different Counsel, and, in particular, those points which appear from the sequel to have most influenced the minds of the Judges . The whole Minutes of the Trial, in MS .• are presen'cd in the African MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. The first part of this proposition he established by the most sub- stantial documents drawn from the history of our country, in which he examined the progressive state and extinction of villenage,. and on the second, he took the ground of Mr. Sharp's argument, con'::- tending, that "all the peopfe who come into this country imme- diately become subject to the laws of this country, aTe governed by , the laws, regulated entirely in their whole conduct ~y the laws, and are entitled to the prot<,:ction of the laws of this country, and beco'me the King's subjects." He then proceeded to notioe the particular object before the Court; viz. the pretensions of Stewart to a property ill his slave, according to the laws of Virginia. His reasoning on this point was unanswer~ able:' " Either this man (Somerset) remains, upon his arrival in England, in the condition he was in abroad, in Virginia, or not. If he does so remain. the rn'aster's power remains as hefore. If the laws, having attached upon him abroad. are at all to affect him here, it brings them all: either all the laws o( Virginia are to attach upon him here, .or llOne,-for where will they draw the line?" Tbis distinction between England and its colonies, . he pressed with great force :-" vVith regard to the la~sof Virginia, do they bind here? Have the laws of Virginia any more influence, power, or au- thority jn this country, than the la,¥s. of Japan? The King makes laws for Virginia alone, if he pleases. If he has thought proper to introduce a particular form of making laws in that country, or the Assembly makes them under the power of the Crown-as he might have granted such a charter, or any other-that refers to Virginia alone. He cannot make laws here without the consent and authority of the two Houses of Parliament. Suppose, instead of this man's corning · from Africa, he had come from Turkey-Now, suppose a Christian slave brought from Turkey here~or suppose a bashaw come into this country with half a score Circassian women slaves for his amusement-suppose they should, in this case, think proper to Institution.-N. B. Whatever extracts arc here given, are printed vel'batim from the copy of the shott-hand writer. CHAP. IV.] CAUSE OF THE NEGRO SOMERSET. 77 say to this bashaw, • Sir, we will no longer be the subjects of your lust; '- I believe he would make but a miserable figure at the bar of the Old Bailey, on an indictment for a rape." He then discussed the argument of inconvenience, ,arising from either side of the question; and concluded by stating the authorities of various cases, in which it had been decided that no man could here be the property of another*. Mr. Serjeant Glynn followed on the same side, and enforced very powerfully the arguments proposed by the leading counsel, particu- larly in the point respecting the importation of laws of other coun- tries into our own: " Let me put," says he, "the case seriously. What is the point in which you are to draw the line? If you admit a right acquired in prejudice of liberty, (the claim a man derives from common nature); if you permit them to raise up and bring here the laws of one country, I don't know but we must go round the globe, to find all their laws. Suppose galley-shives were brought here,-would the master be allowed to exercise that power over them? Should they, when they set their foot on English ground,. be allowed that autho- rity, which in other countries, where servitude is in its full extent, is allowed? where the slave is in the most wretched state, and abso- lutely at the mercy of his master? Suppose they were to bring their slaves into England, would the courts permit the exercise of that power over them?" At the conclusion of Mr. Serjeant Glynn's speech, Lord Mansfield, after some short questions, added: "This thing seems, by the argu- ments, probable to go to a great length, and it is the end of the * The following expressions also occurred in the course of his pleadings :_H This was in the case of Cartwright, who brought a slave from Russia, and would scourge him; for this he was questioned, and it was resolved, That England was 100 pw'e an air for Slaves 10 b,'eathe in, (See Rusl",'o,'IIi's Col/ections, p. 468). That lVas in' the 11th of Queen Elizabeth. I hope, my Lord, the air does not blo\v worse since. But, unless there is a change of air, I hope they will never breathe here; for that is my assertion,-the moment they put their foot on English ground, that moment they become free. They are su bject to tbe laws, and they are entitled to the protection of the laws of this country, and so are their masters, thank God!" 78 . 'M:EMOIRS Or. GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. tenn; SO it will be hardly possible to go through it without stopping: therefore,let it stand over to the next term." This respite gave room fot fresh preparations. In the interval, Mr. Sharp, alr~ady extending his view' beyond the object of the actual \ moment, sought anxiously sLlch means as might tend to give penna- nellcy to the e·ffect of the impending decision, which he considered as unavoidably about to be pronounced in his favour. Nor (consistently with the general strength 'of his mental character) were the measures which he adopted of any common magnitude. On the 18th of February, some days after the first hearing in the Court of King's Bench, he wrote a letter to. Lord North, addressing to him argu- ments which, now that the infatuation of prejudice is passed away, will appear to eve~y one to bear their full weight in the scale of reason; at the same time, enforcing them with that warmth with which a sound and virtuous mind, prompted by an ard~nt sense of duty, will never fail to chara~terise its reasohings on every topic of great interest. A copy of this' letter, among his MS. papers, is thus described :- " Copy of a Letter, dated 18th Feb. 1772, to the Right Honourable - Lord North, requesting his endeavours to put a stop to the ,monstrous injustice and abal'ldonedwickedness occasioned by slave-holding; also stating the due distinctions pecessary to .be ,made in the different modes of abolishing it at home and abroad." _ To the Right Han. LOTd North, ~c. ~c; " . My Lord, " Presuming that information, concerning every question qf a public. nature, must of course be agreeable to your Lordship, considering your present high office, I have veptured . (and hope without offence) to lay before you a . little tract against tolerating slavery in England; because the subject (being at present before the. Judges) is now become a public topic; and admitting of it, or otherwIse, lS certainly a point of ~onsiderable consequence to this kingdom. " His Majesty has been pleased! lately, to recommend to Parliament ' the pro'Viding new la'ws for supplying difects 01' Temedying abuses in such instances where it shall be requisite)" and I apprehend, my Lord, that there is no instance CHAP, IV.] CAUSE OF THE NEGRO SOMERSET. 79 whatever which requires more immediate redress than the present miserable and deplorable slavery qf Negroes and Indians, as well as white English servants, in our colonies. - I say immediate redress, because, to be in power, and to neglect (as life is very uncertain) even a day in endeavouring to put a stop to such monstrous injustice and abandoned wickedness, must necessarily endanger a man's eternal welfare, be he ever so great in temporal dignity or office. "Nevertheless, i d.on't mention this as a subject proper for Parliamentary con- sideration; for the laws of England (God be thanked) are sufficiently. clear with respect to slave?,,!! in this island,. and though some enormous outrages have now and then been committed by ignorant masters, in attempting to carry off by force their quondam slaves, yet, if the Judges do their duty, by determining according to the la'ms alread!} in forc.e (for, Judicandum est Legibus, non exemplis, 4 Ca. ~:q), there will he no np.ce~~ity for the Parliament to interfere. " And with respect to the Colonies, the pernicious practice of slave-holding, being tolerated by distinct laros qf thei?' own, cannot, with propriety, fall under the consideration of the British Parliament; for I am well aware, that no Parliament can have a just right to enact laws for places which it does not represent. The remedy of these notorious abuses, therefore, rests entirely with the Ki11g and his Privy Council, to recommend to the several Assemblies a formal repeal of those unjust laws of which I complain >1('. • • " For this reason I have ventured to address myself to your Lordship, as his Majesty's First Minister; and beg leave to request your 'perusal of two or three pages only in my book, where I have placed a paper of reference; because I cannot suppose that your Lordship will be able to find leisure for the perusal of the whole1-. .. The following add itional passage is in another copy: " I might allege, indeed, that many of the plantation laws (like every act that contains any thing" hich is malum in so) are already null and void in themselves, because they want every necessary foundation to render them valid, being absolutely contradictory to the laws of reason and natural equity, as well as to the laws of G.od; yet as many of them (to the disgrace of the English name) have been long in force, and have had the fO 'fmal lI.sent of Kings, they will require a fo1"//Ial repeal by all the parties, in order to preserve, in each branch of tbe legisla- ture, that reciprocal faith, which is due to all solemn compacts." t The passages referred to are thus noticed in the MS. Notes ~ " February 18, 1772.-Wrote to Lord North (the premier), with my trad against tolerating slavery in England, and a paper of references to a law of Barbadoes, whereby a man may wantonly or bloody-mindedly, or with cruel intention, kill bis Negro servant, and be liable to no penalty, except 151. to be paid into the public treasury. This, and some other such laws, 80 MEM01RS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. " I have also sent another book, on the same subject, lately printed at Phila.:. delphia, which, amongst other things worthy notice, contains sOrile sensible propo- sitions for abolishing Slavery in the Colonies. (See pa,ges 138 and 141.) And that your Lordship may see the absolute necessity of such a measure, I have likewise sent a short, lively representation in MS. of the pr~sent state of Slavery in Maryland, extracted from a letter (dated in November last) from a Gentleman in that province. " With great deference and respect," &c. &c. « Old Jewry, lSth February, 1772." Anothet' feature of Mr. Sharp's character was here disclosed, if indeed some signs of it have not already appeared-that calm but fearless spi;it, which was so highly exemplified in t:he conduct of the Archbishop throughout his life, and had been fully transmitted to his grandson.-Dependent on the Government for the situation from which he derived his maintenance, he neve~thele:5s presented his remonM strance to the First Minister without restraint and without distrust. , In consequence of the virtuolls condlfct which he was now de- terminately pursuing, he had a second time expetienced the grati- fication of findiNg that he had awakened a desite of sharing his labours, in the breast of a man with whom an union could not fail to be acceptable. This was Dr. Fothergill, whose- name has already -appeared in these Memoirs. Although in their correspondence they had differed essentially on topics of religious interest, and both spoke and maintained their sent!ments with the most deliberate openness, I marked with red ink j as also my ~bservations on theru, that' this was the most consummate form of wickedness of which a legislature was ever guilty;' and also (in page 72), that' if such laws are not absolutely necessary for the government of slaves, the law-makers must unavoidably aliow themselves to be the most cruel and abandoned tyrants upon earth, and, perhaps, that ever We1-e on earth: but, on the other hand, if it be said that ,t is impossible to govern slaves without such inhuman severity and detestable injustice, the same is an invincible argument against the least toleration of slavery among Christians, because temporal profits cannot compensate the forfeiture of everiasting welfare;' -that' the cries of thcse much-injured people will certainly reach to Heaven;' -that 'the Scriptures denounce a tremendous judgment against the man who shall offend one little one;' - that' it were better for the nation that their American dominions had never existed, or even that they had sunk in the sea, than that the king- dom of Great Britain should be loaded with the horrid guilt of tolerdting such abominable wickedness,''' &c_ &c. CHA,P. IV.] CAUSE OF THE NEGRO SOMERSET. 81 yet such was the equal candour of minds alike devoted to the prac- tice of real Christianity, that an entire variance of religious o'pinions had no influence w.hatever in restraining their most cordial co-opera- tion in acts of mercy. While the pleadings on the important question of Somerset's cause were yet in expectation, Dr. Fothergill received £I'om America an abridgm~nt of the ,tract I,e on the Injustice of Slavery," together with other matter, by an author with whom the readerwiJI shortly become acquainted. He i~mediately sent .the work to Mr, Sharp, who returned the following answer. To D1'. Fothergill. " My fellow-labourer, Mr. Benezet, has very judiciously extracted the very marrow of my book. The other extracts (from Mr. 'Wallis, Dr. ;Foster, ·&c.) are so concise, and yet so full and unanswerable, especially on some points where our lawyers stick, that I wish, if it were possible, to procure copies for th1'CC (if not twelve) judges, and for four counsel. I would reprint them, if there was timeJor it; but as next Friday is the day of hearing; it is impos- sible, because the Counsel ought to have the copies a day or two before. I would make an apology for my request, was I not well ass\lred that 'both Mr. Benezet and yourself will esteem the occasion for which the copies are wanted tlS much your own affair as mine. "The bearer, James Somer-set, is the Negro whose cause comes On nex t Friday, and whD will be the proper person to present to his Counsel what copies you may be able to procure. " ' Yith sincere esteelIl.." &c. &c. A short note from MI'. Sharp, on the day after the first hearing, shews the result of this application: ' " 8th February, 1772." " G. S. returns Dr. Fothergill many thanks for the 'books, which he distri- buted to the -Counsel, and sent one by the Negro to Lord :Mansfield. " G. S. will take the liberty of sending the minutes of what passed, for the Doctor's perusal, as soon as he receives the copy from his short-hand writer. There are two or three more Counsel yet to speak on the Negro's side, before the opponents begin." M 82 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. In the interval that ensued between the first and second hearing of the cause, it new and unexpected assistance was offered to these fellow- labourers in the work of mercy: Benezet's publication was gratuitously reprinted in England, by a person who delighted more in doing good than in courting applause. G. S. to Dr. Fothergill. - "Sir, " April 18; 1772. " I send you, a copy of the pleadings last term in behalf of J ames Somerset. " I have great satisfaction in finding that Mr. Benezet's book (of which you favoured me with so many copies) is now republished. Who the Editor is, I don't know *; but am persuaded that his motives for the republication at this time were humanity and charity. The copies which you were so obliging to send me, were given to the four Counsel for James Somerset, and to Lord Mansfield; and. if I was sure that the Editor has not sent copies to the other Judges, I would have some bound neatly for that purpose immediately. The 7th of next month is fixed for the continuance of the argument. " With respect and esteem," &c. &c. DT. Fothergill, in Teply. " Respected Friend, " I have perused the arguments of Counsel on Somerset's affair with satis- faction, and wish the event may be· favourable to public liberty. " As many and great expenses must have attended· this controversy, I shall be very ready to contribute my mite towards them; and when the affair is terminated, go which way it may, I shaH be pleased with an opportunity of . conferring on this matter, and doing every thing in my power to lessen the difficulties of the burthen by dividing it. " Thy respectful Friend, " Harpur Street, 2d Inst." " JOHN FOTHERGILL. " It may be seen from the MS. Notes, that Mr. Sharp, although he did not (as before) attend the trial of Somerset in person, yet furnished the expenses of it; but whether Dr. Fothergill's liberal offer of par- ticipating in them was accepted, is not any where ascertained. ~ The name of this benevolent man will appear in tbe next chaptel·. CHAP. IV.] CaUSE OF THE NEGRO SOMERSET. 83 One expense, however, it was not permitted to either of these benevolent men to take on himself. Mr. S. relates, in a letter to his friend Benezet (which will afterwards appear), "that the four eminent Counsel," whom he first retained, "declined accepting any recom- pence for their professional exertions;" and there can be no doubt of an equal disinterestedness on the part of Mr. Hargrave, who made a voluntary offer of his services. They felt too strongly the virtuous patriotism of the man by whom they were called to this great cause, to allow of any remuneration from him: they listened attentively to his suggestions, and imparted gratuitously the aid of their talents and learning. The letter addressed to Lord North, is not known to have produced any particular notice from the person to whose feelings it appealed. The cause of Somerset, however, proceeded. On the 9th of May, the question was again brought before the Court, on the broad and general ground " 1fThether a Slave, by coming into England, becomes jTee.~" On this second hearing, the pleadings in favour of Somerset were resumed by Mr. Mansfield, who, in a speech of strong sense and expression, contended, that if the Negro Somerset was a man- and he should conclude him one till the Court should adjudge otherwise- it was impossible he could be a slave in England, u.nless by the intro- duction of some species of property unknown to our Constitution. He considered the dispute as between one human creature, the Master, and another, the Negro, whethc1' the latter should be entitled to the important Tights whick natuTe had given him. He was stated by the Ma~ter to have been a slave in America; but how did that prove him a slave in England, where no such condition of men exists? "From all that can be drawn from the state of Africa or America" (said the Orator), "the Negro may very well answer- ' It is true, r was a slave; kept as a slave, in Africa. r was first put in ,chains on hoard a British ship. and carried from Africa to America: I there lived under a master, from whose tyranny I could not escape: if I had attempted it I should have been exposed to the severest punishment: and never, fi'om the 6r5t moment of my life to the present time, have I been in a MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART 1. country where I had a power to assert the common rights of mankind. I am now ina country where the laws of liberty are known and ]'egarded; and can you tell me the reason why I am not to be protected by those laws, bvt to be carried away again to be sold? '-To hear a Negro 'state that argument" (he continued), "and have it answered, consistently with ow' laws, seems to me to be impossible; for, on the contrary, he is as ful'ly and clearly entitled -to the protection of those laws, as everyone who now hears me."-After a learned investigation of the laws of other countries, he concluded by expressing his convic- tion that the alteration which had been attempted in the laws of England, by the introduction of a new species of slavery, was so pro- digious and important, and would require so many and various regu- lations, that it would he far beyond the extent of any power that could legally exercise it, except the legislature itself. "But I hope," he added, " such a kind of slavery will never find its w~~y into England; and I apprehend. that, by your Lordship's decision, this man will receive his liberty." At the end of Mr. Mansfield's speech, it appears th~t the cause was further adjourned to the 14th of May . . Mr. Hargrave then followed, and stated, that the claim of Stewart, ~greeably to his return to the Habeas Corpus, was founded on the condition of slavery in which Somerset stood before he was brought into England: "and if that right," he said, "is here recognised, -domestic slavery, with its horrid train of evils, may be lawfully im- ported into this country, at the discretion of every individual foreigner or native. It will come, not only fi'om our own colonies, bi)t from those of the other European nations; from Poland, Russia, Spain, and Turkey; from the Coast of Barbary, fi'om the Western and Eastern Coasts of Africa, from every part of the world where it still continues to torment and dishonour the human species."-He then entered into an investigation-1st, of the right claimed by Stewalt in the person of the Negro; and, 2dly, of the authority by which he assumed a power of exercising that right. In this examination he took a view of the history, the condition, and the consequences of slavery ; CHAP. IV.] CAUSE OF THE NEGRO SOMERSET. 85 asserting, that, "in whatever light we view it, it may be deemed a most pernicious institution, immediately to the· person who suffers it; finally to the master who triumphs in it, aod to the state which allows it." - Having tra~ed its origin and its decline in Europe, he continues: " Such was .the expiring state of domestic slavery in Europe at the commencement of the sixteenth cent~ry, when the discovery of America, and ofOthe Western and Eastern Coasts of Africa, gave occasion to the introduction of a,new species of slavery. It took its rise from the Portuguese, who, in order to supply the Spaniards with persons able to sustain the fatigue of cultivating their new possessions in America, particularly the islands, opened a trade between' Afi'ica and America for the sale of Negro slaves. This disgraceful commerce in the human species is said to have begun in the year 1508, when the first importation of Negro slaves was made into Hispaniola, from the Portuguese settlements on the Western Coast of Africa. In l540~ the Emperor, Charles the Fifth, endeavoured to stop the progress ~f the Negro slavery, by an order that all slaves in the American isles should be made free; and they were accordingly manumitted by Legasca, the governor of the country, on cl9ndition of continuing to labour for their masters. But thi,s attempt proved unsuccessful; and on Legasca's return to Spain domestic slavery revived and flourished as before. The, expedient of having slaves for labour in America, was not long peculiar to the Spaniards, being afterwards adopted by the other Europeans, ift proportion as they acquired 'possessions on that contin~nt. In consequence of this general practice, Negroes are become a vel'y considerable article in the commen;:e between Africa and America; and domestic slavery has laken so deep a root in all the American colonies as to afford little probability of its tota.! su ppression." He then proceeded to·examine. the attempt to obtrude this new species of slavery into England, and to demonstrate that the Legislature of England had not been so short-sighted as not to have set up a sufficient guard against its introduction. He then examined the ancient laws of villenage in England, the only form in which any state approaching to slavery had ever existed here; and demonstrated, that, villenage 86 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. having gradually expired in England, the introduction of a new slavery, under the name of villenage, or any other description whatever, is sufficiently provided against." [The 7'tmainde~' of this speech is wanting in the short~halld copy *.] Mr. Alleyne ~losed the proceedings on the same side. He examined the necessary distinction between natural rights and municipal rights; the one of which attaches to men in whatsoever country- the other ceases as soon as men leave the country where they were bound to observe them. The right of slavery, not b.eing from nature, could not; of course, be brought from another country. "Natural relations are inherent in the state if things, and no human pOWer can restrain it. It necessarily arises from the relation a man bears to mankind in general, and his moral duty is inferred from it. He cannot therefore change his natural relations; they are universal. Municipal rel~tions are such as are formed from his being a member of this or that parti- cular country, where they attach. It appears, that by the laws of Virginia this man is a slave; but I submit that the laws of Virginia extend to Virginia alone. In this country, bow does this man stand as a slave, where the meanest have a title to enjoy the rights of free- dom? This man is here: he owes submission to the laws of England, and he claims the protection of those laws; and as he ceases to be a citizen of Virginia, and stands in no such relation now to Mr. Stewart. so he is certainly not bound to him; and therefore he stands, like any other man in this kingdom, entitled to his freedom."- He concluded "bv submitting, from the conviction of his mind after an elaborate research, that a claim of slavery cannot be supported in England; " and when," he adds, " the judgment of this Court is given, Stewart, as well as the rest of the slave-holders, will know, that when they introduc~ a slave into this country, as a slave, this air is too free for him to breathe in." The pleadings for the Negro were here Closed. ~ The reader may supply the deficiency by referring to Mr. Hargrave'Ji speech on this occasion, as printed at length in his Collection of the State Trials, vol. xi. CHAP. IV.] CAUSE OF THE NEGRO SOMERSET. Mr. Wallace appeared on the side of Stewart, whose claims he de- fended with great ability, demonstrating his quief and legal right to the slave by the laws of Virginia, and arguing forcibly the inconve- nience, absurdity, and injustice of divesting a man of his rightful property, only because he sailed, in .pursuit of. his lawful business, from one country to another. Mr. Dunning was the other counsel on the same side. The choice made of this gentleman, appeared singlillar to those who remembered the energy with which, in a former cause, he had professed himself ready to assert, in any Court of England" that no property could Iw'e exist-in a slave. He was about to begin, when Lord Mansfield ob- served1 that it was now late in the day; and the Court wishing to rise, he proposed to Mr. D. a farther adjournment to that day se'en- night; and at the same time stated his opinion of the point on which - the question hinged, in the following manner.- " There was a topic suggested by Mr. Alleyne, I thought very ma- terial for the consideration of the Court, aQd that is, whether the law of a foreign country is or is not to be adopted in this? Supposi'ng slavery (as undoubtedly we must take it) to be law in America, and that law stands on a foundation sufficient to support it, and that now there is no system of law in England with regard to it;~the question is, whether the foreign law is to be adopted; and if it is, the law of America stands on the same ground as any other country. There are several countries where slavery is like our ville!Jn 1'egardant. I am not . master of the subject enough to say for certain; but I apprehend that in Russia and Poland there are vast numbers regardant. If a Pole should come here with one of those slaves ;- whether, in any question between them, they should or not adopt the law of their own country, arising from the relation in which they stood to each other in that country,-tltat, . I think, is very well worth considering; because the conclusion may follow, If the law ought to be adopted in the relation in which they stood to one another before they came here, to be sure that was master and slave; but if that law is not to be adopted here, then the other consequence will follow, because there is no other 8'8 'MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [P.UT i. means of introducing it."-He then adverted to the distinction which Mr. Alleyne had m~de between local and natural relations, ,, 'which," he repeated, " I think very material." Mr. Dunniilg having ~xpressed his desire of acceding to the pro- posed adjournment, Lord Mansfield added. "If the merchants think the question of great consequence to trade and commerce, and the public should think so too, they had better think of an application to those that will make a law. \Ve must find the law: we cannot make it." On the 21st, Mr. Dunning spoke on the side of Stewart with his usual ability, pleading his professional duty as superseding ·all opinion on either side*. He insisted on the danger · and inexpediency of freeing :the numerous Negroes in England, and on the unchangeable relation of master and servant, which, as being for the universal interests of society, must subsist alike every where. On this point he laid the whole stress of his argument. Mr. Davy's reply closed the pleadings. ' Lord Mansfield abstained from giving judgment on the same day; ,it may justly be doubted whether he did not still feel some clegree of reluctance to decide on the general question. It is certain, that he twice threw out ' a suggestlon that " the master might put an end to the present litigation by manumitting the slave." But it is of no small importance to the invaluable cause of freedom, which was then agitating, to observe the change that had been gradually wrought in the mind of so enlightened a lawyer. The argu- ments used by the Counsel, might be professional only: Lord ~ Mr, Sharp's opinion on this point will probably have little weight with lawyers, but it should not ,be withheld from the public, After noticing . the passage in the trial of Stapylton in which Mr. Dunning made the remarkable assertion before mentioned, he says; " and yet, after so solemn a declaration, he (Mr. Dunning) appeared on the opposite ·side of the question (againstJamcs Somerset) .the very next year! This is an abominable and insufferable practice in lawyers, to undertake causes diametrically ,op.posite to their llwn declared opinions of law and common justice."-Mr. Dunning's professional apostacy was, in this instance at Jeast, harmless; for he was unable to maintain his ground, and his arguments were overthrown by Mr. Davy's reply. • I CHAP. IV.] CAUSE' OF THE NEGRO SOMERSET. 89 Mansfield's , reflections had no bias. -, The influence of arguments founded on truth had been felt, and his oonviction was thus expressed by himself: . " I did think~ in the begiFmlflg, to have put this ' afterwards in a more solemn way f~r argument befol1e the Cotlrt; but I think r should do an injustice to the parties, and Jilll injury to the , several Courts of Westminster Hall, to have it litigated, in case we should have no difference on the point. " It has been extremely well argued, and S0 fully argued, that I think there cannot possibJy be raised a new light upon it. I 3fm very -glad to see young gentlemen rise at the bar, who al;e capable of reading so much to advantage*. We are glad of the information given at the bm'. It has thrown a great light upon the question; and ,when it come~ to be determined, the rule for deciding will lie in a very narrow compass. We know every thing, and it will not stand on a large field." It appears, from several observations of the different Counsel, that the Court had been crowded to excess during the whole of the plead- ings. Many persons attended frol;1l natural concern in the caus~ of humanity,~and these appear to have been the largest part of the assembly. "It is my misfortune," said Mr: Dunning, "to address an audience, much the greater part of which, I apprehend, wish to find - me in the wrong." Otbers attended from curiosity, and some from motives of self-int~rest; for a question, put by Lord Mansfield to , Mr. Wallace, brought a disclosure, that Stewart was backed, and his expenses supported, by the West-India merchants in general. The expectation of all parties W'c\S now raised to the utmost pitch, when finally, in Trinity term, on Monday the 2~d of June, " The Court proceeded to give judgment in the case of Somerset the Negro, then bfjore the Court, on the motion of the Habeas C07pUS." Lord Mansfield first stated the return;, then spoke to the following purport :-" We pay due attention to the opinions of Sir Philip • Lord Mansfield' probably alluded to Mr. Alleyne and Mr, Hargrave, who were then youn\1 men, and very earnest in the cause. N 90 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. Yorke and Mr. Talbot, taken in the year 1729, whereby they pledge themselves ,t o the West-India planters for the .legal consequences of . slaves coming here, or ' being baptized. This opinion was solemnly recognised by Lord Hardwicke, sitting 'as ' Chancellor, June 9, 1749, to this effect: 'That there had been a prevailing opinion in the Colo- nies, that b::ptism was an emancipation of a Negro slave, and that, in consequence of coming here, such slave became free; but he was satisfied there was no ground for the opinion; and he and Lord Talbot had so expressed themselves upon a cause referred to them for their opinions, when Attorney General and· Solicitor General. They had given it all the consideration that the su~ject could require, and he was satisfied that neither baptism nor coming to England, made any alteration in the temporal state of the ~lave ;-that the Statute of the 12th of Charles II. ch. 24, had abolished villeins re- gal'dant; but if a man was solemnly to confess himself a villein in gross, he knew of no law which could possibly prevent the operation of such confession.' W e have likewise paid due regard to the many arguments urged at the bar, of inconvenience; but we are all so dearly of one opinion upon the q1lestion before ,us, that there is no necessity to rifer it to the twelve Judges. The question is, Whether the captain has returned a sufficient cause for the detainer of Somers'et? The cause returned is, that he had kept him by order of his master, with an intent to send him abroad to Jatpaica, there to be sold. So high an act of dominion mllst derive its force from the law of the country; and if to be justified here, mllst be justified by the laws of England. Slavery has been different in different ages and states. The exercise of the power of a master over his slave, must be supported by the laws of particular countries; but no foreigner cah in England claim a right over a man : such a claim is not known to the laws of England. HI Immemorial usage preserves a positive law, after the occasion or accident which gave rise to it has been forgotten; and, tracing the subject to natural princzIJles, the claim qf slavery never can be supported. T he power claimed never was in use here, or acknowledged .by the lare;. CHAP. IV.] CAUSE OF THE NEGR9 SOMERSET. 91 Dpon the whole, we cannot say the cause returned is sufficient by the law; and therefore the man must be discharged *." . The ever-memorable result of this trial is thus no~iced by Mr. Sharp: aw~. "June ~2d.-This day, James Somerset came to tell me that judgment was to-day gi ven in his favour. . " Somerset was the last Negro whom G. S. brought before Lord Mansfield by writ of Habeas Corpus; when his Lordship declared, as the opinion of all the Judges present, that the power claimed. by the master 'never was in use here, nor acknowledged by the law; and, therefore, the man, James Somerset, must be discharged: Thus ended G. Sharp's long contest with Lord Mansfield, on the 22d of June, 1772 t." • " In this manner," to use the words of Mr. Clarkson, "that the true will and intention of' the laws of England on the important question might be the more solemnly ascertained, the cause was fully and deliberately argued" at four several sittings of the Court, (Feb. 7, May 0,14,21); and so clearly were the Negro's rights demonstrated by the abilities of the counsel, that, although Lord Mansfield had declared, at the commencement of the trial, that, 'whatever migltt be the opin4on of tile Court, he should think it requisite, from the general and extensive interest of the subject, to take the opinion of all tile Judges upon it;' yet, in passing sentence, he de- clined that reference, and gave his decision without a remaining doubt. Among Mr. Sharp's papers are the following" Remarks on the Judgment of the Court of King's Bench, in the Case of Stewart and Somerset, by G. S." " The conclusion of Lord Mansfield's speech contains substantial and unanswerable reasons for the judgment he was about to give. He expressed, in two short sentences, that the master's claim was contrary to three powerful foundations of the English law; viz. Nature, Use or Custom, and the Written Law; which last includes two other foundations, viz. Maxims or Statutes. With respect to the first, he said, 'Tracing the subject to natural principles, the claims of slavery never can be supported.' With respect to the second, that ' the power claimed never was in use here;' and thirdly, 'that it was never acknowledged by the law.' " These seem, then, to have been the reasons of the determination; and, consequently, the Court was obliged, by the common law, to discharge the man: so that the true meaning of the determination is rendered clear and incontrovertible, as well by the effects of it as by the un- answerablc reasons adduced." t We may learn to apPleciate in some measure our obligations to Mr. Sharp for this arduous contest, from a consideration of the following singular circumstance. It appears, that, in the beginning of his researches in the cause of English personal ·freedom, he had found and noted the following passage in Blackstone's Commentaries: " And this spirit of liherty is so deeply implanted in our constitution, and rooted even in our very soil, that a Slave, or a Negro, the moment he lands in England, falls under the protectlOu MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART i: The judgment thus pronounced by Lord Mansfield has established the follo~ing axiom, as proposed by Mr. Serjeant Davy:~ AS SOON AS ANY SLAVE SETS HIS FOOT ON ENGLISH GROUNJ?I HE BECOMES FREE. -A sentence to be engraved for ever on our hearts. The part taken by Mr. Sharp in the conduct of this cause, and the tribute of praise- thence due to him, have been so eloquently ex- pressed in the " History of the Abolition of the Slave. Trade," that it would be wronging b~th the historian and his subject to state the conclusion in any other words than hisown.,- ,i Thus . €nded the great cause of Somerset. The eloquence displayed in it, by those \vho were engaged on the side of liberty, was perhaps never exceeded on any occasion; and the names of the Counsellors Davy, Glynn, Hargrave, Mansfield, and Alieyn~, _o ught always to be remembered with gratitude by the friends of this great cause. For when we consider in how many crowded bf the laws, :illd, with regard to aU national rights, becomeS eo ins/anti a freeman."-Com" mentaries, Book I. p. 123. This passage being quoted on the trial of one of the Negroes, (I believe, Hylas), wa5 triumphantly repelled by the opposite Counsel, who produced in court the v-olume of Black. stone from which the quotation was made, but in which no stich unqualified assertion was to be found. In that vo1ume the passage referl'ed to stood thus: " A Negro, the moment he lands in England, falls under the protecti'On of the laws, and so far becomes 2l freeman; though the master's right to his ~ervice may possibly still continue." This circumstance amazed, though it did not daullt, the steady mind, lvhich had directed the proceedings. Mr. Sharp returned to his books: and finding that the quotation was correctly taken from his edition- of the Commentaries, ' which happened to be the first, he began to suspect that some cbange ha,1 been introduced into later editions. On examination, it appeated that ~r. Blac\{stone had, -himself, during the process of. these trials, (see Letter in Appendix), corrected the passage in the manner stated in court, (in which I find it also in the fifth edition, 1773). The incon- sistency of this doubtful conclusion on so important a point of English law, is propetly noticed by the Editor of the last publication of his Commentaries. Thus, had it- not been for the perseverance of Mr, Sharp in bringing the question to a linsl iss-ue, our law, as far as it could be influenced by an opinion of olle of the beSt writers- on it, would have left in doubt whether the Constitution of England did or did not secure the personal Hlrerty of all her subjects! The gloriOUS decision of the point by Lord Mans- field i~ Wholly owing to Mr. Shitrp's tirm, resolute, and intrepid prosecution of the cause to tire end. CAUSE OF 'tHE NEGRO soMERSE't. 93 .l:OUl'ts they pleaded, and the, number of individllals in these whose minds they enl'ightened, and whose hearts they interested in the sub- ject, they are eel'tainly to be put down as no small i~stl'uments in the promotion nf it. But chiefly to him, under Divifle Providence, are we to give the praise, who became the first great actor in it; who devoted his time, his talents, and his substance to this Christian undertaking; and by whose laborious researches the very' pleaders themselves were instructed and benefited. By means of his almost incessant ·vigilance and attention, and unwearied effor~, the poor African ceased to be hunted in oUr streets as a beast of prey. Miserable as the roof might be under which he slept, he slept in security. He walked by the side of the stately ship, and he feared no dangers in her hold.-Nor ought we, as Englishmen, to be less grateful to that distinguished indivi- dual, than the African ought to be, upon this occasion. To him we owe it, that we·no longer see our public papers polluted by hateful advertisements of the sale of the human species"; or that we are no longer distressed by the perusal of impious rewards for bringing back. the poor and the helpless into slavery; or that we are prohibited the disgusting spectacle of seeing man bought by his fellow-man. To him, in short, we owe this restoration of the beauty of ollr consti- tution, this prevention of the continuance of our national disgrace:; To this eulogium of Mr. Sharp; is to be .added one tribute more, to the j urisprudence of England. The world had seen, with the most grateful sensations, men of the highest, talents and consummate legal . knowledge gratuitously striving in defence of injured human rights, and united with 1.10 other rivalry than to try who should best plead the cause of the helpless. Nor could it contemplate with less respect, a chief magistrate of the first court of English judicature laboriously • This execrable practice Was not, however, at once wholly abolished. For several y~ars aftenvards, rebels to humanity were still to be found. The following adrertisement was sent to Mr. Sharp in 1782, copied from a Liverpool newspaper.- •• Liverpool, Oct. 15, 1779.-To be sold by auction, at George Dunbar's office, on Thursday next, the 21st inst. at one o'clock, a lllack B"y, about jOU1·ttf71 year. old, and Ii la. g'- lII.uII/aiR Tiger cae,i, 94 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. attentive to arguments which controverted his own former proceed- ings, and, in the end, deliberately establishing a judgment opposite to them-in behalf of humanity*. * It is ~urprising, and to posterity will appear hardly credible, that the force of prejudice was so great in the enlightened nations of Europe at the time of these events, that the advocate of an injured raee, separated from those nations only by the sea, and distinguished from them only by a darker tinge of skin, thought it requisite to institute a regular inquiry, whether the natitJ€s of Africa were men- so unwilling .was their unwearied champion to leave in the field the smallest point against them llnassailed. A con'espondence with the learned Jacob Bryant on this , subject will be found in the proper place. The following is Mr. Sharp's apology for writing to him: - " I am far from having any particular esteem for the Negroes; but as I think myself obliged to consider them as men, I am certainly obliged also to use my best endeav6urs to prevent their being treated as beasts by our unchristian countrymen, who deny them the privileges of human nature, and, in order to exercise their own brutality, will scarcely allow that Negroes are human "beings. The tracing their deSCent, therefore, is a point of some consequence to the subject on which I am now engaged, for their defence." . Hc has left also some very learned remarks on Mr. Bryant's Analysis relative to the same topic. See Appendix. . On the same subject, likewise, are some marginal notes on p.33 of an History of Jamaica by Mr. Estwick.-See Appendix. CHAP. V.J CAUSE OF NEGRO SLAVES IN AMERICA. 95 CHAP. V. THE solemn and irreversible decree which had be~n issued in favour of Negroes in England, was attended with the utmost -exulta- tion among the anxious friends of human happiness. The general sense-and feeling ef the English people had long before decided the cause, and their conscious joy burst forth on occasion of the present triumph. The name of Granville Sharp became the emblem of charity: he stood the acknowledged and victorious patron of African liberty. Lke the inspired deliverer of the Hebre~s, he had brought captives out of the house of bondage, and given them to taste the milk and honey that flowed in a land of freedom. In consequence of these events, a new and enlarged field of action was about to be opened to his talents and his philanthropy: his efforts in behalf of an oppressed race were now to be seconded in - another hemisphere. The numerous and respectable body of Quakers in North America had for many years been making various efforts to alleviate the condition of slaves in several provinces*; and, when the neWS reached them of the favourable verdicts obtained in -the cases of Strong and other Negroes in England, they immediately felt a desire of communicating with the author of these successes, and of co-operating with him in his meritorious labours. His tract " on the Injustice of Slavery" was procured, and an abridgment of it (as has been mentioned) published from their own press in Phila- delphia; and numerous copies of it were dispersed, by every means • A General Epistle from the Yem-/y Meeting in 1754, declares it to he the" concern" of the hotly of Friends to bear testimony against the iniquitous practice of alave-dealing, and to w~rn their members ag~inst making allY purchase of Negroes. Another Epistle, to the same efiecl, was issued by the Yearly Meeting of London, in 1758. 96 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. in their power, as widely and expeditiously as possible. The final decisic)ll on the trial of Somerset confirmed thei.r respect for the champion of the cause. The most cordial interctJange of fi'iendly sentiment now com~ menced between men, who, strangers, and far distant from one another, were alike earnestly labouring in the same benevolent at~ t~mpt; and the intercourse which followed led to the most unex~ pee ted results. On the Pnemorable clay which terminated the cause of Somerset and established the rights of all NegToes in. E~.glanq, Mr. Sharp l'eceiv.ed the first offering of a correspondence, instituted for the sole object of forwardiflg the deliverance of African and other slaves, but tending also, in its progress, to render him a partaker in the great political strife between Great Britain , and her Colonies. His corre~ sp(')lldent was ANTfIONY BENEZET, a highly respectable member of the society called Quakers, in North America. He had established a free-school at Philadel phia for the education of Black People, and he took every opportunity which his situation gave him of pleading in their hehalf*. ' A c(')llgeniality of spiDit had singl!llarly united these two philan- thropists, before any corresp~)llaenc€ was opened -between them. In th~ copy, t~und it) Mr. Sharp'S library, of one of Benezet's "Yorks, IS the following II?argipal note in manuscript.- * He published several tr6atis_es against sla\,e;y, and he finally ga\'e a hearty proof of hi. attachment to the cause of the slaves, by leaving the whole of his fortune iu support of that school to which he had devoted his time and attention. His works are, ' 1. "A DelCription of 'Guinea, wit" an Inquiry into tlte Rise and P"ogress of the Slau T,'ade, 8[c." . 2. "A Caution to Great Britain and Iter Colonies; in a Klwrt llepresentation of lite cala- mitous State of tlte enslaved Negroes in the Britislt Dominions."-1'his boo\< was transmitted by the. General Meeting of Quakers in Philadelphia, to the Meeting in London, \vith a request that it might be reprinted here, and put into the hands of the several Members ofPariiament; which was accordingly done: Six hundred copies were sent to the Members of both Houses. "This w.as done," says Benezet, "with a .view to forward the design, of a national inquiry." 3. " Slwrt Account of tltat Part of A/dca inhabited by Negroes." - See Mr. Clarkson's Pre- face to his Pri!le Essay" On tbe Slavery and Comfnerce· of the Human Species, particularly the Allican," 1785. CHAP. V.] CAUSE OF NEGRO SLAVES IN AMERICA. 97 " The author of this book. as printed at Philadelphia in 1762, was Mr. Anthony Benezet, of that city; descended of a French family, which forsook (and lost very considerable property in) France for the sake of their religion; so that the present Mr. B. is obliged to earn his bread in the laborious office of a schoolmaster, and is also un- happily involved in the errors of Quakerism: nevertheless, he has a very large and extensive acquaintance, and is universally respected, not only among the whole body of Quakers, (Dr. Fothergill, and Dr. Franklin, having been his correspem.dents), but also by all others who know him. . " When G. S. was involved in the first law-suit, to defend himseJf against a prosecution for having set a Negro slave at liberty, in 1767, he accidentally met with a copy of this book on a stall, ,and, without any knowledge whatever of the author, caused this edition to be printed and published, having added thereto an account of the endeavours of ' the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel' to instruct the Negroes at N ew York, with two of Bishop Gibson's Letters on that subject; to which G. S. added also a Conclusion, by the Editor"". " In 1769, G. S. having nonsuited his prosecutors, was at liberty to print his representation of ' the Injustice and dangerous Tendency of tolerating Slavery,' whtch he had drawn up during the proceedings against him; and it is remarkable, that Mr. Benezet reprinted that tract at Philadelphia, without knowing that the author had paid the same compliment to his former work in 1767." Mr. Benezet's first letter, and the reply to it, will serve to shew the. progress of Mr. Sharp's thoughts and actions, in regard to the important measures on which he was now consulted; and they will at the s.?-me time disclose an unforeseen connection of interests, which gradually led him to espouse the cause and plead the rights of the colonists in their struggle with the British Cabinet. • In order to guard against any arguments that might be urged in favour of slavery from the Bishop's letten, wherein he seems to admit the legality of slave-holding. o 98 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART 1. Anbhony }3enezet to Gran'Vilie Sh.arp. " Esteemed Frienlll Granville Sharp, "Philadelphia, 14th &th Mo. (May), 17'72. " I have long been desirous te ady.ise with such well-minded persons in England"" who nave a prospect of the iniquity of the Slave Trade, and are conc~rned to prevent its continuation. And I should have been well pleased to have wrote to thee thereon, had I known how to direct; particularly as I had takr:;n the freedom to republisa but a part of thy acceptable, and I trust serviceable, treatise. But now, having a good opportunity, I roake free affec- tionately to salute thee, and to send thee ' some cepies of a treatise lately published here on that iniquitous traffic, giving the best account of its origin, progress, &c. which we have been able to procure. I doubt not but it may be amended by some more able hand on your side the water. We esteem the whole of thy treatise to be very instructive, and 'much to the rna.tter; never- theless, it was thought, from the general disposition of the people here, that their attention was most likely to be drawn to it, if limited to that part which immediately concerns us. I trust the generosity of thy heart will excuse the freedom we have taken in abridging it, even though thou should not quite approve of our reasons for so doing. It is certainly incumbent on every lover Qf God and man to use their best endeavours that a stop may be put to this unnatural and harbarous trll.ffic, as well on account of its dreadful effects on the poor Negroes, in t.he devastation it occasions in their country, the destruc- tion and intolerable suffering it entails em those who remain in bondage, and their offspring; but yet much more so in the case of their lordly oppressors, the people of the West India and southern colonies, to whom this dreadful evil will, in its consequences, extend beyond time, even in the regions of eternity, by hardening their hearts, so that they and their offspring become alienated from God, and are hastening to a state of greater and more deeply corru pt barbarity, than that from whence our northern progenitors sprung, before their acquaintalRce witn Christianity. " My friend, J . Wesley, gives me expectation he will consult with thee about the expediency of making some weekly publication, in the pl!lblic prints, on the · origin, nature, and dreadful effects of the Slave Trade; which appears absolutely necessary, as many well-minded people, who may have some influence, are ignorant of the case; and also be~ause way may thereby be made for a farther attempt t?wards the removal of this potent evil; to which, we think, nothing will so effectually conduce as a representation to the King and CHAP. V.] CAUSE OF NEGRO SLAVES IN AMERICA. 99 both Houses qf Parliament. This is what we have a right to do, and what will at least be a testimony on the -behalf of truth. Indeed, we cannot be at the same time silent and innocent spectators of the most horrid scene (if rightly con- sidered, in itself, and in its consequences) that was, perhaps, ever acted upon the face of the earth. I have wrote to several of the principal persons amongst our Friends, the Quakers, on this head; earnestly requesting they would con- sider, whether, as they were better acquainted with the prodigious iniquity and dreadful consequences attendant on this practice, and had so publicly, in their general Yearly Epistle to their churches, every where declared their abhorrence of it, it was not their duty, either as a people, or by their principal members, to endeavour the removal of it by such a representation, I have also men- tioned the matter, and sent some of the last and former treatises, to our agent, Benjamin Franklin, who, I know, has a due sense 0f its iniquity and evil conse- quences, and would, I am persuaded, use his influence in endeavouring that an end should be put to the trade. I have the more hopes of the good effects which may attend an immediate application to the King, from a paragraph in our news- papers of this month, stating, 'that a Parliamentary inquiry into the conduct of the East-India Company in Bengal was originally proposed by a Great Person- agE:!, who was much shocked with the account he received of the oppression ex- ercised over the poor natives.' Will any thing less than such an application ex- cuse us to God, the commo~ Father of mankind, when inquisition is made for the blood of so many thousands and tfm~ of thousands, may i not say hundreds of thousands, of our fellow-men (i. e. out neighbours, whom we are by the Go- spel enjoined to love as ourselves) so unjustly shed, and yet shedding daily, by our nation? What shall we do when God riseth up, and when he visiteth? What shall we answer him? Did not He that made them make us, and did not One fashion us in the womb? I beg and earnestly entreat, by the mercies of God, that this matter of an application to the King and Parliament may be weighty with you-by those mercies, that each of us shall ere long, and perhaps very soon, recur to, when we shall have, with the great~st joy or grief, to remem- ber that mercy is, with the blessing, promised to the merciful, fmd fulness of heart to those who truly hunger and thirst after righteousness. The mode of such a representation you may much better judge of than we can pretend ~o point out. I doubt not but thou wilt, upon inquiry, find more well-minded people ready to cry you' Good speed' in this weighty service, than you are aware of. The most solid amongst all Dissenters, particularly the Presbyterians, would be well pleased to see an end put to the Slave Trade, and many, to slavery 10Q MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. itself. The people of New England have made a law that nearly amounts to a prohibition of the trade,and, I am informed, have proposed to the .Governorand Council that all Negroes born in the country should be free at a certain age. I know the flood of impiety and selfishness, which, as a torrent, seems to overflow, will be a great discouragement; but let us remember, that the Lord's power is above the power . of darkness; his hand is not shortened" thaLhe cannot save by few, as well as by many. " "The people of-Maryland and Virginia are so convinced ofthe inexpediency, if not all of the iniquity, of any farther importation of Negroes, that a pru- dent. person, who spent' some time in, these yrovinces, tells me, he thinks ten or twenty thousand people would freely join in a petition to the Parliament against any further import. As, perhaps, the danger of increasing the number of Negroes in the island and colonies may have influence on the Government to prohibit any further import, it may not be amiss to' observe, that, by a late comp1!1tation, there are about eight hundred and fifty thousand Negroes' in the English colonies and islands. In Jamaica alone, by the poll-tax in that island for the year 1768, it appears, that there were then 166,914 ta,r:able Negroes- doubtless' there were en01.Jgh more, who either eluded the tax, or who were .not taxable, to make up two hundred thousand-and, by the best account I can obtain, (not many more, if any,) but fifteen thousand Whites; and the trade for slaves still carried on with such vigour, thl!.t we have reason to conclude there is still yearly at least an hllndren f.hollsand violently brought from Africa, by. the English alone: these are employed to make some new settlement, as in the islands Tobago, St. Vincent, &c.; also, to make up deficiencies, and to sell to the Spaniards. ' " I remain thy Friend, " ANTHONY BENEZET." " I shall take it kind if thou wilt send me a few lines in answer." G. S. to Anthony Benezet of Philadelphia. " Dear Sir, " Old Jewry, London, August 21, 1772. " You need not have made an apology for having abridged my book. It is a sufficient satisfaction to me to find that you thought it capable of doing some service in a cause which we have both of us so much at heart. " I not only approve, Sir, of the abridgment you ' have made of my arguments in particular, but of your whole performance. Some copies of it CHAP. V.] CAUSE OF NEGRO SLAVES IN AMERICA. 101 arrived here very opportunely, just before the cause of James Somerset came to a hearing in the Court of King's Bench; and, by Dr. Fothergill's kindness I . was enabled immediately to dispose of six: one to Lord Mansfield, th~ Chief ' Justice; one to Lord N 9rth, first Lord Commissioner .o f the Trea- sury; and four to the learned Counsel, who had generously undertaken to plead gratis for Somerset. I had thought indeed of reprinting it, as I did your former tract in 1768, but Mr. Clark, the printer, was luckily before-hand with me; so that .I had an opportunity of purchasing what more copies I wanted to distribute. " I send you a copy of your own book, as reprinted here, and some other pamphlets lately published on the subject; with a few little tracts of my own, of ~hich I beg your acceptance, as a small token of my esteem. I have likewise sent a copy of the judgment given by Lord Mansfield in the case - of Somerset. This judgment would have done Lord Mansfield honour, had he not all along seemed inclined to the other side of the question. After the second day's argument, before any judicial determination was given, he advised the West-India merchants to apply to Parliament while it continued to sit, and Mr. -- accordingly made a motion in the House for securing property in Negroes and other slaves in this kingdom. However, he did not succeed ; but it is apprehended, that he and the other West-India merchants will use their utmost endeavours to carry their point next sessions. It is on this ac- count that I have now undertaken to write once , more upon the subject, in order to apprise disinterested people of the dangerous tendency of such a measure; and I shall endeavour to prepare what few friends I have in Parlia- ment, for an opposition to such a destructive proposal, in case it should be renewed. My former tracts were built chiefly on the laws of England ; but my present work is for the most part founded on Scripture, to obviate the doctrines of some late writers and disputers, who have ventured to assert that slavery is not inconsistent with the Word of God. " I had thoughts once of addressing myself to the Bishops and Clergy, in order to show them the necessity of uniting their influence and interest on this occasion; but I have since had an opportunity of throwing this business upon the Archbishop of York *, whose application to his brethren, the Clergy, would certainly be effectual, if he should think such a measure likely to be attended with success. I have the' satisfaction to be informed, that he is become a .. Dr. Drummond. 102 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PART I. zealous advocate for the freedom of the Negroes, and is desirous of doing every service to the cause that he can. . " Your proposal of petitioning Parliament is certainly very proper, if the subject of the petition be confined to the African Slave Trade, (which is pro- tected and encouraged by Parliament); but, with respect to the toleration qf slavery in the colonies, I apprehend the British Parliam€mt has no right to interfere; and that your petition on this head should be addressed only to the King, or to the King in Council. My reason for this opinion I wrote at large, in a letter' to Lord North; a copy of which I enclose, because I think our brethren of the colonies can't be too much upon their guard with respect to the dignity and independence of their own Assemblies in this point. My letter was indeed a private one, and, therefore, if you should think proper to communicate it, it will be right to suppress the name of the nobleman to whom it is addressed. " You mention the information you have received from Maryland and Vir- ginia, that ten or twenty thousand people would freely join in petition to Par- liament against the further importation of Negroes. Such a petition would retrieve, in some respects, the honour of those colonies, and be a glorious proof that they are not destitute of Christian and social principles; and it would probably lay the foundation for a total prohibition of that most abomi- nable branch of the Afriqm trade, the buying and selling of men, Yet, as I have mentioned above, respect must be had to the rights qf tlte Colonies; and a petition from thence, if addressed to Parliament, ought to relate.to the Slave Trade (with its bad effects and consequences) in general, and not . merely to the importation of slaves into the colonies, because the colonies have a right themselves to prohibit such importation respectively in their o,,'n Assemblies, with the King's concurrence; which they will be sure to obtain ih this matter, if it is asked by a majority. " With respect to a petition to Parliament against the Slave Trade iJ~ general, if you could procure even less than a tenth part of the lowest number of petitioners mentioned in your letter, I should think it a very considerable poin.t ' gained; as it would afford an excellent argument against the pretended neceS- sity of holding slaves in the colonies, which is always alleged as the reason of the encouragement given by Parliament to the African trade. A petition also to the King, from a small number (if a larger number, or a majority, cannot be obtained), against the toleration qf slavery in th.e colonies, might have very good effects; for though it would not be likely to succeed in the whole , /, CHAP. V.] CAUSE OF NEGRO SLAVES IN AMERICA. 103 yet it might at ieast occasion the setting on foot some wholesome regulations, by way of restrain.t on the masters. " I am told of some regulations that have taken place in the Spanish colonies, which do the Spaniards much honour, and are certainly worthy of our imitation, in case we should not be so happy as to obtain an entire abolition of slavery; and probably you will find many American subjects that would be willing to promote such regulations, though the same people would strenu- ously oppose the scheme of a total abolition of slavery. " Be pleased to inform me, whether you shall be likely to procure any such petitions or memorials as are mentioned above; because I would endeavour to prevail on some of the Bishops to present the memoriaIs that are for the King " as also on Sir George Saville, or ;ome other respectable member of the Lowe; House, to present the petitions to Parliament. Yet this matter will ' require good consideration, because the business is certainly in the regu1ar channel when conducted by your own agent. " Lord Dartmouth, who is, lately appointed secretary for the colonies, is esteemed a humane and religious man, and his mediation with the Kirig ane!. Council might probably be ~very efficacious, were he applied to from your side of the water; by way if memorial accompanying the petition, %c., if signed by any respectable number of American subjects; aI!d then the business would be in a regular track. I I1eetl llu'l a~sure you, Sir, how much , you have my good wishes for prosperity and success in your bene~olent undertakings, ,and that I shall always think myself happy in lending what little assistance may happen to be in my p~wer. " With great esteem," &c. &c. From these letters, Mr. Sharp's active exertions in the cause of African freedom appear 'not only to have given fresh zeal to the humane endeavours of the Quakers in America, but' to have been the means of collecting their benevolent, but ill-combined, measures into a regular and effective method of procedure. The tract" on the Injustice of Slavery," and the dispersion of it throughout America by Benezet and other zealous Quakers, during the course of three successive years (from 1769), had already pro- duced the most powerful effects. The House of Burgesses in Virginia sent a petition to the King, dated 1st April, 1772, wherein they 104' MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. / [PART I. implored his .Majesty's paternal assistance in averting" a calamity of the most alarming nature." "The importation of SlaTes," they said, "into the colonies from the coast of Africa, hath long been con- sidered as a trade of great inhumanity, and, under its present encou- ragement, we have -too much reason to fear will endanger the very existence of your Majesty's American dominions." In some other Colonial Assemblies it had either excited or strengthened an earnest wish to abolish slavery as well as the Slave Trade. His reply to Benezet was no less cordially welcomed: copies of it were every where circulated through the provinces, and were read with the utmost avidity. His instructions were received with defe- rence, and the distinctions which he pointed ~ut, with regard to the mode of petitioning against the dim~rent objeots of their complaints, were regarded as rules for further procedure. T he progress and effects of his correspondence with the zealous Benezet will be presently shown, from a manuscript which he (many years afterwards) drew up and presented to the President of the African Institution, and in which he gave a summary account of the 11esult of his public eff'orts.-But it is first requisite, in order of time, to mention some further circumstances which had occurred, regard- ing the property in slaves in England. 1772. By the judgment delivered in the cause of Somerset, a slow but fatal wound had been given to the infamous traffic in a large portion of the human race. It was evident, that the penetrating mind of Lord Mansfield had not faiJed to perceive, at an early advance of the trial, the extensive consequences of the principle which he was him- self about to establish. With the circumspection, therefore, that became the guardian of the property and rightful claims of British subjects, We have seen hilll, at the close of the second day's sitting, recommending to the West-India merchants to be on their guard respecting the consequences of the proceedings then carrying on, and suggesting the expediency of their applying for advice to Parliament during its actual session. CHAP. V.) CAUSE OF NEGRO SLAVES IN AMERICA. A motion was accordingly made in the House of Commons, for leave to bring in a bill for the se'curing of property in Negroes and other slaves in this kingdom. The motion was overruled. The hopes of the slave-dealers, however, survived; nor was tbe diligence of their opponents abated, as wiH appear from the following letters. G. S. to Dl·. Fothergill. " Sir, 27th October, 1772. " The West-India merchants, traders, and other interested persons, have· formed a considerable association, to promote a Bill at_t he next meeting of Pa,rlie.ment for the toleration of slavery in this kingdom, in order to · counter- act the late clear decision of the Court of King's Bench in favour of James Somerset and of the Negroes in general. " The slave-holders' Bill, I apprehend, will be something to the same effect as Mr. ---'s'*' motion, that was ooVerruled last year; viz~' for· securing property in Negroes and other slaves in this kingdom.' I should not have taken the.liberty of writing to 'you on this sjlbject, had I not conceived so great an opinion of your humanity as to suppose that you would choose to he apprised of such a dangerous scheme, in order that you may raise all the opposition against it that you possibly can, among your friends. " If Mr. ---'s motion should ever pass into a law; other laws, still more unjust and cruel, must be made to enforce and assist that Jaw, as in all other places where s,]avery is tolerated. It is necessary, therefo~e, that all persons, who sincerely regard the welfare of this kingdom, should use their utmost interest against this association of slave-holders, in order that their wretched scheme may once more be overruled; and I hope that more than five, or even fifty, righteous persons may ye.t be found in this great city, to oppose tbe measure, and declare their detestation of it in . a just petition against the Bill. " Mr. Benezet is endeavouring to procure signatures in Pennsylvania and . Maryland, to a petition against slavery.-With great esteem," &c. &c. Dr. Fothergill, in reply, to G. S. "Harford Street, 8th inst. Il •••••••• l'havc not been inactive in the affair; ram assured of a persolJ', • I huve omitted the name of the mover in this and the preceding letter, because cvexy one must, in Christian charity, suppose him to have wished the circumstance to be forgotten . .I:' 106 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. who will have considerable influence in this business, let it come before Administration which way it will. " Let my want of leisure be no obstacle to thy informing me frequently of any thing wherein lean be of use. I shall not wait for such information, if an opportunity offers of rendering service to those who are the object of every honest man's care and attention, because they have been gri~vously oppressed, and are farther threatened with accumulated suffering. , {( 'With much respeet," &c, Mr. Alleyne to Gmn'IJille Sharp, Esq. " Dear Sit, " January 1'3, 177~. " At any time that you can spare an hour, I should be vety happy in seeing you on the old subject of' the slavery of the Negroes. There is now a Bill passing for the horrid purpose of legitimating the dire relation of master and slave in England. Ir must, and shall be opposed. I wish for the favour of your appoiI1tmeFlt, and will pun'Ctually wait on you when and where you please. " Your aJfectioriate humble servant," &c. The result of these mutual preparations is not noticed. Granville's vigilance was roused, but the alarm subsided *. His attention, nearly at the same time, had been call-ed to some t-ransactions of which the -connection with the events just related is obvious. They were such as involved the general concerns of huma. . nity and the ' national character of England. By an investigation which took place in Parliament, in November I7'7t, on the subject of the Caribbees in St. Vincenfs, (one of the neutral islands ceded by France to Great Britain at the last treaty ~f • The following sentence, in a letter from G. S. to his brother Dr. J. Sharp, may prohabTy refer to the Bill in question. " As it has pleased God that the Negro slaves have had a solemn decision of Ihe court in their favour, the West-India slave ho-lders have attempted to evade it, by binding their Negro servants to them as apprentices when they bring them to England. But the law will not endure such an evasion! The servant being in slavery, is incapable of entel'ing into any contract with bis master, for the same reason tha~ a contract made in pdson is sl1spected of duress, and is therefore null and void." CHAP. V.) INTERFERENCE IN BEHALF OF THE CARIBBS. 107 peace3, it appeared, that very considerable disagreements had arisen, concerning some territorial distributions, between the new settlers and the remaining' portion of the aboriginal possessors. At an early period of the contest, Mr. Sharp's indignation was excited by a report of its being the intention of our Government to extirpate the latter. " The French," he says, in a letter to Dr. Fothergill, "attempted in vain to subdue the Caribbees of St. Vincent's, and yet had the assuran~e to cede the whole island to the English, though they possessed but a small part of it; and the English, lest they should seem less adroit in Machiavelian policy than their Most Christian neighbours, are now about to enforce their title with fire and sword. Suppose, by way of comparison, that the French snould think propel' to cede Great Britain to the King of Prussia; should we think this a sufficient reason for acquitting the latter of robbery and wilful mur- der, if he were to come, by virtue of such a title, to measure out and divide our land, and to butcher every English freeholder who should presume to assert -his own prior right? " But the Caribbd~s possess some of the finest land in the wh9le island for growing sugar-canes, and therefore- we ought to extirpate them! Again, they claim, more land than they possess, and are so insolent as to endeavour to preserve all that they claim; so that we have a 1'ight to make war upon them, and take by f0rce not only all that they claim, but even all that they possess! Besides, they were so presumptuous, about three years ago, as to oppose the King's troops, when sent to take possession of their lands without their leave! " I have carefully attended to the allegations against the Carib- bees, and cannot really make out, on the whole, any better JIlean- ing of them, when stripped of their sophistical dress, than what I have here said in plain English. I do not recollect that the English annals are stained with so glaring an instance of national inj us- tice, since Ireland was ceded by the Pope to King H enry the Second; but the ignorance and bigotry of those dark times afford 108 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. '['P A RT 1. an exclise for Henry, which .cannot be allowed :in th.e present ill- stance*." $ " The island of Saint Vincent, one of the neutral islands ceded by !Fl'ance to Great , Britain by the ~ast treaty of peace, was in grcat Part occupied by a race o'f yellow Caribbs, accounted the aboriginal possessors of the entire chain of the Greater and Lesser Antilles; and it was calculated, that, reduced as they were in number, they could still muster, withiu the nar· row limits of St. Vincent's, more than a thousand fighting men. " The French settlers had long lived on terms of peace and amity with this remnant of a bnce great and powerful nation, who are represented as a quiet inoffensive people, subsisting chiefly by hunting and fishing.; and, though ~ stipulation was made in favour of them by the Treaty of Paris, instructions were transmitted also from the English Court that they should not be molested in the posse~sion 'of their 'lands. Many of the Fre,;ch, however, choosing to te- !Dove to the French islands, and haviug disposed of their plantations to English adventurers, these new settlers, perceiving that the most fertile districts of the island were in the hands of the' Caribbs, made )'epeated representations to the 'Government at hODle, requesting that the Caribbs migbt be disposs'essed of those lands, as they 'reaped no benefit from tbeir superior fertility, and that other lands migbt be bestowed on them in exchange, in the island or else- ,;'here, as should be thought expedient. The arguments. urgea for this aggression were, the gTe~t advantages which would arise from the sale of these lands to the Crown, and the danger of peighbours so !liuch attached to the French. These reasons at. length prevailed; and, early in the year 1768, orders were issued by the Board of Treasury for the survey and disposal of 'tlrc lands possessed by the Cariblrs, for which tney 'were to receive a 'compensation in money, and in other lands aHotted ' to them in the d:stant and mountainous part of the island . .. .......... " " But this brave people, animated with a lo\'e of liberty, and passionately attached to their 'native woods and savannahs, .resolved to assert their rights, and to maintain them to the 'utmost of their power, In reply, thereforc, to the English Commissioners, they stated, that the whole island was originally their property; that the French, by their permission, had settled on a part 'of it; and that their ldng might doubtless dispose of that part as he pLeased : but they were not 'his subj~cts, and he could not gran't the lands which they had reserved for themselves, ·and which tbey now finally refused to give up or exchange. -n The English Commissioners, regardless of these remon'strances, pl'oceeded with their survey, advancing roads into the heart of the Carib!> country, The Caribbs, though greatly irritated, !!ontented themselves with destroying the new roads, and burning the huts built for the 'use of the surveyors, " The Caribbs were now represented to England as daring and incorrig'ible rebels, and 'it was proposed to transport them to Africa: but the Government: unwiJling ·to proceed to such extremities, renewed their proposals for the exchange of lands, which was rejected with firmness; the Caribbs at the same time refusing to take any oath of allegiance to the King of Great Britain, or to any other sovereign, In consequence of this contumacy, two rcgiments 'were ordered to embark from North America, to j oin those already at St. Vincent's; which, united with the naval force on that station, were to proceed to reduce the Caribbs to submission, or to driv~ them from the island." Be/sham's Hisl07:Y of George III. '"oJ. i . . " Posterity will learn with indignation, that the sales and allotments of land I have meutioned, gare,r.ise to a war with the Charaibes; in the course of which it, became the avowed', intenthm CHAP. -V.] INTERFERENCE'IN BEHALF OF 'rHE CAIUBBS. . The reflection of rlHi)\'e sedate moments produced the folloWing letter to Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State f<:>r the Colonies, ' to whom Mr. Sharp ·was apparently a btranger. His reliance, next to the justice of his cause, was on the high character of this nobleman, whom he had represented to his friena Benezet as a humane and religious ma"!; and in tbis he was hot mistaken. To tne Right Han. the Earl if Dartmouth; his MqjestJj's SecTetar!J.qf State. " My Lord, " Old Jewry, 10th October, 1772. " A truly conscientious man iis seldom to be met with in this corrupt age; yet I am much misinformed if the reality ·{,)f that character is not su ppbrted by your · Lordship. With this persuasion, I venture to address your Lord-ship upon a subject of no small concern, I apprehend, t.o yourself, as a conscientious man in office; and, though I have certainly no right to interfere, being only a private individual, yet as my motive, I trust, is unblameable, I .relyon your Lordship's general character that you will not be incl:ined to charge me with impertinence far what is at least 'tt}(}ll-intended. " A friend of mine, Jately returned from -the ceded Islands, informs me, that a considerable body of his Majesty's troops are ordered to St. Vincent's, to ·act against the natives (who ate descended from a mixt race, between African ·Negroes and the ancient Caribbee Indians); ang from his knowledge 'of the country and climate, he assures me, that ' the consequences will, probably, be fatal, not only to the pOOl' wretched Indians (who, it seems, have 'given ·no just cause of offence), but must inevitably be fatal also to a great number of brave officers and men of the King's troops, before ~he latter will ,be able to accomplish this (I may say) d.ishonourable service ;-that, besides the unwhole- 'someness of the climate, which our men will have to combat with, they will find the Indians a very rude and stubborn enemy, when exasperated by injuries and rendered desperate. ,The French exper.ienced the valour of thebe people, when they once attempted to enslave them; and, after the loss of a great number of troops, they were obliged at last to give up the'tvicked undertaking., of Government to exterminate those illiserable people altogether, or, by conveying them to a barren i5iand on the coast of Africa, consign them ol'er to lingering destruction!' Br-!Jan EdlCQI'ds's His/Qry oj West Indies, vol. i. book iii, chap. 3. 110 MEMOIRS or GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART C. in which their wretched policy and abominable· injustice had engaged them.- But I ought not to dwell only on the difficulty of executing the present project, since the justic{:1 or injustice of the cause should b€ the principal point in con'" sid€ration among Christians. " The possessions in dispute were held by the present proprietors many years before the late peace, when the island was ceded to England; and as our present claim is founded on that cession, we cannot possibly make out the least title to the lands if the Indians, because the French could h!lve no right to ' cede what did not belong to them-the property of a people who owed no- obedience, nor acknowledged allegiance to their Government. They might as well have pretended to cede to us the Seven United Provinces, as the possessions of this little united body of Indians, whom they could never conquer:· so tbat these Indians were absolut~ly independent of the French Government, and con- sequently independent of the English Government also. The only right that the. French could possibly give us, by that cession, is an €.vclusive right against themselves, in case they should ever attempt hereafter to conquer the inde- pendent Indians, in order to €stablish themselves." [He here refers to a report sent from St. Vincent's to the Lords of the Treasury, about four years prior, relating the opposition of the Caribbees to the surveying and measuring the island by the King's troops, whom they threatened to charge if they advanced any further; telling them, that they were welcome, if they came as friends, but that they would never suffer the English to measure and take possession of their lands. "The English had too small a force to attack them; and the Indians, though the stronger party, behaved with civility when the English desisted from lTI€asuring; so that there was no bloodshed." The report, he sa,s, expressed "a very unreasonable indignation against the poor Indians, though it appeared, that the most civilized nation could not have acted with more moderation and propriety."] " At that time, indeed, I had not the least fear of any bad consequences to the Indians; because I trusted that his Majesty's Ministers in gener'al would be so well acquainted with the law if nations, and the unalterable principles of natu1'al justice, that they would never be liable to hearken to su~h insinuations. But what must I say, now that the intentions of Ad- ministration are known? For God 's sake, my Lord, if you are really the conscientious man that I believe you to be, inquire strictly and carefully 'CHAP. V.] INTERFERENCE IN BEHALF 0F THE CARIBBS. 111 into this matter, .as it is now in Y0l!lF proper department; and if you find that there are any just grounds for what I have advanced, I tl)ink I may rest assured that you will Use your utmost endeavours to stop all further proceedings against tbe Indians, that the credit if' our nation may nDt openly be stained by the horrid crimes of unjust oppression, robbery, and premedi- tated murder; arrd that such complicated guilt may Hot occasion the with- drawing of God's blessing from the King's family and this kingdom.-I have already mentioned the great uncertainty of success in the present ufldertaking against the Caribbees; but let me .a dd, that even a victory, in so bad a cause, will load the English Government with indeIrble shame and dishonour. The credit ef our Ministers must sink to the hateful level of politicians whose principles are baneful to human society, and must necessarily, theref0l1e, be detestable before G~d and man. The blood that will probably be spilt on bo~i,l 'Sides, must somewhere be imputed.: for open and avorved injustice, and wilful murder, cannot be vindicated before God by any deceitful sophistry about the necessity of such measures to produce the nation's good, or t<;> maintain the 'Prosperity ·of our colonies; bec'al!lse good and .evil can never change places, and because we must 'not do evil that good may come.' " These are !he first and most fundamental principles qf Government: so that 'statesmen and politicians, who thus venture 1;0 dispense with them, ought to be reminded, that such measures 1l0t only accumulate a national, but a personql guilt, which they must one ,day personally answer for; whell they shat! be compelled to attend, with common robbers al)d murderers, .expecting an eternal doom; for the nature of their crimes is essentially the same, and God js no respecter of persons. . " I am very well aware of the arguments that will be advanced . to defend this unjust measure; and I am sufficiently prepared (I hope) to answer them, that is, privately in writing, to your Lordship, whenever you shall think proper to honour me with your commands. " With great deference and respect, my Lord," &c. &c. In reply to this letter, Lord Dartmouth wrote to Mr. Sharp, re-;- questing to see him the next day. He accordingly waited on his Lordship; and, in this interview~ it is . not to be doubted that he urged every argument in favour of the injured Caribbees with his usual energy and manly sense. In fact, he appears to have made a M-l'MOlRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. strong i,mpression on the mind of the amiable nobleman to w,hem, , he had so fortunate an opportunity of exposing his sentiments «<; and, it may be presumed, that, in the hands of so just and benevolent a mediator, his plea for national faith was not unavailing-to We may now pl'Oceed to the Manuscript account of the correspond- ence with Benezet (sul,>sequent to the first two letters.) ./ t1.@~. "On the 3d of January 1773, G. S. receiv~d Mr. Benezet's second letter, dated 8th November 1772, enclosing extracts from the minutes of the Assembly of Virginia, in April 1772, against the tolera- tion of the Slave Trade; and signifying his hopes of succeeding in procuring such petitions as were recommended in G. S.'s letter of the 21st of August; stating also, that he will send copies of that letter to Virginia and Maryland, and that ari eminent lawyer, to whom he had communicated it, had undertaken to draw up suitable forms of petitions." " In a third letter, dated 18th February 17n-3, Mr. Benezet says, ' I ~ade out. several copies of such parts of thy letter as were likely ,to promote the good end proposed. These were sent to Virginia, South Cawlina, and Maryland, to such persons as had th€) .. "To my Lord Dartmouth I wrote several letters, against the oppression exercised in the colonies, and more particularly against the monstrous iniquity of sending an armed force til dispossess the poor Caribbees at St. Vincent's. I have since had the honour of a conference with his' Lordship ; when I found he had no hand in promoting that expedition; and I obtained his promise that he would speak in behalf of the injured Caribbs, if he should have any favour- able opportunity."-G. S. to A. Benezet, 7th 'July, 1773. t " At this period, Mr. Alderman Trecothiek, M. P. for London, made several Motions in the House of Common's, for inquiring into this unjust expedition; all of which were negatived by a large majority. The public feelings were beginning to be greatly awakened, when intelligence arrived, that, after several encounters, in which our troops had suffered severely, a treaty of peace was at length concluded with tbe Caribbs. By tbis treaty tbey were confirmed in their ancient possessions, wilh the exception of certain dish'icts to be surrendered to the Commis- sioners appointed by bis Britannic Majesty, whom they recognised as rightful .sovereign of St. "Vincent's, and consented to hold their lands as a grant from him." , Belsltam's Hist. oj George JII. CHAP. V.] CORRESPONDENCi!: WITH BEN~ZET. 113 matter at heart, with all the additional strength in my power, in order to encourage their taking the most effect: In the same letter he adds, 'We have pushed the point among ourse]veos,' (the people of Pennsylvania), ' by handing about extracted copies of thy letter, the Virginian Petition, &c.' To which he adds, ' And our Assembly meeting about the same time, we put forward a petition to be laid before them, of which I herewith send thee a copy. This was freely agreed to by all the clergy of every denomination, and other weighty members in society: scarce any but gave their cordial assent. If time would have allowed, I am persul;Ided we might have had ten thousand signers. The Asse_mbly concurred with the proposal, and appointed a short time for the second reading. Nevertheless, they have not thought it expedient to comply with the petition, but, as a preliminary, have thought it best to fi'ame a Bill, augment- ing (i. e. 'in favour of the Crown) the duty upon the Negroes from ten to twenty pounds. I have also sent an extract of thy letter, of the Virginia Petition, &c., to some weighty members of three di,fferent counties in New-York Government, and the same to two counties in New Jersey, &c.'" (All these transactions appear to have taken place in the end of the year 1772. The letter is dated the l8th February, 1773.) G.@~. "On the 25th May. 1773, G. S. received a fourth letter froth Mr. Benezet, dated 29th March, signifying, that, 'in consequence of 'the Philadelphian Petition, mentioned in his last letter, the Assembly had laid a further duty on slaves (and made it perpetual) at 20l. per head; and that they apprehended that the passing or refusal of this law by the King and Council, will better enable them to judge what further steps to take, with respect to making head with the Xing and Parliament that the Slave Trade may be put an end to." " On the 7th of June, 1773, G. S. received a fifth letter from Mr. Benezet, dated April 5th, wherein he informs him, that an op- position to any further importation of slaves in the northern colonies Q 114 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. appears to be an increasing concern; and even the putting an end to slavery itself, is endeavoured for in New England; and the As- sembly has proposed, or intends to propose, a law for setting all Negroes free at a certain age, and declaring those to be imported in future, free, either at their landing, or after some short time of s~rvice, &c.' " By a sixth letter from Mr. Benezet, in the same year (1773), G. S. received a copy of the Pennsylvanian Petition, and of the Act Qf Assembly which passed in consequence of it; together with a re- quest to give intelligence to his friends in America, by the return of the same ship, whether any notice had been taken by the British Go- vernment or-the Virginia Petition, and the Acts of the Pennsylvanian Asitembly for laying a duty on Negroes. This letter was not received till the beginning of January 1774. On the 7th of that month, G. S. waited on Lo~d --, the Secretary of State, at his hou.s~ on Black- heath, to make these inquiries. His Lordship informed him, that nothing further had been done relating to the Virginia Petition; and as to the Pennsylvanian Act of Assembly, (a copy of which -G, S. then presented to his Lordship), he promised to take particular notice of it when it should be transmitted to his Majesty. He did not recollect that he had yet seen it. " G . S. then took the liberty of exclaiming very earnestly against the iniquity of attending to political-or mercenary pleas for tolerating slavery and the Slave Trade, as being notorious instances of doing evil that good may come, and that we -have therefore the greatest reason to expect some dreadful judgment on the kingdom, for tolerating such monstrous wickedness. The truly worthy and con- scientious Nobleman, by his behaviour and conversation, seemed most heartily to detest the unnatural traffic. " In May 1774, G. S. received a seventh letter from Mr. Benezet; dat~d March 16th (delivered by Mr. William Dillwyn, from Phila- delphia.) Among other things, Mr. B. repeats that the' importation of Negroes, and indeed slav€:ry itself, receives all the discouragement that can be expected in these -noithem colonies; and some in the CHAP. V.] CORRESPONDENCE WITH BENEZET. 115 more southern are also sensible of the danger and destructive ten:. dency of the increase of slaves among them.' But,' except some check,' he continues, , cari be put with you to the importation of slaves from Guinea, I fear little will be done: " , Our Assembly,' he also signifies, 'will be induced to petition the King against any further importation of slaves from Africa; also to pass a law declaring all Negroes in future to be born free: 'Thy remarks, in favour of such persons as think it their duty to protect such slaves as have escaped from their masters, with the law-reasoning on the case, afford me uncommon satisfaction. I trust they will be made use of to profit in these parts: " Also, 'The Assembly at New York had lately passed a law de- claring the children of slaves to be born free, but it was not confirm- ed by the Governor*.' " The correspondence with Benezet, if it did not inspire, at least confirmed and enlarged Mr. Sharp'S desire of inquiry respecting the general subject of the African Slave Trade. It conducted his view to an examination of the source qf the evil, and he conceived , the vast design of extending his endeavours gradually, and of augmenting and strengthening his means, until he should obtain an entire abo- lition of the infamous traffic carried on by Great Britain and her colonies. In justice then, and no less in honour, to the memory of the pious but humble Benezet, let it be remembered, that, although his zea- lous labours failed to eradicate from his native soil the evil which he deplored, they contributed to strengthen the arm of the great champion of his favourite cause, and finally to wipe away no small portion of human disgrace. A further account of the concurrence of Mr. Sharp's efforts with those of the American Quakers will be seen from one of his let- ters to the Bishop of London in 1795. This extract will be the • The continued opposition of the British Government to such just proposals, is severely censured in a remark of a later date annexed to this extract, as are also the Americans for having" fallen away from their former righteous principles." 116 MEM.OIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. more acceptable, as it takes a short review of the principa..l concerns ~hich have been alrea:dy relat~d with regard to th.e Negro causes, and extends at the same time to others, which will presently succeed to notice. " My Lord, " An accidental circumstance, about thirty years ago, led me to vindicate a poor Negro boy . (without having the least apprehension of the extraordinary consequenees) before the chief magistrate in London; by whose authority the boy was released from the Poultry Compter,where he had been illegally con- fined in order to be shipped a slave for the West Indies. This release drew upon me a prosecution, by a Jamaica planter, for 2.001. damages; whereby I .. was compelled (though I had engaged the best advice that the profession could afford me) to· study tqe law in my own defence, in order to oppose a joint opinion of the late Lords Hardwicke and Talbot, given in 17S.9, which my attorney brought to me, in order to show the hopeless state of any de- fence against the impending action; urging also the constant practice of the Court of King's Bench under Lord Mansfield, who strenuously persisted in delivering up all run-away slaves to their masters. These formidable diffi- culties produced a very serious anxiety for my own case, which fairly sllper~ seded my natural aversion to researches in law books; and the action being held in suspense over my head, from term to term, for about two years, I was enabled in that time, by a careful examination of the first principles of law, to demonstrate the extreme injustice and dangei'ous tendency of tolerating slavery, and of admitting the least claim of private property in the persons of men, in England; whereby, not only my antagonist was nonsuited, but the same doc· trine was also effectually urged to relieve many other .poor Negroes from slavery. " The tract which I had drawn up and printed in 1769, was soon afterwards reprinted in America, by Mr. Anthony Benezet, a worthy old Quaker at Phi- ladelphia, whose other publications had already begun to awaken the attention of the Americans to the injustice and danger of tolerating slavery. " In April 1772, tl,le Assembly of Virginia stated, in a respectful petltIOn to his Majesty, the great inhumanity of the Slave Trade, and their fears that , it would endanger the very existence of his Majesty's American dominions.' " This warning was very remarkable, if we consider from whence it came,~ from the fitst colony the English ever had jn Am~rica" which had not long been CHAP. V.] LETTER TO THE ~lSHOP OF LONDON. 117 involved in the English guilt of tolerating slavery; and it was still more re- markable in the event, for "the . Ameri·can Coionies existed a· very l'i1tle time longer as dominions of his Majesty: so that this Virginian warning 8!gainst the Slave Trade is fairly entitled, by tlte event, to be deemed prophetical, especially as the doctrine of the remonstrance was just and true *. " In the same year, 1772, Lord Mansfield very ca~didly gave up his former opinion and practice, respecting the suppos~d legality ?f delivering up rufl- away slaves to the masters, and reversed the joint opinion of the ;Lords Hard- wicke and Talbot, in giving judgment on the case of Somerset" a poor Negro whom I supported against the claims of his master. " About the ~ame time, or soon afterwards, the freeholders and inhabitants of the counties of Somerset and Essex, in New Jersey, presented petitions to the Governor, Council, and Representatives of the province, against the Slave Trade. By the petition from the latter ~ounty, the Assemhly was requested' to obtain an alteration of his Majesty's instruction to his Excellency the Governor relating to the African Trade, so that his Excellency may be at liberty to consent to such laws for the preventing the future importation of Negroes intO' this province as to the Legislature may appear just and reasonable.' The inhabitants of the city and county of Philadelphia also petitioned their Assem- bly against the Slave Trade, expressly citing the examp~e set them by the province of Virginia in petitioning the King, 'From a deep sensibility of the danger anQ. pernicious consequences which will be attendant on a continuation of this iniquitous traffic.' " But the Assembly of Pennsylvania, suspecting the partiality for slavery on this side of the Atlantic, postponed their address to the Throne, and, instead of it, transmitted an Act of'Assembly for the King's assent, whereby they laid a heavy duty on the head of every slave that should be imported; hoping that the gain of an American tax (for which in all other 'cases Adll'linistration were so remarkably sanguine), might, perhaps, overbalance that partiality which they justly suspected. But they were unhappily mistaken, for this season- able attempt to- discourage the crying national sin was rejected: so that the guilt of persisting in that monstrous wickedness demands indeed an atonement, or repentance, but not from Americat. ' • "The refusal of the British Government "to permit the Virginians to exclude slaves from among them by law, was afterwards enumerated among the public reasons for separating from the Mother Country."-Clarkson's Hist. of tke Abolition. t In a letter of still later date, to the Duke of Richmond, he adds, "The-Assembly at New 118 MEMOIRS OF. . GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. " Soon afterwards, I was desired, by a letter from America, to inquire for an answer to the Virginia Petition; and I waited on the Secretary of S tate, and was informed by himself, that ,the petition was received, but that he appre- . bended no answer would be given.':'-'Thus I had traced the e'tJil to its source." The events above related were the first connecting incidents which served to combine in Mr. Sharp's mind the· cause of the Negro slaves with t.he political negotiations of our state towards Ametica, where his name was now generally beloved and admired, and an acquaintance with him was sought, as with the great advocate for the sacred cause of freedom. "I 'am glad," says Benezet, in a letter dated 5th of April, 1773, "to understand from my friend Ben- jamin Franklin, that you have commenced an acquaintance, and that he expects you wiH in future act in concert in the affair of slavery." The following letter is a specimen of the feeling excited towards him, among the friends of human liberty in America. Dr. Rush to Granville Sharp. " Sir, " Philadelphia, l\fay 1,1773. " From the amiable Gharacter which I have received of you, from my worthy friend, Mr. Anthony Benezet,. I have taken the liberty of introducing myself to your correspondence, by sending you a pamphlet, entitled 'An Address to the Inhabitants of the British Settlements in America.' It was written amidst many interruptions, from a business which admits of but little leisure for studies or pursuits of that nature-I mean the profession of physic. Few of the arguments are new; and yet I have endeavoured, by their conciseness, to give them 'new force. A spirit of humanity and religion begins to awaken, in several of the coloni6s, in favour of the poor Negroes. The clergy begin to bear a public testimony ' against this violation of the laws of nature and Christi~nity. Nothing of consequence, however, can be done here, till the axe is laid to the root of the African Company.-Great events have been brought .about by small beginnings. Anthony Benezet stood alone a few years ago, in opposing Negro slavery in Philadelphia; and now three-fourths of the province, York found such another Bill, and the assembly of North Carolina proposed sending a Petition .t~ the King of tbe same pUl'port as that of Virginia. CHAP. V.] LETTER FROM DR. RUSH. 1'1.9 as well as the. city, cry out against it. I sometimes please myself with the hopes of living to see it abolished, or put upon another footing in America. " The pamphlet will be left at the Pennsylvania Coffee-house, in Birchin Lane. Should ~ou incline to reprint it, please to make such alterations as you think proper. " With esteem for your virtues, and in particular for your zeal in behalf of the N egl'o slaves in America, . " I am, Sir, with great respect, &c. &c. " :!3ENJAMIN RUSH ." Here it becomes necessary for the biographer to pause. tt appears, from the Manuscript account of his correspondence with America, that, in consequence of the activity excited in the Quakers, and other numerous bodies in America, by Mr. Sharp~s successful exertions for the Negroes in England, it was proposed by the State of Virginia, and other provinces, to apply to the British Parliament for an amend· ment of their laws with regard to the importation of slaves into the colonies. Mr. Sharp was written to, and informed of this purpose; and he, in reply, stated to them his opinion, that the British Par- liament had nothing to do with the internal laws of their states, in respect of which it was proper for them to address none but the King and his Council. This doctrine was not new to the Americans. It was precisely the same which they had for two years openly maintained in fact, during the contest occasioned by the attempts of our ministry to im- pose internal taxes on the colonies *. But it had hitherto been acted on as far only as regarded the imposition of duties for the purpose of raising a revenue, (or in similar cases leading to the same point). In the instance in which Granville now brought it to their view, although it stood on the same basis, it appeared in a new and more enlarged light. The strength and clearness with which his opinion was ex- pressed concerning it, was of course highly agreeable to the prevailing temper of the colonists; and they accepted with eagerness arguments * See Marshall's Life of General Washington, printed in Philadelphia, vol. ii. cha.p. 2 . 120. MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. that extended the scope of those principles which they h~d so sturdily asserted. ' Copies of his letters were every ~here rapidly circulated, and the method which he had proposed was adopted, as the true constitutional rule for proceeding in regard to all circumstances of the Slave Trade. But in this, as in other things, the principle on which he grounded his actions was so extensive as to embrace much more than its immediate object; and hence, when the increasing ani- mosities in the colonies provoked them to hostile cQnflict, the same doctrine was forcibly brought fGrward in all points, and the whole resistance of America to England stood on the same foundation as that which Granville had laid down for the regulation of their Slave , Laws. Of these events, although unforeseen at the time that has been described, ' he seems to have been fully aware when writing his later memoranda, in one of which (speaking of Mr. Benezet having printed such numerous extracts of his first letter in America), he thus expresses himself: "It is remarkable, that an humble endea- vour to oppose domestic tyranny and slavery, without any other view, should be the means of warning the Americans of the natural independence of their several Assemblies with respect to the British Parliament." And, in another memorandum, he speaks more de- cidedly of the same point ;-that the toler~tion of slavery in the colo- nies, and the suggestions of a few individuals "that the Americans should apply for a regular repeal of the disgraceful Plantation Laws (enacted by their own Houses, and sanctioned by their Assemblies), through the King and Council, were the means of preparing them to insist on the illegality of any interference of the British Parlia- ment in' matters of legislation for the colonies, in opposition to the astonishing system which unfortunately prevailed at that: time in England" ." ~ It is apparent, from what has been already observed of the actual circumstances which took place in the colonies for two years preceding the date of Mr. Sharp's first reply to Benezet, that he here overrates the extent of the consequences of his correspondence. Besides the several petitions which had been addressed by the provinces (the Massachuseth CHAP. V.] NATIONAL DISPUTE WITH AMERICA. 121 Of counsels, which have been connected with such momentous results, it is natural to investigate the motives wit4 severity. The conduct of Granville might have been that of a partisan . of a foreign country, inimical to his own ;-but bow could that be the case with him, who, at all times the most steady in loyalty, and most attached both to the Church and State of Great Britain, looked on tl::ie Consti- tution of his country as the nearest to perfection *; was ~t all times zealous for the preservation of its purity; and regretted the violence offered to the American Colonist-i, as to his fellow-subjects of tlie English Government? It might have been the conduct of ah ambitious enthusiast,-if the love .of fame and personal distinction had not been proved to be a sentiment repulsive to his natural disposition. A higher motive governed all his endeavours; a motive which prompt- ed him to look down alike on faction and on ambition :-his Teligion taught him to desire 1'ight, \vithout any consideration of consequences. To this his acknowledged principle t he adhered through life, in pre- cept and jn practice. . , in particular) to the King alone, Dr. r.ranklln relates, in a letter (to T. Cushing, Esq.) dated Dec. 2, 1772, that, in a conversation ,"ith Lord Dartmouth, on the subject of the Mass~chusetts Petition, he had remarked to .his l.ordship, that he " might observe that Petitions came no tIlore f"om Ame1'ica to tile Parlfam~nt, but to tlte King only." Mr. Sharp's opinions, however, might naturally have had their full weight with Dr. Franklin, whose approbation of them in general will be seen in the next- page, and who afterwards thus writes to his son, Governor Franklin, at New York :-" I Know not what letters of mine Governor H-- could mean. I shall, however, be able at any time to justify every thing I have written. F"om a long and tltD"oug!, consideration of the subject, 1 am indeed of opinion aiat the British Pat'iiamellt has no "igltt to make any law w!wtevel' binding on tlte Colonies; that the King, (and not the King, LO"ds, and Commons, collectively), is the;" sovel'eign; and tltat tlte King, with their ,·.spective Parliaments, is their only legis· lato,·." This leller is dated Oct. 6, 1773, a year and two months after Mr. Sharp's reply to A. Benezet on the subject of the American petitions. Mr. Sharp's conduct, therefore, (espe- cially as he afterwards expressed no dissatisfaction in reflecting on it) may in the strictness of justice be examined by the test of !tis own consciousness of its ejfects. " In a letter to Dr. Barrington, Bishop of Durham, he thus expresses his sentiments:- " If the British Emp"ire was to include the greatest part of the known world, no system of human policy would be so capable of uniting and holding it together as th e BRITISH CON - STITUTION OF STATE," t See page 67. It 122 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. To return to the narrative.- To a man disposed by nature to con- template boldly the most abstruse sources of universal truth, 'and eminently endowed with faculties for such a purpose, sufficient open- ing had been given, to lead him forward in the interesting track of human liberty. With the same eagerness, with which he had sought in English statute-books for the defence of individual freedom, he now turned to investigate, by a ,more extensive research, the natural and political rights of nations in general. The immediate motive was still the love of the English ch'(lracte1". "The duty of an Englishman," says his ~~., "to maintain the just limits of law ac;cording to the English Constitution of State, impelled me in the year 1774, to publish another tract, viz.: ' A Declaration of the People's natural Rights to , a Share in the Legislature, which is the fundamental Principle of , the British Constitution: " Of this Declaration, he says, in another Note (July 27, 1774)r that he gave to Dr. Franklin two hundred and fifty copies, which were sent to America the same day; and it will presently appear, that it was there reprinted, in many different provinces, within the course of the same year. Various circumstances thus gradually led him to feel the most lively interest in the causes which then began to estrange the British Colonies in America from the parent country; and the result of ne- gotiations, in which he was warmly solicited by the Americans to take a share, was, a full possession of his mind in favour of the colonists, who, he conceived, were pleading their natural and legal rights. In consequence of this persuasion, he necessarily cons~dered the war, which was now on foot against their principles, as unjustifiable on the part of England. He was shortly going to give proof of the sincerity of his sentiments. CHAP. VI.] DISAGREEMENT IN' SENTIMENT"WITH GOVERNMENT. 123 CHAP. V( DURING the whole course of the important transactions which have hitherto been related, it will be recollected that Mr. Sharp had continued in the humble employment of a clerk in ordinary in the minuting branch of the Ordnance Office; where the dutie~ of his department appear to have been punctually performed, :l.!' on the death of the second clerk, in the, year 1'174, he succeeded to the place, and acted as assistant to the secretary, Mr. Boddington: on the occasion of which promotion he received also an additional ,allowance. It was in this situation that, in conformity with the sentiments which have been ascribed to him in the preceding chapter, he exhibited a fresh instance of the scrupulous integrity whic::h directed all his actions. ~%1. "July 28, 1775, Board at Westminter.-Account in Gaz~tte of the battle at Charlestown, near Boston; and letters, with large demands of ordnance stores, being received, which were ordered to be got with all expedition, I thought it right to declare my objections to the being any way concerned in that unnatural business, and was advised by ,Mr. Boddington to ask leave of absence for two months, as the Board would take it more kindly than an abrupt resignation. " I wrote that day to Sir Charles Cocks, Clerk of the Ordnance, and received a very polite answer.-Sir Jeffrey Amherst and Mr. Langlois were made acquainted with my objections by Mr. Bodding- ton, and also with the advice he had given me; and they approved of the manner of .my absenting myself." Arrangements having thus been made to favour Mr. Sharp's wishes, be employed the time of his leisure in literary labours, and 124 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. in renewing the ties of affection with his relations in the North. At the expiration of the . limited term of absence from the office, he wrote in the following terms to Mr. Boddington . . [EXTRACT.] " Dear Sir, " Bamburgh Castle, Northumberland, 26th Sept. 1775. " As the term of my leave of absence will expire in a fe'w days, and there is not yet any change of public measures respecting America, though the Petition lately brought over by Mr. Penn had given me some hopes of it, I now begin .to be anxious about my own ,particular situation; for as my opinions on that subject are established, I cannot return to Illy ordnance duty whilst a bloody war is carried on, unjustly as I conceive, against my fellow-subjects; and yet, to resign my place would be to give up a calling, which, by my close attend- ance to it for near eighteen years, and by my neglect of every other means of subsistence during so long a period, is now become my only profession and livelihood. "And, indeed, after the kind indulgence which I have already experiencecl on this occasion, as well as oli many others, from the Right Honourable and Honourable Board, and after the very polite and friendly manner in which Sir Charles Cocks was pleased to grant me leave of absence for the time I re- quested, (of all which favours I am truly sensible), I should perhaps seem wanting in that sincere respect which I owe them, were I to resign my place all at once, without first soliciting a further indulgence of absence, till the final determinations of the Parliament respecting America, in the approaching session, are fully known; as the expediency, at least, of a friendly accommo- dation with the colonies, must by this appear sufficiently manifest to justify a hope that some probable means of restoring peace may be adopted before the commencement of another year. In the mean time, I ,Should think myself very happy to give up my whole salary, to be divided, as should be thought most proper, amongst the gentlemen of the office who bear any additional burthen of business on account of my absence; being desirous to retain nothing for myself but my rank in the office. In what manner to make application for this additional favour, I must request your friend1y information, as I have fully experienced the propriety of your kind advice on the same subject. " With great esteem," &c. &c. Mr. Boddington, in a very friendly reply to this letter, recommends CHAP. VI.] RESIGNS HIS SITUATION IN THE ORDNANCE. 125 to Mr. S. simply to request a further leave of absence, without assigning any reason, or proposing any conditions. His advice was thankfully and implicitly followed. At the same time Mr. S. sent a power of attorney to Mr. Boddington, enabling him to receive his salary, and' entreating him to dispose of the whole in such a manner as he should think most proper for procuring the necessary assistance during his absence, H in order'," he says, "that no additional expense be brought on the office on that account." The following letter was the result of the ~econd application, and is given here as a specimen of the respectful kindness which the · probity of Mr. Sharp'S character attracte.d, even from those who differed with him in opinion. " Sir, "Office of Ordnance, Old Palace Yard, October 18, 1775. " As I am always desirous to grant you every indulgence in my power, I most readily prolong your leave of absence for three months from the expira- tion of the last leave; and am, with great regard, " Your humble Servant, " CHARLES COCKS." " Mr. Granville Sharp.". ~~. " March 20, 1776.-Mr. Boddington called on me, to acquaint me that Sir Charles Cocks had talked with the Board of Ordnance, and that they said, 'I was at liberty to do as I pleased about resigning; but if I chose to ask a further leave of absence, it would be granted.' " A third application was accordingly made in the same month, and was met by an equally indulgent answer as the former ones had been; the leave of al;>sence being further extended fOT six months. At length, hostilities with America having advanced beyond any hopes of speedy accommodation, it was thought advisable to fill his place in the office. ~~. "April 10, 1777.-This morning I called on Sir Charles 126 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. Cocks, and resigned my ' post in the Ordnance; Mr. Boddington having acquainted me that matters were so circumstanced in the office at present that Sir Charles did not think it prudent to grant me any longer leave of absence." " I went on, howeve~, with the current business of the office, excepting what related to preparations against the Americans, until M~nday the 31st of July, when I delivered up my keys to Mr. Bod- dington." Granville's situation, after he had resigned his employment in the Ordnance office, was sufficiently singular. His resignation had in it all that is considered, in a worldly view, as an excess of imprudence. He had expended the remains of his paternal inheritance and the fruits of his ~mployment in acts of bounty; and the protector of the helpless stood himself without the means · of sustenance. But the cordial attachment of his brothers (all now prosperou~) brought them instantly around him.. In a family overflowing with ,mutual love and benevolence, the accession to their household of such a relation as Granville had ever been accounted as a treasure, not as a burden. They reverenced that obedience to conscience which had deprived him of his competency, and they strove to com- pensate his loss by every act of respect and kindness. The following affectionate testimonial will shew that they had anticipated both the event, and the feelings of their beloved brother in consequence of it. To lifT. GTanville ShaTp. " Dear Brother Granville, " London, October 6, 1775. " Many thanks for your very affectionate letter of the 26th of last month, W e very much approve, heJ'e, of your asking a farther leave of absence. It will give you a little leisure, which you so very much want; and it will let you have a little enjoyment of the friends you see so seldom; and, above all , it may give some chance for a turn in public affairs: and of this I do not at all despair; but if it should be otherwise, and you should think it proper to give up your employment-I will now speak for my brother William as well as for myself-we are bo th ready and willing, and, God be thanked, at present CHAP. VJ.] RESIGNS HIS SITUATION IN THE ORDNANCE. 127 able, to take care that the loss snail be none to you; and all that we have to ask in return is, that you would con'tinue to live amongst uS as you have hitherto done, without imagining-that youwill, in such a situation, be burthen- some to us, and also without supposing that it will then be your duty to seek employment in some other way of life; for, if we have the needful amongst us, it matters not to WhOnl it belongs- the happiness of being together is worth the expense, if it answered no farther purpose. But I will go farther, I have no doubt but the mutual assistance we are of to each other, and t4e consequence we ·acquire by it, is more than adequate to any third employment we might reasonably hope could be obtained; and, in case of the death of either party, much more would be lost to the family by your absence than perhaps might be produced by other means. These are only a few reasons drawn up in haste, as they appear to me to enforce what I have said above; but I trust you will have no occasion for it: it is not every part of office-duty you object to-you will, of course, refuse particular parts. It may pass on so till times come round-but if not, I shaH not be at all uneasy at the resig- nation, if what is lIOW said shall be agreeable to yourself. " Your sincerely affectionate Brother, " J AlIfES SHARP." " Dear Granville, I most heartily approve of what my brother has written above; and I hope you will think of the matter as we do. " Much love, as due, from your affectionate Brother, " WILLIAlIf S'HARP." This offer Granville accepted, and continued to share the table alld the purse of those excellent brothers for several years, until an accidental acquaintance with General Oglethorpe (as will be after- ' ward mentioned) restored him to independence. Being now without any civil employment, the natural activity of his mind led him to devote himself more fully to his pursuits of literary study; and it will therefore be proper to take a view, in the next chapter, of the works of literature which he had produced, with a diligence scarcely to be surpassed, up to the present period; and also a brief notice of the various talents' with which he was endowed. It is singular, that among his copious Manuscript Minutes he has 128 MEM01RS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. left scarcely any records of the employment of his time in study~'. It will, however, be partly seen from the following letter, by what m'ethods he found leisure and opportunity for his deep and important researches. . To the Rev. Dr. Rutherforth. [EXTRACT.] " Dear Sir, " London, 24th August, 1771. " It has been .a matter of great concern to me, that J have not been able to culti.vate that correspondence and frierrdship with which you have been pleased to honour me, for I was ever truly sensible of the advantage and improvement which I might have reaped from it. The remarks, which I send enclosed, were indeed drawn up in answer to your letter, so'1ong ago as August 1770, but ever since that time, till the last month, I have lived in a continual hurry; almost my whole time from morning till ' night being taken up in my office business, except now and then some little engagement with my brothers, which I couldnGlt well avoid; so that I have nOt had leisure to this time. We keep no holidays in the Ordnance, as in other public offices, and I am stationed in the most laborious post in the whole office; so that, ' as my time is not my own, I profess myself entirely incapable of holding a literary correspondence. What little time I have been able to save from sleep at night, a~d early in a morning, has been necessarily employed in the exami· nation of some points of law, which admitted of no delay, and yet required the most diligent 'researches and examination in my study. And I have not scrupled to employ, FlOW and then, even the leisure of a Sunday iF! this manner, because my labour has not been for profit, but merely with a view to do good and prevent injustice, by pointing out some notorious corruption'S in the beaten paths of the law, which has enabled me to serve ' a few individuals, I hope with good effect. " I should not have mentioned such particulars as these, relating to the em- ployment of my time,. had it not been necessary for me to convince you that * Some few only are found in the foHowing minutes: -.s." August 6th, 1775.-Packed up such of my books and papers as I wanted, and in the evening brought them to brother William's lodging at Hackney, in order to be private; and was employed without interruption in preparing several tracts. " October 19.-At Bamborough castle. Finished my tract' On the Law of Retribution.' '' He appears to have noted, in his memorandums, only the pleasures which he enjoyed in society, or the benefits which he diffused in it. CHAP. VI.] RESIGNS HIS SITUATION IN THE ORDNANCE. 129 my ordinary excuse, the '{vant qf leisure, is not feigned, and that my whole time has been unavoidably engrossed. . " With great esteem and respect," &c. He gives a similar account in one of his letters to Mr. Benezet, on the subject of African slavery. " Dear Sir, 7th july, 1773. " 1 hope you will not measure my esteem for YDU by my negligence in writing. I found myself obliged to defer acknowledging your very sensibl~ letters, for want of proper leisure; fbr 1 am really a sort of slave myself, being obliged to employ every day in the week, constantly, in the ordinary .business of my office, and having no holidays but 'Sundays, as the branch tpat 'l am in requires more attendance than any in the whole office. However, every opportunity that I could possibly get to myself (and Sundays in particular, after service) has been employed in reading and collecting materials to forward the undertaking which you have so much at heart," &c. &c. s 130 MEMOJRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART J. CHAP. VII. .M R. SHARP's first literary enterprise was a work of no i-ndifferent magnitude, if we regard the subject of it, though )t consisted of a few pages only in duodecimo. It ,,'as printed in the . year 1765, in answer to the Rev. Dr. Kennicott's statement of supposed corruptions in the Hebrew text of Ezra and Nehemiah. It'was ~alled; " Remarks " on a pl'inted Paper lately handed about, entitled, 'A Catalogue " 'of the sacred Vessels restored by Cyrus, and of the chief Jews " , who returned at first from the Captivity, together with the Names '! ' of the returning Families, and the Number of the Persons at " 'that Time in each Family: disposed in such a Manner as to show " 'most clearly the great Corruption of proper Names and Numbers " 'in the present Text of the Old Testament.' Addressed to all . such " Gentlemen as have received or read the same." The boldness of this attempt cannot be regarded withollt surprise. It were slllrely -no trifling hazard for a young author, however accom- pLished for controversy by the regular instruction of the schools, to make his first essay against one of the ablest scholars of the day, on points in which' he was allowed to be pre-eminently learned. But Dr. Kennicott's present antagonist had received no cl;ssical educa- tion : he had left the only school at which he had ' ever been placed, before he had attained any solid acquaintance with the languages of antiquity; and he had, ever since that early period of his life, been confined to the most unremitting employment of !ill the ordinary hours of labour. His uncle, the Rev. Granville Wheler, on reading his corrections of Dr. Kennicott's Catalogue, humorously compared him to David attacking and wounding Goliah. , This work gave the first proof of his unwearied powers of applica- tion, and of the strong bent of his mind to the pursuit of Biblical CHAP. VII.] PRINTED WORKS TO THE YEAR 1776. 131 knowledge. The singularity of the subject, the confidence with which his t:!flterprise was supported, and the success with which it was finally attended, form one of the most remarkable incidents in literary annals «'. . Dr. Kennicott is well known in the literary world for his laborious and valuable edition of the Hebrew Bible. He laid the foundation of his great work in 1753: his first volume was published in 1776; and the whole was completed in 1780. He had published proposals, in the year 1760, for printing, by subscription, a new edition of the Hebrew Bible, conformably to one of the best editions already pub- lished, and for inserting in the margin the Various Readings of other editions, and such corrections as the text appeared to require in many different passagest. During the progress of the subscription, how- ever, he appears to have in part relinquished his original design, for the more hazardous undertaking of printing a Hebrew Bible with such corrections of the text as he thought necessary; and, in vindica- tion of this plan, to have printed the Catalogue above mentioO€;d. The proofs of corruption in the text, he grounded on a comparison between Ezra's aCCOl!nt of the sacred vessels, with the account given of the same in the book of Esdras; and he affixed, as a motto to his work, the following sentence, " Non potest verum asseri, quod ' ita diversum est." This paper fell into Granville's hands, amI produced the short tract which forms the commencement of his literary labours. His motives for printing it, are thus modestly expressed by himself in the intro- ductory part. " Having received from a friend, for whom I have a particular esteem, a printed paper, which had been sent to him by Dr. Kennicott, entitled, ' A Catalogue of the sacred Vessels restored by Cyrus, and of the chief Jews who returned at first from the Captivity,' &c. &c. and being desired to return the said paper after perusing it, I thought • Mr. Sharp's contro\'ersy with Dr. Kennicott, in the part of his undertaking here mentiou· ed, appears to be an anecdote unknown to Dr. K.'s biographers. t The original Proposals are, I believe, in the Library of the British Museum. 132 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. I could not handsomely do so, without sending my opmlOn of it at the ~ame tir;ne. The nature of the subj~ct is, indeed, so foreign to nay own business and way of life, that I should scarcely have pre- sumed to meddle with it, had not a point of good manners first induced me to do so; but afterwards, when I had considered Dr. Kennicott's manner of expressing himself in the title of this Catalogue, I thought myself obliged, through a desire of vindicating the holy Scriptures, to apply as closely to the examination of this charge against them,. as my small share of leisure would permit; being apprehensive that this paper might cause such prejudices against the integrity of the text of the Old Testament, as the learned author himself perhaps never conceived, and would be sorry to have occasioned. , " A letter, which was the result of this examination, was, at my desire, shown to Dr. Kennicott; but the arguments therein had not sufficient weight to convince him that some apology was necessary to his friends, to prevent their misinterpreting his real design in the said Catalogue, and to remove all appearances of his having charged the present text of the Old Testament with more faults than it really d~serves. Not being_ able, however, to l'ay aside my apprehensions of the ill effects which might possibly be occasioned by this Cata- logue, I have therefore ventured to print some of my remarks upon it; lest any person, not having leisure to examine it sufficiently, should be led to conceive, that all the differences in names and num- bers found therein, are really corruptions in the present text of the Old Testament*." * The letter to which Mr. Sharp alludes, was written to Joseph Wilcocks, Esq., a generous subscriber to Dr. Kennicott's proposed publication. .. It was written," says Mr. S. H merely . to prevent the Doctor fTom attempting to correct the Sacred Text, which several of his subse- q,uent publications demonstrated to have been his anxious wish." In tbe prefatory part of the same letter, he says; " I should not have presumed to trouble you 'yith my sentiments on Dr. Kennicott's Catalogue, had not my brother told me that you would expect to bear my opinion of it; and, therefore, as no opinion, unless accompanied with the necessary proofs, can signify much, I am under the necessity of troubling you with an epi.tle more like a pamphlet than a letter: but I trust I may depend on your known generosity and good nature;' wbich will be very ready to overlook any want of method in a young CHAP. VII.] PRINTED BOOKS TO THE YEAR 1776. 133 In the Remarks, he questions the Doctor':; authorities and deduc- tions respecting the supposed corruptions of the original text, and examines them by the test of numerous Hebrew names and roots. He then very boldly accuses the learned Hebraist of having drawn his instances of corruption of the text from 'the English version only, without having given himself the trouble of reading the original, " which," he adds, "is not less inj ustice, than if a Judge were to condemn a prisoner merely from the report given by others, without permitting him to appear before him to answer for himself." This charge he supported with great learning and keenness of cntIcIsm. Still fearful that his motives might be liable to misinter- pretation, he adds, in the conclusion of the same tract; " Now, lest my censure of this Catalogue should seem to strike obliquely at Dr. Kennicott's present undertaking of collating the Hebl'ew Manuscripts, which has been honoured with the subscriptions of so many great and learned persons, I think it necessary, for ' my own sake, as well as in justice to Dr. Kennicott" to declare, that I think his collation ef Hebrew Manuscripts a very laudable and useful undertaking; and that thel'e cannot be the least objection to his new edition of the Hebrew Bible, ilprinted according to the Proposals offered by him in the year 1760, VIZ. «not with a new text, but fvom one of the best editions already published, having the Various Readings inserted at the bottom of every page." In a letter to the Rev. Mr. Percy·, he offers a farther apology for his arduous undertaking. " Dear Sir, "23d Maroh, 1768. " I return two of the books (Dr. Kennicott's) which you were so obliging as to leave fOT me. I should not so soon have finished the perusal, had I not unexperienced writer, especially when he has not of his own accord undertaken the management of such a subject." The original letter contained much more than was afterwards printed. At the twenty-fifth page of the Manuscript is the following note :-" The next paragrapb, and all the remainder oi tbis manuscript, is omitted in the printed copy, as being more suitable for private admo- nition to the Doctor's friends, to prevent him from attempting his plan of correction." * Probably, the late Bishop of Dromore, author of the " Key to the New Testament," &c. 134 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PART I. thought. myself particularly interested in the subject, and therefore was tempted to sit up great part of one night on purpose to read them . . " I \leVer contended for the absolute integrity of the printed Hebrew Bibles, · 3l~d I have always been thoroughly sensible of the tltitity of Dr. Kennicott's undertaking, if it be' confined to the publication of the Various ' Readings, according to his printed Propos!1-ls in 1760. But the Doctor, since _t hat time, as well as before, has frequently discovered too earnest a desire of altering the text itself, and has made several attempts to persuade his subscribers that this is a necessary measure. His last publication, ' Observations on the first Book of Samuel, vi. 19,' is upon the same plan. I don't pretend to justify the reacl'ing which he rejects. It appears to me, from the style, as well as the context, to be superfluous; and the authorities produced by the Doctor, from manuscripts, seem to confirm the same. " But ,this discovery (though many others of -the same kind should be added to it) will not justify the. Doctor in receding from his former proposals for a new edition of the Hebrew Bible, viz. not 'with a nerv text, but (rom one qf the best editions already published. Nevertheless, in page 1S of his last Observations, he says, 'to alter without authority the passages of Scripture which have been objected to, can by no means be justified. But, then, it is equally certain that the printed copies of the Bible are entitled to the same advantages of fair correction, which the printed copies of all other ancient books are allowed to receive.' And in his last page he says, ' But though unbeli€vers, who urge such objections as are founded in the mistakes of transcribers, are herein less to blame than those belie'IJeTs who do not wish that such mistakes may be corrected, yet,' &c. " Now, I readily acknowledge myself to be one of those believers who are absolutely averse to the permitting of any corrections or alterations at aU from the present text of the best printed copies; and therefore must, of course, be subject to the Doctor's comparison before quoted, 'that unbelievers are herein less to blame than myself.' But, in behalf of myself and others under the same censure, I think it necessary to observe, that, though some readings shall be clearly proved wrong, yet the difficulty of finding proper arbitrators to deter- mille whether they are so or not, will render the correcting of such readings a matter of very dangerous tendency. If some are corrected which are really wrong, others, which are not so, willlikewi3e be in danger, merely because they are misunderstood. Indeed, I think it impossible to set proper bounds to a liberty of corr-ecting Dr altering the text; for if the Doctor's subscribers should CHAP. VIL] PRINTED WORKS TO THE YEAR 1177G. 135 ,- permit him to do so, they wjl! lay a foundation for many more corruptions and interpolations than are at present to be found therein. The Doctor's attempts to show the necessity of correcting the tex,t, have in general furnished us ''I'ith very sufficient objections against it; for many readings, which he, and some of his most lean)ed friends, would have made no scruple of rejecting or altering in the text, because they supposed them clearly proved 'wrong, have since been as clearly vindicated. " My objedions to this measure have always been uniform, and I have taken the liberty to send for your perusal some manuscripts, which I flatter myself will justify my present sentiments of this matter. '" I am," &c. &a. Dr. Kennicott objected to the" J;{emarks" as unfair, on the ground that the author of them had attacl, Sunday, Oxford. Went to church at St. Mary's -went to visit Dr. , Kennicott-drallk tea with Dr. Kennicott." CHAP. VII.] PRINTED WORKS TO THE YEAR 1'776. 137 Prussian Government, "now that the King had leisure," (as he ex- presses it), "to think of ecclesiastical matters." He therefore pub- lished a little work of 116 pages quarto, in French, which is noticed in Dr. Maclaine's translation of Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, and was entitled, "Relation des Mesures qui furent prises dans les Annees 1711, 1712, et 1713, pour introduire la Liturgie Anglicane dans Ie Roiaume de Prusse et dans l'Electorat de Hanover*." It contained authentic copies of several original letters and papers rela- tive to the design mentioned in the title, and a preface, in which the motives for the publication were stated. After making mention of his father's manuscript Life of Archbishop Sharp, from which the publication is extracted, " It now," he adds, "remains to inform the reader, that the grandchildren of Archbishop Sharp, for the instruc- tion of whom the above-mentioned work was compiled, and in whose possession only it now is, have caused this extract to be made, and translated into the French tongue; not for any private purpose whatever, but merely with a friendly design of communicating to those whom it more particularly concerns, some matters relating to the Prussian Church, which they imagine may not now be known in Prussia, because they were brought to light chiefly by means of letters and other original papers preserved in Archbishop Sharp's family; there having been a private correspondence carried on between the Archbishop, and that truly pious and learned man Dr. Jablonski i-, concerning the business herein related." ~. " A small but curious work has lately been published by the descendants of Archbishop Sbarp, belonging to the ecclesiastical history of the eighteenth century, which contains 'an account of the measures taken, and the correspondence carried on, in the years 1711, 171!, and 1713, for the introduction of the Liturgy of the Church of England into the kingdom of Prussia and the Electorate of Hanover: To this account are , annexed several very in~~esting and original papers of the learned Dr. Jahlonski, more especially , A Plan of Ecclesiastical Discipline and Public Worship; and other Papers, concerning the Nature of Episcopacy, and the Mode of rendering it compatible with the Interests of the Sovereign and the religious Liberty of the People.' The work is published in a French translation, by the Rev. Mr. Muysson, Minister of the French Cbapel at St. James's." -Mosheim, Eccl. Hist. t « Le Dr. Daniel Ernest Jablonski etoit Premier Chapelain du Roi de Prusse, et Surintendant de l'Eglise Protestante de Pologne. II avoit dans sa j eunesse ete fort prevenu conue I'Eglise Allglicane, mais ayant fait deux voyage. en Angleterre, dans lesquels il sej ourna assez long tems T 138 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. The work was dedicated t< To the most High, the most Mighty, and most Excellent Monarch, " Frederic III. King of Prussia and Elector of Brandenburg. " Sir, t< As the following sheets; c'ontaining the letters of an eminent " Prussian Divine, relate to a schel'ne patronised by your Royal " Grandfather, they require no other apology for being laid at your t< Majesty's feet. The descendants of an English Prelate, in whose " hands alone the original papers are lodged! which are as yet uu- t< known to the world, have presumed to do this; well knowing that " your Majesty will not judge of the gift by the obscurity of the " persons who make it; but that, if there be any thing in it which " can be made conducive to the public good, your Majesty will " bring it to perfection: under which persuasion it is with all hllmi- " lity offered to your Majesty, AS THE FRIEND OF MANKIND." The offering was graciously received by the King, and the work was greatly app~oved by the clergy both of Prussia and Holland *. His third publication was " A Short Introduction to Vocal Music," of the merits of which the approbation of men of acknowledged judgment and professional eminence furnishes the most decisive testimonyt· a Oxford, ses conversations avec plusieurs de nos Ecclesiastiques, et une etude appliquee dt! • notre Discipline et de notre Liturgie, lui avoient inspire une veritable admiration pour la consti- tut\on de notre Eglise."- Muyssoll, Traducteur. Dr. Jablonski thus delivers his opinion of our Protestant Church, to a friend (Dr. Nicholls), in a letter dated January 10, 1708 : " ............ inde in e1\. sententi1\. confirmatus fui, Ecclesiam Anglicanam inter omnes Ecclesias Reformatas ad exemplar Ecclesire Primitivre proxime accedere, meritoque audire Sydus in Crelo Christiano lucidissimum. Decus Reformationis primarium, et Evangelii adversus Papat um propugnaculum firmissimum." * Some Letters in the Con'espondellce will explain what is further desel'ving to be known of the transaction, t t From Joah Bates, Esq. to Gt'anville Sharp, Esq. " Dear Sir, " Hinchinbrook, Dec, 27, 1708. " A party of very musical people are assembled at this place, most of whom are very desirous of improving themselves in the art of singing at sight. It was natural for me to f CHAP. VII.] PRINTED WORKS TO THE YEAR 1776. 139 His fourth work, "On the Pronunciation of the English Tongue," was printed in the year 1767. He gives the following account of it in a letter to his brother, Dr. John Sharp, dated January S, 1786. " The few hours of leisure that I was able to spare from business, in Sep- tember and October last, were chiefly spent in drawing up a short treatise on the English Tongue, to -render the reading and pronunciation of the same more easy to Foreigners. Dr. Gregory Sharp, Dr. Birch, and my brothers here, have read, and approve of it, and advise me to print it. Dr. Sh~rp would have me-print it in Latin, French, and English. " I believe the whole (except the preface) may, when printed, be contained in a sheet of paper. " Dr. Lowth does not treat upon the English pronu~ciation in his Grammar; neither rio T know of any anthor that has, (exc.ept Wallis), to any purpose. An honest Scotehman, Mr. Buchanan, has indeed lately attempted it, but with so many refinements by way of polite pronunciation, that he makes it ten times more difficult and irregular than it really is. Wherefore I flatter myself that my little treatise will be the more acceptable to the public, especially as the extreme difficulty and uncertainty of the English pronunciation is univer- sally complained of," &c. &c. There are two separate editions of this work; one in English only, and one in English and French ~'. ' In 1768, he published a tract entitled " Remarks on several mention to them your little Treatise, as the best calculated for this purpose of any thing I had eyer seen; and curiosity is so greatly raised, that I promised to write to you, and beg the favour of one or two copies, if you have lUIy to spare. Besides considerably improving the art itself, you will make a great many people happy, and we shall all be bound to remember you with gratitude. " With best respects," &c. "JOAH BATES." A valuable letter likewise from our eminent native composer, Mr. Shield, will he found in the Appendix, containing, in addition to several interesting anecdotes, a critical examination of the "Introduction to Vocal Music." The reader · is referred to it both for amusement and instruct ion . •. By what methods he had acquired a sufficient knowledge of French to venture on a publi- <:ation in tbat language, is uncertain ; but in the correspondence whicb he afterward carried on with the principal members of the first French Revolution, the rough copies of some letters, wTitten entirely in Frencb, with great alterations and interlinings in bis own band, prove him to haTe possessed a considerable knowledge of tbat tongue. 140 , MEMQIRS QF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. U important Prophecies." The immediate motives of this publication are not known to his friends: He himself describes it, in the catalogue of his works, only as " written in answer to Dr. W-ms." Its object is, to defend the received interpretation of certain passages, in the Prophetical Writings, which declare the miraculous birth of Christ. His two next works have been already mentioned. He edited " A short Account of that Part of Africa inhabited by Negroes" (originally printed ih America), " and of th.e Endeavours of the " Society for Propagating the Gospel to instruct Negro Slaves in " New York;'" adding to his pubiication " A Conclusion, by the " Editor:" and to this succeeded the celebrated .. Representatiou of "the Injustice and dangerous Tendency of tolerating Slavery in " England, 1769." In the year 1771 appeared a tract on a subject entirely distinct from any yet mentioned. It is called "Remarks concerning the " Encroachments on the River Thames near Durham Yard," and is noticed by him in a letter, already quoted, to Dr. Rutherforth :- " One public affair has likewise take~ up some of my time; viz. the rights of the city of London upon the river Thames, which, as a citizen, I am bound by oath to maintain. A little tract on this point I am now printing." In 1772 he printed "An Appendix" to the Representation against Slavery. Simil'ossibly attain it, if we neglect to measure our conduct towards our neighbours, by the second branch of the same royal laro*, which enabled Mr.. Omai (when it was fairly stated to him upon the case in question) to condemn, with full conviction of the truth, the injustice of his former opinions against the rights of women. " When sitting with him at table one day after dinner, I thought it a good opportunity to explain to him the Ten Commandments. I proceeded with tolerable success in reciting the first six Command- ments. He had nothing to object against any of them, though many explications were required before he understood all the terms; and he freely nodded his assent. But when I recited the seventh Command- ment, ' Thou shalt not commit adultery,' he said, 'Adultery! what tha,t? what that?' " 'Not to commit adultery,' 1 said, 'is, that, if a man has got one wife, he must not take another wife, or any other woman.'-' Ohh! ' says he, 'two wives-very good; three wives-very, very good:- ~ " ......T he royal law, according to the Scripture, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself." James ii. 8. CHAP. VII.] C()NVERSATIONS WITH OMAI. 1·51 , No, Mr. Omai,' I said, 'not so; that would be contrary to the £jl'st principle ofthe law ofnature.'-' FirstprincipLe of the law of nature,' said he ; I • what that? what that?'- ,-' The first principle of tlte' law of nature,' I said, 'is, that no man must do to another person' any thing that he would not like to be done to himself. And, for example, Mr. Omai,' said I, , suppose you have got a wife that you love very.Iilluch~ you would not like that another man sh(}mld come Ito iove your wife.' This raised his indignation: he put on a fllrious IC0ufltenance, and a threatening posture, signifying that he wonld kill any man that should meddle with his wife. 'Well, Mr. Omai,\' said 1, 'Sl1ppose, then, that your wife loves you very much; she would not like;-that you,should lov;e another ,woman; ' for' the womell have the same passions, and feelings, and love toward the men, . that we have toward the women; and we ought, therefore, to regulate our behaviour toward them by our own feelings of what we should like and expect of fflithfill love and duty from them toward ourselves.' . " This new state of the case produced a deep consideration an,d silence, for some tilDe, on the part of Mr. Omai. But he soon after- wards gave me ample proof that be thoroughly comprehended the due influence of the law of liberty, when it is applied to regulate, by our own feelings, the proper conduct and behaviour which we owe to other persons. There was an ink-stand on the table, with several pens ID It. He took one pen, and laid it on the table, saying, 'There lies Lord S- -' (a Nobleman with whom he was well acquainted, and in whose family he had spent some time); and then he took another pen, and laid it close by the side of the former pen, saying, 'and there lies Miss W--' (who was an accomplished young woman in many respects, but, unhappily for herself, she lived in a state of adultery with that Nobleman); and he then took a third pen, and placing it on the table at a consideral;>le distance from the other two pens, as far as his right arm could extend, and at the same time leani ng his head upon his left hand, supported by his elbow on the table, in a pensive posture, he said, ' and there lie Lady S--, and cry !' " Thus it is plain that he thoroughly understood the force of the 152 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART I. argument from the law of liberty, respecting the gross injury done to t~e married hidy by her husband in taking another woman to his bed, If There was no need to explain the rights of women any farther to Mr. Omai on that occasion." To the record contained in this First Part of the Memoirs belongs also the notice of some circumstances respecting the Colliers and Salters in Scotland, in whose behalf Mr. Sharp was consulted by one . of the Advocates for the amelioration of their condition. Some letters on the subject. dated December 1772, appear in his Correspondence; and, demonstrate that there was no concern of humanity in which he was not ready to take an active interest. He might, with as much truth probably as any man that ever lived, have said, in the words of Terence's Chremes, ~, Homo sum: humani nihil a me alienum puto." MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. PART II. ACQUAINTANCE WITH GENERAL OGLETHORPE-CAUSE: OF IMPRESSED CITIZENS- ATI'EMPT AT RECONCILIATION BETWEEN ENGLAND AND HER AMERICAN COLO· NIES.- ORIGIN OF THE FIRST MOVEMENTS IN ENGLAND FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE.-CORRESPONDENCE ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORMATION. -RENEWAL OF EFFORTS FOR RECONCILIATION WITH THE COLONIES.- VARIOUS CONeERNS. ESTABLISHMENT OF EPISCOPACY IN AMERICA, IN CONFORMITY WITH THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH OF ENGLAND-PROMOTION OF LEARNING AND RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE IN THE AMERICAN COLLEGES. THE SHIP ZONG. CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE UNITED STATES-HONOURS CONFERRED BY THEM ON MR. SHARP. x PART II. 1776 TO 1782.· CHAP. I. MR. SHARP had no~ attained his forty-first year. The commencement of his public action had scattered too many seeds of important consequences to leave him long in the retirement of literary study. Nay, his writings themselves, as they were never unconnected with existing circumstances, were all calculated to draw him speedily back to public view. It has been mentioned that they had procured him the knowledge and the regard of Dr. Franklin, and of other persons of eminent repute; and he now owed to them an acquaintance with a military man, whose esteem for his political and religious principles led to important consequences in his fortunes. To Granville Sharp, Esq. (Received at Wick~n Park, Thursday, 26th ·Sept. 1776.) [EXTRACT.] " Sir, " Cranham Hall, by Gray •. " Being at Woolston Hall, Dr. Scott's house, he showed me your ' Law of Retribution.' I was greatly rejoiced to find that so laborious and learned a man had appeared as champion for the rights of mankind, against avarice, extortion, and inhumanity ;-that you had, with an heroic courage, dared to press home, on an infidel, luxurious world, the dreadful threats of the Prophets. 1:>6 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. The ruins of Babylon, Memphis, and Tyre, are strong mementos to a Paris, a London, and a Lisbon, of the retribution paid to those who fat their luxuries on the labour of wretched slaves. "The Portuguese were the first of the Western Christians who allowed slavery; whose adventurers stole men from Guinea, and sold them,for slaves. On Lisbon the first example has been showed: I!ln unnatural war between our race in America and ' in Europe, seems to give the second: you fairly open the Prophets, a third admonition *. " I am, Sir, your obedient humble Servant, " JAMES OGLETHORPE." G. S. in reply to James Oglethorpe, Esq. Cranham Hall. [EXTRACT.] " Sir, " Wicken Park, 27th Sept. 1'776. " Though my poor attempts to warn the public of approaching evils should prove too weak to effect such a timely reformation as may be nece~sary to avert the judgments against national injustice and inhumanity, yet it is no small recompence and scatisfac~ion for my labour (next to the ~ense of having thereby discharged my own duty to my country) to find that my endeavours are approved by sincere lovers of justice, whose influence and example, in promoting the public good at every opportunity, I am sure will not be wanting. C< Three other Tracts were intended to precede that which you have men- tioned, on the Law of Retribution, although the superior diligence of the printer who tmdertook it caused it to be the iirst distributed amongst my friends. Of these t, and also of some former tracts, I request your acceptance, as a small token of my sincere esteem for a gentleman who professes (though otherwise unknown to me) so great a regard for justice, humanity, and national reformation. " If you should find any thing in those several tracts (respecting the dignity qf human nature, and the natural rights qf mankind), which seems to want further confirmation or explanation, I must request you to suspend your • A singular coincidence of circumstances with this passag'e in General Oglethorpe's letter wUl not fail to su'ike all whose minds, like his; are accustomed to contemplate the hand of Providence in sublunary events. Of the three great cities here mentioned, two are stated (Lisbon and London) as already apparent examples of retributory justice. The sufferings of France have succeeded. t 1. "The just-Limitation of Slavery by the Laws of God ;"-2. "The Law of Passive Obedience ;"-3. "The Law of Liberty." CHA,P. I.) ACQUAINTANCE WITH GENERAL OGLETHORPE. 157 ( judgment till you receive two which are now in the press-viz.: one on the Law qf Nature and Principles qf Action in Men; and the 'other on the Case qf Saul. These contain the principal grounds and foundation of human rights (asserted in the former works), and will demonstrate,! trust, beyond all possibility of reply, the extreme danger of infringing them, by pointing out the dangerous state of probation in which every man is placed in this life, and the absoklte necessity that is laid upon us all (on account Qf man·s hereditary knowledge of good and evil) to maintain God's eternal laws of justice and mutual benevolence. " With gr~at esteem, Sir," &c. &c. The remaining Correspondence should be reserved (agreeably to the plan of this narrative) for another part; but, as the following letter contains anecdotes, from his own pen, of a distinguished man, of whom no account, of equal authority, has appeared in public, it is too curious to be deferred.- General Oglethorpe to Granville Sharp. " Sir, " Cranham Hall, Oct. 13,1776. " With great pleasure I received the favour of yours of 27th September, and since, several excellent tracts of your composing, which I have read with much satisfaction, as they all point to the great end of life,-the honour of God and love of our neighbour. you have, with great judgment, showed the threats of the Prophets against the slave-owners and slave-sellers. As I have not the happiness of being known to you, it is necessary to tell you I am the person you will find mentioned in Harris's Collections (the last edition in two fol.), and in Smollet's, in Rolt, and all the histories of that time. " My friends and I settled the colony of Georgia, and by charter were established trustees, to make laws, &c. 'Ve determined not to suffer slavery there; but the slave-merchants, and their adherents, occasioned us not only much trouble, but at last got the then government to favour them. We would not suffer slavery (which is against the Gospel as well as the fundamental law of England) to be authorised under our authority: we refused, as trustees, to make a law permitting such. a horrid crime. The Government, finding the trustees resolved firmly not to concur with what they thought unjust, took away the charter by which no law could be passed without our consent. 158 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. " As you will find me in the history of those times, you will find me also in the present Jist of the army; and, when you come to Town-, I shall be very glad to see you in Grosvenor Street, where I live in London, as I do here in the country. " This cruel custom of a private man's being supported in exercising more power over the man lie affirms to have bought as his slave, than the magistrate has over him the master, is a solecism in politics. This, I think, was taken from the Romans. I The horrid cruelty which that proud nation showed in all they did, gave such power to ' the masters of slaves, that they confused even the State. Decius Brutus, by the gladiators his slaves, defended the conspi- rators that killed the Dictator, Cresar. The cruelty of the slave-masters occass~oned them to join Spartacus, who almost overturned Rome.-Their laws were so severe, and the masters' power so horrid, that (Tacitus says) four hundr~d slaves, entirely innocent, were put to death, because two slaves had murdered their master; and he justifies this step~ A Roman threw his old and useless slaves into a pond, where he kept fish, to feed them up to an excellent taste l and their laws did not contradict it. " I find in Sir Walter Rawleigh's history of the Saracens, that their success, and th~ destruction of the Grecian and Persian Empires, was chiefly owing to their having vast numbers of slaves, by whom all labour and husbandry were carried on. And, on the Mahometans giving freedom to all who professed their law, the multitude in every conquered province joined them. " You mention an argument urged by Hume, that the Africans 'were inca-' pabte if liberty, and that no man capable of government was ever produced by Africa. What a historian! He must never have heard of Shishak, the great Sesostri5, of Hannibal, nor of Tir-halca king of Ethiopia, whose very name frightened the mighty Assyrian mon~rch (2 Kings xix. 9.) Is it possible he never should have seen Herodotus, where the mighty works of the pyr.amids, remaining to this day, are mentioned; and, in the GAAEIA, the answer of the king of Ethiopia to Cambyses? In Leo, the African,'s geographical description of Africa, he would have found that Africa had produced races of heroes. " The Christian Emperors would have qualified the laws for slavery; but the Senate of Rome, in whom the old leaven of idolatry still prevailed, stopped such good designs. St. Austin, in 'De Civitate Dei,' mentions that idolatry was sunk into the marrow of the Romans i-that the destruction of Rome by the Goths see~ed to be a necessary dispensation of Providence to root out idolatry. The Goths, /lond all the Northern nations, when converted to Christianity, CHAP, I.) ACQUAINTANCE WITH GENERAL OGLETHORPE. 159 abolished slavery. The husbandry was performed by men under the protection of the laws. Though som'e tenures of villeyn were too severe, yet the villeyns had the protection of laws; and their lords could not exact mme than was by those laws regulated. (Bracton.) " Spain and Portugal were subdued by the Moors: afterwards Portugal was recovered by the Christians. The Portuguese carried the war into Africa, diseovered the sea-coast of Guinea, brought the unhappy natives away, and, looking on them as black heathens and hardly men, sold them for slaves. " The Spaniards imitated them, and declared that Moors and Turks, taken in war, might be held as slaves. But the French still hold the noble law of the Northern nations; they allow no slaves in France: but, alas,! it is too true, in their plantations, where the King's will is the only law, Lewis the Fourteenth, by the 'Code-Noir,' permits and regulates slavery. " I am exceeding glad that you have entered the lists in opposition to these horrors. It is a proper time to bring these abominable abuses under considera- tion; and if those who have the power of legislation will be admonished, and correct them, it may save them and us from the justly-menaced destruction. " Your most obedient," &c. &c. " j. OGLETHORPE." Granville;s reply must also be added.- To his E:ccellency General Oglethorpe. " Honoured Sir, " I am not only truly sensible of the honour you have done me in conde· scending to make yourself known to me; but be assured, Sir, that ever since I read the account of the settlers of Georgia in Harris's Collection, to which you referred me, I have tmtertailled a much gl-eater elSteem for you than I can find words to express. " The noble principles on which that undertaking was at first set on foot, and your own truly disinterested and prudent conduct in establishing,as well as your brave and successful behaviour in defending it, form altogether a most instructive and exemplary piece of history for the imitation of the present and future ages : and, as example and practice are infinitely superior to theory and precepts, you certainly enjoy the heartfelt satisfaction of having really practised, and set forth in a conspicuous active life, those disinterested principles and duties which, in my humble station, I have only been able to recommend in theory. " I shall certainly avail myself of the liberty of waiting upon you as soon as 160 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. I know that you are returned to Town; aadremain, with the greatest esteem and respect," &c. &c. At the time proposed, Mr. Sharp waited on the General; and it is easy to conceive with,what feelings he was welcomed. Iri the mutual advances of their benevolent intercourse, a friendship was formed which was sustained through life with the most cordial sincerity . . Granville's usual zeal soon manifested itself by an " IntroductiQn" (in a strain of strong sarcastic humour) to "The Sailor's Advocate," a work written by his veteran friend, on the subjeat of pressing * ; while some public ev~nts, connected with the same subject, and which took place about the same time, tended to confirm their union, and to strengthen in both the ardour of social liberty. It was natural to suppose, that a man who had voluntarily stood forward as the protector of the oppressed in one description of the lower classes of life, would be again resorted to for aid, by all who, in equal distress, found themselves unprovidecl with the means of legal defence. Instanc~s of this nature quickly occurred. During the eagerness of the first preparations of England against her colonies, warrants had been very freely issued from the Admiralty for impressing sailors for the purposes of the new war; and many men had been seized in the city in consequence of these warrantsf. The assistante of Granville Sharp appears to have been invoked in their relief by some ~ealous friend to the rights of freemen. The following reply, which will at once show the diligence of his researches, at1d his decided sentiments on the subjec,t of pressing, is among his manuscripts, with. . out date or address. • The" Sailor's Advocate" appears to have gone through , numerous editions. That at present in my haIlds is the eighth. ' t " The City claimed an exemption from pressing within its jurisdictiol). The Court of King's Btnch held that these claims did not appear to them supported by adequate proof. ...... This dispute ended without any definitive decision on several of the most material points of law. However, the right of pressing seemed to grow in strength, and all ideas of local or personal exemption to lose ground considerably."-Annual Register, 1777. CHAP. I.] IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN. 161 " Sir, " You are very right in supposing that the subject of impressing seamen had already engaged my attention. I have made many memorandums from my researches concerning it; and 1 shall be very ready to communicate them to yourself, or any of your friends, as I have alrea:dy done to several others who applied to me. The argument which you mention about the public good, or salus populi, which is used to excuse the infringement of the most sacred rights of individuals, under the plea of n~cessity, is f!JUy answered (I trust) in p. 25 of the little tract which I send herewith *. . . . . . . . . . . . In short, the doctrine of necessity may be admitted to .excuse some things of an indifferent nature, not evil in themselves, though prohibited by law, but never to justify iniquity and oppression, respect of persons, or any thing that is malum in se; because the first necessity, of aU others, in a Christian community, is I to do justice to all men at all times,' (see p. 40); as it 'is better to endure all adversities than to assent to iniquity.' (p. 44.) " The end or purpose of all good government is liberty, with protection from personal injuries, and the security of private property. But when a very large part of the cQmmunity, not only mariners, but other inferior orders that earn their bread by labour, are deprived of their liberty and protection, not for a short time only, but regularly and constantly, whenever the nation is at war (however unjust or unpopular the war may be); in such a case, f say, the end or true purpose of government is defeated and destroyed . . " This doctrine is deeply.i mpressed in the genius of our common law, which informs us, by unquestionable maxims, that no man is worthy to hold the reins of administration in this country who cannot maintain the national justice ; the chief object of which is certainly personal pr·otection. 'Cessa regnare,' says the maxim, I si non vis judicare' (p. 49): 'Cease to reign, if you '(/Jill not 'do justice.' And the reason is plain from another maxim; that liberty is the soul, and the laws the body, of the commonwealtht (p.7j). Our Parlia:ment, therefore, can have no more right to make a law to enslave Englishmen, than any • "An Address to the People of England, being the Protest of a private Person against "very suspension of Law that is liable to injure or endanger PERSON AL SECURITY."-Towards the close of this tract he discusses the subject of impressing seamen, warmly contending against the measure as a violation of the laws of the realm, and in particular accusing Judge Foster of having" p"ostituted his pen by aJserting that it is not inoonsistcnt with any statute." t Vita Reipublicre pax, et animus libertas, et corpus leges . y 162 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. individual has to deprive himself of life (p. 47), because that would amount to the crime of felo de se in the state. , " I am, Sir, your most humble servant, " G. S." General Oglethorpe appears to have been, no less active on the occasion than Mr. Sharp himself, whose letters of this date commu- nicate to him several circumstances then passing on the subject of the impress, as matters if mutual concem. G. S. to General OglethOJ1Je, ~c. ~c. [EXTRACT.] " Dear Sir, " Old Jewry, Monday Evening, Dec. 16, 1776. " I think it right to acquaint you, that three lieutenants of the navy, and one midshipman, were this day taken up by Holmes, a constable and beadle of Lime-Street Ward, ::mrl some assisting constables, for pressing two men by virtue of a warrant backed by Alderman Harley. Holmes carried them to Guildhall, where they were examined by Aldermen Plumer, Lee, Lewis, and Wooldridge, apd were by them committed to Wood-Street Compter; and the pressed men, a,s well as Holmes, were bound to prosecute. I suspect, from the behaviour of the officers, that they put themselves in the way on purpose to give some handle against the City Magistrates (and perhaps against the Charter of the City) *; but, however that may be, it is now most certainly the critical time to defend the just rights of seamen, as wel! as to justify to the world the endeavours of the citizens, and prove that they are strictly legal and constitu- tional. Mr. Harley, by signing the warrant, i~ certainly liable to be punished by fine and premunire; and it would be very hard, that, through ignorance he should escape the just course of the law, and the other Aldermen come into trouble." &c. &c. G. S. to the same. [EXTRACT.] " Dear Sir, " Old Jewry, 24th December, 1776. " I copied with my own hand the memorandums contained in your first • When informed by one of the Ald~rmen (Sir W. Lewis), that, on account of the respect claimed by his Majesty's uniform, there would be no occasion for any other security from them, than the appearance of some of their friends to answer for them; the lieutenant replied, that " they did not wish to trouble any of their friends on the occasion." They were then sent to the compter. ' CHAP. I.) IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN. 163 packet, and have communicated them to Alderman Newnharn, who seems now to be well confirmed in the doctrine: SQ that this has been an essential service. I find (in the Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xi.) that Mr. Lyutleton compared pressing with the case of ship money, as you have done; and I send you a copy of some additional remarks which I have made 011- that comparison. " You wiJI see, by the public papers, that the three lieutenants and midshipm~n, mentioned in my last, were discharged from prison, on giving bail for their appearance. The affair won't come o_n till the next Sessions at the Old Bailey; so that I hope we have time enough to prepare for it. A Committee ' is appointed by the Common Council to defend Tubbs, the Lord Mayor's waterman, who was pressed previous to the affair of Lime Street, and Alder- man Newnham has promised to inform me who the committee are .... " A person, whom I occasionally employ to write' for me, brings wbrd, that two of the lietltenants who were discharged on bail have just now pressed two more men in Lime Street, saying at the same time to one of the constables, , Weare come again, you see!' which is an open insult to the laws, while their case is pending ........ I have sent to instruct the constable to take proper witnesses of the transaction, and to acql!:aint the Aldermen, as the recognisance of the bail is certainly forfeited. " With great respect," &c. &c. " P. S. As you have so much satisfaction in reading Bracton, I send a con- temporary, called Fletes, as also Britton, and a very old edition of Fortescue." G. S. to the same. " Dear Sir, " London, January 7, 1777. " Unavoidable business has prevented an earlier acknowledgment of your judicious and sensible observations from Bracton, and from the English his- tory, respecting the perverse opinions and illegal counsel of Judges in different periods, and the baneful consequences of them. I have had these observations carefully copied, but have made very little progress yet myself upon the subject, except in reading and searching for books, precedents, and autho- rities, that relate to it. " Alderman Lee having called on me a few days ago, I thought it right (as he is so materially interested in the affair, and will probably be prosecuted, with the other Aldermen, by the Lieutenants, for their imprisonment '*') to give ~. This threat was held forth, hut DO prosecution 'i'as brought . 164 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. lPART H. him a copy of the first observations with which you favoured me, but without the least hint from whence they corne; ,and also of the ' remarks which I had added; and I find by the Public Ledger. of this day, that the Alderman, or some of his friends, have been in haste to lay them before the public; for which, indeed, I cannot blame them; fOF I had acknowledged to him my own extreme slowness and caution in drawing.up any work for the public eye. . " I did not, of COUl'se, communicate your last observations respecting the Judges; but, if I may have your leave, will put them likewise into his hands, as he is certainly interested to, publi'sh tHem in the best and most effectu~l manner." &c. &c. B~sides these letters, there appear among, Mr. Shavp's manuscript papers, many extracts from legal and other writ~l:s, on the subj~ct of . . un presslll g. , There is also among the same papel'S, one of no small, bulk, en. . titled, " General Oglethorpe's Memorandums on the Illegality of pressing Seamen, with Remarks by 9. S."-probably the work alluded to in the fbregoing leUers. Soon after 'the date gf those,letters occurred the case of Millachip, . a freeman of the city of London, pressed in the month of March 1777; the minutes of 'which (from the copy of the short-hand writer) are preserved among Mr. Sharp'S papers. Millachip's cause was instantly taken up by the Common Council, and an order was given by the Lord Mayor (Bull) that an application should be made to the Admiralty; to obtain his discharge. This application not being successful, a Committee of the Common Counci.l was authorised to proceed in taking sllch measur.es as they should think fit for procuring his immediate liberation. A writ of Habeas Corpus was then obtained by the City Solicitor fi'om Lord Mansfield ; and the impressed man haviNg in the mean time ,been sent down ta the Nore, Mr; Gates, the city marshal, carried the writ on board the Admiral's ship, then lying there, and Millachip was instantly give1'l up, hFOught back to town, and discharged'*. ,. Annual Register. CHAP. 1<.] IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN. 165 But, after the short tnterval of a fortnight, MiUachip was a second time impressed; and the Committee, in conseg llence, ordered appli- cation to be made for another writ of Habeas Corpus, directed to· the commander of the receiving vessel. Some objections were made by Judge Aston to the mode of proceeding adopted by the City in procuring the former writ. But Mr. Dunning, the cOllnsel, having explained and justified their conduct, the writ was granted, and the cause was hrought before Lord Mansfield o~ the 7th of May, 1777. On opening the case, the Att.orney-General moved, that. the return to the writ 'of Habeas Corpus be read; which was accordingly done; when, Lord Mansfield observing that it did not negative the ~pecial ground on which the writ had been obtained, Mr. Serj.eant Glynn moved for the immediate discharge of the man. A long discussion then took ' place with respect to the incompetency 0f the return, from the cir- cumstance just menti(med-viz., its not noticing the ground of com- plaiot on which the writ was granted. The cause was finally ordered to stand over, and Millachip, in the mean, time, was discharged on the recognisance of the City Solicitor., Although various memorandums demonstrate that Granville took a very active interest, in this proceeding, it is difficult to asc~rtain (at so great a distance of time) in what degree either his communi- cations with the members of -the committee, or his example in the conduct of the Negro causes, might have influenced their measures. The recollections of a very few surviving contemporaries ascribe the conduct of the City on the occasion wholly to his interference *. A Report from the Committee on Cases of Pressing appears among his papers; and there can be little doubt that, agreeably to his former custom, he circulated his own and General Oglethorpe's remarks * In an Obituary Memoir of Mr. Granville Sharp, published shortly after his death, the entire management of the case of Millachip was attrihuted to liiin; but that supposition is not supported by the preceding statements, and the error is noticed here, only on account of the respectability of the writer. 166 MEMOIRS 'OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. among all those who Were peculiarly concerned in the circumstances. It is not unlikely, that the " Remarks on Impressed Seamen," gene- -rall y attributed to him ''', were written at this time, (though printed long afterwards); and the" Address to the People," before-mentioned (p. 161 ), is nearly o'fthis datet. The following also is among his notes. ~~. " 1777, April SO.-Went with Alderman Lee to the Re- corder (Serjeant Glynn) about press warrants, and left with the latter several very strong testimonies of their 'illegality, and some remarks on the lorce of the Habeas Corpus laws. Alderman Lee seemed much pleased with what ,,'as said; indeed; the Recorder himself also." The most remarkable feature in the trial of Millachip is the following declaration, made by the Judge in Qourt.- " Lord Manifield.-You will be 'surprised when I say, that I helie\-e this is t~e first return to a writ of Habeas Corpus upon a man's being pressed, that ever existed. I never met with one ..... . "We are upon untrodden ground. Jf any gentleman of the bar meet with any precedent, I should be glad to know it. 1 know that great searches were made into the offices many years ago, and they were found $0 far back as the reign of Queen Anne:~Upon the temporary land-pressing acts, several; but I don't recollect one upon a sea-pressing. Not one ...... It is a late time of day, indeed, never to have had a precedent. .. . "But it is a matter of great consequence to the public service to put it in a right way; that whoever ought to be pressed, may he pressed without litigation;_ and whoever ought not to be pressed, and are pressed, may have a speedy way of getting their liberty." • The tract is not ill his own catalogue, t A marginal note written by Mr. G. S. in a copy of this work, (lent to me by the kindness of a friend), alludes to its having determined the Aldermen to resist Lord Mansfield, if he had remanded Millachip. CHAP. I.] . IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN. 167 The Attorney-General, met the case on the open ground of an . authorised right of pressing, agreeably to the warrant of the Lords of the Admiralty *; but the discus~ion of that right was waved by Lord Mansfield, and the result, therefore, of the proceeding was not in any deg,ree correspondent to Mr. Sharp'S ardent expectations, always comprising the largest possible scope of consequences. "His Lord- ship the Judge," says his Manuscript, "very carefully avoided saying any thing to justify the measure of pressing, and postponed the ques- tion, saying, 'the return to the writ of Habeas Corpus is improper,' so that the man was at libertyt: " " Now all," adds M.r. S., "that was afterwards argued on both sides, about the peculiar exemption of . Millachip as a citizen of London, was foreign to the true purpose and intention of the City prosecution, and served the opposite party as a means of evading it. This narrow, partial ground of defence, instead of obtaining for Mil- lachip an immediate discharge, to which as an Englishman he was entitled, served only as a handle against him to hold him still in suspense under a sort of bail; the City Solicitor engaging to produce him when called upon t." • The affidavit, on which the writ was gralLted, repl'esented that Millachip was "a freeman and liveryman of the city or'London, and that he had a right to vote for members of Par- liament." The return mertly .~t forth the usual Admiralty warrant, and declared the situation of the man impressed to be that of a waterman working on the Thames, liable, in that respect, to ' the service. t "The present return, therefore," his Lordship said, " was lLot a good one, or sufficient to have the man remanded."-(Minutes of the Case of Mitlachip.) . f It appears, by evidence in a later cause (ex parte Randall, 1791), that he was actually produced, but no consequent proceedings are found to have taken place, and Mr. Sharp, therefore, considered the conduct of the Court as evasive. The minutes of the proceedings in the case of Millachip were closed by the following memorandum :-" Cause ~tands over, to give the Attorney-General time to consider of his argument upon what was thrown out by the Court." On this Mr. Sharp remarks with great severity, "Is it not manifest, from the repeated declarations of the Chief Justice, that the cause itself is tltrown out hy the Court, and that the man was installter set at liberty, when the Court declared tlte t'etu"n not sujJicient to havt him remanded 1 The personal rights of this man are sacred and inestimable, and are Dot· to be set up as a butt to exercise sophistry. Besides, it is a maxim in the law, that,the caus., of liberty is to be favoured before all other causes: • Humana natura in libertatis causa favorem 168 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART n. In the prosecution of his indefatigable efforts to obtain knowledge 6n this important subject, Grllnville procured accounts of the total number of men wh,o died on board the guardships after being pressed, and persevered in his inquiries until he had collected a list also of the losses to , the navy by seamen flying int~ foreign service, in order to avoid the press*_ Yet, after the ,cause of Millachip, he does not any where appear to have made a further attempt to establish a general rule of redress, as he had done in the case of the Negro slaves. In the course of his exertions concerning impressed seamen, his notes record an interview with Dr. Johnson. ~~. "May 20, 1779.- Called on Dr. Johnson . . Had a long debate with him about the legality of pressing seamen. He said 'it was a condition necessarily attending that way of life; and when they entered into it, they must take it with all its circumstances; and, knowing this,. it must be considered as voluntary service,- like 'an inn-keeper, who knows himself liable to have soldiers quartered upo.n hi m. '" 'S'emper magis quam in aliis causis deprecatur,' and ' Anglica jura in omni causil. libertati dant favol'em.' Portescue." . * He seems, by the following letters, to hat'p. had great diffiCUlty in effecting the object of his research. . To G1'anville Slwrp, Esq. " Sir,--Being made acquainted of your desire to obtain information respecting the mortality of impressed men on board the guards hips at the Nore, I wrote to my relation, Mr. - -: at Chatham, to request he would procure all the iuformation he could. The enclosed is his an· weI'. I heartily wish it could have been more satisfactory." " With respectful cOlllpliments, &c. &c. " Greenwich, May 18, 1778. H s. G. MILLS. " [ENCLOSURE.] " I have made all the inquiry I could, and find it very difficult to obtain any account, and at best.a veley uncertain one; for as soon as the men are taken ill, there is a boat, called the sick-boat, takes them away: some are sent to Sheerness, and some to the hospital at Rochester: if they die at. either of those places, the returns are made separately. " As they are sent away from the guardsbip, they are discharged from their books under the head D. S. Q.-that is, discha1'ged sick, with a gllet'e; or, dischm'ged to sick qUQrte1·s . If they die, there is no return made of their death to the ship." CHAP. 1.1 IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN. 1'69 That the cause was strenuously contested between two such com- batants, there can be little . question. But the strength of Granville's talents did not lie jn debate; and he felt severely the power of Dr. Johnson's reasoning. He was roused by it to a conviction of the light in which many zealous and weil-intentioned men might be induced to view his conduct on the occasion; and he thus makes his own apology:- .' S;0~. "I have been told, that it is the common lot of the poor and laborious part of mankInd to endure hardships and inconveniences; that the pressing and forcing them into service is no injustice, nor illegality, being nothing more than one necessary contingent circum- stance of their low ,condition of life, in which they were bred; and that the C1-Uelty rather rests with persons, who, like me, take notice of their grievances, and render them unhappy by persuading them .that they are so. All this has been urged to me with such plausible sophistry, and important self-sufficiency of the speaker, as if he sup- posed that the mere sound of words was capable of altering the nature of things; as if there were no distinction between good and evil, but the circumstances of persons, or occasions, might render it expedient or necessary to practise the one as well as the other. Thus the tyrant's plea of necessity is made to remove all bounds of law, morality, anc1 c.ommon right! But' Woe be to them that call evil g~od, and good evil!' Happy would it be for this nation, and the eternal souls of such as mislead it, if the feelings of the seamen and other laborious ' poor had no other stimulation than the recital of their unhappy case by sllch poor advocates as myself! Are they not surely of the same blood; have they not the same natural knowledge of good and evil, to discern, and the same feelings to be sensible of injuries, as those who cause their sufferings? " It is to prevent and dissuade from acts of violence and injustice, but surely not to aggravate the sense of them, that such circum- stances are noticed. Nay, it is charity towards the oppressors, as z 170 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. well as, the oppressed, to endeavour to convince them of their error; and how can this be' done, but by speaking of the' oppressions? It is even a. crime to be silent on such occasions; for the Scriptures com- mand, 'Open thy mouth; judge righteously, and plead the ca1,lse of the poor and needy: Provo xxxi. 9. Nay, it is the cause of God himself, who has declared, 'For the oppressor of the poor reproacheth his Maker; but he that honoureth him, hath mercy on the poor: Proverbs xiv. 31." He uses the sanJ,e arguments in a letter to a friend about this time, wherein, after stating his conversation with Dr. Johnson, he adds ,: " I am far from being ready at giving an immediate answer to subtle argu- ments, S0 that I may seem to be easily baffled; indeed, even when I am by no means convinced that they have the least weight. If this doctrine were - really true, that men choosing a sea-faring life do thereby forfeit their natural rights and privileges as Englishmen, and lose the protection of the law, some immediate remedy ought to be applied, to remove so unjust a pl'emunire from an honest and necessary calling. For, whatever takes away the protection of the law, and common rights, from any man or set of men, is, to all intent; and purposes, a premunire, which, if we except judgment of death, is the severest prohibition that is known in the English laws; and therefore it is unjust and iniquitous, as well as impolitic in the highest degree, that the ho- nest mariner's condition and employment should be lOluled with such a baneful contingency, which must be considered as the most effectual discouragement to the increase of British seamen in this maritime island (though the defence of it depends .upon their help), that could possibly have been devised. " , But we see,' says an advocate for power, 'that it does not discourage ;. men are still bred up to a seafaring life, and in times of peace multitudes are allured by the merchant's service to choose that condition, whereby they are subjected to the impress.' True it is, that the necessities of poor labouring men compel them to (larn their bread in any way that they can get it; and when a war is over, the discouragement of pressing is in a great measure forgot, and the number of seamen of course is again increased. But this makes no difference with respect to the injust!ce and illegality of the oppression itself ; CHAP. I.] IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN. 171 for if the poor man is not protected in an honest calling (which is his estate and most valuable dependence), as well as the rich man in his estate, th~ law, or rather the administrators of it, are unjust and partial; having respect of persons, which the law itself abhors, and which religion strictly forbids. And there- fore, If we can form any precise definition of iniquity, this partiality, of which I complain, comes fairly within the meaning of that term." 172- MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. CHAP. II. WHILE Mr. Sharp was thus exerting himself as an active' asso- ciate in defending th~ rights of English citizens, he continued to view with unmingled regret the distant but disastrous contest which was about to rend asunder the British Empire. Patriotism, in his heart, embraced without distinction our colonies and our homes; and we find him (in his minutes of this time) anxiously taking a part which, though not invested with any public authority, was connected with the most considerable interests in the minds of the contending parties. His reputation stood high in America, in consequence of his extra- ordinary acts of philanthropy; and the esteem of his general character had there become established on a far more extensive scale than in his own country. It has appeared, from the letters of his friend Benezet, that his written opinions, as well as his printed works, concerning slavery, had been actively dispersed over the several provinces; that the legal distinctions of their colonial rights, which his penetrating mind quickly saw and suggested, were disseminated through all ranks of society; and that the public mode of action was in conformity with his writings. His suggestions had, indeed, con- tributed to turn the thou'ghts of many among the colonists to constitutional points, which, however momentous, had before lain unexamined by them, as not hitherto called into view by the relative dependencies of the two countries; and he thus became, unin- tentionally, though not unconsciously, an jnstrument in the great work of American Independence. When Dr. Franklin, in 1774, sent to America 250 -copies of his " Declaration Df the Rights of the People to a Share in the Legis- " lature," the work was immediately reprinted at Boston in an edition CHAP. II.] ATfEMPT AT RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA. 173 of 7000 copies, and in another at New York, published by a society of gentlemen. A farther edition was printed at Philadelphia; and it wa's, moreover, printed piece-meal in one of the public journals; and by those means circulated throughout the Colonies. All these successes were diligently communicated to him, by men who were then rising to political eminence in America" and who courted his acquaintance; and tbis new intercourse appears to have been the real source of the opinions that have been given to the , public, that Mr. Sharp had been secretly, and "even without himself suspecting it," employed in a kind of diplomatic capacity by the heads of the United States, to treat for their interests with the Parent Country *. That he took a considerable interest in the cause of the Colonies, in their assertion of what he judged to be their just right~ and in the growing progress of their constitutional liberties, his own manuscript documents abundantly show; and the testimonies of respectable' Americans, still living, confirm that " Mr. Sharp was always consi- dered by their nation as zealous in their behalf, from the most disin- terested motives, and that they respected his integrity and his love of • The following passage appeared in the Obituary Account of Mr. Sharp before-mentioned: " The Congress had such an opinion of his uprightness, that they selected him, without his knowledge, as a mediator between themselves and the Government of Great Britain, in their dispute with the latter. To forward their design, they sent Dr. Franklin and Mr. Silas Deane, both of celebrated memory, to Paris. These found an opportunity there of corresponding with Mr. Sharp, and of sending him their proposals. Mr. Sharp accepted the commission. He wrote accordingly to Lord George Germaine, who was then in office; and a correspondence took place in consequence between them, whiCh, as we know it was preserved by Mr. Sharp, 1llust be now in the possession of his family." From whatever source the above information was derived, it is, I apprehend, wholly unfounded, since none of Mr. Sharp's family ever heard of Silas Deane as one of his corre- spoudents, or knew any thing of the correspondence alluded to with Lord George Germaine; and I can safely affirm, that amongst the papers contained in twelve large boxes of MSS. and other works left by Mr. G. S., there is no symptom of such a correspondence with any of the persons above stated. The letters between him and Dr. Franklin are of no such nature. In- deed, it appears highly improbable that a commission should have been sent frOID Mr. Silas Deane or Dr. Franklin with a view to reconciliation with England, when it is considered that they resided at Paris for the ex press purpose of arranging an union between America and France; and of procuring a public acknowledgment of the independence of the United States. 174 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. universal liberty, as the . dignified characteristics' of liis sentiments and conduct:' It was here, that ,the strongly distinguishipg powers of his mind again marked out to him the strict line of political justice, from which h~s path ~ in ;life never deviated. It was indeed easy, in the warmth of , party feelings, to form a mistaken conception of his motives of 'action; and it is not surprising to find that about this time (February 11, 1777) Lord E--, and another leader of the popular party, called on him "for the purpose of discoursing on the illegality of the intende\:l dispensation of the laws." But he had no sentiments in common lwith the organs of democratical zeal. He was a strict and zealous loyalist; . and the definition of legal liberty, given by lVIr. SeIjeant Davy on the trial of Somerset, might with strict propriety have ' been stated to express the sentiments of Mr. Sharp himself*. While he sought; in the most open manner, to add the . full , weight of his opinions in favour of peace with America, he was careful ~o avoid every step that might bear the appearance of ranging himself under the banners of a faction; and a single memo- randum of the ensuing year will show how resolutely he adhered to that honourable line of conduct :- ~~. "Nov. 23, 1778.-Received a letter from my friend l\'Ir. -~-, inviting me to dine with him on Tuesday next, to meet Governor ---, in these terms: '. Our friend Governor --- would be happy to have the pleasure of meeting you, and of deplor- ing with you l in friendly confidence, the misery and ruin of this devQted country,' &c. · This was so like the style in which the Governor sought private conferences in America, that I thought it prudent to send an immediate answer" that I was sorry I could not wait on him." * I am not talking of licentiousness, nor [of liberty] in the sense some lI\en understand it ; b\lt, "true genuine liberty is the birtlu,ight and inheritance. of the people of this country. That, I desire to be understood, is no other liberty t.han that of being governed by certain lauis, as making a part' oj those people."- Minutes of tlu Case oj Somerset. CHAP. II.] ATTEMPT AT RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA. 175 But it was consistent with the general tenour 'of human nature, that, conscious of his own rectitude, and finding his opinions em- braced and inculcated in' America, and his views seconded there by men of the highest and most leading character, Granville should entertain no common hopes that his benevolent suggestions might have equal influence in his own country. Cold indeed must have been the heart, that could h~ye forbom to share in such expecta- tions :- the lessons of worldly experience alone were able to dissolve the illusion. Nor yet was he without sufficient grounds of encou- ragement; for so established was the general opinion of his ex~reme integrity, and of the perfect disinterestedness of his views, that, in the course of various negotiations with persons of all classes, he had acquired a weight of a particular nature, which few political, or even official, situations are found to confer. His opinions, though from their excessive purity often conceived to be eccentric or visionary, were listened to \vith attention and deference: he was consulted, - referred to, and employed by all parties. His avowed object was the reconciliation of England with her American Colonies, previous to any confirmation of their independ- ence by foreign powers; and the beginning of his extraordinary work of mediation was in the year 1777. Hp. has himself left a, full account of it, from which the following extract is taken :- 9Ji}0. "In March 1777, when the impolitic and ruinous war against th~ British American Colonies had continued nearly two years, G. S. was accidentally in company with two gentlemen, whose connections with the Americans by relationship and mercantile corre- spondence rendered them perfectly acquainted with American affairs; and G. S. found, in the course of conversation with them, that they agreed in admitting. 'T.hat the United States of America, notwith- , standing their late declaration of Independence, were still inclined to , a re-union with England, even under the Cl'orlm, provided his 1VIaje~ty's 'ministers would give them a proof oj their sincerity in treating: 176 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. Encouraged by this declaration, Mr. Sharp made inquiries as to ' the uature of the proof which America would. require in order to induce her return to a friendly footing with the Patent Country; hinting, at the same time, his own ideas on the subject. He was, in reply, assured, , That if the proper Constitutional terms of reconciliation , consistent with their natural rights as British subjects, were tendered to , them within two or three months from that time, it would be so • unqqestionable a proof of the sincerity of our Government in its , professions of redress and amity, as would be most gladly accepted , by the Americans: But they at the same time deciared, that ' after , the expiration of si.r months from that time, no terms short of independency , would 01' could be accepted *:' In consequence of this conversation, Mr. Sharp, on the 14th of the same month, waited on the Secretary of State, with whom he was allowed to hold a long conferen~e, " on the expediency of making peace with America, and of giving such a proof of the sincerity of our Government in treating on the subject as would effectually pro- mote an attempt to bring that country back to its allegiance to the . Crown of Great Britain." It was made evident, in the course of the conference, that the proof which was demanded must include such an alteration in our House of Commons as would ensure to the American Colonies as fair and equal rights as those enjoyed by the several counties of England *. The mode of ,e ffecting this important measure was the next topic proposed, and Granville's active thoughts were instantly on the wing. With the approbation of the Noble Secretary, he employed several days in searching for and exammmg precedents, and in making particular extracts, for his Lordship'S perusal. A letter, which bears date about a week afier the above interview, shows that' he punctually fulfilled his engagement. " See Dr. Frdnklin's Correspondence, p. 150. Letter from Governor Pownall, concerning an equal communication ohigbts and privileges to Amedca by Great Britain. C!-IAP. II.] ATTEMPT AT RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA. 177 _ G. S. to the Right Hon. the Earl if ·Dartmouth. " My Lord, " Old Jewry, 22d March, 1777. " I have the honour to enclose the extracts from Pry nne, which I promised to your Lordship, relative to the examples of joint elections for all the knights, citizens, and burgesses of some particular counties, at one time and place for each couuty respectively, and which I humbly proposed as precedents, from hllence some wholesome regulations might be adopted for the reduction of the enormous inequality of Parliamentary ' R.epresentation at present enjoyed by the petty venal boroughs, to the manifest injury of the counties and great cities, and, indeed, to the extreme danger of the whole state (by facilitating Parlia- mentary corruption, and depriving the King of the faithful disinterested counsels and genuine sentiments of the nation); a measure which alone can ensure the safety and dignity of the Crown*. " With great respect, My Lord, &c." To the above extracts he added his own ' occasional remarks; the whole forming the substance of a tract published by him, in 1780, entitled, "Equitable Representation necessary to the Establishment \ of Law, Peace, and good Governmentt." l;3ut literary research did not form the bounds of his zeal on this occasion. It appears, from a letter written some months later, to the Duke of Richmond, that he added a tender of his personal ' service in support of the propositions which he had suggested. vVith the accustomed warmth of his language he says- * Of the extracts here mentioned [from Prynne's scheme of " more just and equal Repre- ~entation in Parliament,"] he has left the following memorandum, written ou the outside of the copy reserved for himself: " The original extract was written and transmitted to those for whose inspection il was intended."-" This was drawu up at the desire of Lord Dartmouth, heing the proposal of G. S. to several Americans, who had expressed the earnest desire of their countrymen to submit themselves once more under the Crown of England, provided the King's Ministers will give them a proof of their sincerity in treating with them." t Since printed as the first and second tracts in his work "On tbe Legal Means of Political Reformation," 2A 178 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART r. " I asserted, that I wO\lld undertake to bring back the American Empire to a constitutional allegiance under the Crown of Great Britain-these seem vain' swelling words-I' even added, that I would pledge my life for the success, provided a proper pledge could be given of our sincerity in treating." .... " Your Grace," he continues, "will of comse desire to know, what reasons such an inconsiderable and obscure person as myself could have, to justify the confidence, or (if you please) the assurance, with whieh I prop<'lsed to under- take the office of a peace-maker between $Uch high and· mighty States. I will freely declaJre them." [His reasons consIst in the circumstances of the conv6!rsation above related *, and in the singular favour with which his writings had been received in America, particularly his "Declaration ofthe Rights of the People."] . " Now, tile purport," he says, c< of that' book was; to shew the necessity arnl advantage of preserving the ancient constitutional connection of the Colonies with the Mother Country, by means of the common reciprocal t,ies of allegiance to. the imperial Crown of Great Britain; citing Ireland as the legal precedent-it being a distinct kingdom, goveFned by its own independent parliament, and neverthe- less firmly united to this kingdom by the bands of allegiance to one head, or mo- narchy, of limited power; by which glorious system, if duly maintained, alI might be equally free, and all equally defended from foreign invaders. Such being the topic and purport of the' book, a general approbation of it in America afforded clear demonstration that the great body of the people were not really inclined to republicanism; though, perhaps, many individuals among them were of a contrary s.pil'it, whi.ch will probably have been much inclleased since that time, by subsequen>t publications, as the people became m0re and more irritated by military peace-makers. And, lastly, though I profess to have no sufficient talents either of speech, memory, or art, which might be deemed necessary for a formal negotiation w.ith subtle .or .designing men" yet r flattered myself that I should not be despised by the real lovers of liberty and peace among ~hem; for I conceived that my writings, with which they are already so' well * He states the similar expressions also of several other Americans, " zealous friends of liberty; all of whom agree'd, and that separately, as if with one soul, that they sincerely be.- lieved a majority of the people would be glad to maintain their constitutional connecti~n with the Mother Country." CHAP. II.] ATTEMPT AT RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA. 179 acquainted, would demonstrate my earnest desire to promote the welfare and happiness of all parties; and that my sincerity at least would not be doubted or suspected, especially as several of the provinces were also well acquainted with my endeavours, long before this unhappy rupture, to put a stop to the abominable oppression of the poor Negroes among them, and, consequently, that my earnest love of liberty is founded on general principles, totally free from national partiality and the mean prejudices of party';:'. Granville's exertions in this desirable. point of reconciliation between the two countries, were seconded by his friend General Oglethorpe's recommendation of him to Lord Chatham. In one of his notes of this time, he says: "Communicated to General Ogle- thorpe what had passed between Lord Dartmouth and myself. The General informed me of LOl'd Chatham's interview with the King, Lord Eute being present; also of a second interview, and the circum- .stances. This was in consequence of the General having, in a pre- vious discourse with Lord Chatham, acquainted him that he knew a person (though he would not mention my name) that might be use- . fully employed in promoting peace." He had, many years after, the melancholy gratification of find- ing that his plan was indeed submitted to the Ministry, as above hinted; but it wanted other arguments than those of peace and char.ity, to procure its adoption. It was overruled, and the fatal term expiredt· • The same disinterested principles, in regard to the mu·tual connection of the two countries and the due supremacy of England, are fully shown in several other letters. His paramount object was, to preserve his country from the imputation of injustice, which he conceived to be disgraceful to it; and from the expense of a war, which he perceived to be ruinous. Many collateral testimonies assist to prove, that, although his benevolence was univer8al, the in- terests of America never infringed on the duties which he, as an Ellglishman, felt to be owing to this kingdom. In a letter from a correspondent at Boston, in Oct. 1774, the following ex- pression occurs: -" Your generous concern for this country heightens our opinion and in- creases our r~spect towards you. You hope," Sir, " the people of BO$lon will continue 1IIost ~t,-jctly to maintain tltei,' loyalty and constitutional allegiance 111 the B"ilish C"OW71," &c. t On the suhject of this anecdote, I have made every research in my power, and consulted those authorities from wllich I was most likely to derive instruction. Its value obviously ]8& MEMoms OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART'll. The following memorandums present an account of some further particular~, which show the interest still taken by Mr. Sharp in the present subject.- ~~. February 17, 1778.-" Waite~ on the Duke of Richmond. and had a conference with him of about two hours on the state of public affairs. He read to me his Apology for the Ministry of 1765, in admitting the • Declaratory Act for a Right to make Laws &C'. for America in all Cases whatever;' and he told me the purport of the motions he intended to make for a reconciliation with America, <. April 7.-His Grace the Duke of * * * * showed me the copy of a letter which he wrote to Lord Chatham, expf(~ssing his desire of acting with unanimity in the present exigency. to procure an ' accommodation with America; and also, Lord Chatham's an- swer, rejecting the proposal, and insisting upon the sovereignty of depends on the source from'whence those, who authorised Mr. S. to propose the six months' inte,'val, derived their authority; (and on the authenticity of a letter which will pr~sently be mentioned. If both were valid, the anecdote is highly interesting.) That source I have not been able to discover: it may be, that the nature of the transaction demanded secrecy as to its move;s. It will be recollected, by those who are familiar with the history of the American contest, that the period at which Mr. Sharp's proposal for reconciliation was brought forward, was tbat of a most anxious crisis, when the Congress was divided by internal dissensions, the American army diminished and impoverished, several of the officers disgusted, and retiring from the service, the merchants suffering under embarrassments occasioned by the actual state of affairs, the people discontented, and the war against England becoming in a high degree unpopular,- See (Marshal's) Life of General Washington, whose characteristic firmness of mind at this trying moment is admirably described, Vol. ii. p. 52'7. It appears probable, that if the offers which our Government thought fit to send to Ame- rica, by commissioners appointed for that purpose, more than twelve months after, had been cordially and 'sincerely made at the instant here spoken of, they wonld have been attended with a far greater prospect of success than at any other period during the war. I am enabled to add a confirmation of Mr. Sharp's statement, 'from an American of high respectability residing in this country, who, in August 1816, related to me, that "two brothers of the name of * • * .. .... .. , (whom he had before mentioned, and) one of whom had been _f or many years resident in London, were the persons employed to hold forth the propositions of reconcilement between the two countries; that the other brother waited some weeks 'in London, in the hopes of being listened to, and then, growing impatient, went back to America, while the former continued the proposition for six months." CHAP. II.] ATTEMPT AT RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA. 181 England; and that he would be at the House as this day, to maintain his opinion.- " April , 8.~The sequel is ,vell known. Lord Chatham persisted in his violent resolution, and went yesterday to the House of Lords to maintain it; was fully answered by the Duke of Richmond; and was so affected that he fainted, and was carned out." ,MEM0IRS ,.OF GRANVFl.LE :SHARP • . , CHAP. Ill. HIS effor~s to suspend the mutual bloodshed of the two coun· tries having failed, Granvjl1e once more bent his ' thoughts, and with increased earnestness, to the subject of African slavery, on which he entertained hopes of making a far more successful progress. In t he memorandums which are next to be laid before the reader, will be found the spring that set in motion the vast and important engine of public opinion, in regard to the abolition of the infamous Slave Trade. It is impossible not to be impressed with fresh admi- ration, when we behold the indefatigable constancy of a virtuous man in the cause of his helpless fellow-creatures. Immeasurable as the distance of redress and the difficulty of the enterprise appeared to be, his minu was fixed on an attempt to eradicate that disgrace of a civiliseo empire. He was aware that he was without power; but perseverance and the span of life were in his hands, and he resolved on devoting both to the benevolent purpose of his ambition. The zeal with which his first applications were'met, and which gave COIl- fidence to his endeavours, will also claim our respect. The honour of our country is involved in both. The reader is well acquainted with the progress in America of a friendly disposition towards the Negro Slaves, which had first mani- fested itself about the year 1770, and which has been shown also in the letter of the Quaker Benezet. It was increased in 1773, by the literary labolJrs of Dr. Rush of Philadelphia, whose writings had a very extensive circulation, and served greatly to promote the good cause for which they were undertake.n. In 1774, Dr. Rush, in con- junction with James Pemberton, and others of the most conspicuous ,among the Quakers in Pennsylvania, undertook to unite in one body CHAP. ITT.] ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 183 all.those of different religious persuasions who were zealous in behalf of the African sueerers; and hence arose a society, which was con- fined to Pennsylvania, and was the first of that nature ever formed in America. This society had scarcely begun to ad, when the war broke out with England, and materially checked its operations; The cause, however, did not languish in the minds of good men, although, from the calamitous circumstances that followed the commencement of an· unnatural contest, it was unfortunately confined to' those alone. Mr. Sharp's mental engagements bound him alike to the service of religion and freedom; and a sense of his united duties appeared strongly in the conduct which he adopted respecting the condition· of African slaves. It has been stated to be the natural bias of his disposition to' turn at once to the most powerful sources of aid in every arduous undertaking. His deeply religious sentiments had led him to a just consideration of the advantages to be derived from the ifl portant character of the dignitaries of our church; and he was readily induced to believe, that a vigorous appeal to men of exalted ChristiaA principles co~ld flot be hopeless. The ministers of that religion which had' fir-5t broken ·down the hostile barriers between nation and· nation, and had in its progress abolished slavery in a large part of the world, he conceived to' be the fittest, anli! there- fore likely to be the warmest, advocates for the perfecting so great a worK, and dlffusing the love and charity of the Gospel over . the furthest corners of the earth. We must,. for a moment, trace his action back to the point at which we left the concerns of the Slave Trade in the former part of the narrative. Soon after the successful conclusion of. Somerset's cause, he senl: the following letter, in, the fulness of hope, for the perusal of the ' Archbishop of York (Dr. Drummond), of whose concurring solici- tude in the €ause 0f freedom he had recei \'ed the most grati fyin g, assurances. 184 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILl..E SHARP. [PART II. • G. S. to Mr. Lloyd, Gray's Inn, for his Grace the Most Reverend Lord Archbishop qf York. " Sir, " Ole! Jewry, July 30,1772. ' " I re~eived a letter yesterday fmm my friend Mr. Alleyne, to acquaint me that His Grace the Archbishop of York desires to see the proceedings in the , case of Somerset the Negro, and he directs me to send them to you. " The arguments of the two first days I have given out to be copied on purJilose for his Grace: the Gther copies shall be forwarded to you as soon as they are finished. I am under great apprehensions lest a toleration of slavery shohlld take place next winter by Parliamentary authority; because the West- India merchants, I am informed, intend to move for it, and make all the in- terest they can-to carry thei.r point. This is the more alarming, because Mr. -- was very near carrying his motion upon tHat head in the last meeting of Parliament. The consequences of such a measure, were it to succeed at last, WQuid be dreadful. " With thes~ apprehensions, I had intended to address inyself to the Right Reverend the Bishops and Clergy, and to submit to their consideration whether this matter does not dem!tnd their intervention; and whethp.r it rtoes not properly faU within their province, as watchful pastors of the flock 'and ministers of the Gos{!lel of peace, to stand in the gap, and exert thei:r utmost abilities, as well as interest, to prevent so dangerous an accession of licentiousness and hard- ness of heart as must unavoidably accompany a toleration of slavery, which is the most abominable oppres$ion of all others, anq, 'consequently, the most hateful in the sight of G@d. Think therefore, Sir, what satisfaction and com- fort I must receive from the information which Mr. Alieyne has given me, that his Grace the Archbishop of York is become a warm advocate for the cause of freedom! The success of my intended application to' the Clergy, as coming from a very inconsiderable layman, must at best have been doubtful; but, the influence and worthy example of the- Archbishop of York cannot fail of having their due weight, especially if his Grace should think proper to confer on this subject wifh his Right Reverend Brethren the Bishops, that they may unite their influence and authority as a body. Give me leave to add, that the honour of our Episcopal Church is not a little concerned in the present question. ' Be assured, Sir, that a union of the venerable Bench of Bishops upon this point would have a very conciliating and cordial effect upon the Dissenters from our Church. I am certain that it would CHAP. IN.] ABOLITION OF TUE SLAVE TRADE. , be most kindly taken, and heartily approved by the Dissenters in general. To convince you of this, I have taken the liberty to enclose the copy of a lettel' which I lately received from a very benevolent Quaker ·at Philadelphia, who is all eminent merchant of that place. He sp>eaks confidently, 'that the Presby- ter.ians would be well pleased to see an end, put to the Slave Trade;' and his own people, the Qua1{ers, 'have already given several convincing proofs of their abhorrence of sach tyranny; a recent instance pf which you may see in the Genel:al Epistle from their Yearly MeetIng in London last Whitsuntide.' " The Methodists are also highly offended at the scandalous toleration of slavery in our colonies, if I m'ay judge by the sentiments of one of their prin- cipal t~achers, Mr. -Wesley-though, indeed, I have never had any communi- cation with that gentleman but on this particular point. " One of the leading people, likewise, among the Moravians, has written me' several very earnest letters upon the subj~ct. Nay, even the Church of Rome has been honoured by the endeavours of one of her sons, the benevoient and indefatigable Bishop of Chiapa, against this crying sin. The Bishop's argu- ments are still extant; and it is not improbable that the same may have occa- ' sioned the' present excellent regulations in favour of slaves irr' the Spanish colonies, which are worthy the attention and imitation of the British legislature, as being the safest means of arrnihilating Slavery in the ' West Indies: besides, it will be an indelible' shame to us, if we are behind the Spaniards in 'acts of mercy. " I have taken the liberty to send herewith, one of Mr. Benezet's books, and two other pamphlets, lately printed, against Slavery; lest tllC Archbishop should not have seen them. I have also sent my own tracts on that head, the Appendix of which, I believe, his Grace has never seen. " I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant," &c. &c; , The letter to Mr. Lloyd was followed' by another to the Archbishop ' himself, enclosing a copy of the arguments employed in Somerset's case. On engaging anew in the cause of the African Slaves, and on entering into the more enlarged measures which the Pennsylvanian Association suggested, Mr. Sharp commenced a course of personal application to the Archbishops and Bishops of this kingdom; and . we shall find him, from this time, during the course of several years, 2 B 186 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. unwearied in seeking the' means to impress his own sentiments on every person in those elevated situations to whom he could ob- tain access. Nor was he 'mistaken in their hearts to whom be appe~led. He experienced very early the zealous promptitude of another R:everend Prelate to aid his labours. "It is my duty," he says, (in a note on the names of York and Talbot), "to acknowledge the pious zeal of a most worthy descendant of the York family. the Lord Bishop of Ely, in condescending to communicate my opinion against Slavery to his Right Reverend Brethren the Bishops; so that, when I waited upon them individually, they all (with the ex- ,ception of only two or three, whose opinions I could not obtain), most decidedly expressed their resolution to oppose slavery." His own letters and notes will best explain his progress. G. S. to D1'. John Sharp. [EXTRACT.] " Dear Brother, March 1779. " I have lately made it my business to call upon the Archbishops and Bishops, to request their influence and assistance towards putting a stop to the Slave Trade, as the House of Commons have appointed a Committee to exa- mine into the state of the African trade, and therefore, I think, there is a~ opportunity of expo~ing the iniquity of it,which ought not to be let slip. I have called upon all the Bishops that are in town, and are not invalids; and have had the honour of being admitted to seventeen out of the whole number; and I have the pleasure to find, that they all seem inclined to oppose the Slave Trade, but some 'are very zealous against it. " The Archbishop of Canterbury, Bishops of Litchfield, St. David's, St. Asaph, London, Ely, Bangor, and Oxford, strongly express their horror against it; and the Bishop of Peterborough, since I called on him, has exerted himself in a very extraordinary manner, in calling upon a variety of people that have knowledge of the trade, and reading all books that he can find upon the subject, in order that he may be enabled to answer the pleas of interested ,people who endeavour to promote the trade." &c. &c. l~~' " 1779. Memorandum.-This spring I have, at different times, had the hdnour of conversing. with twenty-two out of the C4iAP. lI'l] ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. l8,7 / twenty-six Archbishops and Bishops, on the subject of the ' Slave Trade, during the time that the Afhcan affairs were under the con- sideration of a Committee of the ' House' of Commons; , and I met with none that did not concUI' with my sentiments on the subject. A very great majority of them gave me reasoh to hope that they would " _publicly oppose any further encouragement of. the. Slave Trade, had it come before them in the House of Lords. This was th€lmore 'agreeable to me, -because' I found they did not oppose, nor take ' arnis,s, my appeal to them, in my tract "On the ;Law of Retribution,' sent to eaoh of them more than two years before. Both the Arch- ' bishops, and the Bishops of Durham, Lon<;lon" Oxford, Li,tcbJield, Bristol, Norwich, Llandaff, Ely, Bangor, WDrcester, St. Asaph, and - Lincoln, expressed themselves ,very handsomely oli the occasion, and , seemed very desirous of putting a stop to the evil. The Bishop of. St. David's (Dr. York) was particularly polite, as weB , as 'earnest in ' the business, and afterwards wrote me a ,letter, signifyiI'lg his desire to ' join most heartily with any person who would propose an effectual and proper mode ' of opposing the Slave Trade; and the Bishop of Peterborough (Dr. Hinchcliff) ,t90k a great deal of pains to make himself master of the subject, that he might be ready to exert himself to the utmost, when the business should have passed the House of Commons. , But, while the' matt~r was before the Committee, ac- - counts being received of the capture of our African settlements, the chief seat aad source of all the iniquities and enormities which '[ opposed, the Committee; it seems, had directions frgID the Ministry , not to proceed in -their report." An extract from the Bishop of St. Davids' letter, mentioned by - Mr. Sharp, will show the obstacles against which he had to contend, arising from the general disposition of the times.- To Granville Sharp, Esq. ' " Sir, " Brook street, March 14, 1779. " I return you Mr. Benezet's book, ,and keep the copy of your tract on Retribution, which, by mistake, had not been acknowledged as your kind 188 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SH'ARP. [PART,II. -;present to me some time since. At the same time, I repeat my thanks for ,the additional tracts received from you. " They are replete with religious benevolence and humanity, and, botb in facts and reasoning, carry conviction on a subject which natural sensibility and common sense alone must reprobate. But the powers of custom, indo- lence, ,and interest, are violent oppugners of reformation. It will give me the greatest satisfaction to co-operate with abler advocates than myself, at any favourable moment, . in the advancement of so liberal and , Christian a cause as this, for which you are so warm an advocate. " With due respect, &c. &c. " JAMES ST. DAVID' S." The following is of the same ~ime and tenour. Dr. Fothergill to Granville Sharp. [EXTRACT.] ." Esteemed Friend, " Harpur Street, 11th in st. [March, 1779.] " I am very desirous of a little conversation on the subject of the Negroes. By the accounts I have received from our Friends in North America, many of the B1acks belonging to them are made free, and even in these hard times they an~ looking forward t6 find means of giving their children some education. " It is n'ot a time to hope much good to liberty from some of our superiors 'here, nor do I think any great point can be carried; yet I could have wished to have said something on this subject. " Thy assured Friend," &c. &c . . N otwithstand'irlg these inauspicious presages, the results of Gran- ville's earnest and solemn appeals gradually began to display them- selves. ~~. "Feb. 22, 1781.-The Bishop of Peterborough calIed on me tQis ,day, to inquire particularly concerning the Spanish regulations for the gradual enfi'anchisement of Negro Slaves in America*; and 'he mentioned his plan for a Bin in Parliament, to soften, and 'gradu- ,ally reduce, the Slavery in the West Indies. "23.-Called on Mr. ·Br<;>0k Watson about the Spanish regula- ti.ons desired by the Bi,shop of Peterborough. Wrote to the Bishop. ! 'The -Spanis!1 if? egulations will 'be illserted ill the Appendix. CHAP. iII.] ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 189 " March 14.-The Bishopof Peterborou"gh called on me this day. I mentioned to his Lordship a letter, which I received l~st year from the Bishop of Gloucester ,(Dr. York), declaring his readiness to join with any gentleman Ifl opposing the ~laye Trade; and I mentioned also the kind behaviour of the Bishop of Litchfield (Dr. Hurd), to the same purpose: whereupon, the Bishop of Peterborough agreed to call on both those Bishops, and, with them, to wait upon the Arch- bishop of Canterbury, to request a meeting of all the Bishops on this subject. ," May God prosper the intention, for the good of all ! " Of the favourable disposition of the Bishops towards the cause of the suffering Africans, he speaks again with gratitude and pleasure, in a letter to the Bishop of Peterborough, dated 1781, giving farther particulars of their behaviour, and adding an anecdote of a very interesting nature. [EXTRACT.] " My Lord, " Old Jewry, March 17, 1781. " Since I had the honour of conversing with your Lordship, I have thought myself remiss in not mentioning ' to you the Bishop of Ely, Dr. Keen, as one of your Lordship's brethren who would be likely to assist you. For, on the former occasion, in 1779, he promi"sed, that, if any thing in favour of the Slave Trade should be brought into the House of Lords, he would ce1'tainly go_ dO'ton to the House on pwrpose to oppose it. " The Bishop of Durham ~lso told me, at that time, he believed that any thing in favour of the Slave Trade would be opposed in their House. The Bishop of Bangor (Dr. Moore) was particularly civil to me on that occasion (as he always is on every other), and so also the Bishops of London, Oxford, Rochester, Norwich, Carlisle, Llandaff, St. Asaph, Bristol, and Worcester, besides the two Metropolitans. The Bishop of Chester was not in town at that time, so that I had no opportunity of knowing his sentiments; but believe, from his geperal ch:;uaGter, that he would be willing to lend a helping hand in so charitable a business. The Bishops of Gloucester and Litchfi~ld I had the honour of mentioning before to your Lordship, as being particularly zealous to oppose Slavery; and indeed, in justice to all the other Bishops not yet named to 190 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [P ART II. your Lordship, I am 'bound to declare, that I have no reason' to suppose that any of taem-will refuse their concurrence and assistance in this matter. .... . . . Mr. Benezet, in one of his letters to me, complained of a sermon, preach- ed before the Society for propagating the Gospel, by the late Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Green, as being very opposite to the doctrine preached two years before by the Bishop of Gloucester, {Dr. Warburton). I have not seen Bishop Green's sermon; but whatever sentiments, too favourable to Slavery, he might have entertained at the time he preached this sermon, yet sure I am, that he was afterWfir-ds fully convinced of the bad consequences' of the Slave Trade; because, after I had presented to him my tract on the Law of Retribution, he, one Sunday moming at St. Paul's, after prayers were over, sent one of the ,:ergers to desire me to meet his Lordship in the aisle; which I did; and he then thanked me for my book, before all the vergers and many other persons that w~re passing in the aisle, ami spoke, loud e;ough to be heard by all, to the follqwing effect, though I cannot charge my memory with the very words; , The Slave Trade is a very abominable thing, and ought to be abolished.' " Your worthy and respectable friend, the Bishop of Llandaff, expressed his indignation against the Slave Trade in very strong terms, when he preached before the Society ......" &c. &c. . ~*. "March 19, 1781.-The Bishop of Peterborough this morn- ing acquainted me he had seen the Bishop of Gloucester, who is very ready to act with him; that Lord Grantham, one of the Lords of Trade had informed the Bishop of Gloucester of his application to me for the Spanish Regulations, and was very willing to. join in regulating slavery. " The Bishop showed me a paper which he had drawn up upon the plan of the Spanish Regulations, and which he and the Bishop of Gloucester purpose to lay before the Archbishop of Canterbury. " April 25.-The Bishop of Peterborough called twice this day, ~nd left a proposal in writing relative to the West. India slavery, on which he desired my opinion. " April 26.-Signified my approbation to the Bishop of Peterbo- rough of the proposed regulations." CHAP. IV.) PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 191 CHAP. IV. BUT it was not in this point alone that Mr. Sharp wished to avail himself of the powerful interference of the Episcopal Clergy: he conceived their duties had a wider scope. While he was actively forwarding the cause of the suffering Africans, the circumstances which had attended his 'first political endeavours, on the prospect of a. possible reconciliation with America, had so wrought on his mind, that he had, with no less , diligence, prepared for the press a collection of legal documents respecting Parliamentary Representation, such as he conceived most likely to elucidate the view of our constitution, and to assist the proper progress of negotiation with America. These were partly contained in the tract which he had drawn up at the desire of Lord Dartmouth, and which he now (in 1780) published, under the title before mentioned '<', with the addition, in the spring of the same year, of three other tracts concerning Annual Parlia- mentst; a subjeet on which he had a conversation with Sir Grey Cooper, then Secretary of the Treasury, as will presently be seen. A short note, attached to his memorandum of that conversation, demonstrates the combining powers of his mind in concerns of the greatest importance, and furnishes a just clue of his progres- sive action during the ensuing period of hIS life. It My first mo- tive," he says, " for interfering in political reformation, was, an earnest desire to promote peace with America; the two subjects being connected with each other, and both with that of tolerating Slavery in America." .. " Equitable Representation necessary to the E&tablishment of Law, Peace, and Good G overnment." t See Mr, Sharp's Catalogue of his own writings, in the concluding part of these Mem\lirt, 192 MEMOIRS OF GRANVI'LLE SHARP'. [P'ART It He now, therefore, resumed his -application to his friend the Bishop of Peterborough. ElJI}{Sl. "6th April, 178l.~ Wrote to the Bishop of Peterborough, on the necessity of calling a meeting of the Bishops, to consult on the dangerous situation of public affairs, and of suitable advice from theqIselvcs to the Government, in order to avert, ifpossil:ile, impend- ing vengeance." In December of the same year he also made repeated applications to the Bishops of Chester and Rochester for the same purpose, bllt the result of these efforts is not stated. From the time that he published his tract" On Equitable Represen- tation," 'he took a very active part in promoting the plan (then In pub- lic agitation) of Parliamentary Reform. He entered into an extensive correspondence with the committees of associations formed in various counties; and shortly afterward, finding that his ideas of the legat duration of Parliaments did not coincide with those of several of the committees, he "forwarded a printed circular letter to the petitioning counties, cities, and towns, addressed to their respective genenll meetings; in which he strenuously maintained the doctrine of " annual Parliaments, or more often if need be," in opposition to the proposal which had issued from the general meeting of the county of York, unaer the influence of the Rockingha~ party, in favour of triennial Parliaments *. Among his Manuscripts appears an ", Alphabetical' List of Public Meetings for Parliamentary Reformation, to which Books were sent,' and Letters written to each C<:>mmittee, by G. 8." The list contains the names of forty-one general meetings, and their respective chair- men-such was his unrelaxing assiduity, in the prosecution of every measure which he conceived to be conducive to public good t . .. This letter, and the several tracts last mentioned, were likewise collected at a later period, under the same general head as those in the preceding' chapter. t The interest attached at all times to this subject, will, perhaps, justify the record of the following " List of Public Meetings for Parliamentary Reformation:: ~ CRAP. IV.1 ' PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 193 The effect of his protest was different in different counties; , all, however, accepting his communications with friendly candour*. In the city of London his opinions had obtained considerable influence, owing to the co-~peration of his brother James; and the success Berks ............ General Richard Smith. Herefordshire ... Thos. Phillips, Esq., Chair- Bedford ......... Mr. Dilly. man. Bristol .......... .. Hertfordshire ... -- Scott, Esq. Bridgewater ...... John Chubb, Esq. Huntingdon ...... Richard Reynolds, Esq. Bucks ........... . Kent ............... Lord Mahon, and Ro- Cambridge ...... Thomas Bond, Esq., Mayor. binson, Esq. Cambridgeshire. Duke of Rutland, and Lord London ............. James Sharp. Duncannon, Chairman. Middlesex ...... Mr. Grieve. Carnarvon ...... SirTbomas Kyffin,Chairman. Northampton ... Dr. Fothergill. Chester County. The Hon. Mr. Tollermache. Norfolk ...... '. .. The Rev. Mr. Parr. Cumberland ...... Earl of Surrey. Nottinghamshire Major Cartwright. Derbyshire ...... Nigel Bowyer Cresley, Esq. Nottingbam .....- . Ditto. High Sheriff. Newcastle ......... Dr. Rotherham . Denbighsbire ... Francis Gyffin, Esq. Northumberland. Jobn Searle, Esq., Chairman. Devonshire ...... Sir Thomas Acland, and Lord Salop ............ (No Meeting.) Vise' Courtney, Chairman. Somerset ......... ' Tbe Hon. Col. Somerville. Dorset ............ Anthony Cbapman, Esq. Suffolk ............ Thos. Maynard, Esq., Chair- Essex ............ TheRev.Mr.RandolphEkins. manofthe General Meeting. Flint ............... Tbe Dean of St. Asapb, the Sussex ............ Mr. Green; Duke or'Rich- Rev.William David Shipley. mond. General Meeting l Surrey ............ Mr. Bourdieu. of Deputies ... S Sir Richard Rycroft. Westminster ...... Honourable Charles Fox. Gloucestershire . Sir George Onesiphorus Paul. Wiltshire .; ....... John Awdry, Esq. Gloucester City. Mr. Jepson, Town Clerk. york . .............. Gregory Blsley, Esq. Hampshire ...... -- Kerby, Esq. York City ........ . • His own memorandums notice some partial efl~cts of tbis correspondence. Jll;-. " l780 .. Jan. i.-Sent to tbe chairman of the Yorkshire committee the little tract , On a more Equal Representation of the People ;' also, an extract from my , Declaration of the People's Right to Annual Parliaments.' On tlje 2lst, at a meeting of the committee, they were presented to all the members present. On the same day, several resolutions were passed, to which were added two articles, occa!tioned by the receipt of those books--viz. · to promote regulations for sbortening tbe duration of Parliaments, and for ohtaining a more equal repre- se,ntation of the people. On the' 27th, received a letter from ,the chairman, thanking me, by the desire of the committee of sixty-one, for tbe tract, in a very handsome manner. " I received thanks also from several other county committees afterwards, on the same account t " 17th Jan.-Received a letter from Wm. Morland, Esq., one of the committee for Surr,ey, informing me of the objections wbicb had been made by some persllns to Annual Parliaments. " 22d March.-l wrote to Mr. Morland a full answer to all those objections." 2 C 19~ MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. 'which there attended them, probably led him to the more extensive measlire of a circular letter*. Of the only-two remain'ing notes which he has left on the subject, the first has been already alluded to :- SjF)~. .. 17th April.-Called on Sir Grey Cooper, Secretary of the Treasury, to ~rge the pressing necessity for the Ministry to adopt the true means of political reformation, now that they had a majority against them ;-th~t a change of measures would give more real satisfaction to the nation than a change of men. . .... He replied, 'he did not conceive that Annual Parliaments ever were the Constitution, Jjut only that a Parliament should sit every year onc-e.' " I told him, the original writ demonstrated the contrary." " 25th Ap.ril, 1782.-Alderman Townsend am! Lord Fitzmaurice (son of the Earl of Shelburne) called here, and assured me that a Committee of Parliament would be appointed l to consider the means of Parliamentary Reformation, and to print their reports, for consi- deration another yeart." " .tI!Il,i. " AprilS, 1780.-1 drew up a warning against the Yorkshire proposition for triennial elections, and 'also against the aristocratical interest of both parties, in opposing the ancient p~rliamentary constitution of this kingdom. This warning my brother, James Sharp, read to the City Committee at Guildhall, which prevented their adopting the Yorkshire proposition, for a term not exceeding three years; and my brother James procured a strongly-worded resol ution in favour of annual Pm'liaments, and more 'often if need be. " 111b.-1 formed a Circular Letter to sev~ral County Meetings, in twelve propositions against triennial elections. Gave a copy of it to my brother, James Sharp, for the Common Council." t MT. Sharp's opinions on the legal reform of Parliament were noticed a few years since in the House of Lords, as a subject of regret, on account of the sanction which they appeared to give to some delusive notions of the present time. They will, however, be found, on examina- tion, to have been formed on essentially different grounds. In a letter (on the duration of Parliaments) which he addressed to a member of one of the committees above spoken of, and which ' forms one of the distinct tracts in his work "On the Legal Means of Political Reformation," his candour was, as usual, pre- dominant. "If I have made any error," he says, "or misrepresentation, in either of my tracts, let the objectors point it out, and they will fiud me not backward to submit to truth; 'for that is my d!lty to God and mlln." His argumel)ts in those tracts appear ,wholly founded on points of fact; and if he was mistaken ill those points, a demonstration CH-AP. liV.) RENEWED EFFORTS FOR PEACE WITH AMERICA. 195 Some few minutes, at the periods of 1778, 1781, and 1782, give a faint air of probability to the notion of Mr. S. having been authorised, on the part of America, in the efforts which he made to procure a reconciliation between England and her colonies. It will be seen, that in the minutes of the latter dates the independence of America is no longer represented. as doubtful. ~~. " 1778, April 6.- Called on Mr. M---, an American merchant in the city, (who had been an agent for North America, had extensive correspondences, aBd had been a warm loyalist, but was now convinced of the necessity of making peace), and re- ceived from his own hands his printed paper, declaring the necessity of passing an Act of Parliament to acknowledge the independence of Americ~. " May 7.-Called by appointment on the Duke of Richmond, to introduce Mr. Baylor, a -gentleman of fortune in Virginia. We had a long conversation, above an hour. The Duke endeavoured to per- suade Mr. Baylor., that it would be advantageous to America if she would admit the constitutional connection with this kingdom by the ero-wn, under due limitation. Mr. Baylor defended the American cause, and could not think that dependence was at all either neces- sary or expedient." "1781, March 15.-Mr. Laurens, late President of Congress, and his family, called here. " June 21.,Having -received information from Mr. - - -, that while he was in Holland, on account of business, he had some oppor- tunities of conversation with Mr. Adams, the American Envoy; from of that error would ba,'e been aU t hat was necessary to det~cb him wholly from his side of the question, In every questionable point, his admirat ion of the English Constitution dictated to him '~.earch into the positive doctrine of the law, and ad/terence solely to what he belie,'ed to be so ascertained . His principle was highly laudable: there is DO safer guide to the asser- tion of our public rights, than tbe study of their history. 196 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. whose discourse he gathered, that it was not yet too late to treat with America for peace and commerce, provided their independence was not denied'; I went this morning to the Duke of --:..-, but he was out of town. "23d.-Waited on Lord Darttnouth at Blackheath. I informed his Lordship of the possibility of still treating with America, pro- vided independency was admitted. He said, as both parties seemed to be agreed that America ought to be dependent on Parliament, it would be extremely dangerous for any Minister to admit the independence, as he would be liable to be impeached for treason. I urged the necessity of peace. ..... No person could be more earnest than I had been, to recommend the measure of continuing America under the Crown, while there was the least probability of doing so; but the time was long past: I · had myself given his Lordship timely notice of the very latest peri~d. " He said, 'the Parliament had very fairly offered the full free con- stitution of England in 1778;' but I appealed to his Lordship, in reply, whe,ther I had not clearly stated in March 1777, that no terms short of independency could be accepted si:r months after the time I waited on him. The failure, therefore, of the proposal twelve months afterwards, was only a proof of the truth of my former information. I told him, that in February 1778, I had communicated to his Grace of --- what had past; and that the Duke, though still very desirous to per- suade the Americans, if possible, that it would be their interest to come again under the power of the Crown, provided it were duiy limited according to the Constitution of England, had actually signi- fied to me his willingness to undertake the voyage to America, and to use his endeavours, provided he was allowed powers from Govern- ment to admit the independence, in cas~ the other could not be obtain- ed ;-that I had not spoke with him since that time on political sub- jects, but as he had once been willing to accept a commission to treat with America, it was not improbable that he might still be prevailed on to undertake it ;-that Lord North was convinced, in March 1778, that an acknowledgment of the independency was in fact necessary; but CHAP. IV.] RENEWED EF·FORTS FOR PEACE WIl'H AMERICA. 197 that he was intimidated by the opposition of the Lords Chatham, Shel- burne, &c. and by that of the other Hou~e ;-that the absurdity of the Opposition at that time must now be evid(mt; nor did I apprehend that any party could now oppose th€ making peace with America and the admission of her independency; and that, for my own part, I would run any risk in endeavouring to make peace and save blood- shed; but, if we continued to carry on ~ar till we were totally exhausted, it would be impossible to obtain peace on any reasonable terms ;-and I desired him to weigh these matters in his mInd, and to signify his commands to me, if he thought I might in any way be serviceable in promoting peace." " July 8.-Communicated to his Grace the Duke of , all that I had heard of the possibility of making peace with America, as well as the objections that had been made to it; and I urged the necessity of the Opposition privately making a declaration to the. Ministry of their consent to allow the independence of America, because their opposition to that meaSUf(~ in 1778· served as an excuse· for continuing the war. " The Duke then explained at considerable length the nature of the Bill which he had proposed, and that he did not mean then to declare the independence of America. but only to have power to grant it in case peace could not otherwise be agreed upon, and in case that point should be generally insisted on by the legislatures of the several States ;-that Lord Rockingh~lN, he is sure, thinks as he does in the matter; also, Mr. Burke, and, he believes, CQl. Barre. " Feb. 25, 1782.-Mr. Laurens called this morning. In the after- noon, went to the Bishop of Peterborough. and afterwards to Mr. Laurens. Proposed a meeting with the Duke of Grafton, Lord Camden, and the Bishop of Peterborough, in order to hear his proposals for peace*. • Mr. Laurens was soon afterwards appointed one of tbe four American Commissioners to treat of peace, by a letter from Dr. Franklin, dated April 12th, 1782; but his I\cting under this appointment was to depend on his being at liberty in this country. The four Commissioners were, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jay, and Mr. Adams. Mr. Jefferson was nominated a fifth, in case of the illness of anyone of the oth-ers. 198 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. " 26th.-With the Bishop of Peterborough at a quarter past eleven. His Lordship informed me, that the Duke of Grafi:o~ was willing to meet, as proposed, and would appoint the time with Lord Camden for the meeting. I then called at Mr. Laurens's, and acquainted him that I would come the next morning to carry him to the proposed meeting. " 27th.-Ca:lled on the Bishop of Peterborough, who was gone to tbe Duke of Grafton, but left word for me to wait his return, and returned soon with a message from the Duke, which he had the precaution to put in writing from the Duke's mouth. It was as follows: " Piccadilly, Feb. 2'1, 1782. " The Duke Df Grafton and Lord Camden are very sensible of Mr. Laurens's favourable' opinion of them, arid are satisfied that he is a,cquainted, from their puhlic conduct, with their friendly dispositions towards America; but as they are private men, without _ p~rty, connection, or power, they do not see how it is possible for them to be any way instrumental in propos- ing or promoting the desirable end of peace between the two countries, arid therefore beg leave to submit to him, whether, after this declaration, he would wish to meet either of them upon the subject." " After the receipt of this pap!?f, I called to acquaint Mr. Laurells of the answer." During these transactions, an anonymous letter came into Mr. Sharp's hands, which gave a fresh eXGitement to his zeal £OT mutual reconciliation. T{) Granville Sharp, Esq. " Dear Sir, "September 22, 1781. " Though my name wiU not be at the end of this letter, I must entreat your particular attention to the following extract of a letter I have just received from a person of great worth in Holland, and who loves England most cordially. Rotwithstanding he is much in the confidence of a principal person on the American side if the question, now in E~rope. " , Look out, and find a sensible, honest man in qffice, and conjure him to ,save his country from eternal ruin, by malcing up matters' immediatelY 'with CHAP. IV.] RENEWED EFFORTS FOR PEACE WITH AMERICA. 199 America: the first cost will be the least; the longer the. matter is delgyed, the more will America be estranged from England. " 'The interest and power of France increase daily, owing to the incon· siderate per,sistance of the English Councils, whieh drives the American~ to the necessity of defending and securing themselves by every possible means. Nothing can be more fatal to England, than that France should have the absolute settlement of the terms. of peace; and yet this win be the case, if a great and liberal conduct is not jmmediately pursued. I cmnot explain myself, but I entreat you to consider this as no slight hint: the Englishman who does, is an enemy to his country.' ' " Thus far for my friend, for wh0se veracity and sincerity I will stake every thing which is near ana dear to me, and to which I add, 'Carpe diem. quam minimum credule ' postero.' Therefore, I wish you would make some wortl~y man in 'office acquainted with this information as soon as' possible, that a stop may speedily be put to the shedding of human blood, which is the sincere wish -of, " My dear Sir, your faithful humble Servant, " A MAN." (N. B. Received 23d September.) Thls communication was regarded by Mr. Sharp as confirming the intelligence he had betore received *. He was at no loss to find the sensible, honest man, required by the letter, and he hastened to submit it to Lord Dartmouth. G. S. to the Right Hon. Earl if Dartmouth.-[ExTRAc'I.'.] , " My Lord, " Wick en Park, near StO'ney Stratford, Bucks, \l3d Sept. 1781. " The information which I had the honour to communicate to your Lordship on the QSd June last, was of more real importance, I believe, than your Lordship seemed at that time to apprehend; and I should not again trouble you on the same business, did I not flatter myself that subsequent events must have proved to your Lordship the necessity of the measures which I recom- mended, as well on that as on some former occasions. * It will, no doubt, have reminded the reader of some anonymous publications written by Dr. Franklin while he resided in this country; and it was, perhaps, from this cause tbat Mr. S. attached so considerable importance to it. Much of this species of unauthorised agency appeared in Englaud dnring the American war. -200 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. ' " lPART II. " I have this moment received a letter (of which the enclosed is a copy). urging in very strong terms the necessity of an immediate peace with America. And though ' the letter is without a name, and even the hand-writing unknown to me, yet, by some particular circumstances, I have no room to doubt from whom it comes, and consequently am well satisfied that the information is tru·ly important. The intelligence is from a different channel from that which I before communicated, and is equally authentic. " When I had last the honour to wait on your LOJdship, the Americans were at liberty to treat separately for peace, as I then informed you from unquestionable authority. Since that time, there have been reports of a more strict treaty of union .being formed between the Allies, such as must exclude . all hope of any separate treaty with America; but the letter from Holland~ an extract of which the ,anonymous writer has -sent to me, plainly indicates that there is still a possibility of treating with America, if the business is undertaken immediately; so that no treaty of absolute union between France and America can yet be ratified, though it is probable such an one may be actually on the tapis, and near a conclusion, which it is the manifest interest of this kingdom -to prevent, if possible, by a previous agreement with AmeriCa; and I sincerely wish that no delusive hope of subjugating America, and com- pelling her to s.ubmit once more to the Crown, may any longer prevent an effectual reconciliation. " The . true interests of this kIngdom in 1778 required us to admit the independency of America, which at that time would have prevented an qpen rupture witH France and Spain, and would have been the means of recovering the American trade, whereby we should have received almost as much solid benefit from the colonies as if they had still continued subject to the British Crown. Ever since that time, the accumulated expenses of a bloody and fruitless war have been immense. The first loss (that of American dominions) is not to be compared to the subsequent losses, which a prudent would speak with me about it. . I waited on his ,Lordship, and obtained his permission to acquaint the Archbishop of Canterbury that he wished. to confer with his Grace on that subject, in order to apply to the Lord -Chamberlain. " Sept. 6.~Acquainted the Archbishop of Canterbury 'with the Bishop of London's message. I , read to him the remarks that I had drawn up on the text of Deut. xxii . 5. , His Grace promised to consult with the Bishop of London, and to inform me of the result. " Dec. 22.-The Archbishop desired to see me. His Grace pro- mised to speak to the uml Chamberlain on the first opportunity." , On the subject of morals, to which the three last notes allude, It will be sufficient to call to the reader's recollection the representation, then in vogue, of the " Beggar's Opera," in which the women's parts were performed by male, -ana the men's by female actors !-:-Gran- ville, in common wi,th many other sensible men, was scandalized at the public indecency of ,such a perfor-mance . . Nearly at the same time he presented a remonstrance, on an inde- corum partI y of the same nature, to the Archbishop of York, whose son had acted the part of Thais in Terence's comedy of the" Eunuch," at Westminster school. He read his remonstra]lce also to Dr. Smith, the master of the school, who promised to represent it to the Bishop of Rochester., and said, that " the plays might be prevented ne.rt year; but the custom of acting them had continue9, two hundred years, a;JJld (he believed) was enjoined by the Statu,tes." CHAP. VI.] ESTABLISHMENT OF EPISCOPACY IN AMERICA. 207 CHAP. VI. WE must now take into view another distinguishing part of Mr. Sharp's life. While zealously exerting his endeavours, in the manner that has been related, for the promotion of peace and the reformation of public morals, a result, not less unexpected th~n · any that has yet been mentioned, attended his intercourse with America. It is stated by himself in a letter to Colonel Dalton, dated Feb. 12, 1812, accompanying the present of his tract, "on the Injustice of tole- rating Slavery," to his Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester. After speaking of the various consequellue~ of the efforts ill favour of African freedom, in which he had taken so eminent a part, " It is one of the extraordinary effects above mentioned," he says, "that the zealous exertions of the Quakers in America against slavery, jointly with the author of this book in the same just cause, should really have produced the establi.shment of Episcopacy in America, according to the primitive Catholic Church of Christ, though neither the Quakers, nor the author of the beok, had the 'least idea of any such consequence arising from their united labours." Although there are no distinct notices of the commencement of his action in this measure, it appears from his minutes that it must have taken place about the year 1777. t¥)~. "1779, Aug. 31.-Dined this day with Mr. Wathen, where I met Dr. Price, Rev. Mr. Mayo, Rev. Mr. Townsend, &c. Dr. Price said, he was informed by a gentleman (Mr. Temple) just arrived from America, that some steps had been taken in Congress towards the introducing Episcopacy into America, which was matter of great surprise _to him, being a Presbyterian. Upon which 1 208 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART U. acquainted him with the steps I had taken, for more than two years past, to persuade the Americans here in London of the necessity of adopt- ing and introducing Episcopacy into America, on the plan recom- mended in my , Law of Retribution;' and that all those whom I ' had spoken with seemed to be convinced of the necessity of the measure: that I trusted what Mr. Temple had heard was part of the consequences of my endeavours for the honour of the True Church." He expresses himself still more strongly, in a letter about this time, to his brother, Dr. John Sharp: . "The AFl'H!!ricans are consulting how to introduce Episcopacy into their continent. Mr. Temple, an American, who lately arrived, brought the account. If this should really prove true, I shall have the satisfaction of thinking my- self the first mover and promotp.r of the measure, as it is what I have much laboured. to inculcate, and to persuade every A men can, that I have talked with here, to adopt. Several, who have gone over within these two years, have readily agreed with me on this point, and promised to use their utmost endea- vours to promote it." His first writings on the subject are still earlier in date. ~~. "The tract, entitled 'the Law of Retribution,' was 'printed in 1776. In a long note, at the end of this book, an account is given of ' the apostolical and primitive Catholic Church of Christ, which always maintained the natural and just right of the clergy and people of every diocese to elect their own bishops, for above fiv e hundred years after the establishment of it, until the Church of Rome began its baneful exertions to invade and suppress that just and· im- portant right." .. This note, together with some other , remal'ks on the importance of Episcopacy, as being, according to a maxim of the English common law, the strength of the republic Cordo Episcoporum est robur ~'eipubtic£), had the extraordinary effect of conv:incing a very Jarg~ 'CHAP. VI.] ESTABLISHMENT OF EPISCOPACY IN AMERICA. 209 body of Dissenters and Presbyterians, as well as Churchmen, in America, of the propriety of establishing Episcopacy among them- selves in the United States; so that, even during the war, a motion had been made in Congress for that purpose, and was postponed merely because a time of peace was thought more proper for the consideration of so important a regulation." The remarks to which he alludes were brought forward in a later work, entitled "A Tract on Congregational Courts" and on other, constitutional topics*, to which was added a " Tract on the Election 'of Bishopst." , The effect produced by his ' zeal in the American councils, was anxiously accompanied by his earnest p-fforts that so favourable a disposition of circumstances should be met by equal approaches in our hierarchy; and no sooner was, peace restored, than he resumed the prosecution of his endeavours in both countries. Although no political predominance had been allotted to any single mode of Christian worship in America, the Episcopal churches, par- ticularly in the southern states, were numerDUS; and, on the separa- tion of the American Colonies from England, a very great difficulty arose concerning ' the ministry of those churches throughout the provinces. There was no bishop residing in America. The Episco- palian clergy of that country had always been ordained in England. But as the British Act of Uniformity forbad the ordination of any • See Catalogue of Mr. Sharp's works. " The chief design of my last publication, on Congregational Courts," he says (to his brother, In 1784), " is to remove the pr~judices of the Americans against Episcopacy, by proving the right of popular elec~ons. Perhaps there never was any former period wherein that particular point was so necessary to be discussed, The tract is not yet published, but Dlany copies are already sent to America,"-The additional tract, "on the Election of Bishops," he ~tates, in a letter to the Bishop of Peterhorough, was written with similar views. t See the Bishop's judicious reply, in the "Corl·espondence." In a letter also to Dr. Peck- hard, in 1795, he says, " My tract on ' Congregational Courts' was chiefly instrumental to the introduction of Episcopacy into America, as even Dr. Franklin, the philosopher, became an adTocate for it." 2E 210 MEMOIRS PF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. student, unless he at the same time took the oath of allegiance to the King, and as it was impossible for the Americans to take such an oath after the establishment of their independence, an insuperable obstacle appeated to be raised to the further extension of the church ministry in America. . To remove this obstacle, and thereby to pre- serve the Episcopal establishment of the - English church in the Colonies, was now the object of Mr. Sharp's zeal. \ The danger from the sectarian members of the church was immi- nent; for so great was becom~ the prevailing -ardour for Episcopacy in America, that the utmost vigilance could alone secure that most sacred ordination within its pure and uniform channels of descent. Happily, ne~er was mortal more fitted to exert that vigilance than the subject of taese Memoirs. . " Is it not a little remarkable," be says to his brother, "that Pres- byterians, Socihians, Methodists, Anabaptists, and almost all the sectaries from one end ofthe United States tc'-the other, should agree in calling themsel ves Episcopal Chza'Ches, if it be considered that a very few years ago 'the very name of a bishop was an abomination to them, and that even the members of the English Episcopal churches couId not bear the idea of introducing Episcopacy into America? As it has pleased God to bless my endeavours for the ' removal of their prejudices against Episcopacy, I shall think myself more particularly bOlmd to exert still further endeavours, to promote sound doctrine in the new Episcopal,Churches:' '''hethel' the general desir~ of Episcopal Establishments arose , from any attendant idea of power, or whether all parties acted from the same disinterested motives and religious zeal that in- · fluenced Mr. Sharp, is a subject of inquiry for the speculatist of future days. ~~. "Aug. 4, 1784.-Went again to Lambeth. Saw the Arch-- bishop of Canterbury, and told him my anxiety on account of the great pains I had taken to promote Episcopacy in America. I showed . eHAP. v!.) ESTABLISHME.NT OF EPISCOPACY IN AMERICA. 211 him 'the letter I lately received from Dr. Rush, at Philadelphia"', relating the present most favourable inclination towards Episcopacy . . f' The Archbishop expressed a sincere inclination on the same side, as well as to remove the obstacles which had prevented himself and other Bishops from giving ordination to American stu,dents. !;Ie lamented them, because he thinks the church will soon be lost there, if there be not a supply of episcopally-ordained clergy; and he in- formed me, that an Act of Parliament, to dispense with the requisi- tions of the oaths to the King, was now proposed to be obtained t." The Act obtained on this occasion did not correspond to the ardour of Mr. Sharp's progress. It authorised no higher ordination than that of Deacon or Priest. He judged it, therefore, requisite to address the Archbishop of Canterbury again on the same subject, accompanying his letter with his last work on Congregational Courts, of which, as well as of his motives, he gives a faithful account, to the intent that the Archbishop might be fully apprised of the grounds on which he was endeavouring to promote the establishment in question. To his Grace the Lord Archbishop qfCanterbury. [},;XTRACT.] « My Lord, "Old Jewry, Nov, 19,1784. " I think it my duty not to delay the communication of a work just printed to your Grace, becau,;e the fifth tract therein relates entirely to ecclesiastical matters. I ought to premise to "your Grace, that my chief reason for intro- ducing the subject of Episcopacy in such a work, was the hope of removing the prejudices of the Protestants in America against that necessary order of the Christian Ministry; and I knew not a ·more effectual means of doing this, than "by proving the freedom of Episcopal elections in the primitive church, and • The eminent physician before mentioned. t There appears to be an error in the date of this lI1if,lute, as au Act of this nature bear3 the date of May, of this year (1784), and is called, " An Act to empower the Bishop of London for the time being, and any other Bishop to be by him appointed, to admit to the Order of Deacon or Priest, Persons being Subjects or Citizens of Countries out of his Majesty's Dominions, without reqniring them to take the Oath of Allegiance as appointed by Law." 212 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART H. th~ acknowledgment of the right of election in the clergy and people for many ages afterwards. " In doing this, however, I have been careful to distinguish between the necessity and the e,vpediency of free election; showing that free popular election is not necessary to constitute the Episcopal order, but is only a JIlatter of expediency when it may be easi'ly and fairly obtained; and that the rite of consecration, and not the right of popular electlon, really constitutes a Christian bishop. By this means, I hope I have avoided giving any just cause of offence to the most respectable establishment of Bishops at this time in the world-I mean, the Bishops of the Church if England ;-and I flatter myself that I have cut off all excuse for the vain pretensions of mere Presbyters ' to exercise th~ Episcopal function and rite of laying on hands, &c., by pointing out tRe mistakes of the late Lord Chancellor King on that head . " I am sorry to see the powers of the late Act, intended for promoting the Episcopal Church in . America, so unhappily limited; and the authority of ordaining priests and deacons for independent states confined to the Bishop of London alone, thoug):! all the other Bishops,. as Bishops of Christ's catholic church, are equally entitled to exercise that authority: and I am still much more sorry to find, that neither the . Bishop of London, nor any of the other Bishops, have yet obtained authority to consecrate a Bishop for foreign parts, either separately or jointly. " I should not have presumed to have troubled' your Grace with so long a letter on this subject, had I not lately been informed that an American . cler- gyman, 'who' calls himself a loyalist, is actually gone down to Scotland, with a view of obtaining consecration from some' of the remaining nonjuring Bishops in that kingdom, who still affect among~t themselves a nominal jurisdiction from the Pretender's appointment; and he· proposes, .afterwards, to go over to America, in hopes of obtaining jurisdiction over several Episcopal congregations in Connecticut. So that it is really a measuue of great importance that your Grace and the other Bishops should obtain authority to consecrate Bishops for the true Christia'n church in every part of the worldL " If it is not thought prudent to entrust this authority to any single Bishop, yet surely there can be no objection to the obtainil'lg an Act to enable any three' BIshops jointly to consecrate unexceptionable persons, who shall bring due testimonials of their appointment or election by the majority of the Episcopal. Christians in any foreign province,. city, or district; especiany if the previous- consent of the Archbishop of the province be required. CHAP. VI.] ESTABLISHMENT OF EP1SCOPACY IN AMERICA. 213 " Your Grace will find some examples of a similar mode of proceeding, in a note at,p. 337 of my work- viz. of Bishops ejected by the clergy and people of Ireland, and sent oyer here to be consecrated by your Grace's· predecessors, the Archbishops of Canterbury (or by two 01' three Bishops of the province of Canterbury, at the Archbishop's request), to be Bishops in several dioceses of Ireland, at a time when that kingdom was entirely unconnected and · inde- pendent of the British Crown; so that I apprehend these are cases in point. " I remairi, With the greatest respect and esteem, " My Lord," &c .. &c. Th~ loyalist clergyman alluded to in the letter to the Archbishop, was Dr. Seabury, an American, whose friends in Connecticut having elected him to be their Bishop, he came over to England for the purpose of consecration,' ~~., " DT' Seabury, on coming to England,. called on the Arch- bishop of Canterbury for consecration, to the great surprise of the Archbishop, who was apprehensive · that it might give great offence to the Americans, with whom we had just then made peace;. and there- fore his Grace (the 'very worthy and learned Dr. Moore) wished to be allowed some time to consider of th~ request; upon which, Dr. Seabury very abruptly left the room, saying, 'if your Grace will not grant me consecration, I know where to obtain it,' and immediately set off for Aberdeen >X'. • The folIo~ing extract from the Life of the late William Stevens, Esq., although it suppor·ts an opposite view of the question to that which Mr. Sharp will be found to have taken, may he of use to throw light on this transaction. " It is well known to the readers of ecclesiastical history, that, from the time of. the Reforma- . tion to the year 1610, the state of church government in Scotland was in a very fluctuating condition. In that year (1610), James the First, of England, established Episcopacy in Scot- ' land; which fell again a sacrifice to the trou bles in. the reign of Charles I., and a prey to the Puritanism of Cromwell. On the restoration of Charles IL, Episcopacy also was restored in Scotland, and continued to be the established government of the Scottish church till the Revo- lution in 1688. When that happened, I believe tlte jact to be, that King William app~ied to the Scotch Bishops to exert their influence in his behalf, on which condition he offered to protect their church; but his proposal was rejected, and the Convention of Estates, which settled the crown on William and Mary, abolished Episcopacy, and substituted Presbytery, as the established form of church government in Scotland; and thus things have remained to the present day.. " But 214 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. " The Archbishop communicated to G. S'. this account of Dr. Seabury's behaviour; and G. S., in return, informed his Grace, that a general convention was actually appointed in America for the election of Bishops. On h,earing this, the Archbishop gave G. S. authority to assure the Americans, that, if they elected unexcep- tionable persons, and transmitted proper certificates of their morals and conduct, and of theu' suitable abilities for so important a charge, he would do every thing in his power to promote their good inten- tions." In this state of negotiation the subject of American Episcopacy - remained for some time in England. In Americ~, ' meanwhile, the almost total want of proper infor- mation on the subject, and the consequent embarrassment of the " But the consequence of this act of the Convention of Estates, and of a similar one of the Scottish Parliament after it, was, that fourteen Scotch bishops (including the (wo Arch- bishops of Saint Andrew's and Glasgow), and about nine hundred clergy, having refused to submit to the new government, were obliged to relinquish their charge, and were succeeded by Presbyterian Ministers, From their refusing to take the oaths, they acquired the name of Non- 1urors. " But the Bishops, though deprived of their dignities, revenues, seats in Parliament, and all temporal power, preserved their spi1'itual power in the church, which is inherent in the no/w'e . of t heir office; and, as often as vacancies happened, supplied them by new and regular conse-· crations. But, as the necessities of their now small body as a church did not require the continuance of so larg·e a number of the Episcopal order, they have allowed the Episcopal col- lege to sink to about six; and there are, besides, about sixty clergymen of their communion, " On the death of the Pretender, in 1788, the heads of the Scotch church called on thc clergy and laity over whom they were placed, to acknowledge their attachment to the existing government, and to direct that prayers should be used In their assemblies for George the Third, by name. This measure met his Majesty's approbation; and assurances of his favour having been given them, three of the Scotch Bishops, Skinner, Drummond, and Strachan, came to London in April 1'789; and a Bill was . brought iuto Parliament, for tl,e relief of the Scotch Episcopalians. from the penal statutes which had been enacted against them. The Bill passed in the Commons; but was defen-ed to anotlter sessions and thrown out in the House of Lords, in consequence of the opposition of the Chancellor, Lord Thurlow. Bishop Horsley spoke for it. " It was very little publicly known that the.re was an Episcopal Church remaining in Scotland, till the affair of the consecration of Bishop Seabury, of Connecticut, a man of unblemished l'e puta1ion and eminent parts, disclosed that there was such a remnant of pure Episcopacy in t he northern part of Britain (a)." (,,) See Ecclesiastical History of Sco tl and, by the Rev. John Skillne r. Ctl A P. VI.) ESTABLISHMENT OF EPISCOPACY IN AlIIERICA. 215 Episcopal,ian clergy, are very strongly pointed out in a Jetter of Dr. Franklin (published in his Private Correspondence). Two y~ung men had come over to England to be ordained, but were refllsed ordination on account @fthe oath required by the Act of Uniformity; and they then applied' to Dr. ' Franklin at Paris, _t o know in what mann-er they were to proceed. Franklin was totally at a loss. He inquired of the French bishops, who replied, "that they could not ordain, unless the candidates swore allegiance to ·the Archbishop qr Paris." He next consulted the Pope's nuncio, who could not consent to th~ir ordination, unless they would also profess the Roman Catholic faith *. In this embarrassment, he advised the young men to inquire if they could be ordained by the Bishops in Ireland; -and finally put the case to them, "iQ what mode they would think it right to proceed if England were swallowed up in tlte sea." This was in J llly 1784. That able politician had not yet directed' his attention to ecclesias- tical concerns; but he unexpectedly found the information and the aid that .. were wanting for his country, in the hereditary church- learning of Mr. Sharp. The progress of Granville's useful instruc- tions to the Americans, will be seen in a correspondence maintained by him with several eminent persons here and in America. His principal correspondents were, the Rev. James Manning. President of the college of Providence, in Rhode Island; Dr. Franklin; and Dr. Rush. To the first of these he wrote in considerable detail on the impending question, and particularly on the subject of the Scot- tish church t. To Dr. Franklin he recommends religion in general, on grounds of political wisdom; and then proposes the establishment of Episcopacy, as the best guardian of morals in a Christian society, together with some particular regulations in the service of the church, Some of these letters require insertion at this place . . • Private Correspondence of Benjamin Franklin, LL. D., &c. t , See Correspo1ldence. 216 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE , SHARP. [PART II. To his E.t'cellency Benjamin F1"anlclin, Esq. [EXTHACT.] - " Dear Sic, "17th June, 1785. "The book which I have sent you contains a distinct tract on Episco- pacy, as being necessarily connected with the rights of a Christian society; and however you and I may differ upon some points of religious knowledge, yet I trust we shall both agree, that true religion is more compendiously effica- cious for the forming of useful citizens and sincere patriots, in every state, than any other principle that can be inculcated; and of all the various modes of professing it, there is none (I am thoroughly convinced by t~le example of primitive times) that would be so effectual for the maintenance of sound doctrine and purity of m~nners in a Christian society, as the primitive Apostolic [01"17t if. Episcopal government, provided that the ancient freedom qf election to ecclesiastical qiJices were amply restored and duly maintained. " I have been inforrped, that, several years ago, you revised the Liturgy of the Church of England, with a view, by some few alterations, to promote the more general use of it. But I have never yet been able to see a copy of the form you pro'posed_ Our present public 'service is certainly, .upon the whole, much too long, as it is commonly used; so that a prudent revision of it, by the common consent of the members of the Episcopal Church in America, luight be very ad'{antageous; though, for my own part, I conceive that the ad- dition of one single rubric from the Gospel, would be amply sufficient to direct the revisers to the only corrections that seem to be necessary at present-I mean, a general rule, illustrated by proper examples, references, and marks, to warn -the offioiating ministers how they may avoid all . useless repetitions and tautology in reading the service. As, for in'stance, after the Lord's Prayer has been read in one of the offices, the minister should be directed to omit it in all the otheJs; though, perh~ps, the solemn repetition of it by the communicants, after returning from the Lord's table, may be deemed a proper exception to the general rule ;-that the Collect of the day should not be read in the first office, but rather in the se~ond service, or vice versa, at the minister's dis- cretion, but by no means in both, as it occasions too plainly a vain repetition_ In like manner, every other prayer, that contains nearly the same petition in substance as any of those that have already been read in the first office, ought to be omitted in the subsequent offices. And it will require a very careful and attentive revision of the whole Liturgy, to discover all the 7'epetitions, and to point them out with marginal notes of reference, that the officiating CHAP. VI.] ESTABLISHMENT OF EPISCOPAC¥ IN AMERICA. 217 clergyman may be more easily enabled to avoid tautology. Such a prudent abridgment of the service, if it were done by common consent, to preserve order and uniformity, would afford great relief to the clergy, as well as to their congregations; and both would be better enabled to fix their attention to their duty during the service; because the human mind is not easily restrained for any long time together from wandering, or absence of thought: so that nothing can be more pernicious to devotion than long prayers and needless repetitions. This opinion is sufficiently justified by an injunction of our Lord himself respecting prayer; which, therefore, I purpose as the one additional rubric ne- cessary to direct us in the use of our Liturgy-viz. ' 'when ye pray, use not vain repetitions, as the heathens do; for th~y think that they shall be heard for their much speaking: be not ye, therefore, like unto them.' " The repetitions, and consequent unnecessary length, of our Church Service, are faults, however, which ' have crept in unawares,' and without design, by an inconsiderate use of several offices in immediate succession which seem to have been originally intended for separate times of assembling. But in every other respect, the Liturgy of the Church of England is an excellent form, both for expression of the most exalted piety, and for general edification in point of doctrine; for, after the most careful examination, I am thoroughly convinced that it is strictly conformable to ' tlte faith once· delivered to the saints,' which we ought to ' hold fast.' " I remain, with great esteem and respect, dear Sir," &c. &c. " G. S." Dr. Franklin to Mr. Granville Sharp. [EXXRACT.] " Dear Sir, " Passy, July 5, 1785 . . . . . " I like your piece on the election of Bishops. There is a fact in Ho- linshed's Chronicle, the latter part, relating to Scotland, which shows, if my memory does not deceive me, that the first Bishop in that country was elected by the clergy. I mentioned it in a letter to two young men lately, who asked my advice about obtaining ordination, which had been d~nied them by the Bishops in England, unless they would take the oath of allegiance to the King. &c.; and I imagine, that, unless a Bishop is soon sent over, with a power to consecrate others, so that we may have no future occasion of applying to England for ordination, we may think it right, after reading your piece, to elect also. " The Liturgy you mention, was an abridgment of the Prayers, made by a 2F 218 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PART ij. Noble Lord of my acquaintance, who requested me to assist him by taking toe rest of the book-viz. the Cate'chism, and the reading and singing PsaTms. Those I abridged, by retaining of the Catechism only the two questions, What is :yow' duty to God? J47hat is your dut:y to your neighbour? with their answers. The Psalms were much contracted, by leaving out the repetitions (of which I found more than I could have imagined), and the imprecations, which appeared not to suit well the Christian doch:ine of f0rgiveness of in- juries, and doing good to enemies. The book was printed for Wilkie, in Paul's Churchyard, but never much noticed. Some were given away, very few sold, and ~ suppose the bulk became waste paper. - In the pFayers, so mUGh was retrenched, that approbation could hardly be expected; but I think with you, a moderate abridgment might not only be useful, put generally acceptable. " I am, dear Sir," &c. &c. " B. FRANKLIN".:" Soon after the above letter from ,Dr. Franklin, Mr. Sharp received one also from the Rev. Mr. Manning, of Providence, in Rhode Isiand, th~ original of which document is missing, but the subject of it is known from Mr. Sharp'S reply;-viz. a proposal that his instructions respecting the consecration of Bishops should be laid before the approaching general convention of the Episcopal churches at Philadelphia t. S,@~. "Sept. 10, 1785.-Waited on the Archbishop, at Lambeth, and communicated to him Mr. Manning's letter respecting the con- vention of the Episcopal clergy tbis month at Philadelphia; also, Dr. Franklin's letter on the subject of Episcopa€y and the Liturgy. He assures me that Administration would be inclined to give leave '" The whole of this letter is printed in Dr. Franklin's P"ivate Correspondence. The original is among the papers left by Mr. Sharp. The remainder will be found in its proper place. t To the Rev. Mr. Manning, President oj the College at Rllode Island. [EX~RACT.) " Dear Sir,-I am much obliged to you for so candidly communicating my former letter, respecting the Nonjuring Bishops of Scotland, to so many respectable persons, and especially to Dr. Prevost, as his intention was to lay a copy oj it 'bifore the Genel'al Convention of the Episcopal churches at Philadelpltia," &c. &c. (Dated, 21th July, 1785.) CHAP. VI.] ESTABLISHMENT OF EPISCOPACY IN AMERICA. 219 to the Bishops to consecrate proper persons. . He desired copies of the letters." The letters wel'e sent accordingly, accompanied by the following. G. S. to his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury. ,[EXTRACT.] " My Lord, " Old Jewry, 13th September, 1785. « Enclosed I have the honour ' to .send your Grace the copies of the letters which I promised .... I think it right to add also an extract from a letter which I received last year from an emiBent physiciaB at Phi.ladelphia, (Dr. Rush, who was physician-general to the continental army, and some time a member 9( , Congress); for this affords a proof of such candour and moderation towards the Episcopal church, from a Presbyterian, as is seldom knowl'J, though I have ~eason to think it is not uncommon at present in America. The letter was partly in answer to my remonstrance on the subject of Episcopacy. " Extract of a letter from Dr. Rush, dated 27th April, 1784 :-' I am , happy in being able to inform you that attempts are now making to reviYe , the Episcopal church in the United States. Though a member of the , Presbyterian church, yet I esteem very highly the Articles and the worship , of the church of England. . There are but two ways of preserving visible , religion, .jn any oountry: the first is, by establishments; the second is, by , the competition of diff~rent religious societies. The revival of the' Episcopal , church in our country will produce zeal, and a regard to the ordinances of , religion, in every other society.-Such is the lIberality produced among the , Dissenters by the war, that I do not think they ~vill now object to a 'Bishop , being fixed in eaoh of our states, provided he has no civil revenue or 'jurisdidion. ' " I had similar assurances from Dr. Witherspoon (a member of Congress and Presbyterian clergyman) when in England last summer; and this inclina- tion to promote Episcopacy is amply confirme, 1786. t Letter to Dr. J. Sharp. § The sermon was printed at the request of the Convention, and Dr. White sent a copy of it to Mr. G. S. 'l30 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. On their arrival, Mr: Sharp · was still the organ of their commu- nication with the English Primate: ~~. "Jan. 1, 1787.- Spoke with the Bishop of Llandaff (Dr. Watson) about the Bishops of America. ' " 6th.- Dined with the Bishop of Llandaff, and met there the two American Bishops, and the 'Recorder of London. " 9th.- At Lambeth. Saw the Archbishop, and had a very satisfac- tory answer. . I informed Dr. Prevost." The two Bishops elect were finally presented by Mr. Sharp to his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, at Lambeth, and on the 4th of February received consecration from his hands. On the next day, they took an aff~ctionate leave of their conductor, and set sail for Americll. About three years afterwards, a third American Bishop, Dr. Ma- dison, arrived in England for consecration.- ~~. " 1790. Sept. Sd.-Received a letter from Mr. Donald, in- forming me that Dr. Madison, the Bishop eJect of Virginia, is much obligect by my offer of introducing him to the Archbishop of Canterbury. "5th. Sunday. - This day I waited on the Archbishop, for leave to introduce the Bishop elect from Virginia, and informed his Grace, that the Episcopal convention of America had written to him, and received no answer. He very kindly brought a copy of the answer signed by him and the'Archbishop of York and read it to me, and the heads of the opinions they ha:d taken on the occasion. He gave me leave to introduce Dr. Madison that afternoon*. I went in search of him to Knightsbridge, and then into the City, and then * Some particular circumstances rendered the consecration of Dr. Madison interesting to .the Englsih Primates.-See Correspondence. CHAP. VB.) ESTABLISHMENT OF EPISCOPACY IN AMERICA. 231 back again to Knightsbridge, where I found him, and introduced him to the Archbishop at eight o'clock at night *." The consecration which followed, enabled the American church to consecrate without farther application to England. "A third Bishop," says another minute, "Dr. Madison of Virgi'nia, was also consecrated by the Archbishop. Since that time, there being a sufficient 'number of Bishops in America for the performance of the sacred rite, two Bishops have lately been elected and consecrated there: viz. one for Carolina, and the other for Massachusetts Bayt." Few, if any, examples can be found of more momentous, or more * These particulars are retained, as they show the unwearied activity so often remarked. t A summary of the circumstances that have been related, is contained in a letter from Mr. Sbarp (addressed to a friend at a later period), which communicates some other curious particulars. The following are extracts: " When Dr. Seabury left tbe Archbishop in the manner which I have mentioned, he hastened to Scotland, to be cou."craten by th" Sr.ot.r.h Hishops, who at that. tim .. had applied to the Pretender for writs of Conge d'Eliu, though ruy uwu grdndfatber had assisted th';'Dl during the cruel persecutions of the Presbyterians, and afterward obtained from Queen Anne a power for them to continue their Episcopal elections among themselves, without other interference of Government. This he obtained as Archbishop of York." " About the same time I received a letter from DJ'. Franklin, informing me that a gen~ral convention of the clergy and people of America, consisting of Presbyterians, and otber dis- senters, was then assembled, to elect tbre(> bishops, one for New York, another for Pennsyl- vania, and a tbird for Virginia; who were to be sent to England for consecration. I immedi- ately acquainted the Archbishop of Canterbury with this extraordinary circumstance, and he gave me authority to inform Dr. Franklin, that if the Americans would send proper certificates of three years' good moral character and Christian conduct, and also of sufficient learning for so important a function, that he (the Archbisbop) would do every thing in bis power to promote it. For Lord Chancellor Thurlow had opposed the measure, on the ground tbat tbe Act of Uniformity would not permit the Bishops of England to extend their authority beyond the bounds of this kingdom; against which opinion I asserted, that tbe Act of Uniformity must ha.,e a legal construction, or else it must be deemed null and void; and if it contained any words which denied the right of the Bishops of England to extend the primitive apostolic cburch of Christ all over the world, that it roust be deemed a In.". nullity.-Soon afterwards, the Arch- bishop began to have doubts about the orthodoxy of these American Presbyterians; but, provi- dentially, Dr. Franklin sent me one of the new American Prayer-Books, which had been copied from an important record lodged in the Archbishop's own library at Lambeth by Archbishop Tillotson, and the Bishops Tenison, Stillingfieet, Lloyd, &c" and bad been drawn up under a commission issued by King William the Third, appointing an assembly of all tbe Bishops of England, to whom were added two persons not tben bishops, one of whom was my own grand- father, Dr. John Sharp (afterwards Archbishop of York); when the Oxford Tories. violently 232 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. successful, exertions in the service of the church. By 'the active in- telligence of a single person, the mutual prejudices and doubts of the two countries were removed, and the functions of the Episcopal ord~r duly established in America. The fortunate result of Granville's effort~ did not make him forgetful of the Source from which he derived it, " I do not presume," he says 'lO, "to claim the least merit in these transactions, but must attri- bute the success of them entirely to the providence of God, which has thus promoted the Primitive Episcopal church of Christ." Some few minutes occur, respecting his intercourse with other American provinces, on th~ concerns of the church.- G. S. to his brother, Dr. Sharp. .[EXTRACT.] " December 1,1788. " I have lately received a very interesting letter from the Chief Justice of Canada:j:, enclosing a state of lht:: religious concerns of that province, and urging me to lay it before the Archbishop of Canterbury; which I have done; and have found his Grace very earnest to promote the views of the Chi«if J us- tice; but the unhappy illness of the King prevents any progress in the business at present. The proposal is, to obtain a grant of lands and buildings for the establishment of a Protestant college at Montreal, and for the maintenance of several schools in different parts. I wish. that a Protestant bishop was added to the establishment." In another letter, of the 21st January, 1789: " I have had another extraordinary application yesterday, from a Loyalist opposed them in a general convention of the clergy for the correction and improvement of the Litlll'gy. The American Prayer-Book had thus been formed on the authority of all the Bishops in that assembly (and thl\ Archbishop was fully convinced of this when I presented it to him), so that it is really more valuable and correct than our present Liturgy." " They have now six Bishops in the independent states of America. The English Govern- ment also has appointed Bishops for Nova Scotia, Upper Canada, and Quebec. The inde- pendent states first set the important example." " Letter to Thomas Allan, Esq., 8th December, 1812. t Brought by Mr. Mank (01' Monk), Attorney-General of Canada. CHAP. VII.] DONATIONS TO AMERICAN LIBRARIES , 233 clergyman, to promote the establishment of Episcopacy in the American province of Vermont, adjoining Canada; with assurances of having large tracts of land secured to the Society for Propagating the Gospel, for that purpose; which I will lay before the Archbishop as soon as I can get it copied. " Your affectionate brother, " G. S." These applications from Canada and Vermont are strong proofs of the general conviction entertained by all parties, of Mr. Sharp's religious sincerity, and of the disinterested views which at all times prompted his conduct towards America. tl.0~. " 1789. March IS.-Waited on the Archbishop of Can- terbury, about Canada affairs." " May 25th.-With the Archbishop of Cahterbury, about Canada. He now has hopes of proceeding with success." Among the measures which Mr. Sharp had considered as most likely to improve his tmexpected success in the attempt to establish a pure Protestant Episcopacy in America, he had anxiously endeavour- ed to promote, through the same channels that were already opened to him, the extension of Christian knowledge over a continent where the human mind appeared to him to be just verging to maturity*, and .. I find among Mr. Sharp's papers on this subject, the following stanzas, in his own hand- writing, "On the Prospect of planting Arts and Learning in America, by Dr. Berkley, Bishop. of Cloyne." " IV. There shall be sung another golden age l The rise of Empire and of Arts, The good and great inspiring epic rage, The wisest heads and noblest hearts- " V. Not such as Europe breeds in her decay; Such as she bred when fresh and young, When heavenly flame did animate her clay- By future poets shall be sung. "VI. Westward the course of empire takes its way! The four 'first acts already past, A fifth shall close the drama with the day:- Time's noblest offspring is the last." 2 H 234 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. where he conceived that, consequently, a general diffusion of the pre- cepts contained in the Scriptures might be of the highest avail. For this virtu()~s purpose he had followed up his arduous outset by large donations of religious books to the several public libraries in America, adding also such other works as he thought most useful to the advancing state of the provinces. "I have sent presents of books" (he says, in a letter to his brother Dr. J. Sharp, 1784) "to the libra- ries in all the principal places in America, in order to gain some little influence to enable me to promote Episcopacy throughout that con- tinent." The various letters that passed on these occasions are -proper to be inserted in this place, but being too numerous for the purpose of a narrative, they will be found in the Correspondence. They contain some interesting particulars of the literary institutions of the colonies. In one of them, we meet with the two brothers, William and Granville, uniting their endeavours to diffuse the blessing of religious instruction. But Mr. Sharp's liberality extended beyond the motives which gave it birth. Long after his purpose had been flllly attained, we shall find him largely renewing his gifts to the various American colleges and public libraries *. ., His bounty to public libraries appears to have had a very early date, and to have continued to a very late period of his life. One of the earliest, and one of the latest instances, are found in the following documents. To (rl'anville SlImp, Esq. " Sir, "Rbigate, 11th May, 1713. " I have received from Mr. Bryant twenty-seven volumes, as a present from you to our public library-not founded by Lord Somevs, as 1 suppose you have been.misinfor..med, but by a poor predecessor of mine in this poor vicaTage; his name was Andrew Cranston, " It is very kind in you to consider the wants of us country parsolls, who are early in life banished the society and conversation of the learned, and excluded by our situation from all access to libraries, and so quickly lose the small smattering of learning which we had picked up at the university; and this not always throngh our own fault or idleness, but often merely for want of tools t,o work with. For, by the wholesome regulations of King Henry VIII. we are generally reduced to so scanty an allowance, as, after the necessary provision of food and raiment, to have little to layout on books or other literary apparatus; and so we soon and insensibly slide into the character and habits of the country farmers with whom we al'e con- demned to pass our days. This misfortune is partly prevented, or alleviated, by the institution of parochial libraries, where they take place; and might be so in a greater degree, were men of CHAP. VII.] DEATH OF BENEZEll. 235 On the return of peace, he had also renewed his c@mmunication with Anthonv Benezet; but this correspondence was of short dura- tion: the term of Benezet's labours was approaching, and Mr. Sharp's last letter was withheld on account of the declining state of his correspondent. This excellent man died at Philadelphia in the spring of 1784. The interment of his remains was attended by seve- ral thousands of ap ranks, professions, and parties, who united in deploring their loss. The mournful procession was closed by some hundreds of those poor Atricans who had been perso,nally benefited by his labours, and whos~ behaviour on the occasion showed the gratitude and affection which they considered to be due to him as their own private benefactor, as well as the benefactor of their whole race. your considerate aJlCi liberal spirit more frequently met with. Thp_ _e being my real sentiments, J Ou will believe it is with sincerity tbat, as well on my Own behalf as on that of my neigh- bOUl'ing brethren, I return. you hearty thanks for your very handsome present. " I am, Sir, your obliged humble servallt, (c w. ST EAD." " MIDDLE} At a paJ'Uament holden the 3th day of Feb"uary, 1805: TEMPLE. " Ol'dered, that tbe Thanks of this Parliament be presented to Grallville Sharp, Esq. for his very obliging present of several volumes and pamphlets, chiefly on legal subjects, and of the greater part of which be is tbe Author, to be placed in tbe Library of this Society, " W. ELDRED, Sub-TreaslII'''','' 236 MEMOIR,S OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PART II. CHAP. VIII. I T is here requisite to interrupt the history of the zealous exertions of a philanthropist in favour of a new world, in o~der to turn once more to the vices of the old one. In 1783, Mr. Sharp found himself called on for a renewal of his benevolent efforts in behalf of African slaves. The case which presented itself was of the greatest enormity, and most atrocious description. Let us first see his own Manuscript notes of the transaction. ~g, ... March 19.-Gustavus Vasa, a Negro, called on iDe, with an account of one hundred and thirty Negroes being thrown alive into the sea, from on board an English slave ship. _ CI 20th.-Called on Dr. Bever this evening, to consult about pro- secuting the murderers of the Negroes. " 21st.-Called on the Bishops of Chester and Peterborough, and . General Oglethorpe, and Dr. Jebb. " 22d.-Ordered Messrs. Heseltine IUld Lushington to commen:::e a prosecution in the Admir,alty Court, against all persons concerned in throwing into the sea one hundred and thirty Negro slaves, as stated on a trial at Guildhall on the 6th of this month. " May 19th.-Attended the Court of King's Bench with a short- 20th. hand writer. ~lst. This day the Negro cause came on between the 22d. insurers and the owners of the .slave ship, from on board of which the one hundred and thirty poor Negroes were cast into the sea. A new trial IS granted to the insurers." The circumstances of this case could not fail to excite a deep in- terest. The master of a slave ship, trading' from Africa to Jamaica, CHAP. VIII.] THE SHIP ZONG. 237 and having four hundred and forty slaves on board, had thought fit, on a pretext that he might be distressed on his voyage for want of water, to lessen the consumption of it in the vessel by throwing over- board one hundred and thirty-two of the most sickly among the slaves. On his return to England, the owners of the ship claimed from the insurers the full value of those drowned slaves, on the ground that there was an absolute necessity for throwing. them into the sea, in order to save the remaining crew, and the ship itself. The .underwriters contested the existence of the alleged necessity; or, if it had existed, a~tributed it to the ignorance and improper con- duct of the master of the vessel. This contest of pecuniary interest brought to light a scene of horrid brutality, which had been acted during the execution of a detestable plot. From the trial, it appeared, that the ship Zong (or Zung), Luke Col1ingwood master, sailed from the island of St. Thomas. on thf' ('mIst of Africa, Sept. 6th, 1781, with four hundred and forty slaves, and fourteen whites; on board, for Jamaica; and that on the November following she fell in with that island; but instead of proceeding to some port, the mast!;r, mistaking (as he alleged) Jamaica for Hispaniola, run her to leeward. Sickness and mortality had by this time taken place on board the crowded vessel: so that, between the time of leaving the coast of Africa and the 29th of November, sixty slaves' and seven white people had died; and a great number of the surviving slaves were then sick, and not likely to live long. On that day, the master of the ship called together a few of the officers, and stated to them, that if the sick slaves died a natural death, the loss would fall on the owners of the ship*, but if they were thrown alive into the sea, • This was in fact the law then observed respel!ting Negro slaves. Lord Manifield (on application for a seco!ld tril!i). "Since the trial, I was informed, if the slaves die a natural death, the underwriters do not pay for them, but, in lin engagement, if they are attacked and the slaves are killed, they will be paid for as much as for damages dope to goods; and it is frequently done: just as if horses .were killed. They are paid for in tbe gross, as well as for hones killed; but you don't pay for horses that die a natural death." From Minutes taken in Court, May 21, 1783, 238 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. on any sufficient pretext of necessity for the $afety of the ship, it would be the loss of the underwriters;. alleging, at the same time.. that it would be "less crnel to throw the sick wretches into the sea, than to suffer them to linger out a few. days, under the disorder with which they were affiicted." To this inhuman proposal the mate, James Kelsal, at first objected, but Collingwood at length prevailed on the crew to listen to it. He then chose out from the cargo one hundred and thirty-two slaves, and brought !hem on deck; all, or most of whom, were sickly, and not likely to recover; and he ordered the crew by turns to throw them into the sea. "A parcel" of them were accordingly thrown overboard, and, on counting over the remainder the next morning, it appeared, that the nHmber so «;hrowned had been fifty-four. He then ordered another parcel to be thrown over, which, on a second counting QIl the succeeding day, was proved to have amounted to forty-two. On that (the third)! day, the remaining thirty-si~ were brought on deck; and, as these now resisted the cruel purpose of their masters, the arms of twenty-six were fettered with irons, and the savage crew proceeded with the diabolical work, casting them down to join their comrades of the former days. Outraged misery could endure no longer: the ten last vi~tims sprang disdainfully from the grasp of their tyrants, defied their power, and, leaping into the sea, felt a momentary triumph in the embrace of death. To palliate the guilt of these atrocious acts, it was alleged on the trial, that when the captain made the horrid proposal to his crew, he had discovered that there was a scarcity of water on board; and as the large quantity of the human cargo-so it was afterwards called by the Solicitor-General-[great and merciful God! shall we not daily thank thee that this infamy no longer stains the page of our history f)-as that circumstance increased the scarcity, he took-the method which had been stated, of relieving himself and his crew from the impending danKer. It was, however, proved in reply, that no person in the ship had been put on short allowance of water ~t any morn~nt; a,nd, moreov,e r, that plentiful rain fell in the course of the second day; after CHAP, VIII.] THE SHIP lONG. 239 which, Collingwood persisted in throwing overboard the remaining thirty-six Negroes. It was obvious, therefore, that the cause of this detestable action lay elsewhere, and it was proved, on examination, that it was in reality a plan to defraud the insurers in the tnanner above stated. The master of the ship had also a separate interest in this conduct, as he received his per-centage in proportion to the quantity and value of the cargo. The diminution of the human part of the cargo by a natural death, diminished the profits of his commission, by diminishing the amount of the value of the wnole; but, if the drowned were to be paid for by the insurers, they still constituted a , part of the value of the cargo, and the master retained his whole profits. Notwithstanding this self-evident statement, the verdict of the jury was, on the first trial, in favour of the owners and Capt. Collingwood. On an application to Lord Mansfield in the Court of King's Bench, for a second trial, the Solicitor-General (Lee) appeared a second time for the owners; when, in addition to his professional task of defending their claims on the underwriters, he, in eloquent but ob- durate language, reprobated t.he "pretended appeals" of the counsel on the other side to the "feelings of humanity," and asserted the unquestionable right of the master of the vessel (in point of law) to throw overboard as many living slaves as' he pleased, provided he ex- hibited a powerfitl reason for so doing. " vVhat is all this vast declamation," he said, "of hzdnan people being th1"Own overbom'd.~ The question after all is, was it voluntary, or an aot of necessity? "This is a case of chattels or goods. It is really so: it is the case of throwing over goods; for to this purpose, and the purpose of the insurance, they are goods and property: whether right 01' wrong, we have nothing to do with it." " This property-the human creatures, if you will- have been thrown overboard: whether or not for the preservation of the rest, that is the real question." Mr. Sharp had an interest in this cause very different from that 240 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. which formed the plea of the underwriters, but his presence at the trial did not escape the notice of the pleaders employed on the part of Collingwood :- ~~. "At the trial respecting the ship Zong, an eminent counsel for the owners (J. Lee, of Yorkshire, Esq.) violently exclaimed to the Judges, that a person was in Court (at the same time turning round and looking at me) who intended to bring on a criminal prosecution for murder against the parties concerned: 'but,' said he, 'it would be madness: the Blacks were property,' &c. &c." This violence of personal censure will appear less surpnsmg, if we regard the side of the question on which the orator stood. His cause certainly suffered much by the additional charge brought against it by Mr. Sharp's humanity. The advocates for the insurers were, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Pigot, and Mr. Heywood, who, in the course of their speeches, made many allusions ' to that point of the case which Mr. Sharp considered as a just ground for a criminal prosecution. " Is it not strange," said Mr. Pigot, "that the parties concerned should be suffered to go out of the kingdom, when they ought to be tried for murder in another place?" " Is this thing to be justified? Was there such a necessity, that every man who hears me will say it was inevitable? Another thing is,-was it to be done at all?- The life of one man is like the ' life of ' another man, whatever the complexion is. Suppose the exigency described had existed-I ground myself on the rights and essential interests of humanity-I contend, that as long as any water remained to be divided, these men were as much entitled to their share as the captain, or any other man whatever." Mr. H~1Jwood. "That the present is a new cause, is allowed on all hands, and I hope, for the honour of humanity and mankind in general, it will be the last. That in point of importance it is the greatest that ever came before this Court, cannot be disputed. W e are not now merely defending the underwriters from the damages CUAP. VIIl.] , THE SHIP ZONG. 241 obtained against them: I cannot help thinking that my friends who came before me, an<\ myself, on this occasion, appear as counsel for millions of mankind, and the cause ofbumanity in general." Lord Mansfield also appears to have weighed the same point very strictly.-H The matter," he said, H left to the jury, was, whether it was from necessity; for they had no doubt (though it shocks one veTY much) that the case of slaves was the same as if horses had been thrown overboard. It is a very shocking case." A rule for a new trial was granted by his Lordship on behalf of the underwriters; and Mr. Sharp, with his accustomed energy of mind and action, immediately sent an attested account of the whole transaction to the Lords of the Admiralty, addressing a copy of it likewise to the Duke of Portland, then first Lord of the T~easury. G . S. to his Grace the Dy,ke if Portland. - [Enclosing the copy of a letter to tlte Lords of the Admiralty, with an account of the murder of one hundred and thirty-tw~ Negro slaves, on board the ship Zong, or Zung, a Li~er­ pool trader.] " My Lord, " Old Jewry, July 18, 1783. " In the year 1772, when Lord North Was his Majesty's first minister, I stated in a letter to his Lordship some unquestionable proofs of the necessity of abolishing slavery in the colonies, and of putting a stop to the Slave Trade. Since that time, the much greater part of our colonial dominions have been severed from the British empire ; but the most enormous of all our national iniquities, the Slave Trade, is still fostered by Parliamentary authority, and slavery is still established in thij small remains of our colonial possessions. As a proof of the extreme depravity which the Slave Trade introduces amongst those that become inured to it, I have enclosed the copy of a letter which I sent to the Lords of the Admiralty in the beginning of the present month, with an account of the murder of one hundred and thirty-two Negro slaves on board the ship Zong, or Zung, a Liverpool trader. The original vouchers are now at the Admiralty, and I have not yet received any answer respecting them. The punishment of that murder belongs properly to the Admiralty department, and therefore I do not apply to your Grace on that account; but only wish, by the horrible example related in the enclosed papers, to warn your Grace, that 2 I 242 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. - [PART II. there is an absolute necessity' to abolish the Slave Trade and the West-India slavery; and that ' to be in power, ~nd to neglect, as life (and I may add, the , tenure of office) is very uncertain, even a dqy, in ende:voUling to put a stop to , such monstrous injustice and abandoned '(vickedness, must necessarily endanger , a man's, eternal welfare, be he ever so great in ·temporal dignity or office.' This was my warning to Lord North eleven years ago. " With great respect, my Lord, your Grace's most obedient," &c. &c. Copy if a Letter from G. S. to the Lords Commissioners if the Admiralty. " My Lords, " Old Jewry, London, 2d July, 1763. " As the cognisance and right of inquiry concerning all murders committed on board British ships, belongs properly to the AdlIlirlllty department, I think it my duty to lay before your Lordships two manuscript accounts, wherein are stated, from unquestionable authority, the circumstances of a most inhuman murder, committed by Luke Collingwood the master, James Kelsal the mate, and other persons the mariners or crew, of the ship Zong, or Zung, a-Liverpool trader, freighted with slaves, &c., from the coast of Africa: which master, mate, and crew, on pretence of necessity (lest there should be a want of water), wilfully and deliberately destroyed one hundred and twenty-two Negro slaves, by casting them alive (as it is deposed) into the sea, with their hands bound or fettered, to deprive them of all possibility of escaping. Having been earnestly solicited and called upon by a poor Negro for my assistance, to- avenge the blood of his murdered countrymen, I thought it my duty to spare neither labour nor ,expense in collecting all the information concerning this horrible transaction that I could possibly procure, for the sake of national justice, that the blood of the murdered may not rest on the whole kingdom, which already labours under tOCi awful a load of guilt in tolerating the iniqui~ tous Slave Trade, whereby,. amongst other evils, this most inhuman and -diabolical deed was occasioned. One of the manuscri'pts (marked Voucher No.1) is an authentic copy, from the office of the Court of Exchequer, of a bill or petition,- presented to that Court, last Hilary Term, in behalf of the underwriters and insurers of the said ship Zong, or Zung, plaintiffs, ,against Messrs. William, John, and James Gregson, and others, merchants of Liver- pool, and- owners of the said ship and cargo,- who obtained a verdict in the Court of King's Bench, on the 6th of March last, against the said underwriters, , for the value of the murdered slaves, rated at SOl. per head, though alleged to be wilfully drowned by the agents and servants of the said owners: so that this CHAP, VIII.] THE SHIP ZONG. 243 most abominable iniquity has been notoriously favoured and encouraged in that solemn Court; but on what. principle, is not easy to be conceived. " Tne other manuscript book (marked V oucher No. Sl) contains a copy of minutes taken in short-hand the last term, on the 2Sld and Sl3d May, 1783, 'of the proceedings in the Court of King's Bench, ' ori a motion for a new trial of the cause of the same parties mentiqned above, concerning the value of those murdered Negroes! Thus the contest between the owners and insurers of the ship, though a mere mercenary business amongst themselves about the pecuniary value, and not for the blood, of so many huinan persons wickedly and unjustly put to death, has, nevertheless, occasioned the disclosure of that 'hor- rible transaction, which otherwise; perhaps, might have been known only amohgst the impious slave-dealers, and havp. never beeD brought to light. " It will, however, be necessary for me to add to these you~hers a brief statement (which is enclosed*) of the principal circumstances of the case, be- cause the two manuscripts are much too long for the perusal of your Lordships, except in the way of reference to particular parts; as to vouchers of the facts. As there is some variation in the two accounts respecting the number of persons murdered, it is necessary to remark, that it appears upon the whole evidence, that no less than one hztndred and thirty-three of the unhappy slaves on board the Zong were inhumanly doomed to be cast into the sea -(Voucher, No. I, p. 2 and 3)-arid that all the other numbers mentioned in the several accounts are to be inCluded in that number-viz. the one hundred and twenty- two mentioned in the beginning of this letter, who were cast alive, as the owners and their witnesses assert, into the sea, with their hands fettered; also ten poor Negroes, who, being terrified with what they had seen of the unhappy fate of their countrymen, jumped overboard, in order to avoid the fettering or binding of their hands, and were drowned; and one man more, that had been cast overboat'd alive, but escaped, it seems, by laying hold of a rope which hung from th~ ship into the water, and thereby, \vithout being perceived, regained the ship, secreted himself, and was saved. It is necessary also to add to the enclosed statement, some' remarks, in answer to the arguments and doctrines of a very eminent and learned 1awyer t, who, to the di~honour of his profession, attempted to vindicate the inhuman transaction. • The narrative delivered to the Lords of the Admiralty will be found in the Appendix. t I find the following note annexed to the original document of this letter, at this place;- "Memorandum. John Lee, Esq., a Yorkshire man, who spoke very broad in the provincial dialect of that county, which has seldom been so grossly profaned as by this lawyed " N. B. His name was not inserted in the letter sent to the Admiralty. 244 MEMOIRS ()oF GRANV1LLE SHARP. . LP .l.RT II. " The reality of the fact, according to the evidence produced, was testified upon oath in one of our highest courts of justice, and was notoriously admitted by both the contending parties. Mr. Robert Stubbs, late Governor of Anna- maboo, &c., is a living witness to a part of the transaction, and is now in town. He told me himself, that he saw several of the poor creatures plunging in the sea: that had been cast overboard, though he alleges that he did not see who cast them over; for he says, he was only a passenger in the ship, and had nothing to do in the transaction, but remained below at the time they were cast over. Also, the officers and crew of the ship William (Richard Hanley, late master), and the ownel'S of the said ship, viz. Messrs. Gregso~, Cave, Wilson; and Aspinal, of Liverpooi, merchants (mentioned in Voucher No.1), can probably give sufficient information where the guilty crew of the Zong, whom they employed, are to be found, as also their names, &c. And Mr. , who defended the cause of the said owners, has attended their consultation, and was in possession of- the evidence or deposition of James Kelsal, the chief mate of the Zong (Vo ucher No.2, p. 44, cap. 29. Olig.), will be able to confirm the notoriety of the fact; and so also will the attorneys employed in the cause on both sides the question,-viz. Messrs. Brograve and Lyon for the owners of the Zong, and Mr. Townley Ward for the insurers. "Informed of all these particulars, your Lordships will now be enabled to judge whether. there is sufficient evidence . for a criminal prosecution of the murderers-viz. the chief mate and the rest of the crew of the said ship ZQng, or Zung-before the Gral'ld Jury at the next Admiralty sessions. Luke Collingwood, the master, is reported to be dead, as also Richard Hanley, the master of the ship William above mentioned. " With the greatest respect, my Lords," &c. &c. Although the powerful manner, in which the account alluded to in the foregoing letter was drawn up by Mr. Sharp, gave fresh force to the natural interest of the cause, he nevertheless failed in his endea- vours to bring a farther punishment on the perpetrators of the horrid tragedy. But the failure of his attempt, and the insult offered, in the expressions of the pleader, to feelings which the sense of mercy and justice had inspired, were doomed by the great Fountain of Mercy to be fatal to the wicked interests of slavery. The deduction that was to be formed from the scene that had CHAP. VIII.] THE SHIP ZONG. 245 passed, was too obvious mot to suggest itself even to the dl:lllest @b- server. . A high court of, Ettglish judicature had heard one of the great organs @f the 'law avow th~ case, in which he asserted, that " so far from the guilt of- an!! thing like a murderous act," in casting one hundred attd thirty-three living aNd uBoffending human crea- tures into the sea, to perish there; so far frmtt "any shew or sug- gestion of cruelty," there was not eVlelll a "surmise qf impropripty in the trarlsaction;" and that, to bring a charge of murder, against those who had acted this part of uncontrouled power, into an English court of law, "would aTgue nothing less than madness" in him who brough\ it th.ither*. To what could this stigma OR the jmidical . code of England be ascrib.ed? Not, stirely, t.9 the na:tl!1ral feelings in the heart of the great lawyer who pronounced it: that would be to impute to him an obduracy, an insensibility to human emotions, too gross to have found ,its way to so honoured and elevated a situa- tion. The reverse was evident. He declared, as his great professional learning instructed him, the actual condition of the law in England, relative to the question before him, and asserted that it authorised the statement he had made; namely, that there existed the case, in which there was no legal impropriety in deliberately castingotlr unoffending and defenceless fellow-creatures into the sea, fettered, or otherwise prevented from hopes of succour. Where was the .. heart so hard, or the head so inaccessible," that did not instantly take part against such a state of things, in a country, of which the enlightened laws and impartial justice were acknowledged as the boasts of human wisdom, and the patterns of human freedom? This view of the case was eagerly seized by the sagacity of Gran- ville. Besides the letter to the Lords of the Admiralty, he employed every means in his power to give the utmost publicity to the circumstances that had happened, and the arguments that had been employed. He sent an account of the whole transaction to the news- • The expressions printed in italics, were a.lso used on this occuion by the Solicitor-General> who was employed for the owners. 246 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IT. papers~he handed about a copy 'of the minutes (which he had procured in short-hand) of the trial, and of the speeches on both sides---,-he was also unweanied in diffusing his powerful and unan- swerable remarks on the flagrant enormity of th~ case, which had' been so strenuously vindicated ;-and perhaps the cause of African freedom may thus reckon among the most effective instruments of its support, the masterly and ' successful arguments of the Solicitor-Ge- neral, in the barbarian triumph upheld on that occasion over reason and human feelings, as well as over the otherwise enlightened policy of England. But the following letters will evince the impression which Mr. Sharp's conduct had made on men of virtuous minds. Dr. Hinchcliff, Bishop if Peterborough, to Gran'Ville Sharp, E~q. " Dear Sir, " Peterborougb, August 31, 1783. " I return to you the enclosed narrative of one of thE;) most inhuman barbari- ties that 'I e~er read of. Were religion and humanity attended to, there can be no doubt ·t.hat the horrid traffic would entirely cease; but they have too srnaH a voice, to be heard among the clamours of avarice and ambition. Your benevolent endeavours to assist the wretched Africans, however unsuc- cessful in their favour, cannot be so in your own. As a friend to mankind, permit me to thank you, and to assure you that I am, " With the truest esteem and regard, dear Sir, your faithful friend, &c. " J. PE"J'};ltBOROU6H." Dr. P01'teuS, Bishop if Chester, to Granville Sharp, Esq. " Sir, " Geo~ge Street, Thursday. . " I return you many thanks for the copy of the letter you was so obliging as to send me. Your observations are so just, and so full to the purpose, that I can add nothing to them but my entire approbation. " The letter in the newspapers I had seen before; and I had heard the shocking fact alluded to in ' it, from a friend of mine, who happened to be present at the trial. Your generous zeal in behalf of the oppressed and injured Negroes is highly commendable, and I hope the attention of the public will be excited by your humane endeavours towards this important object. I expect C~AP; VIII.] THE SHIP ZONG. 247 soon, that a very excellent book on this subject will be published by a .friend of -mine in Kent, which I alluded to in mysermop, and shall take farther , notice of it in a note. • '~ I am, Sir, your obliged, obedient Servant, " B. CHESTER'it." Mr. Sharp's personal activity in the relief of friendless slaves, con- tinued for many years after the above trial. His memoranda notice an instance in a case of urgent danger, in 1786. ~~. "HaTTY Demane, servant to -- Jeffries, Esq. " 1786, July 2ft-Was informed by John Stewart, and Green, that Harry was trepanned by his master, and carried away and sent on shipboard: Went -to the Lord Mayor, and to several Aldermen at Guildhall, also to Bow Street, and Litchfield Street, and could not get a warrant; and, no Judge being in town, I was disappointed of a ' writ of Habeas Corpus. " 29.-Sent Mr; Irwin to call at Mr. Meam's, surgeon and apo- thecary in Bedford Street, where Mr. Jet-fries lodged. Mr. Irwin took Mr. Fraser with him. They saw Mr. J., who was much frightened, and acknowledged the fact, and the name of the ship and the master.-Sent Mr. Irwin to Messrs. Douce and Bridgman, attor- neys, who sent one clerk (Savage) with Irmn, Green, and Stewart, to Litchfield Street, to obtain a warrant; but were again refused, not- · withstanding the additional evidence. The other clerk, Mr. Day, was sent to procure a Habeas Corpus, which he obtained of the Prothonotary's clerk, signed by the Court, and having the office, seals affixed; and he brought it to me about nine o'clock. " We then agreed that Mr. Savage should go to serve the writ, • "Dr. Porteus, Bishop of Chester (but now Bishop of London), came forward as a new advocate for the natives of Africa. The way in which he rendered them service, was by preaching a sermon in their behalf before the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Of the wide circulation of this sermon I shall speak in another place, and much more of the enlightened and pious author of it, who never failed to aid at every opportunity the cause which he bad so ably undertaken."-Risto,·y of 1M Abolitiun of the Slave T,·ad,. 248 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. and should take with him Stewart, or Mr. Green, whichever was most readily found; and Mr. Irwin informed me by letter, on Sun- day morning, 30th July, that he saw Savage and Green set off last night. " Monday noon, July :H.-Mr. Savage and Green arrived in town, bringing with them Henry Demane. They informed me, that wnen they reached the ship, the anchor was getting up, the sails set, and the captain himself at the helm; so that a single minute more of delay would have lost the opportunity of recovery. Henry confessed that he had intended to have jumped into the sea as soon as it was dark; choosing rather to die than to be carried into slavery.-I sent him with proper officers to find out his master." A letter also to his brother, Dr. J. Sharp (inserted in the COTn- sponitence), gives an account of the rescue of two other slaves, who had been captured at sea, and illiberally detained by the master of the ve~sel, during the progress of the Abolition Society*. The ~ The list of slaves rescued in England by Mr. Sharp, stands thus in his own memoranda: $ill;'. "Jonathan Strong , .................... saved from the Poultry compter, &c, Thomas Lewis ............ ......... sa,'ed from a ship in the Downs. John Thomas ... ..................... who went afterwards to China. Another John Thomas ...... ...... bro.ught by a clergyman's widow. An Indian. James Somerset ........... ........... in whose case Lbrd Mansfield gave a just and decisive judgment. Two Negroes from -the Havannll-h, demanded and saved from an English ship in the river Thames; one of whom was a free ma.n of Antigua, who escaped with the other from a prison at the Havannah : both his feet were mortified with the cold on board the English ship, so that when G. S. sent him to St. Bartholomew's hospi- tal, they were obliged to amputate both legs near to the knee. Another ~cgro, son of an emi- nent slave-dealer at Sierra} saved from on board a ship in the Downs, with Leone, and an acquaintance nearly the same extraordinary circumstances liS of young Naimbanna, (the in the case ofT. Lewis. King's son) .................... . John Cambridge ................... .. defended against Capt. Holman." CH A P. VIII.) AN OTAHEITEAN. 249 conclusion of these benevolent efforts will be founo in a later letter, addressed to a gentleman of eminent piety and hurnanity *. But after his personal interference had ceased, the influence of - his name remained. The following anecdote is given on the au- thority of an amiable man, whose death is a loss to professional sciencef· A native of Otaheite had been enticed, by the offer of presents, from the shore of his island on board an English vessel, kidnap- ped, and brought to England. Being an expert swimmer and diver, his skill had been very profitably employed during the voyag'e, in the capture of seals, of which he had succeeded in. killing a great number. On arriving in England, the master ·of the ~essel refused to give him any pay for his services,_and he applied, through another Otaheitean, to a friend (Mr. F.) for assistance. Mr. F. went to the house of the merchants who owned the vessel, 'and pleaded the poor Islander's cause. He was abruptly refused, and 'Yas told that "they would spend 500l. in repelling any application of the kind, rather than pay the Otaheitean a farthing." Mr. F. in this dilemma, wrote to Mr. Granville Sharp, who the next day called on him, and directed hi~ what course to pursue, requesting, if any subscription became necessary, that his name might be set down at the head of the list for two guineas. The subscription, however, was not wanted. It no sooner was known to the merchants in question that Mr. Sharp's sanction was o~tained for proceeding against them, than they proposed an arbitra- tion; which being agreed to, the Otaheitean was by their own arbi- trator adjudged the pay which· had been solicited, and which was that of an ordinary seaman, for the time of the voyage, amounting alto- gether to about 30l. Of such value was the Nominis Umbra. • See Cort·espondence. t Mr, Joseph Fo.x. 250 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PART II. CHAP. IX, WE may now return to the narrative of Mr. Sharp's attention to the ptlblic establishments in America. Besides the valuable presents of books to the American libraries, he extended his view to various regulations, which he conceived might be m05t useful to an advancing state, and he communicated them to the leading statesmen of that continent. Among them, the antient system of Frank-pledge holds a considerable place. It was this system which he had, on several different occasions, suggested to men in high s~tuations in his own country, as the rule or' political constitution; and be had constantly proposed its adoption, as the only sound method of civil reform. He found arguments for ' its support in reason, in law, and in the sacred Scriptures*. A few , extracts from letters which passed between him and some of the most ~minent Americans at this time, will continue the view of his opi- nions, and the estimation in which they were held. . Dr. Franklin to Mr. Granville Sharp, " ,Dear Sir, ' " Passy, July 5,1785, " I received the books you were so kind as to send: please to accept my hearty thanks. Your writings, which always have some public good for their object, I always read with pleasure. I am perfectly of your opinion with respect to the salutary ' law of gavelkind, and hope it may in time he esta- bli~hed throughout America, In six of the states already, the lands of intes- tates are divided equally among the children, if all girls; but there is a double share given to the eldest son, for which I see no more reason than in giving such share to the eldest daughter; and think there should be no distinction, Since my being last in France, I have seen several of our eldest sons spending • See Correspondence. CHAP. IX.] AMERICAN CORRESPONDENTS. 251 idly their fortunes, by residing in Europe and neglecting their own country: these are from the southern states. The northern young l~en stay at home, and are industrious, useful citizens; the mdre , eqtlal division of their father's fortunes not enabling them to ramble and spend their shares abroad; which is so mucli the better for their country. " I am departing for America, where I shall be glad occasionally to hea.r . from you and of your welfare) being, with sincere and great esteem," &c. &c. " B. FRANKLIN." His E.vcellenc!J John Adams, to Mr. Granville Shat'jJ. " Sir, " Grosvenor Square, March 8, 1786. " You have merited the respect and esteem of all men, among whom liberty and humanity are not disregarded, by your writings. The idea, that captives in war are slaves, is the foundation of the misfortunes of the Negroes. This principle is honoured and admitted by all the powers of Europe, who pay tributes to the states of Barbary. " I expect that one part of Africa will avenge 1:1pon my fellow-citizens, the injury they do to· another, by purchasing their captives. Yet, I presume, we shall be compelled to follow the base example of submission, and pay tributes, - or make presents, like the rest of Christians, to the Mussulmen. " I wi,sh you would take tlp the whole of this African system, and expose it altogether. N ever, never wit! the Slave Trade be abolished, while Christian princes abase themselves before the piratical ensigns of Mahomet. " With great esteem," &c. " JOHN ;'\DAMS." Dr. Franklin, to Granville Sharp, Esq. " Sir, " Philadelphia, June 9, 1787. " The Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abol~tion of Slavery and the relief of free Negroes unlawfully held in bondage, have taken the liberty to request your acceptance of a few copies of their constitution, and the laws of p'ennsylvania which relate to one of the objects of their institution. "From a most grateful sense of the zeal and abilities with which you have long and successfully defended the claims of the oppressed Africans, the Society have done themselves the honour 'of enrolling your name in the number of their corresponding members, and they earnestly request the con- tinuance of your labours in the great object of their institution,-for in this 252 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. bu,siness, the friends to humanity in every country are of one nation and religion. " I am, in behalf of the Society," &c. &c. " B. FRANKLIN. " Hi~ E:r:cellency Joh~ Jay, to Granville Sharp, Esq. " Sir, "New York, 1st Sept. 1788. " The Society established in this city for promoting the manumission of Slaves, &c., did, at their last meeting, admit you an honorary member of it; and I have mow the pleasure of transmitting to you, herewith enclosed, a certified extract from their minutes on the subject. Be pleased, Sir, to consider this as a mark of the esteem and I'espect with which your exertions ill the cause of humanity have inspired them; and permit me to assure you, that, with ~imilar sentiments, I have the honour to be," &c. &c. "JOHN JAY, P1·esident." Of Mr. Sharp's replies to these letters, it is only requisite to notice parti~ularly that addressed to Dr. Franklin, the manly tenour of which exhibits another striking view of the simplicity and firmness of the writer's mind. It was written shortly after the timE; when the code of the Federal Constitution was first published in America. The code 'contained two clauses; by the former of which, Art. i. sect. g., the importation of slaves into the United States was not to be prohi- bited till the year 1808 (an interval of twenty-one years I), a tax only being laid on them till that time; and by the latter, Art. iii. sect. 2, it was ordered, that slaves running away from their masters were given to be up again to them *. To his E.vceliency Be1J:iamin Franklin, Esq., P1'esident if the Pennsylvania Society for promoting tlie Abolition if Slavery. " Dear Sir, " Leadenhall Street, London, 10th Jan. 1788. " I ought long ago to have acknowledged the deep sense which I entertain of my obligation to the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, for the honour they have been pleased to confer upon me by enrolling .. Federal Constitution, 1787, signed Washington. CliAF. IX .] AMERICAN CORRESPONDENTS. 253 my name in the number 'of their corresponding members, as signified in your Ex~ellency's letter of the 9th June last. " I read, with very particular satisfaction, their excellent remonstrance against slavery, addressed to the 'late Convention. " When such solemn and unanswerable appeals to the consciences of men, in behalf of humanity and common justiG.e, are disregarded, the crimes of slave-dealing and slave-holding become crying sins, which presumptuously ipvite the Divine retribution! So that it must be highly dangerous to the political existence of ~ny state, thus duly warned against injustice, to afford the least sanction to such enormities by their legislative authority, " Having been always zealous for the honour of free governments, I am the more sincerely grieved to see the new Federal Constitution stained by the inser~ tion of two most exceptionable clauses of the kind above mentioned; the one, in direct opposition to a ~ost humane article, ordained by the first American Congress to be perpetually observed; and the other, in equal opposition to an express command of the Almighty, 'not to deliver up the servant that has , escaped from his master,' &c. Both clauses, however (the 9th section of the 15t article, and the latter part of the 2d section of the 3d article), are so clearly null and void by their iniquity, that it would be even a crime to regard them as law. " Though I have, indeed, too plainly proved myself a very unworthy and ' dilatory correspondent, through the unavoidable impediments of a variety of affairs and trusts which have been devolved upon me, yet I must request your Excellency to inform the Pennsylvania Society, that I · have never know- ingly omitted any favourable opportunity of promoting the great object of their institution, and (i trust in God) I never shall. " With true esteem and respect, dear Sir," &c. &c. '" " G: S. " In further return for Mr. Sharp's acts of benevolence, Amel'i'ca publicly declared her respect for his character, by con~erring on him the only distinction which she had thought fit to establish for personal merit. In September 1786, the College of Providence, in Rhode Island, at the public commencement, admitted him to the degree of Doctor of • Another letter of the same date, addr~ssed to Dr. Franklin, repeats his arguments in favour of frank-pledge, 254 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART II. Laws. The example was followed by the ' University of Cambridge, in the , province of Massachusetts; and by that of Williamsburg, in 'Virginia; and these honours were announced to him by the presidents of the colleges, in expressions of the highest personal esteem"'. Of the answers to their letters also, a single instance will suffice. To Dr. Willard, President if the University if Cambridge, in the Province if Massachusetts.. " Reverend Sir, " February 25, 1791. " I had the pleasure of receiving your obliging letter of the 9th November last, together with the diploma for the degree of Doctor of Laws; and am very glad to find, by your subsequent letter, that you had received mine, wherein I had already requested you to' present my most grateful acknowledgments to the members of the University of Cambridge, for the honour they have been pleased to confer on me. Having, since, rpail the favourable sentiments declared i~ the diploma, by the authority of a body of gentlemen so highly respectable as the corporation and overseers of that l1niversity, I can add, that my poor endea- vours in the cause of liberty and 'national right will now have the additional excitement of a very hearty desire to retain their good opinion; relying on the prevention of Divine Providence, that I shall never give occasion to be deemed an unworthy member of their Society. " I received, by favour of Dr. Windship, the catalogue of your library, and the other books sent therewith, for which I sincerely thank you. " With great respect and e::;tee!ll, Reverend Sir," &c. &c. " G . S." To the testimonies of his philanthropy one more is to be added. Of what the gift mentioned in the following letter consisted, is uncer." tain, as no record of it appears among the Manuscript papers. An account of the church to which it was sent, is found in his Cor- respondence. To Granville Sharp, Esq. " 'Worthy and Respected Sir, " Philadelphia, Nov. 25, 1793. " 'We want words to express our gratitude to you for all your labours of love to our afflicted nation. You were our advocate when we had but few ., COI·respondence. CHAP. IX,] . AMERICAN CORRES~ONDENTS. 255 friends on the other side of the water. We request you to ,accept of our thanks for all your kind and benevolent exertions in behalf of the people of sur colour, and in particular for your late humane donation to our church. " Our prayers shall not cease to ascend to the Father of mercies and God of all grace for your health and happiness in this world, and for your eternal happiness in the world to come. " Weare, worthy and respected Sir, " Your Friends and obedient humble Servants, "ABSALOM JONES, lACting Officers oj the WILLIAM GREY, African Church oj WILLIAM GARDNERS, Philadelphia." " MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. PAR-T III. SIERRA ftEONE. SEITLEMENT OF A COLONY ON THAT COAST-ITS HISTORY.-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ST. GEORGE'S BAY COMPANY.-DlSTRESSES AND DANGERS OF THE COLONY -ASSISTANCE GRANTED BY PARLIAMENT.-SURRENDER OF THE TERRITORY TO THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. M~. SHARP'S LEITERS-LEITERS FROM THE SEITLERS-HE SENDS A VESSEL TO THEIR RELIEF-SOLICITS THE PROTECTION OF THE MINISTER-OBTAINS .A CHARTER FOR THE COMPANY. ANECDOTES OF NAIMBANNA, PRINCE OF SIERRA LEONE. 2L PART III. 1786. CHAP. I. A THIRD event which distinguishes the life of Mr. Sharp followed closely on the establishment of American Episcopacy. The whole of that successful transaction was, indeed, scarcely completed, when a combination of unexpected circumstances produced the first attempt to found the FREE· COLONY of SIERRA LEONE • .. In the year 1786," says the obituary account * before noticed, " Mr. Granville Sharp was 0ccupied in humanely trying to remedy an inconvenience, which had grown aut of his own benevolent exertions in behalf of the African Slaves. When the case of Somerset was decided, there were many slaves, who had been brought over by their masters, in the metropolis; and althouEh an instance has been stated, in the very year now mentioned, of a Negro rescued with difficulty from the attempt of his master to kidnap him, and to force him to a ship lying in the Downs, yet few attempts of that nature had of late been hazarded. The Negroes, therefore, who had been brought to England, being locked up, as it were, in London, and having now no masters to support them, (many of them * See note in p. 166. 260 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. unaccustomed to any usc::ful handicraft or calling). and having besides no parish which 'they could call their own, fell by degrees into great distress, so that thejr were al~rmingly conspicuous throughout the streets as common beggars. As Mr. Sharp was their known patron, they had all flocked to him, in their turn, for support: he had considered them as orphans, who had some title to his care; and he had occasionally relieved them. But their number being great (about four hundred), he found that he could not relieve them daily, consistently with his engagement,s to others. He had many private pensioners, to whom annual sums, and these to a considerable amount, had been promised, and regularly paid: he could not, therefore, take upon him the entire maintenance of his African orphans. In this dilemma, he formed a scheme for their future permanent support. He'determined upon sending them to some spot in Africa, the general land of their ancest'ars, where-when they were once landeq., under a proper le~der, ,and with proper provisions for a time, and impiements of husbandry-;-they might, :with but m,oderl.},te industry, provide for theJ;Ilsel ves/' The general ai::curacyof this account is .confrrmed by the MS. Not~s, with the exception that Mr. Sharp's determination to send the settlers to Africa did .not originate .merely in his own view of their misery, but was the consequence of appljcations made to him by the distressed Blac.ks themselves. I n a letter~lso .to his .brother, dated January 1788, he says-::- " The settlers consisted chiefly of Blacks and People of Colour, who had served in the army and navy duripg -the late war; 'and, having imprudently spent all their earnings, they fell into extreme poverty, and were starvi·ng about the streets, till they wer.e reliel'.ed, ,for some .time, by a voluntary subscription if .chm·itable people, " In the . mean time, -aproPQsai was made to them by the late Mr. Smeathman *, to form a free settlement at Sierra Leone. Many of them came to consult me about the propusal ; sometimes they carne in large bodies together. ~ An ingenious and hono.urable 'man, who bad lived for some time at the foot of the Sierra )Leone Mountains.-Obituary Acct. CHAP. ' I.] FREE COLONY OF SIERRA LEONE. 261 Upon inquiring among themselves, I found that s~veral of them had been on the spot; and they assured me that there was much fine wood-land unoccupied in that part of the coast. This account was confirmed to me by several other channels, and more particularly by,' a young Negro man, a native of Sierra Leone, whom 1 happily saved just at that time from slavery." To form and direct a colony of this nature, cOIn posed from men of ardent passions, whose only lessons had been stripes, and whom experience had instructed to start with dread . from their fellow- creatures, demanded a mind and character fraught with all the resources ~hich political knowledge and resolution could supply. But the scope of human action contained no enterprise which, if sanctioned by the precepts of virtue and Christianity. could, " in the shape of difficulty or danger." deter Granville from attempting, or make him shrink from the labour of pursuing it. As soon as 'he had conversed with Smeathman. he seized every opportunity of improving' his knowledge of the local qualities of the land which was designed for his new settlement; 'and he drew up for the settlers a code of law~. not marked with any refined tn;l.itsof subtlety and lVIachiavel\an policy, but founded on principles of the purest rectittlde, and consistent with the religious as well as mQral precepts of the scri ptural Theocracy. A le,tter written by him at the outset of this difficult enterprise, demonstrates .the temper and the views with which it had been undertaken. It comprises, after his usual manner, an extensive view of circumstances relative to the subject before him; and is also, as usual, an example of the clear, beneVOlent, and deeply-religious mind of the writer. To his Grace the A.rchbishop if Cant.erbury. ~, My Lord, " _Old Jewry, 1st August, 1786. " A very unexpected business having taken up my whole time, ever since I had the honour of waiting on your Grace, I think it right to state the circumstances; the more especially because they are extraordinary. 262 .MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III~ " Last Friday morning early, two poor Negroes came to inform me that one of their friends was' trepanned by his master on shipboard at Gravesend, to be sent as a slave to Barbadoes *. All the Judges being out of town on the circuit, I could not obtain either a warrant, or a writ of Habeas Corpus, after: the most unwearied endeavours, till late on Saturday night; and in the mean time I had notice that the ship zvas sailed from GTavesend. However, I sent off the writ by an attorney and the young man's friends, in a post-chaise, that same night, to Deal, in hopes that the ~hip might not yet have quitted the Channel; and they happily arrived in the Downs just in time to save the p00r despairing man. A delay even of a single minute would , have been fatal, for the ship was und~r sail, and the anchor then weighing up! They brought the young man safe to me yesterday at noon; and, after proper consultation, 1 sent him this morning, with officers,. to catch his master; but he had prudently decamped, !!-nd fled to SC0tland-. The young man confessed that he had intended to jump into. the sea as soon as it was dark, in order to avoid, slavery by death. . "This subj,ect~ and the temper of mind into which it has thrown me, naturally prompt me to remind your Graee, that the abominable, wicked laws- of Barbadoes, which elf pressly tolerate the wilful murder of a slave, still exist, to the disgrace of this kingdom; and that the estate in that guilty island (now suffering under God's apparent displeasure) is stiH cultivated by involuntary servitude; though the venerable Societ1 for propagating the Gospel have long experienced the extreme impropriety and unprofitablene&s of that baneful mode of cultivation.. When tha:t business was mentiOI'Ied at the last meeting of the Society, I could scarcely refrain from declaring my mind about it; but thought it might be improper to interfere,. as the business was already referred to a Committee. "The answer of the Society; signed by Dr. --, to Mr. Benezet, many ),ears ago, gave me great concern. Mr. Benezet himself sent me a copy of it from Philadelphia, and earnestly entreated my assistance to answer it. I had too much veneration for the Society to permit their opinion to be called pllblicly in questi0n: but I fully answered their missionary, the Rev. Mr. Thomas Th-ps-n, who had attempted publickly to vindicate the African Slave Trade; and sent my answer to Mr. Benezet in MS., which was printed in :,America by the Quaker's. " The case 'of Harry Demane, and probably the same that is alluded to in Mr. Clarkson~ Obituary AccourV; •. CHAP. I.] FREE COLONY OF SIERRA LEONE. 263 " At every opportunity of leisure afterwards, I applied myself closely to the Scriptures, to search for any particular texts which might seem to afford some excuse for Dr. --'s contemptuous answer to Mr. Benezet. The result of the examination (which was careful and severe) appeared about ten years ago in severai tracts - ' The Limitation of Slavery in the Laws of God;' 'The Law of Passive Obedience;' 'The Law of Liberty;' and 'The- Law of .Retribution.' The principal object of my writing was to remove the stigma thrown on our Holy Religion, as if it could be deemed capable of affording any sanction to a complicated system of iniquity. I thought it my duty to appe!lJI at that time to the whole body of Bishops, in 'The Law of Retribution,' calling earnestly upon them, in the name of God, to stand up for the land, and make up the hedge, to save their country from the fatal consequences of slavery and oppression. I "It is also my duty to inform your Graee, that I have lately heard several hints of an intention to bring in a Bill for a Duty on Negroes in England; and to compel masters, who bring them over, to give a bond for 100l. that th~y will carry them away again; which would amnul the Habeas Corpus Act and other equitable laws for the protection of strangers. " Nineteen years ago I began to vindicate these laws; and f0mteen years ago obtained a complete a~knowledgment of their ' efficacy., whereby the West Indian slave-holders were deterred from bringing with them such swarms of Ne!l:ro attendants into this island. ' " The present set of unfortunate Negroes that are starviQg in our streets, were .brought here on very different occasions. Some, indeed, have been brought as servants, but chiefly by officers; others were Royalists from America; but most are seamen, who have navigated the King's ships from the East and West Indies, or have served in the war, and are thereby entitled to ample protection, and a generous requital. But the proposed Bill, on the contrary, can tend to no other purpose than to disgrace the kingdom by a toleration of s1avery even in this free island, and win unavoidably counteract all that has been done with infinite labour and great pecunIary expense. When I look back upon the labour and its effects, and consider the inability, natural slowness, and at that time uninformed state of the instrument, I have ample reason to be satisfied that the weak endeavours were 1.,lltteI'ly inadequate to the effects of them,-which must, therefore, of course, be attributed, not surely to chance, but to God's providence alone! This, I con(ess, is the ground\of my confidence for asserting, that if any act of the Legislature shall be framed to set up ", 264 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. uncharitable ' and unchristian distinctions of complexion in this kingdom, in order once more to introduce slavery, it will be an abomination which cannot fail of drawing down upon us still heavier marks of the Divine displeasure than those we have lately experienced. " I formerly wrote to your Grace's' predecessor, Dr. Cornwallis, on this subject; and I now earnestly renew my solicitation to your Grace on the same account. "I entreat yoor 'Grace's protection and ' paternal care towards the poor Black strangers, who are now soliciting for a new settlement at Sierra Leone-. I since,rely believe, that if Mr. Fraser was ordained as a missionary to attend . them, which he eanlestly desires, he would be capable of doing great good , among them: he seems to be modest, sensible, sober, and steady; and as the settlers earnestly desire to have a Clergyman with them, I humbly submit to your Grace, whethe~ so favourable an opportunity of promoting ,religi0us instruction in the wilds of Africa should be suffered .to pass away without improvement . . Mr. F. aSSllres m~, that, notwithstanding his education in the Chhlrch of Scotland, he now prefers the discipline of the Church of England, afid most heartily wishes to be empl9yed in the ministry. He proposes to go to Africa with the settlers, whether he is ordained or not; so that liD person but himself can be at all answerable for the danger of the attempt, in case it sho.uld' prove unfortunate; and it was only this idea o.f danger and uncertainty which induced me to withdraw my proposal at the last meeting of the Society. " The sending a Cl€rgyman with 'so hl.l·ge a bo.dy of people, is absolutely necessary, to preserve o.rder and decGlrum among them; and Mr. F. cannot possibly do so much good in any other way. '.' With the g(eatest esteem and respect," &c. &c, But Mr. Sharp's attention to this subject was of an earlier commencement than the period here noticed. The following singular Memorandum appears to have been the result of his first reflections on the nature of the task which he was about to undertake, and pro- bably was succeeded by the more regular code of laws which he transmitted to the infant colony. From its date, it is evident that the idea of an Afri~an S€ttlerrient had been for a long time in his thoughts before the attempt was made to realise, the benevolent sch~me ;-a scheme~ as will be ~een, fermed for a race of men supposed; to be CHAP. I.J. FREE COLONY OF SIERRA LEONE. 265 uniformly open to the persuasions qf reason. It need not be added, that the scheme was of course so far impracticable, as that experience every day demonstrates the existence of numerous human beings, who, though probably alike endued at their birth with the capability of reasoning, are, by the unavoidable contingencies of education and circumstances, precluded from its advantages. " AUGUST 1, 1783. " The propos;t for a settlement on the coast of Africa will deserve all encouragement, if the settlers are absolutely prohibited fi'orn holding any kind of p1'Operly in lite persons qf men as slaves, and from selling either man, woman, or child. " With respect to an allowance or permission to purchase slaves, the permission, if granted at all, must be very carefully guarded, and the price given must be considered, and declared to be, merely a debt /01' udemption, due from the person purchased to the society or state of the settlement, and not to be transferred to anyone individual in it, (which would introduce domestic tyranny and traffic in the bodies Of men): but the debt is to be discharged without interest, whenever the person, or his friends, can raise the money, or to be worked out by a limited proportion of service to the state, wherever the settlement is made. " Rules must also be laid down to prevent the monopolizing of land; and a sufficient reserve must be made for public services in each township, and also for common-land, and for cottage-land in small parcels; and that all persons, who have large lots of land near a township, shall rather be excluded from a share in the common-lands, than be allowed to claim shares in proportion to their bordering estates. " That the managers entrusted with the Society'S property to form the settlement, shall have no dominion or absolute power or authority, as established governors or judges, over the people, but only the power of agents or overseers for their pecuniary trust and service; for which they should be encouraged, after the first year's salary, by a due proportion or share to each man, in the increase and profits of the 2M t 266 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART m. settlement w~th the proprietors who risk their property in forming it. The defence, legislation, public justice, government, and subordination of the settlers, and the union of the whole community, however large and extensi ve the settlement .may hereafter becom~, are matters more easily to be accomplished than is generally conceived; provided the ancient Anglo-Saxon government by mutual frank-pledge, in tithings and hundreds, be duly established. " And this, being already the common law of this kingdom, may be established, even if the settlement is made within the boundaries of the . presentEnglish claims; but then the legal process in aU courts must be carried on in the King's name, and the settler.s must not refuse to admit a Governor, or Lieutenant, of the King's appointment, with limited authority from the Regal Power, according to the Constitution of England, whenever the Privy Council shall think proper to send one. " But if the settlement be attempted in any other part of Africa, not claimed by Emopean powers, the managers must obtain the consent (and association, if possible) of the native inhabitants; or else it may be laid out on an uninhabited part of the coast. And as the IPajority of the settlers will prob.ably be ,African Negroes returned from slavery to their native soil, there will be no necessity to f01:m the plan of government by the constitutional model if England, any farther than reason and experience may require: for we may then be at liberty to draw a precedent for government from more ancient and more perfect documents than our Saxon records-viz. from the Israelitish commonwealth under the Theocracy, purified and improved by the precepts of the Gospel; and the examples of congregational government among the primitive Christians, who decided their own temporal controversies as well as ecclesiastical questions. " The Israelitish government elected judges and officers; heads of tens and fifties, hundreds and thousands (except in the extraordinary cases of prophetical judges-though these likewise were probably elected, where their superior abilities were known); the smaller divi- sions being included and controlled in the larger, and the individuals CHAP. I.] FREE COLONY OF SIERRA LEONE. 267 of aU the divisions being bound to each other, in equal numerical proportions, by the reciprocal ties or alliance of frank-pledge, which our Saxon ancestors, and many savage nations, in some degree maintained, probably from the patriarchal times. For all men are capable of this form of government: and . if it be once properly established, there is no mode of restraining and keeping in order a promiscuous b09Y of men so cheap, so easy, or so effectual, as thlit of mutual government by the principles of right in equal proportioned congregations, each of which is a constituent part of a more powerful body; 'wherein annually elected officers maintain order; and each individual, however violent in himself, is prevented from injuring others, by having his person and property rendered answerable for all damages which he occasions, or which he does not endeavour to prevent, as a member of the tithing where the offence is committed; for, according to the law of fi'ank-pledge, no man is entitled to liberty, who is not duly pledged by his nearest neighbour for the mutual conservation of peace and right. H Under this form of government, all public works, as entrenchments, fortifications, canals, highways, sewers, &c, &c., may be performed by a rotation of service; in which the value of attendance must be estimated, that defaulters may bear their share, or rather a double share, of the burthen. And watch and ward, or military service, may be defrayed in the same manner; by which means no debt will be incul'red for the defence of the state, and rich funds may be obtained for the credit of a public exchequer, without any perceivable burthen to the community, by a general agreement to punish by fines or mulcts in due proportion to the wealth and possessions of the delinquent, increasing likewise by Tepetition for all offences, as well of omission (01' neglect of public dut.y) as of commission; except murder, rape, and unnatural crimes, which, by the laws of God, are unpardonable by any community"." * An enlarged account of this plan is found among Mr, Sharp'. papers. It was probably the foundation of all the regulation~ by whicb the colony was governed at it. commencement, 268 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. Tn conformity with such ideas, and on the basis (it is probable) of Mr. Smeathman's design, was laid the plan of a Fl'ee Colony at Sierra Leone, on the coast of Africa. Mr. Smeathman was to lead the Black poor to the destined spot, as soon as dl1~ preparations could be made; and Granville, in the mean time, distributed to the intended settlersr from his own purse, a weekly allowance, which was to be continued till the time of their sailing~ Application was now made to the Minister of England for assistance. The Government had long regarded the numerous Negroes who begged in the streets as a nuisance, and therefore readily consented to lend a helping hand to the project. "A small weekly allowance," says Mr. Sharp, "was made from the Treasury, for the subsi.stence of the settlers, and' navy transports were hired to carry them out." To Granville Shm'jJ, Esq. " Bread Street,. 12th April, 1786. " Mr. Smeathman presents most respectful compliments to Mr. Sharp. Extreme fatigue prevents him having the honour of waiting on M r. S., to acquaint him that he was introduced this day to Mr. Rose, and ttlat it is settled that Government is to allow Mr. Smeathman 12l. for each person, for any number that are willing to go and settle with him. C< Mr. Smeathman indulges the flattering hopes that Mr. Sharp will continue his benevolent protection to this plan, so interesting to mankind." At this important moment, Mr. Smeathman's impaired health suspended the execution of the plan. He was taken ill of a fever, and died in about three days. The expedition seemed now at 3l stand; and" Mr. Sharp stood involved in all the expenses which had attended its outset: the demurrage of the vessel had commenced. and the weekly pay to the settlers continued*." In this situation of affairs, the Government again interfered: provision was made for the settlers, both for transporting them, and for supplying them with " necessaries during the first six or eight months of their residence in * Obituary Account. CHAP. I.) FREE COLONY OF SIERRA LEONE. 269 Africa; and Captain (afterwards Admiral) Thompson was appointed to accompany them in the Nautilus sloop of war, and to see the promises given by Mr. Sharp fulfilled toward them. At length the little fleet sailed on the 8th of Ap~l, 1787. As the history of this colony, now so respectable as the cradle of African Civilization, is either little known, or the knowledge of it confined to a very limited number of persons, it will be necessary to give a cursory account of its establishment and progress; which, for the sake of clearness, will be continued, without interruption, to the period of its final surrender into the hands of Government. It is, indeed, a history deserving, from its nature, of a more ample elucidation than the present narrative can with propriety admit. In a short portion of time and place, it contains an "abstract and brief chronicle" of the noblest virtues and the basest vices of mankind: it exhibits the conflict of savage ignorance wi.th refined cultivation, of Christian purity and benevolence with some of the worst passions that tear and deform the human breast. The first particulars here related concerning the settlement are principally extracted from the Reports of the Directors. Mr. Sharp's own accounts of his undertaking will follow. 270' MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PART III. CHAP. II. THE Negroes who were sent out, in the manner and with the views already desc~ibed, to form the colony of Sierra Leone, amounted to somewhat more than four hundred, to which number were added about sixty Europeans, chiefly women. On their arrival, a grant of land, of considerable extent, was obtained for their Juse from a neighbouring chief*. It was hoped that, the remembrance of former distress, and the necessity of their situation, would bring the settlers into habits of order and imdustry, and animate them to free; productive labour. The commencement of this enterprise ' was . inauspicious. During. a long' detention of'these poor people in the Channel, and 'during their . passage to Sier.ra Leone, tney , were extremely unhealthy-in most instances, from disorders brought 0).1 bo;l,r,d with them and aggravated by intemperance i in consequence -of the ·delays , that had occurred, they were landed in the rainy season, wheu' n6 sufficient order or regularity could· be esiablished among them; and, being exposed to the weather, a great po~tion of them very soon died." 'In * "The district purchased for the settlement at Sierra Leone is nearly twice as large as the island of Barbadoes, being twenty miles square, containing 256,000 acres of land, well watered with salubrious springs, and situated on a fruitful peninsula, between two noble navigable rivers, the great river of Sierra Leone and the Sherbro', which receives the waters of many others. The peninsula rises into bills forming upon one another into lofty mountains, the sides and summits of which are covered with timber. " The extraordinary temperature and salubrity of the air for European constitutions in this peculiar spot of the torrid zone, has been remarked by ancient writers and by modern travellers of respectability ." [Their account, however, must be allowed to have been greatly exaggerated, as the climate has in many instances proved unhealthy.] "The river has a safe deep channel , fOf ships of any burthell; aud St, GeOl'ge"s Bay, tbe first approach to the new settlement (and so named by Captain Thompson, who carried out the settlers, having been before called :Frenchman 's Bay), is perba p~ the finest harbour in the world; and is of the more importance, a. there is no other good harbour on the coast for many leagues either way. " Sierra Leone is about S deg. 12 min, North latitude, and the longitude about 12 deg. West. It is generally about a month's sail from England, though more in returning, on account of the ,interruption of the trade winds."-First Report, 1791. CHAP. It.] HISTORY OF SIERRA LEONE. 271 the course of the , first year their numbers were 'reduced nearly naIf = many died-, before, tlney reached the coast;' amd a greater number in a short time after their landing: some few also had deserted. The remainder, however, was still sufficient for building a small town. After the first year, no 'extraordinary mortality prevailed. In the two succeeding years, not more ~than five or six of the settlers died, out of two hundred who were in the same town. During that time they gradually improved in their circumstances; and, though far from being regularly industrious, were able to supply themselves with a sufficiency of food, and .to secure a small but constantly increasing property *. They were, however, too poor and too ignorant to avail themselves of all the natural advantages of the country; and being chiefly men of unsettled habits, so many migrated to the neighbouring parts, that the community was at one time in the most imminent danger of extinction. The arrival at this critical moment of a small brig, called the Myrot, Jaden with various articles of considerable present use to the necessities of the colonists, preserved the infant colony. The distressed wanderers found in its appearance on their coast a renovation of hope; and as they had learned, by dangerous experiment, that they could not subsist so well in any other place, the greater part of them returned to the settlement. On this occasion also, a confirmation of the original grant of land was obtained from N aimbanna, the king of Sierra Leone, who resided . at-the small island of Rohanna, between the English slave factory at Bance Island and the French one at Gambia:j:. • Report, 1791. t The history of the Myro will be found in the account of Mr. Sharp's particular concern in the colony. t The lands on which the English forts have hitherto been erected on the African coast, have generally been only rented of the Native Chiefs, whereas the new district of Sierra Leone has been actually purchased, and given up by the Native Chiefs, under a ratified charter from themselves and their heirs for ever, to the Crown of England, for the use of the settlers and their successors for ever: so that it is not only an English settlement, but an English territory, where all the free customs and rights of the English common law immediately take place.- Report, 1791. 212 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. But toward the end of the year 1789, while the colony was again in a state of advance, the settlers received a formal notice from a great council of the neighbouring Chief, that he had resolved on burning their town, in retaliation for a similar injury done to his own capital by the marines and crew of an English ship of war*; and that he allowed them three days for the removal of their goods. They had no resource: they fled from their homes, and abandoned theil' plantations; and the judicial sentence was carried into execution at the appointed time. This attack was an overwhelming blow to the colony, and threatened it once more with entire annihilation. But the same provident care which had sent the Myro to its aid in its utmost need, had also secured the means of affording it further protection, by the establishluent of a Company in England (called the St. George's Bay Company), united for the purpose of carrying forward the benevolent design of the Founder: and a Memorial was now addressed to his Majesty, " " A Native Chief,· living within half a mile of the English settlement, had lost, as he affirmed, two individuals of his town, by the depredations of an American slave-captain, and Jlad been some time waiting for an opportunity of retaliating on any vessel from the same country that might come within his reach. The opportunity, after a while, occurred. A boat, which was found to belong to an American ship, happening to pass up the river, was attacked ~nd plundered by him and his people: the crew, consisting of three or four men, were put to death, one only excepted, who escaped, and conveyed the news to the neighbouring slave- factory, to which the boat had been goin!!:. The principal agent of the factory, after some consultation with tbe officers of a man of war then lying in the river, determined on becoming the avenger of the out~age. Ineffectual attempts were first made to induce the Chief to come 011 board the frigate: and after an interval of two or three . days, the slave-factor himself, together with a lieutenant from the King's ship, and a bony of British sailors and marines, set out on an expedition to the town of the Chief. On the approach of this armed body of men, the Chief and his people fled, and the town was plundered and set on fire. The slave-factor, how- ever, and the party with him from the King's ship, returning in the dusk of the evening, were suddenly attacked by a discharge of I)lusketry from among the bushes, and an engagement ensued, i.n which several were killed on both sides. The Chief used afterwards frequently to vow that he . must now retaliate again for the further loss of people that he had sustained. The slave-factor, however, against whom his rage was principally directed, soon afterwards quitted tbe coast. " A palaver, or council, was then called of all the surrounding Chiefs, who (according to the African custom of directing vengeance against every person, guilty or not guilty'- whom they have in their power, and imagine in any degree connected with the autbors of the injury received), having heard that two of the free settlers were among the hostile party, determined that their whole town should be burned."-fleport, 1793. CHAP. n.] HISTORY OF SIERRA LEONE. 273 praying that he would be graciously pleased to grant to it his Royal Charter of Incorporation. The objects announced by the Company were, "to colonize a small part of the coast of Africa, to introduce " civilization among the Natives, and to cultivate the soil by means of " free labour; at the same time abjuring all concerns whatever in " the odious traffic of human bodies, and binding itself neither to deal " in slaves, nor to allow of any slave trade in the territory; to maintain "peace, unless attacked; to punish crimes; to govern all equally "according to the laws of England; to open schools for reading• •, writing, and accounts; and to receive and instruct the children of " the Natives, if sent to the schools." For the prosecution of those views, during the expectation of the Charter, it was recommended that the Company should send out proper factors and agents to St. George's Bay, the principal harboUF of the New Territory, in order to the carrying on a trade in British manufactures with the neighbouring Natives. Accordingly, in September 1790, the Company's agent, ,Mr. Falconbridge, set sail, with a commission to examine and report the state of the colony, and to afford a temporary relief to the distress that had ensued, until the grant of the Charter should enable the Directors to take more effective and permanent measures for the prosperity of the settlement. Mr. Falconbridge arrived about twelve months after the dispersion of the settlers; and collecting as many of the fugitives as he could any where discover, brought them to a new settlement above Fora Bay, about two miles farther than the former from the town of the chief who had invaded them; where they took possession of some deserted houses, and about four acres of land were cleared and planted with yams and casada, and sown with English seeds. This little body of settlers was su pplied by Mr. F alconbridge with muskets, ammunition, and articles of cutlery, which they might barter for necessaries; and he reported them, at his departure from the coast, as likely, with very little labour, to maintain themselves in the same manner as before their dispersion. They at that time amounted in all to sixty-four. 2N 274 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART m. The males, though disorderly and turbulent, appeared to be warmly attached to the Company, and resolutely bent on defending them- selves. The new settlement received the ~ame of Granville Town, in honour of their original protector and friend. The affairs of the Company, therefore, now began to assume a more promising aspect. Reports from various quarters confirmed the favourable accounts which had at first been given of Sierra Leone *; and, the Charter of Incorporation being at length obtained t, a consi- derable capital was raised for carrying on the trade of the settlement. The Directors, persuaded that the effective utility, and even the security, of the establishment of which they had undertaken the care, would in a great measure depend on an increase in the number of settlers, prepared measures for that purpose; when an opportunity offered, which appe'ared to meet their wishes, of strengthening' the colony by "'a~ additional body of free Negroes acquainted with the English language and accustomed to the labour of hot climates. A Negro, of the name of Peters, arrived in England from Nova Scotia, as a delegate from many of his countrymen. These men, during the American war, bad been induced to enlist in the British army by the King's proclamation of freedom. to all slaves who should join the Royal standard; and when the war was terminated, they were .carried to Nova Scotia, under a promise of regular allotments of land; • " Mr. Falconbridge has collected several specimens of Native produce, particularly of woods, iron ore, gum copal, pepper, rice, cotton, and sugar-cane, which ~fford the most favourable hopes to the Company." " All the most valuable productions of the tropical climates seem to grow spontaneously at Sierra Leone; and nothing but attention and cultivation appear wanting, in order to produce them of every kind and in sufficient quantities to become articles of trade, and even of great national concern." " Besides the prospect of trading to Sierra Leone for the immediate productions of that country, it appears also, that a coast and river trade, and through the rivers an important inland trade, may easily be established by means of small vessels calculated for that purpose. The coast of Africa lleighbouring to Sierra Leone is more intersected with rivers navigable for small ~raft tban any other portion of it whatsoever,"-Uepo1·t, 1791, . t After various pressing applications to Government, the Charter was granted in 1791, and the " Sien'a Leone Company" established at the end of the Session of Parliament, in which Mr. Wilberforce's first motion on the sub;ect of the Slave· Trade was lost. CRAP. II.) HISTORY OF SIERRA LEONE• . 275 which promise, however, had unfortunately not been fulfilled: and the climate of Nova Scotia being unfavourable to them. they, to the number (as stated by Peters) of three or four hundred, were now desirous of joining the new colony at Sierra Leone. The Directors immediately applied to Government, to know if it would defray the exp'enses of their passage; apd being favourably . answered, availed themselves of the offer of Lieutenant Clarkson,. of his Majesty's navy *, to bring the new colonists over to Sierra Leone; strictly stipulating, however, the terms of their admission in conformity to the original design of the settlement, and allowing the reception of such only as could produce certificates of their good conduct and morals. Each settler was to receive a lot of land of twenty acres. Lieutenant Clarkson set sail on the 19th August 1791, and, on his arrival at Nova Scotia, found, to his surprise, that the number of Black People who were desirous to embark for Sierra Leone far exceeded the account given by their delegate; no less than eleven hundred and ni~ety-six were brought on board. It wa,s obvious. that the accession of so large a body of people could not fail to produce the most important consequences to the infant settlement. Their numerous wants would demand instant supply; . and the Directors, therefore, turned their utmost attention to that point- bringing forward, also, a plan for the enlargement of the Company's capital at home, which was much increased by new subscriptions, after the intended junction of the Nova Scotia loyalists had been made public. o The first vessel sent out by the Company from England reached Sierra Leone in February 1792, and was soon followed by two others; oarrying out, in all, rather more than one hundred Europeans : of whom above forty were Company's servants or artificers, at a yearly salary ; ten were settlers; sixteen were soldiers; and between thirty and forty were women and children . . In the succeeding month, the Nova Scotia fleet arrived, consisting * A brother of the zealous Historian of the Abolition of the Slave Trade. 276 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. of s~xteen vessels, from which were landed 1131 .Blacks, many of them labouring under . the effects of a fever, first contracted in Halifax, ' and of wl-iich sixty-five had died during the passage. Lieutenant Clarkson, whose humanity had led him to embark on board the hospital ship, h~d narrowly escaped with his life from a violent attack of the same disorder. . On his arrival at Sierra Leone, he found a commission appointing him Superintendant of the Colony- a situation which ' with some hesitation he accepted. His first care, after providing a temporary shelter for the new settlers, was to give security to the public exercise of religion; for which purpose having fitted up a house (of which the frame-work had been brought from England), a sermon was delivered on the first Sunday after his arrival, by a Clergyman appointed by the ,Directors*. The site on which the first Blacks sent -out from England had originally settled, and from which they had been afterwards expelled by the hostility of the neighbouring chiefs, was fixed upon as the 'most propel' spot for the new settlement. The land (now overgrown- again with underwood) was cleared in the course of a few w~eKs by the labour of the Nova Scotians, whose progress was discernible along the shore, and in an open road which favoured their approach to th~ mountains. King Naimbanna was next invited to visit the colony; and he came, attended by his vassal Jammy, the chief whose threats had preceded the e~pulsion of the settlers, and who now raised a question on their right to the land. A palaver was demanded, in which the cause was argued on both -sides; but the original grant, signed by Jammy himse~f, being produced by Lieutenant Clarkson, with the addition of presents of considerable .value to the 'chiefs, the decision was in favour of the settlers. The Nova Scotians then proceeded to construct the requisite buildings, though with less speed than considering the near appro!1ch .. The Rev. Nathaniel Gilbert. CHAP. II.] HISTORY OF SIERRA LEONE. 277 of the rainy season, might have been wished. The several streets having been marked out by the surveyor, they began, each one for himself, to erect small temporary huts, using the common materials of the country, except that the· flooring was furnished, in some cases, from England. A public wharf and warehouse were likewise begun; and the rising town was named Freetown, in consequence of instruc- tions from the Directors to that purpose. In England, meanwhile, in order to assist the new settlers in pro- viding against the distresses to which they might be exposed during the rains, for want of sufficient shelter, another ship, the Yark, of 850 tons, was purchased and fitted out, and loaded, not only with variolls stores, but with frames of houses, and all materials for bRilding. It was intended, that, besides carrying out a large cargo, she should serve a'S a receptacle for those who were yet unprovided with. houses, as well as an hospital for the sick; and should be afterwards converted to a storehouse for the Company. This vessel was unfortunalely driven back by a storm after leaving the English coast, and did not arrive at the colony till after great delays. She proved, however, of considerable use afterwards, both as a storehouse and a floating factory. as well as in facilitating the loading and unloading of other vessels; and she became for some ~ime the residence of many of the Company's servants. * • R~ports, 1792 and 1794. 278 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IlL CHAP. III. THE precautions that had been taken, and the liberal supplies that had -been sent out from England, proved alike ineffectual to prevent a considerable mortality among the new colonists when the rainy period arrived: they experienced from it the same distress which had been felt by the former settlers. The rains began about the third week in May, preceded by tornados of . dreadful violence. Many of the settlers' houses were not yet completed; the Company's storehouses were but imperfectly built; and their servants were ill accommodated. The soldiers also were liable, from various causes, to be much exposed; and the few European settlers who had lately arrived from England, were least of all prepal'ed to meet the impending difficulties. The high degree of health whioh almost universally prevailed ante- cedently to the rains, by inspiring too great a confidence in the climate, had perhaps occasioned some remissness in making the requisite preparatioqs. The . building of a temporary ' town having necessarily engrossed the attention both of the Nova Scotians and of the Company's servants, no lots of land had yet been marked out~ nor had any step worthy of being mentioned been taken with a view to commerce, although some goods for trade had been sent out by the very first ships. The necessary' previous stores of fresh provisions were found to be wanting at the arrival of the rains; and the unsettled state of affairs tended to aggravate the distresses of the colony. The sickness which ensued was most severe. About eight hundred Blacks were supposed to be laid up at one time; and very few passed through the whole of this trying season without some indisposition. The disorder, which was the fever common to hot climates, while it affected the Blacks and Whites almost ,.' CHAP. III.] HISTORY OF SIERRA LEONE. 279 indiscriminately, proved much the most fatal to the Europeans, and especially to those residing on shore, among whom the mortality was at one time so great as to excite reasonable apprehensions concerning the practicability of the whole undertaking. . In the height of the sickness, all the medical persons, with but one exception, were l~id up; so that very few of the sick could be properly attended, and many perished for want of the tim~ly aid which there were no means of affording. The storekeepers, inhabiting a damp storehouse, were some of the first victims: increasing difficulty and confusion in the delivery of the stores were the consequ~nce. The doors of the storehouse were continually crowded; but neither food, nor physic and other necessaries for the sick (though these had been amply supplied by the Directors), . could be properly distributed. A great depression of spirits at the same time generally prevailed, which produced a total helplessness in the case of one or two families from England, and proved one chief aggravation of the disorder. Almost one half of the Europeans, living on shore, were carried off during this dreadful season, and nearly one-tenth of the Nova Scotians. The colony was just emerging from the confusion and distress into which it had been thrown, when a new event, of a perplexing kind, called for the attention of the Government. A ship arrived fi'om the isle of Bulam, having on board a great number of passengers, many of them extremely sick, who desired to be received into the colony. The Directors of the Sierra Leone Company had previously declined accepting proposals, to go out as colonists, made to them in England by many of the same persons who afterward went to Bulam; for they had conceived the fi~st success of their colony materially tQ depend on the exclusion of all Europeans who were not in the regular pay of the Company, and entirely subject to them. They were afraid that even a few men of an improper cast, in the situation of independent settlers, might materially prejudise the undertaking, by corrupting the morals of the colony, or exciting a spirit of discontent against the Government; and, if for either of these causes they should be ex.cluded from the settlement, that they might then be driven to 280 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. seek a livelihood by improper means among the neighbouring N atives- perh~ps eventually turning slave-traders. On these considerations it was; deemed expedient to investigate very strictly the circumstances of all those who went from England; no one being permitted to join the colony who left his debts undis- charged at home . . In the present instance, the character of the Bulam adventurers was unknown; and their offer waR . therefore declined: those only -who were sick were received on shore, where they ''I'ere furnished with a few necessaries, and, after a time, accommodated with a vessel to carry them back to England *. A few days also after the rains had ceased, the settlement was again disturbed by a demand from the Natives for a palaver, which was accordingly held the next day. At this meeting, King Jammy renewed his former pretensions respecting the purchase of the land; but was over-ruled by Naimbanna. He then disclosed his appre- hensions, from the great progress of the settlers, that they meant to take possession of the whole neighbouring cape; and he proposed an exchange of a part of their possessions for other land lying more inward. _ He. was fully answered by the Governor; and the palaver closed, as before, without laying any restraint on the settlers. . The · rains . had ceased about the 9th of October, and a second tornado season commenced, accompanied by incredible swarms of amts. The Nova Scotians, ' notwithstanding, resumed their labours, and towards the end of October two meeting-houses were finished" and a school for the children of the settlement. As soon as the general sickness began to abate, the chief object of the Government's attention was the distribution of the promised lots Of land; a work more arduous than had ,been expected. It was found to be in the highest degree inexpedient to give at once to each individual his lot of twenty acres; as so large an allotment woul~ necessarily throw many of the settlers to an inconvenient distance from the town and river; besides that the very labour of cutting ~he • Report, 1794. CHAP. III.) HISTORY OF SIERRA LEONE. 281 necessary paths, and of measuring so large a tract of country, would have been too great to have been easily accomplished in a single season. The Nova Scotians were so sensible of these objections, and so unwilling to be removed to a distance from the town (as well as to pay a quit-rent for a greater portion of land than they could use), that they preferred accepting smaller lots of four acres in the first instance, the right being re'served to them of claiming the remainder as it should be wanted *. Of these smaller lots they showed the utmost eagerness to obtain possession, and no time was lost in commencing the location of them t. Some spirited attempts were made even before the raIns had entirely ceased, but were checked by repeated sickness; and so great was the labour of measuring out the ground, that although a large party of men was employed, and constant exertions were made, a considerable portion of the dry season was necessarily consumed before the survey of the lots could be completed. The distribution of them continued, at several periods, from November to March, and the whole of this first allotment was completed in time for the crop of 1793. It was remarkable, however, that, having once got possession of their lots, very few of the settlers exerted themselves in cultivating them, till compelled by actual necessity; the greater number preferring to live in the town as long as they could earn a subsistence there by labouring at daily wages for the Company. Yet, notwithstanding all obstacles, as the dry season advanced, the colony displayed many symptoms of improvement. A garden of experiment was established, under the care of an eminent botanist (Dr. Afzelius); and two plantations likewise were begun, on the Company's account, as an example of cultivation to others; one near • This farther claim was never made by any of the settlers, although tbe right was stl'ictly preserved to them by the Company, and afterwards fully recognized by the Crown. . t The Company was not less interested than the settlers in the speedy accom plishment of this object, each colonist either continuing to draw from the public stores a gratuitous allowance of provisions until his lot was given to him, or being employed in working for hire under the Company, when perhaps there was little occa.ion tor his sen ices. 20 282 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PART III. Freetown which was soon relinquished, and the other on the opposite side of the river; both worked by free labourers. In the me~n time, several useful regulations had been made at home for the future government of the colony, and two gentlemen of considerable experience had been sent to Sierra Leone as Members of Council-the one accustomed to a new colony, and the other to tropical climates. J oumals of all transactions, and minutes of council, began to be regularly kept, copies of which were sent to England from time to time: periodical reports were made by each principal servant of the Company of the state and progress of his own parti- cular department; regular indents were sent home of all the European articles required for trade or colonial consumption; a more correct mode of correspondence was settled; and the original instructions of the Court were at length fully answered *. Lieutenant Clarkson had quitted Sierra Leone at the end of 1792, after a residence in the colony of nearly ten months, when Mr. Dawes succeeded him as Governor. " Report, 17,94. CHAP. IV.) HISTORY ' OF SIERRA LEONE. 283 CHAP. IV. ABOUT the same period when the improvement just mentioned took place in respect to the intelligence sent to England, the internal order of the colony also was materially improved. More systematic measures were adopted for the maintenance of the police and the administration of justice. Pains were taken to arrange the Company's accounts; and greater regularity was introduced into' the conduct of the different departments> The town having been laid out with great care, in a rectangular form, and spacious town lots having been assigned to each settler, their huts were replaced by larger and more commodious houses; the public works also gradually advanced; and the Natives, who continued perfectly friendly, and often flocked to the settlement, appeared to view the improving sta,te of Sierra Leone with satisfaction *. . The site of Freetown was unquestionably the best that could be found in that vicinity, for the salubrity of its air, the goodness of the water, and the excellence of the ,harbour; which could hardly fail to make it the chief resort of commerce, wheneve7' the Slave T1'ade should cease. Considerable labour and expense were bestowed in improving the landing-place; and a large number of the Novia-Scotia Blacks Were also employed in erecting a church, hospital, warehouses, and dwelling-houses for the Company's officers (of which the frames had been sent from England), and in the execution of some slight measures of defence with a view to the safety of the colony-among which, however, it was not yet thought necessary to include a regular fort. During the course of the dry season, an expedition to some of the • Report, 1794" 284 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [P A nx 1\[. neighbouring parts was undertaken with success, the object beil)g to conciliate the friendship of the N ati ve Chiefs towards the colony; and all the information which was obtained thus concurred to demonstrate the practicability of introducing trade and civilization into Africa, if not obstructed by the influence of the Slave Trade. But there still existed much discontent among the Settlers. They continued averse to making the ~xertions necessary for bringing their lands into cultiva- tion, and were ready to entertain every idle rumour to the prejudice of' the Governor, who was naturally anxious for the commencement of their labours, and for the relief of'the Compapy from the ruinous expense of maintaining them. War breaking out at the same time against France, and bringing with it very ml,lterial impediments to the progress of the colony, their discontents grew at length to such a height that it was deemed expedient to propose to them to send two delegates from their whole body to England, to represent t,tJ.eir complaints. This proposal was accepted, ap.d harmony was for a time restored. Every thing now promised favourably. Trade was extending, Cultivation advanced, though slowly. The health of the colony greatly improved. The rainy season of 1793 was attended with complaints of a less formidable description than had before been exp€rienced. The settlers seemed to be inured to the climate, and theit; children felt no bad effects from it. Just hopes also were entertained of improving morals. The schools which had been opened ,~;ere very regularly attended by the children of the Settlers and Natives, to tRe number of three hundred. Towards the close ,of the year, preparations wer.e making for sendle and Worthy Sir, "December 15, 1787. " Give us leave to say, that every virtuous man is a truly honourable man; and he that doth good hath the honour to himself: and many blessings are upon the head of the just, and their mt>mory shall be blessed, and their works praise them in the gate. " And we must say, th~t we, who are a part, or descendants, of the much-wronged people of Africa, are peculiarly and greatly indebted to you, for the many good and friendly services that you have done tewards us, and which are now 'even out of our power to enumerate. " Nevertheless, we are truly sensible of your great kindness and humanity; and we cannot do otherwise but endeavour, with the utmost sincerity and thankfulness, to ackno\\ledge our great obligations to you, and, with the most feeling sense of our hearts, on all occasions to express and manifest our gratitude and love for your long, valuable, and indefatigable labours and benevolence towards using every means to rescue our suffering brethren in slavery. " Your writings, Sir, are not of trivial matters, but of great and essential things of moral and religious importance, worthy the regard of all men ; and abound with many great and precious things, of sacred writ, parlicularly respecting the laws of God, and the duties of mell. " Therefore, we wish, for ourselves and others, that these valuable treatises may be collected and preserved, for the benefit and good of all men, and for an enduring memorial of the great learning, piety, and vigilance of our good friend the worthy Author. And we wish that tbe laws of God, and his ways of righteousness and truth, set forth and described therein, may be as a path for the virtuous and prudent to walk in, and as a clear shining light to the wise in all age&; and that these, and other writings of that nature, may be preserved and established as a monument or heacon to guide and to· warn men, lest they should depart from the paths of justice and humanity; and that they may more and more become a means of curbing the vicious violators of God's holy Law, an!! to restrain the avaricious invaders of the rights and liberties of men, whilever the human race inhabits this earth below. " And, ever honourable and worthy ·Sir, may the blessing and peace of Almighty God be with you, and long preserve your valuable life, and make you abundantly useful in every good word and work! A.nd when God's appointed tinle shall come, may your exit be blessed, and may you arise and for ' ever shine in the glorious world above, when that Sovereign Voice, speaking with joy, as the sound of many waters, shall be heard, saying, 'Well done, thou good CHAP. XL] SIERRA LEONE. 375 After Naimbanna's return to his country, . the ~on of another African Chief, who resided in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, visited England for instruction; and, besides the advantages which he reaped in that respect from the bounty of the Company, appears to have received from Mr. Sharp the usual kindness of attention which he was so ready to bestow. A letter from the person h'ere mentioned affords a specimen of African disposition and intellect. Anthony Domingo to Granville Shmp, Esq. " Worshipful and dear Sir, " FreetowD, June 3,1797. " 'Vith affectionate gratitude and respect, I beg leave to present you with these few lines. My great and long absence from you makes me very solicitous concerning your welfare. Natural affection inclines me strongly to have you in remembrance, tendering your welfare in ~every respect very dear to me. " I have no other-way of expressing my gratitude at present, ' than by my hearty thanks to the Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, for giving me education and bringing me to the knowledge of God. May the blessing of God attend them on every occasion! I shall ever acknowledge with gratitude the obligations I am under to the Divine Being for bestowing on me such pious and virtuous friends. " The distance at which Providence has placed me from you, has neither and faitbful servant: enter thou into the joy of thy Lord!' It will then he the sweetest of all delights for ever, and more melodious than all music! And such honour and felicity will the blessed God and Saviour of his people bestow upon all the saints and faithful servants who are redeemed from among men, and saved from sin, slavery, misery, pain, and death, and from eternal dishonour and wrath impending upon tbe beads of all the wicked and rebellious . .. And now, honourable Sir, with the greatest submission, we must beg you to accept tbis memorial of our thanks for your good and faithful services towards us, and for your humalle commiseration of our brethren and countrymen unlawfully held in slavery. " And we bave hereunto subscribed a few of our names, as a mark of our gratitude and love. <\nd we are, with the greatest esteem and veneration, honourable and wortby Sir, your most obliged and most devoted bum hie servants, " OTTOBAH CUGOANO. .. JASPER GOREE. JOHN STUART. GUSTAVUS YASSA. GEORGE ROBERT MANDERVILLE. JAMES BAILEY. WILLIAM STEVENS. THOMAS OXFORD. JOSEPH ALMAZE. JOHN ADAMS. BOUGHWA GBGANSMBL. GEORGE WALLACE." 376 ' MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. made me ungrateful nor undutiful. When I left England, I felt a violent struggle in my mind between indination and duty. I could have wished to have spent my advanced years in that plac€ where I first obtained your acquaintance. But I hope I shall be one of the numbers that shall teach my country~en; to convince them of the necessity of repentance towards God, and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ; to guard them against temptations, to build them up in most holy faith, and to prepare them for eternal happiness." &c. &c. " ANTHONY DOMINGO. " G, 8., in r(~ply.-[ExTRACT.] " Your letter of June last affords me great satisfaction; for I am confidenf that ~he just principles yon have expressed, if you are careful to - continue in them, will not only secure your own peace and solid satisfaction, but also be . serviceable to others; for even bad men will approve a good example in others: so that practical worth, when sincere and unlj.ffected, is more persuasive than the most eloquent language, and affords the best instruction to all around us." &c, &c. ,The only remammg documents of Mr. Sharp's action relative to his colony, are such as exhibit him twice pleading in behalf of the unfortunate and misguided settlers. - After the tlrst insurrection had been suppressed (in 1794), he appears as the advocate for those personally, whose cause be condemned, in the concluding part of a letter to the Chairman of the Sierra Leone Company. G. S. to Henry Thornton, ESq.-[EXTRACT.] " 26th November, 1794. ..... " I must likewise r(lquest, that, agreeably to the promise in my letter, which you approved, to the Sierra Leone settlers [who were sent prisoners to England], - very particular directions may be given to Governor Dawes, or the Government at Sierra Leone, to protect, and also to grant some reasonable allowance to subsist, their wives and families that are left at the settlement.-I have still something more to propose on behalf of these men, but am fearful I shall not easily obtain the general concurrence of the other Directors, who are So · CHAP. XL!.] SIERRA LEONE. 377 extteniely ' intimidated with the apprehensi0n of a farther insurrection in the colony. But J do not at , all conceive that there woulrl be the least occasiori. to fear the return of thes.e men, provided due caution be taken that the rest ,of the settlers (and more especially the persons' who return in the next ship, and 'have actually petitioned in their behalf,) shall pledge their future good behaviour, and take ~a;'e to separate the offenders into seveml diffe~ent hundreds at the,settlement on theil' return. It would be a still farther seourity for their good ,behaviour, if the Governor would undertake an active pan of soliciting their liberation, on condition of their earnestly promising to behave peaceably hereafter. It is magnal1'imous to forgive injuries; and I sh~uld Llever fear any bad consequences from the performance of this £n;t of Christian duties, under'reasonable caution to prevent mischief; but J should have real apprehension from persisting in a refusal to pardon in the pre~ent case. G ovemor Dawes's kind interference in good time, to obtain their pardon from the Company on ' due promise of submission, and leave to return as soon as their release can be obtained, will remove all difficulties and dangers." A second letter,. of much later date, IS of the same nature. It shows him still struggling to preserve the original privileges of the colonists, and solicitous for lenient measures towards them, when they acted under mistaken views of the conduct of their protectors. It appears, from the Reports of the colony published in March 1814 *, that an unpleasant misunderstanding had taken place respecting the militia law, and that, in consequence. many of the Maroons had withdrawn themsel ves from the settlement. G. S. to the Right lIon . General Maxwell, Governor if Sierra Leone. " Right Hon. Sir, " Garden Court, Temple, Dec. 22, 1812. " Having been the first proposer of forming the settlement at Sierra Leone, and having also been, for many years, one of the Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, J think it my peculiar duty to represent to you the probable cause of that discontentment which has lately been manifested by the Maroons at Sierra Leone, under your government. But, in the first place, it is necessary for me • Eighth Report of the Directors of the African Institution . 3 C 378 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART Ill. te' inform yeu, Ith8Jt the merit of the Maroons, in their zealous and effeot~al defence of that new colony, when it was attacked by a numerous body of the neighbouring African Chiefs, lought never> to be forgotten . The Maroons have 3!lways been' ~'emarkably industrious ' in the cultivation of their lots of land, much more than any of ' the' other 'settlers; and, therefore, when they are wi'bhdrawnfrmit taeft' profitable labours, to be driqed) under martial law, instead ohhe'ollly true cbIistitutional means of defence, the English frank-pledge, which in t;he 'b00ks ' of our Commen Law is entitled 'the chief and greatest security ' (summa et m-a,t'ima securitas), and in which the hO'Usehblders elect all the officers (e~cept the Governor ' and chief magistrates) who command them (without , the King's commission,)-a glorious privilege, which was absolutely promised tIY ·them by the Directors of the Sierra Leon€! Company-so unhappy a deprivation of it must necessarily occasiel1 much discontent among them. The Sierra Leone Company, indeed,' have since. resigned their management of the colony to his Majesty's Government; but as the English frank-pledge is the essential branch of the English Constitution declared by Magna Charta, which a:ll the Kings of Great Britain are by oath at their coronation bonnd to . maintain, it is net easy to conceive that thei'e can be any real intention to depri.ve the King's subjects in Sierra Leone of that most essential privilege, which was pr~mised, and really establish~d there by the Company. " The Act of Parliament by which the Sierra Leone Company was incor- porated (viz. S 1 Geo. IIL), a copy of which I send herewith, very prudentlj limited the establishment of the frank-pledge, so that it cannot interfere with the supreme Government of the colony. " The Directors of the Company were empowered 'to make laws for the government of the colony,' (p. 8), and' to appoint a Governor and Council,' (ibid.); and that' the Governor and Council may make laws, which shall have effect until disallowed by the Directors '-viz. ' laws not repugnant to the laws and statutes of this realm,' (p. 9) ;-' that a Mayor and three Aldermen should be incorporated by the name of the Mayor and Aldermen of Fre~town, ' (ibid.); -' that the Governor and Council be Justices of the Peace, and hold Quarter Sessions, aIDd be a Court of Record,' (p. 30.) " All these laws and privileges were fully established in the colony; and a short sketch of temporary Regulations was drawn up by myself, as being one of the Directors of the Company: and several printed copies of it were sent to the GovernOl~and Council of the colony, to be placed in the public library ; a copy of which is also sent herewith. (See No.3.) CHAP. XII.) SIERRA LEONE. 379 " I am impressed with a most sincere res~ect for yourself, Right Hon. Sir, for your zealous, constant, and most excellent conduct, as Governor of Sierra Leone, in defending the rights of poor injured Africans; and am, with sincere esteem, " Right Hon. Sir," &e. &c. It is satisfactory to add, that, by the benevolent exertions of Governor Maxwell, these deluded men were induced to r~turn to the settlement, and regained possession of their property. MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. PART IV. MR. SHARP'S MEANS OF EXPENDITU,RE.-VARIOUS TRUSTS.-CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE MEMBERS OF THE FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. SOCIETY FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE-ITS PROGRESS-MR. WILBERFORCE SUPPORTS THE CAUSE IN PARLIAMENT-BILL BROUGHT IN BY MR. FOX AND LORD GRENVILLE. MR. SHARP'S CONDUCT AS CHAIRMAN OF THE SOCIETY.-ANECDOTES OF MR. PITf RELATIVE TO THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES.-AFRICAN INSTITUTION.-PROTESTANT UNION. PART IV. CHAP. I. IN the arduous attempt to found the. colony of Sierra Leone, if we compare the great expenses, 'necessarily incurred, with the slender ' fortune of the Founder, it seems difficult to account f9r the means by which he was so long enabled to prosecute his benevolent enterprise. Besides the 'heavy charges defrayed by the Government at his solicitation, he on various occasions advanced considerable sums, far e:rceeding his income, and it is not immediately evident from what sources he drew his supplies. The profits acquired in his situation at the Ordnance must long before have been expended. In 1780 he received a small increase of wealth by a legacy from a relation *. In ] 783, on the death of his beloved brother James, the widow having been left with the care of a business of large extent, wholly \ out of the province of female attention, he undertook the entire management of it, and, for that purpose, left his brother William's house in the Old Jewry, (which had till then been his home,) and became an inmate with his sister-in-law in Leadenhall Street, where • .fIl~.-" 1780. Mrs . Prowse (formerly Elizabetb Sbarp), tbe eldest daughter of my uncle John Sharp, died this summer at Berkley in Somersets hire, and left me five hundred and fifty pounds, naming we also, at the end of a long entail, for estates in l'iorthamptonshire and in Lincolnshire." 384 ~EMOlRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. lPART IV. the business was then carried on. He conducted this new depart- ment with his accustomed good sense and diligence, for more than :;ix years, until l,he whole 'concern was finally arranged and closed, and the widow was at liberty to retire into the country. During the term of his management he received a liberal stipend from the 'business. But as neither of these circumstances 'brought him an accession of property at all adequate to the expenses of the plans in which he engaged, may it then be ima'gined that so virtuous a man found others of congenial character, by' whose assistance (concealed at their request) he was provided with means to carryon his designs ?-Some- thing of this nature has beel) seen in his letters"". From the liberal friendship of his family he derived a further ,power of occasion~l exertions. The generous tender of a constant provision in the houses of his brothers, William and James, has before been mentioned. An annual sum wa~ at first placed at his disposal, and to this act of kindness they soon afterwards added the refined attention of making over to him, from theil' own .funds, a fixed sum in capital, instead of income, in order to preclude a~y feelings of conditional dependence on their bounty. This capital cOllld be employed in aid of his plans; and there is reason to believe, from what he says of the diminution of his private fortune: that he devoted a large part of it to the exigencies of his undertaking t, In 1787, just at the commencement of the Sierra Leone enterprisf', an additional source of means came unexpectedly into his hands . . G. S. to Dr. John Sharp. " Dear Bl'other, " 31st October, 1787. " As every thing thllt nearly concerns me is equally interesting to all my dear brothers and sisters, I ought sooner to have' i~formed you of a small • To Dr, Lettsom. Account of the colony at Sierra Leone, p. 315. t In the first planning of the colony at Sierra Leone, it doe~ not appear that any large expense was contemplated, beyond the aid which Government had consented to give. The following is ~n extract from a letter from Mr. Sharp to his brother at Durham, in June 1786:- • " I enclose;1O ,account of the intended settlement in Afi·ica. I have promised to give twenty- five pounds towards procuring land. About fifty pounds, it seems, are wanted. Government will be at the expense of sending and fitting out the settlers. If the Trustees of Bamburgh would give another twenty-five pounds, they would do a great act of charity." CIIAP. I.] PLAN FOR A GENERAL ASYLUM. 385 addition to my income, by the will of my late worthy friend Mrs. Oglethorpe, who died last Friday 'at her seat at Cranham Hall, in Essex. I am appointed one of her executors, and' am also joined in two separate trusts; so that a great deal of my leisure must necessarily be taken up; but, in recompense, she has left me the Manor of Fairsted in Essex, with a 1'ecommendation to settle it in my life-time to chm'itable uses qfter my death, leaving the appropriation to my own direction and choice*, I shall be very anxious to have the best advice, and most mature consideration, how I may most advantageously dispose of this little estate for public charity after my death." That the income derived from this bequest was employed on the African settlement, is an obvious conclusion.-These were his whole resources. Regularity, economy, and parsimonious self-denial, must have supplied -the rest. The legacy of Fairsted brought with it a new duty, and, of course, presented a new scope of action to Mr. Sharp'S beneficence. After settling the several charges on the estate, he directed his attention to the ~ltimate' views of the testatrix, and reduced to method a design which, he informs his brother, he had" long had in idea~ of promoting a General Asylum in London, as a means ~f 'uniting more effectually and usefully some of the established charities." ' " The London W·orkhouse was intended for something of this kind by Bishop Ridley; but the plan failed for want of proper regulations, though the City has still power to raise contributions for it from all the London parishes, Here, then, must be the foundation of my offer to the City, as a nest-egg for more charity."-Lette1· to Dr. J. SIUl1'P'/'. • The estate was left by Mrs. Oglethorpe to Granville Sharp, Esq" his heirs and assigns, for ever; with a "fcommendalion to him to settle it dudng his life-time to tlte benefit oj some charitable establishment ajt", his decease; and at the same time expressly enjoining him to "urne tilt posStssion alld p,'oftts of tit . estate to himself during li.is life , t " Bishop Ridley's intentions for Bridewell also," adds Mr, Sharp, "are by no means eft'ectual for the desired good, through want of farther regulations, The poor wretches are confined, whippeJ, and then turned loose more wicked than they were when they went in, for want of separate confinement, and ffrr want of encouragement to work, " The plan of a General Asylum may be a means of correcting both these charities, and may therefore justly demand a con.ide,'able aid from both," 3 D 386 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. , - [PART IV; His next care was to print his plan *, and to submit it to the inspection of his friends~ as appears from a letter to Dr. Barrington, Bishop of Salisbury :-- " My Lord l " 21st May, 1789. " The advocates for slavery have said much of the superior hardships of our own poor at home ,; and as 1 have not been le~s anxious to promote their welfare than that of the poor Negroes, I beg leave to submit to your Lordship's correction the enclosed plan for a General Asylum; and I request your consideration and advice upon it, because I am very anxious to promote to the best advantage the trust that is put upon me," &c. &t. The plan, however, diu not proceed with quickness proportionate to his zeal. The occupation of his thoughts on the perilous concerns of his Sierra Leone colony, probably precluded any very effective attention on his part to other objects. It is not till the close of his individual exertions in support of that undertaking, that his customary activity appears in the farther search for some charitable establishment, on which he might settle the contingent benefits of the Fairsted estate. In maturing his plan, his principal attention was ~irected to a point in which the defect of our police has long been a subject of just regret. G. S. to Dr. John Sharp. " 14th September. 1790. " I am endeavouring to bring forward, as fast as I can, the plan of a public charity, but more especially Qne branch of it, the asylum f01' the females, to be employed in spinning linep and woollen thread and yarn in the London Workhouse, where there is a noble building ready and fit for tbe purpose, and where there are, at preseut, only about thirty children, though it is capable of accommodating four or five hundred." Agreeably to these intentions, his first especial offer was made, not long afterwards, to the Corporation of London. • " Soon after I received the above-mentioned trust, I printed a plan for a .public charity in the nature of a General Asylum for the poor, in separate classes, proposed to be under the management of the City Map;istrates, assisted by an united Committee of Governors, to be elected by the Governors of all the Royal Hospitals, without interfering with their respective establisbments ."-Letter to the Committee oj the Corpomtion oj London. CHAP. I.] PLANS FOR PUBLIC CHARITIES. 387 In 1791 he addressed a letter, dated Aprir 18, to the Committee appointed to inquire into the state of the London Workhouse; in which, after expressing his conviction "that the Corpo1'ation for the POOl' of London were already invested with ample powers to fulfil all the principal objects which he had in view; in his plan for a General Asylum," he submitted to them a proposal for a reform of the London Workhouse, in order to the more effectually" protecting, instructing, and employing the poor in that establishment." To this plan he subjoined an offer of the first reversion of the manor of Fairsted, and such conditions of the gift as he thought most conducive to the success of I)is designs. On the day following he received a deputation from the Committee, to consult with him respecting the general purposes of their appointment; and in th~ beginning of the following year he writes thus to the Marquis of Lansdown :- " My Lord, " January 29, 1792. " I take the liberty to send your Lordship the account of another charitable plan, the proposed reformation 91 the London Workhouse, which the Common Oouncil have now adopted, and have summoned me to meet their Committee next week, in order to consult on the means of carrying it into execution." The meeting, however, ended unfavourably to his wishes "'. He does not appear, from the commencement of this transaction, tq have been fully aware of the legal impediment which the testatrix had raised to the completion of her own intentions, by the particular conditions annexed to her bequest. The further account of his efforts to discharge his trust shall be related by himself. • In the meeting here mentioned, 1 have' heen informed, hy a Member of the Committee still living, that Mr. Sharp was anxious that the proposed RtgulatiOlls, which had received the assent of the Corporation of London, should take place without delay; ami he proposed, tliat, until the manor and estate of Fairsled should, hy his decease, revert to the Corporation, they should appropriate an annual Slim, such as they should judge proper, to the purposes of the charity, in order, as he slated, "to set an example to other public bodies, city companies, alld individuals," &c. But the Corporation did not deem it prudent to incur such an expense, until they should be actually put in possession of the intended gift, either by Mr. Sharp's decease, or by his tran.fer of the estate to them during his life-time. The subject, therefore, was wholly dropped. 388 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. G. s. to tlte Right Rev. Lord Bishop 0/ London, President of the Society for the COllve1'sion and 1'eligious Instrzu:tion and Education qf Negro Slaves in the rFest In'dia Islands. " 1\ly Lord, ' " 14th January, 1795. " I have lately been informed that your Lordship has obtained a Charter for the establishment of a Society to promote the Instruction of N egw Slaves in the British Colonies, and that a foundation is thereby laid for forming a most respectable body 'of trustees, whereof your Lordship, as Bishop of London, is the President, with full powers to accept the reversions of lands, to be appra- priated, after the death of the donors, to tllat charitable purpose, notwithstanding the e.r:isting laws against mortmain. [" The Bishops of London, having for many years been charged with the spiritual concerns' of all the British colonies, must frequently have been impressed with anxious concern for the unhappy case of myriads of poor _ Heathens, held in hopeless ignorance and slavery, within the bounds of their jurisdictions; 'dnd of course must have lamented the want of proper rneans to provide for the religious instruction of these poor oppl:essed people. as well as their own \Vanot of dye infiYence, at S0 great a distance, to urge and promote it. And some even worthy prede.cessors of your Lordship may (through the misrepresentations of mercenary colonists, and other interested persons con- nected with them, respecting the care and attention of the masters toward their poor Heathen labourers) have probably been induced to consider the Slave Trade, and slavery, rather as the means of introducing poor Heathens to the knowledge of the Gospel under Christian masters, than as illegal oppressions, which the odious terms Slave Trade and Slat'e1"!J imply, and, through this vain pretertce of the colonists, have been deluded to think m'ore favourably than they omght of our national delinquency in tolerating slavery. But the contrary effect has been notorious: instead of instructing their slaves to become Christian. '.: :" the masters themselves, by illegal trust of an unlimited dominion over their poor brethren, have gel'lerally acquired all the vicious depravities of the worst of Heathens; and the almost total neglect of religious instructions to their slaves is sufficiently known, Of late, indeed, some few itinerant Moravians, and also well-meaning enthusiasts, have laboured to instruct the poor Heathen strangers, and with astonishing success; but not at the expense of the masters, as it ought_ to have been; for these poor itinerant missionaries are chiefiy supported by subscriptions in England, which I have endeavou~ed to promote.} " Your Lordship'~ attention [ther~foreJ to the charitable work of instructing CHAP. I.) PLANS FOR PUBLIC CHARITIES. the Slaves in oui' colonies, i~ particularly seasonable at this time, and perfectly accords with the sacred duties of your high a~d important episcopal charge. And I sincerely hope that this worthy design may be liberally promoted by the affluent, and by all persons that can afford to contribute. " As to mySelf, I have very little to spare at present, but I have consider- able to offer in reversion for futurity; which I mention with the less reserve, because I do not consider my present intentions as my own charity, but only as a continuation of my unremitted efforts to fulfil a trust devolved upon me by a worthy de"ceased friend, who gave me an estate, "to be bestowed after my decease on some public charity, leaving me entirely at liberty in the choice of the charity. I speak of the estate and manor of Fairsted in Essex; the reversion of which I offered some time ago to the City of London, in trust, for the encOIwagement qI'Oollintary labourers at the London lForlchouse, that a due distinction might be made between industrious people, when they cannot ob- tain employment, and the idle and vagrant poor, who are the proper objects for Bridewell Hospital; but, more especially, I insisted on the protec tion and employment of honest and industrious females*, (women servants out of place, and poor girls), who seek an honest employment, to learn the art of spinning wool, if not already taught; and to be encouraged in their diligence by whatever profits may arise from their labour, beyond their estimated proportion of tbe general charge of maintenance and house-expense. The Court of Aldermen and Common Council ordered my letter to be printed and sent to all the members of that court, that the terms might be considered; but some difficulties were apprehended, chiefly, I believe, re~pecting the Mortmain Acts) which prevented the acceptance of them. [" I next turned my thoughts to some new regulations for the better employment and improvement of the unhappy females at BridC'weLl Hf)spitalt. Spinning has been since introduced, and several other improvements, but an asylum for honest and industrious females cannot, with propriety, be annexed to tbat cbarity.] " I do not at present know of any other establisl1ed public charity more worthy my attention, than that which your Lordship has proposed for the' ". I mention more particnlarly thcse endeavours in hehal( of honest ano inoustrious females, because I consider their protection as a very important charity, and wish to fccorumend it to yo ur Lordsbip as a secondary object for tbe appropriation of tbe revenues of yonr Lordship"s trust, in case tbe primary object should cease by a gencral enfrancLisement of slaves, which tbere is ample reason to expect."-Note to LettCl·. t Mr. Sharp was elected a Governor of Bridewell and Betblem Hospitals, on 30th Nov. 1786. 390 MEMOIRS OF, GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. instruction of Negro Slaves in the Colonies; and I am, therefore, willing to present to your Lordship, and the other Trustees for tqat Charity, by a proper deed of gift, the next reversion of my whole estate and manor of Fail'sted, containing about three hundred and fifty-eight acres of valuable freehold land of my own, besides a considerable extent of freehold and copyhold lands, held by the manorial tenants, on the payment of several small quit-rents and occasional fines, of t)1e Manor of Fairsted ·; two small charges· only remaining on the estate. But I wish to create a small additional 'charge, to provide for the instruction of the pOOl' children in the parish of Fairsted itself, in reading, working, and spinning, as a mere matter o~ justice to the poor labourers of the soil from whence the revenue arises; for it would seem a gross partiality to send away the whole revenue of the little district for the instruction of foreigners, excluding the poor natives of the manor from the same advantages: and therefore I hope that this additional charge, being under the same trust as that for the ' instruction of Negro Slaves, may fairly be considered rather as a reasonable and allowable part of the ordinary ex- penses of the estate, than as a distinct charity. I wish also to reserve, under the same trust, about fourteen acres of land, to be distributed or let, from time to time, in small portions among the poor cottagers of the parish, for gardens or potatoe-grounds, under particular regulations, which I have to pro- pose, while they hold no Gther land; for without such small portions of land, mere labourers in agriculture can scarcely subsist, since they have been depriv~d of the benefit of common land: so that this second proposal may also be fail)Y allowed, as a necessary branch of the ordinary expenses of the estate, towards the due support of the poor labourers by whom it is cultivated, and not as a distinct charity. These two additional charges to the estate, I propose, not only as a kind of duty lowe to the natives of it, but also as humble ex- amples to promote similar arrangem~nts on other .estates; because I conceive that whatever will most effectually promote the increase of population in any district or manor, (I mean increase only among industrious and orderly people,) must be an effectual means of increasing also the value of the landed property in that district; and surely a due constant regard and provision for the in- struction of the labouring poor, as well as for (heir comfortable existence, which are the only objects of my two additional charges on the estate, seem to be the most natural and obvious means of producing these desirable effects. [" Indeed, some such regulations are too generally wanted throughout England, for the relief of t~e POOT cottagers-I mean chiefly those that are employed CHAP. 1.] MANOR OF FAI!,tSTED. 391 as mere day-labourers in husbandry, whose wages are now become utterly inadequate to the enormously increased prices of all the necessaries of life, and in many counties are not sufficient to purchase the necessary food and clothing for the families even of the most industrious and har<~-working men: so that the condition of this most useful and necessary class of the people is certainly too much reduced, and requires some general reformation, more especially as the unfeeling advocates of the Slave Trade are continually vaunting the superior condition of the colonial slaves to that of the labouring poor in England :-a comparison as unjust as it is odious; because the English la- bourer is protected at least from all personal ill-usage and outrage, by equal laws; and when the'scanty pittance of w~ges (though not half that is due from his employers) is expended, he is entitled to demand some additional support for his family from the parish where he lives. (Nevertheless, it must be allowed, that it is extremely unjust that an industrious man, who labours hard six days in every week, should be subjected . to this latter most' humiliating circumstance, and thereby lose his elective rights as an English householder, merely because his wages are inadequate to the necessary expenses of a family. The case of day-labourers in husbandry most certainly demands redress, though not by any means so deplorable as to admit of the least comparison with the detestable ~ppression of the poor strangers under our colonial bondage, whi~h is even worse in many respects than the hardened Egyptian tyranny of old, and its retribution must also be more signally awful).] " If the proposed conditions should be approved by your Lordship and the rest of the Right Reverend and Right Honourable Trustees, I shall imme- diately prepare an irrevocable deed of gift of the next reversion of my whole t:state and manor of Fairsted, to be presented to your Lordship, as ' President of the Society for the Conversion and Religious Instruction and Education of the Negro Slaves in the British West India Islands.' " With sincere respect, my Lord, &c, &c."* • The original copy of this letter contained a full detail of his first progress in the liheration of Negro Slaves (inserted in a former part of the Memoirs), and many rcmarks on the Slave Trade, which being considered by the Bishop as extraneous to the immediate purpose of the letter, it was re-written, with the omissions desired by his Lor4ship, and enclosed to him in a manly address, which the reader will find among other papers of a similar nature in tbe ensu ing chapters. N. B. Two or three paragraphs, inserted between brackets [ ], are here restored from the original, because they relate to facts explanatory of Mr. Sharp's conduct, in the cndeavour to discharge the charitable office bequeathed to him by his friend. 392 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV~ . Two days after the date of the foregoing letter; appears the fo1- lowing:- ®~. " 1795, Jan. 16. Lambeth Palace. The Bishop of -London ac~epts tpe trust of Fairsted estate." Nevertheless, this attempt also to settle the reversion, agreeably to the humane views of the testatrix, failed of success. "The Bishop," says Mr. Sharp in a letter to a friend, ," consulted some of the highest authorities in the profession of the law; who were of opinion that the business could not be established, because of the laws against MQrtmain; which was nearly the same opinion that had before been given by the Recorder and City Officers." In the same letter he rela!es a subsequent experiment, in which he appears to have given away a part o{the revenue during his life-time, but of which the future-provisions are not mentioned. " But I have already disposed of a few acres _o f land, by way of experi- ment, in favour of another very different charity_ The land is laid out in smallloi:s, as cottage-Iand,- some lots consisting of one acre and a half, but mostly of Dne single acre only: which lots are let to a few farmers' labourers (those that have the largest families in t-he parish) at a low rent; the income of which is expended in the instruction of all the poor children in the parish, whose parents cannot afford to pay for their schooling. The number of . children, in general, has been from fifteen to tirenty; and the cottagers are perfectly contented, and pay their rents most thankfully 1.(0." Mrs. Oglethorpe was not the only persoh who imposed on Mr. Sharp the task of providing for a charitable establishment. About the year 1791 he was named a trustee also by Joseph Wilcox, Esq . .( son of the bishop of that name) who left by will a large sum tow!lrds endowing an hospit~l ' for the county of Kent; and, in pursuance of the testator's wishes on the occasion, he obtained a grant of the " This experiment is in part proposed in his letter to the Bishop of London_ The result of it does not appear. . The estate, and manor of Fairsted have been reclaimed by tne heirs of !\'fr~. Oglethorpe sincp ,Mr. Sharp's death, and are now ill their possession. CHAP-. l.) . FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. 393 remains of Rochester Castle from the proprietors * for that purpose. A letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, requesting his advice" for the more effectually promoting the intended charity," discloses these particulars. Nor was the great repute of Mr. Sharp'S philanthropy productive of applic,ations merely of a private nature. Integrity of character exerts 'a resistless influence, which is extensive in proportion as time and opportunity render its possessor an object of notoriety. In the tumultuary movements . which had begun to agitate France, he was addressed by several of the most virtuous members of the National Assembly; and he held a continued correspondence with Brissot, La Fayette, Roland, and others, among the principal abbettors of the ,first revolution, on the most important concerns, expressing his opinions with his usual sincerity and benevolence, and taking a deep interest in their success. In his admonitions to the new reforme~s, the most solemn and em- phatical warnings respecting West Indian slavery, were not omitted; and their effects were seen in the declarations of the French Re- ...publicans on that subject. The advance of the great _w ork, of which he had long before laboured to lay the foundation in his own country (as important to the general interests of humanity as to the character of England), now demanded his attention. • Lady Ducie, Mr. Dent, &c. the representatives of Mr. Child's house. 3 E 394 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. CHAP. n. THE mischiefs which had befallen, and the danger of entire destruction which had more than once menaced, the infant colony of Freedom in Africa, were, in great part, to be "ascribed . to the unshaken vigour in which the detestable Slave Trade still continued to flourish. A free settlement, supported by industry and national commerce, seemed likely gradually to undermine and eventually destroy the sordid traffic, by opening the eyes of the African chiefs to their own superior inter€sts, and showing them that the produce of social labour was a far greater source of wealth to their revenues, than the capti.vity and sale of their subjects. What wonder, then, if the slave-traders set every engine to work, to irritate the natives of Africa against the new colonists, to undermine them in their turn, and "to pervert the ends of b~nevolence? " " - Out of good still to find means of ill." But Providenc~, in its mercy, was now about to cut the thread of long-suffered iniquity, and to comfort and strengthen those whom it had chosen to be advocates on earth for their fellow-creatures. After numerous ana unwearied endeavours on the part of the -Quakers in America, and of the zealous Clarkson and Gramille Sharp in England, in behalf of the wretched, and till of late unpitied, victims of men who degraded humanity; the time h~d arrived, when it appeared to be within the bounds of hope, that an association of be- nevolent persons, protected by a congenial movement in the British Parliament, might lead to it retrieval of the human charader from the ignominy of the Slave Trade. Endeavours were therefore used to col'lect, and unite in one bod v, the various parties who had severally, and almost independently ~f CHAP. II.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 395 one another, begun to make exertions of a similar nature; and in the spring of 1787 especial meetings were convened of a few men of eminent character, all of whom were friendly to the cause. One of their meetings was held almost in the same month in which the little fleet set sail, which carried the first banner of English liberty to the coast of Africa; and it was at this meeting that an event took place, which gave preponderance to the scale' of African fi·eedom. Mr. 'Vilberforce was there solicited to take the lead in ~ pariiamerltary effort for the abolitio.n of the cruel traffic in our species; and, in that eommunion oLbenevolent minds, the corresponding impulse of his heart prompted him t() yield a ready assent to. an engagement of no common magnitude "". The first important point being happily secured, the next step was to arrange measures for prosecuting the schem~ in such a manner as should be most conducive to the great end in view. Many days did not elapse before the design was carried into execution. On the 22d of May, a Committee was chosen, consisting of twelve members, whose declared dUly and purpose it was to proLllote, by every means in their power, an abolition of the traffick in the human mce. Granville Sharp was included in the Committee. * The meeting was at the house of Bennet Langton, Esq.; the persons present were, Sir Charles Middleton, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Hawkins Brown, Mr. Windham, Sir Joshua Reynolds, and Mr. Boswell. Mr. Clarkson remarks, that Sir J. Reynolds an'd Mr. H. Brown gave. their unqualified approbation oj the abolition oj the trade. Mr. Windham and Mr. !3oswell spoke on the same side, though they afterwards became inimical to the cause. The following are among the reasons given by Mr. Clarkson for considering Mr. Wilberforce as the most proper parliamentary l~ader in the cause of the A holi tion.- .. His habits of diligent and persevering inquiry made him master of all the knowledge that was requisite for conducting it. His talents, both in and out of Parliament, made him a powerful advocate in its favour. His character, free from the usual spots of human imperfection, gave an appropriate lustre to the cause, making it look yet more lovely, and enticing others to its support. But, most of all, the motive on which he undertook it, insured,it progress : for this did not originate in views of selfishness, or party, or popular applause, but in all awful sense of his duty as a Christian. It was this which gave him alacrity and courage in his pur- ·suit. It was this which, when year after year of unsuccessful exertion returned , occasioned him to be yet fresh and vigorous in spirit, and to persevere till the day of triumph." fli6tol·Y oj tile Abolition oj the Slat'e TI·ade. 396 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. The incipient labours of the Association were cheered by an important coincidence, which .occurred at this time. The efforts of the humane Anthony Benezet, and other Ainerican Quakers, had, by gradual advances. at length effected a general manumission · of slaves among the whole body of men of their persuasion; and the year 1787, in which the Committee was appointed in England for promoting the abolitjon of the trade, was the first year distinguished in America by the gratifying circumstance of there not remaining a single slave in the possession of an acknowledged 'iluaker. The superstition of ancient times would have hailed this coincidence as an auspicious omen; the sensibility of modern ones perceived its influence. Eleven years had now elapsed since the criminality of the Slave Trade was first adverted to in the House of Coin mons. It was in 1776, that a motion was made by Mr. David Hartley, (a son of the cel~brated physician and metaphysician, and) member for Hull, the purport. of which was, " That the Slave Trad€ was contrary to the laws of Goel and to the rights of men." The motion was seconded by Sir George Saville. But the proposition failed entirely of support, and its very memory had nearly vanished. It was now resumed with a happier prospect. The trials which had occurred , with regard to Negroes in this country, had awakened a very general attention to the subject of African slavery; and although prejudi'ce to a great degree, and interest to a much greater, still guarded the ground ' ! with Gorgoni;lO terrors" against the attempts of the philanthropists, considerable access to liberal minds had been gained by the assiduous and affecting eloquence of -these new pleaders in the cause of humanity. They could not, indeed, address themselves so long in vain to the naturally reflective disposition of our nation*. ' • "Mens' minds," says Mr. Clarkson, " began to be impressed with the moral necessity of the abolition of the Slave Trade; an impression w1>ich had been gradually brought on by the public labours of Mr. Sharp; and several had become inclined to unite for the extirpation of this gigantic evil." History oj lite Abolition. CHAP. II.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 391 The progress of this humane, and finally powerful association, is so well known from MI'. Clarkson's faithful 'and interesting history, that it will merely be requisite, in this place, to give such a summary notice of its actions, as may serve to connect the thread of MI:. Sharp's Memoirs during his participation in its labours. The rapid progress of public sentiment is deserving of our attention. 'The Committee for effecting an abolition if the Slave Trade assumed its denomination in June 1787, and immediately dispersed circular letters, giving an account of the Institution. These letters soon procured the friendly notice of the Quakers at large; and a depu- tation also from the General Baptists informed the Committee of their wish and intentions to labour with them in the cause of human freedom. A corr~spondence was likewise quickly opened with the , Societies established at New York and Philadelphia for the :Manu- mission of Slaves and Abolition of SI'avery. In order to diffuse a more general knowledge of the subject, the Committee deemed it right to adopt the publication of a work which Mr. Clarkson had presented to them, 'entitled, " A summary View of iile Slave Trade, and of the probable Consequences of its Abolition." Numerous copies of this useful tract were dispersed, and the curiosity of the public became every day more excited by the authentic information thus unexpectedly laid before them. The new class of moral revolutionists in France warmly espoused the cause of the abblition. Brissot, and Claviere (his friend and afterwards hIS fellow-sufferer under Robespierre's tyranny), requested to be, admitted members of the Association. The well-known John Wesley and Dr. Price next appeared as correspondents, with expressions in the highest degree friendly; and a letter from the Rev. Robert Boucher Nicholls, dean of Middleham in Yorkshire, was ordered by the Committee to be printed, and five thousand copies to be dispersed. Dr. Watson, the bishop of Landaff, also added his support. In October, the Society adopted their present seal, which 398 MEMOIHS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. represents an African in chains, kneeling on one knee, andJifting both his hands in the act of supplication, with this motto,-" Am I not a mun and a brother r This, simple but striking design appeared to ha.,re a very extensive effect. About the end of November, two thousand more copies of Mr. Clarkson's tract were printed, and -the Society's circular letter prefixed -tQ each. -All these having been eag€rli accepted by the individuals t@ wh0m they were addressed, new- impl:essions were ordered of the circulali letter, to the number of three thousand, prefixed to lists of the wbscribers to the-Institution; to which were added, one thousand five hundred copies of Benezet's Account 0/ Guinea, three thousand of the Dean of Middleham's Letter, five thousand of 1\1r. Clarkson's Tract, and two thousand of another work of the same Writer, (' on the Slavery and Commerce of the Humq.1l $pecies." Excited by this effective circulati0n of all the knowledge, which ~e Committee continued to collect, on the subject of the Slave Trade, the feelings of a .generous people soon began to be openly expressed. :._Meetings were called in variolls towns to discllss the inf@rmation which had been thus diffused; and by the middle of the .,ens.uing February, (1788,) thirty-five petitions, praying for the Abolition of the Trade, were presented to the House of Commons. New correspondents had in the mean time presented themselves to the Committee of the Society; among whom were Dr. Horne, the p resident of Magdalen College, Oxford" and Dr. Bathurst (afterwards bishops of Norwich); MI'. Lambert, of Trinity College, Cambridge; and, Dr. Hinchcliff: bishop of Peterborough, who presented a plan, called "Thoughts on the Means for abolishing the Slave Trade." Mr. Newton, also, the rector of Saint Mary Woolnoth, in London, who had in his youth been in Afi'ica, addressed to the Committee " Thoughts on the Afi-ican Slave Trade," of which three thousand copies were ordered to be printed. The extensi ve aisclosure of public sentiment was no less felt by the Government than by the Society itself; and in the same month of CHAP. IT., SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF TH& SLAVE TRADE. 399 February, the King, by an Order of Council, directed that a Committee of Privy Council should sit as a Board of Tra:cle, "to take into consideration the present state of the African trade, particularly as to the manner of obtaining Slaves,' their importation and sale both in British, and Foreign settlements, and the consequences of the trade to the commerce of the kingdom." In the sittings of this Committee of Privy Council, no less than one hundred and three petitions were- presented from various places and bodies of men, including the city of London, the two Universities, the large manufacturing towns, whole counties, the several dioceses of the Established Church, the Quakers, and Dissenters of other denominations. Additional letters and offers of service were (among others, .nearly at the same time) received from the 'Rev. C. Wyvil; from Archdeacons Plymley and Paley (both proposing assist- ance in the great cause); from Dr. Sharp, prebendary of Durham; Dr. Woodward, bishop of Cloyne; and from the Marquis 'de la Fayette, who informed the Committee of his intention to establish a similar Society in France. The two latter persons having solicited to be admitted associates, were accordingly enrolled among the honorary and corresponding members of the Society *. Numerous other letters from various parts announced intentions of calling public meetings, to petition the Parliament in favour of the desired abolition. The examinations before the Committee of Privy Council still continued, and the time was now approaching w hen it had bEen proposed to bring the subject forward in the House of Commons The anxiety of the members of the Abolition Society was of course great, and their utmost diligence was exerted in maintaining the correspondences which had- been so usefully and honourably opened. • The fervid earnestness of an unknown individual should not here be omitted. fwo let ters, pres~.rved by the African Institution, whoever was the writer of them, do bonour at leas t to his beftrt. In tbe first he offers an immediate payment of 5001., if the Slave Trade can b, at Qn c' lIbvli,hu] ; and in tbe second he doubt,s bis ofter to the same effect. 400 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. They learned with great satisfaction, that the Society which had been proposed at ParIs, for abolishing the Slave Trade, was actually established; that Condorcet was the president; that the Duke of Rochefoucauld and the Marquis de la Fayette stood first in the list of the members, and were followed by Petion, afterwards mayor of Paris, and other men of eminence. New correspo'ndents, also, continued to present themselves, among whom was Mr. Jay. the president of the Society before mentioned at New York; and the exertions of the Committee required a still greater degree of labour and attention. Additional works, which were esteemed useful to their cause, were printed, and more than nine thousand copies of different tracts were distributed in the most extensive manner possible. Sub-Committees were formed, who were charged to draw up a just statement of all the facts and arguments that had been ' brought forward against the Slave Trade, with a view to their translation into other languages, in order to give foreigners a suitable knowledge of the subject, as well as to confute many false reports which had been maliciously propagated concerning the object of the Institution. One of the most powerful weapons that had been employed against the efforts of the Society" was a pamphlet entitled "Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of the Slave Trade." The writer was an Ex-Jesuit, of the name of Harris. who 'was at that time a clerk in a slave-house at Liverpool, and employed as a mercenary on the present occasion. His pamphlet was now ably answered by the Rev. James Ramsay, vicar of Teston in Kent. who had resided nineteen years in the island of Saint Christopher, and in that time had been a frequent eye-w.itness of the cruel treatment of- the Negroes. Unfortunately, during the continuance of these important transac- _ tions, Mr. Wilberforce was deprived by illness of the power of attending, or in any'manner assisting, the Committee in its anxious progress; and two-thirds of the session of Parliament had, from this CHAP. II.] SOCIETY FOR ABOUTION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 401 cause, passed by, without any step havilmg been takeJll ~n the Bouse of Commons to advance the claims of the Society on the attellltion of the public. But the alarm experienced from these circumstances was unexpect- edly relieved by a message from the Prime MinisteJo to the Committee, desiring a conference with their Chairman, and by the subseqllent assurance which they received of his intentions (on account of Mr. Wilberfi)rce's absence through indisposition) to bring forward the. subject himself in the House of Commons. Agreeably to his promise, on the 9th of ;VI ~y, 1788, Mr. Pitt ' proposed for the consideration of the House the actual state of the Slave Trade, and, reserving wholly his own opinion on it, desired merely to pledge the House to a full discussion of the subject in the next session. This motion, though agreed to, disappointed many, who were impressed with a belief that the general feelings of the members of Parliament, excited as they had been by the copious statements of African sufferings, would have secured the immediate abolition of the trade, if Mr. Pitt's heart had been with !tis words. A secondary motion was therefore introduced by Sir William Dolben, for leave to bring in a Bill to relieve the condition of the Negroes dUTing their passage from Africa to the colonies, which was represented as miserable in the extreme, from their being unwholesomely crowded, and "crammed like herrings" into the ships in which they were tmnsported. The bill passed, after much opposition. The Abolition Committee now renewed their efforts, both by further researches, and by attention to their correspondences. They made applications to France and to Sweden, which latter kingdom was represented as particularly likely to derive advantages from an abolition of the trade by England. They added also to the list of their correspondents many men of the most respectable names, among whom were Dr. Franklin, president of the Society at Phila- delphia; the High Sheriffs of Huntingdonshire, Yorkshire, and Herefordshire; and Mr. Evans, on the part of the elders of several 3 F 402 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP.' [PART IV. ,Baptist churches, forming the Western Baptist Association; Mr. Irwin, of Grenada; and Mr. J. L. Wynne, of Jamaica. The «Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of the Slave Trade " were, at the same time, farther answered by the Rev. Mr. Hughes of Ware, and by Mr. William Roscoe; and numerous copies of these answers were printed by the Society, and dispersed as usual. A Report was then printed of the motives and proceedings of the . Society. - CHAP. III.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. CHAP. III. MR. WILBERFORCE's health being improved during the recess of Parliament in 1788, his recovery was hailed as a favourable omen -to the progress of the cause. Among the new honorary me\Ilbers elect~d into the Society at this period was the present' learned Bishop of St. David's, who had lately published a work of high importance to its general interests*. Information was also received of the appointment of Committees in various towns of the kingdom, to assist the views of the Society; at Bristol, Manchester, Pool, Plymouth, and Exeter; and the same at Edinburgh. But the particular efforts of the Committee were directed to the maintenance of their correspondence with the different states of the European continent, and with America. The meeting of Parliament in the following year renewed the hopes and fears of all parties. On the 19th of March, 1789, Mr. Wilberforce rose to make his expected motion; and the 2Sd of the next month was fixed for the important discussion. The day was afterwards changed to the 12th of May. On that day Mr. Wilberforce moved for tbe consideration of the numerous petitions presented to the House against the Slave Trade; and a Committee of the . whole House immediately proceeded with the subject. Mr. Wilber- force submitted to {he Committee twelve propositions, leading to the Abolition of the Slave Trade. The discussion was resumed on the 21st, and continued on the 26th, 29th, and on the 9th June; when, by the consent of Mr. Wilberforce, and in consequence of the numero,us delays that had been opposed, a motion was made for deferring the • " <;:onsiderations 011 the Abolition of Slavery and the Slave Trade, on the Grounds of Datural, political, and religious Duty." .t04 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP• [PART IV. further consideration of the subject to the next seSSIOn of Par- liament. A second year of delay being thus procured by the intrigues of inter- ested avarice, the Bill for regulating the Middle Passage was renewed. The Committee, at the same time, published a plate, representing the section of a slave-ship, with the slaves stowed in it for the Middle Passage*. It presented a sight of horror, sufficient to convince the spectator, that, under whatever regulation, the conveyance of slaves in our ships was a work of cruelty and profound barbarism. During the interval of the parliamentary session, the zealous Clarkson, at the request of Mr. Wilberforce and the Committee, ~et out for Paris, in order to promote the interests of the Abolition with the National Assembly. He was there cordially received, and his proposals seconded by men of the highest reputation; by Necker, Sieyes, Mirabeau, La Fayette, Condorcet, the Duke of Rochefoucauld, Claviere, Brissot, the Bishop of Chartres, and the Abbe Gregoire. Mirabeau prepared to make a motion in the National Assembly for tbe immediate abolition of the trade. But the same ingenious engines of malice were employed in France, as in England, to impede the success of the cause; an,d Mr. Clarkson was under the necessity of returning to attend the Committee in England, before any effectual step had been taken in Paris for the Abolition. In the early part of the next session of Parliament (1790), Mr. Wilherforce renewed his motion for the consideration of the Slave Trade, and, not without opposition, obtained leave to establish a better mode of dispatch, in regard to the examination of evidence on the subject. The session ended without further advance in the great cause of humanity, and the Committee made their second Report, which they concluded by lamenting the powerful combination of interests against which they had to contend, and protesting against the • The original design of this engraving was made by th~ late Mr. Northcote, of Plymoutb, a brother of the eminent painter. The present plate was improved by the most accurate dimensions of the vessels generally employed in the Slave Trade, as well as of the human bodies confined and manacled within them. CHAP. Ill.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 405 false alarms which had been spread in public to impede and prevent their progress in so great a national cause . . The labours of the Committee during the period that ensued were of the most arduous kind. They spared neither pains nor expense to procure fresh evidences in support of their cause, which they had now too much reason to consider as declining. Their evidehce was collected, printed, and circulated; and in April 1791, Mr. Wilberforce renewed his attempt in Pariiamel'lt, and moved for leave to bring in a " Bill to prevent the farther Importation of Slaves into the British-Colonies in the West Indies." The discussion, however in itself fiwourable to the general cause, was not crowned with the success that had been hoped. The motion was rejected by a majority of votes, and the Committee felt the severest and most painful mortification. But Mr. Wilberforce himself, and several other members of the House of Commons, had pledged themselves never to desert the great cause which they had undertaken; and the Committee, rousing itself fi'om despondenoy, renewed its labours. They procured an abridgement of all the evidence that h~d been collecteo with such infinite pains, printed it in one volume, and ' circulated it throughout the kingdom. Its effects were nearly instan- taneous. Mr. Clarkson, in traversing England at this time, found every where the great mass of inhabitants ardently embracing all the means in their power to aid the prospect of the Abolition. Amon.g other means, an abstinence from the use of sugar (as the produce of the labour of slaves) became so general, that the number of those . persons who wholly forbore even its occasional taste amounted at one time to no less than three hundred thousand. Meetings were called, and petitions followed fi'om all parts; three hundred and ten were presented from England, one hundred and eighty-seven from Scotland, and twenty from Wales. On the 2d of April following (1792), Mr. Wilberforce made his fourth motion, to the further effect, "that the trade carried on by British subjects, for the purpose of obtaining slaves on the coast of Africa. ought to be abolished." 406 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. It was in the debate which ensued on this motion, that the argu~ ments in favour of the Abolition were strengthened by the powerful evidence derived from the new settlement of Sierra Le'One, and stated by Mr. H. Thornton, the Chairman, who ended his speech by remarking on the nature of this traffic in slaves: " It had," he 'said, " unfortunately obtained the name of a trade, and many had been deceived by the appellation; but it was a war, and not trade: it was a mass of crimes, and not commerce: it alone prevented the introduction of trade into Africa. He had found, in attempting to promote the establishment of a colony there, that it was an obstacle whieh opposed itself to him in innumerable ways. It created more embarrassments than all the natural impediments of the country, and was more hard to contend with than any difficulties of climate, soil, or natural disposition of the people." This representation had great weight; and the result of the discussion was, that "it was the -opinion of the Committee that the trade ought to be gradually abolished." On April the 23d a Bill was accordingly introduced for the gradual abolitibn, which it was agreed, after a long debate, should take place ill the year 1796. Early in the next session (1793), Mr. Wilberforce again brought forward his motion for the consideration of the subject; and after- wards, on May 14th, moved for the abolition of that part of the t11ave Trade by which the British merchants supplied foreigners with slaves : but both these motions were negatived, and lost. The ~amination of evidence, however, by the Committee of Privy Council, continued. In 1794, Mr. Wilberforce, who had now digested his plan of operations! renewed his motion for leave to bring in the Bill which he had proposed last year; and the Bill was carried in the Committe-e, but lost in the HOLlse of Lords. -From this periQd, Mr. Wilberforce appears to have rested his hopes on a steady perseverance in an annual renewal of his motion in favour of the Abolition. In 1795 he moved for leave to bring in " a Bill for the Abolition of the Slave Trade." In the year 1796 he made a CHAP. III.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 407 similar motion; but both were lost. Another Bill, proposed by Mr. Francis, for the amelioration of the condition of slaves ,in the West Indies, was rejected in a similar manner; but an Address was agreed on to 'his Majesty, to order copies to be laid before the House of all the Acts passed by the several Colonial Assemblies since 1788, relative to regulations in behalf of the slaves. In 1797, a" farther address to his Majesty was c~rried, to give directions to the Governors of the West India Islands to recommend to the Colonial Assemblies to make regulations for the improvement 'of the condition of slaves, and the gradual abolition of the Slave Trade. In this year the Committee reeeived a -letter from the President of the Pensylvanian Society for the Abolition of Slavery (Dr. Franklin), communicating a successful progress in America, and encouraging the Society to persevere in their efforts. In 1798, Mr. Wilberforce again asked leave to renew his former " Bill for abolishing the Slave Trade in a limited time." In 1799 he repeated his effort. Both attempts were ineffectual. Fresh efforts were now made to strengthen the cause, by the considerations deduced from the new colony of Sierra Leone; and Mi. Thornton moved for" leave to propose the restriction of the Slave Trade within certain limits," exempting from it about one-third of the African coast. But this Bill also, though it passed th~ Commons, was lost in ' the House of Lords, after a debate in which Dr. Horsley, bishop of Rochester, vindicated the Scriptures from the imputation of tolerating slavery. 4Q8 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. CHAP. IV. A MIDST tlilese repeated failures of the efforts made in Parl.iament to obtai,Ii) tlile Abolitiol'l of the Slave Trade, it was evident that the JOOwerful eloquence of Mr. Wi I berforce, Mr. Pitt, and M r. Fox, uniting in the production of irrefragable arguments against the continuance of the horrid traffic, had shaken it to the very foundation; and, notwithstal'lding the liligh rank of several of their opponents, and the talents of some few ~Flong them, strong hopes now arose tIn-at the caMse of the Abolition was ' sec1!etliy gaining ground. It was therefore thought prudent to let the question rest for a time; and though Mr. Wilberforce annually moved fur papers that might elucidate the subject, he forbore the renewal of his tnotion till the 'yeaI' 1804, when, the Union with Ireland h~ving taken place, a new tribunal presented itself for the investigation of the subject. The Committee were not.disappoiJilted in their expectations from this timing of their measures. The Bill for the Abolition of the Slave Tllacde within a limited period passed in the House of Commons by a c(!)nsiderable majority; and in the House of Lords the discussion wa~ merely postponed to the next session. In the ensuing year, 1805, Mr. Wilberforce resumed his motion, and, to· the- disappointment and' dismay of its friends, was unsuccessful. But the cause of its failure having been discovered to be the accidental ,absence of such of its friends as had conceived it to be secure of success, Ilew efforts were made with alacrity for its support in the next session. In the interval Mr. Pitt die4 (January 1806). and Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox were called in , ~o the Mini~try. The cause was now brought into Parliament under new auspices, and it only remained to be 'Proved whether the opinions which those persons had maintained when jn Opposition, would be acted on when Ministers. Events soon proclaimed the sincerity of their professions. A Bill was brought into CHAP. IV.1 ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 409 the House of Commons, by the Attorney-General *, for prohibiting the importation of slaves by British subjects, either into colonies conquered during the war (consistently with a Proclamation issued by his Majesty in a former year), or into any foreign colony, whether hostile or neutr~l, and also for preventing British subjects from carrying on a Slave Trade in neutral vessels, and from fitting out Foreign ships for British ports. This Bill passed both. Houses; Mr. Fox and Lord Grenville declaring, in the respective debates, their strong sense of the importance of the question to the interests 0f humanity, and the claims of policy, justice, and religion; and their conviction that the accomplishment of the Abolition of the Slave Trade would be, of all other measures, the most glorious to their administration. Mr. Fox next moved, on June 10th, "that the House, considering the Slave Trade to be contrary to the principles of justice, humanity, and policy, will, with all practicable expedition, take effectual measures for its abolition;" declaring, that" if he should succeed in carrying through this measure, he should think his life well spent, and should retire satisfied that he had not lived in vain." The majorities were-in the House of Commons, 114 to 15; in the Lords, 41 to 20. In the former, after the resolution had passed, Mr. Wilberforce moved an "Address to his Majesty, that he would invite the co-operation of Foreign Powers in the same cause." The Address was also carried in both Houses; and, to prevent any interested abuse Of the interval previous to a Bill for the actual Abolition, another Bill was introduced, to prevent any new vessels being employed in the trade. The joy of this success was damped, in October, by the death of Mr. Fox. "Two things," said that great man on his death-bed, " I wish earnestl y to see accomplished,-Peace with Europe, and the Abolition of the Slave Trade: but, of the two, I wish more the lattert." In 1807, Lord Grenville brought into the House of Lords " a * Sir Arthur Piggott. t Clarkson's "History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade," vol. ii. p . 567. 3G 350 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE. SHARP. [PART III. heartily glad if you will be pleased to assist us at our meeting, and propose such of your friends as you think would approve of being included in the Corporation. " The broker employed for the Company was the highest bidder at the <;ustom-house sale yesterday, for the Lapwing sloop. He thought it right to bid to 186l., which sum I have paid him. " It is of great importance to ~he safety of the New Settlement, that the Charter of Incorporation should be ex.pedited as soon as possible.~ TO TliE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. The Memorial qf Granville Sharp, Citizen of London, in Behalf if 'himself and Others, " HUMBLY SHEWETH, " That the Black poor, and others, subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, who settled on the land lately purchased by your Majesty for their use at Sierra Leona, consisting, by the last account, of about two hundred persons, men, women, and children, are so extremely poor that they cannot effectually avail themselves of the eJ!:traordinary natural advantages of that fruitful and healthy district without some further aid; and therefore they have earnestly requested in their last letters, that some merchants or factors might be induced to settle among them, im order to ket:p up ' a 'constallt t.:oJUIlIullication between England and the new English territory in Africa; whereby they hope to procure the necessary aid and assistance. .. " That your Memorialist, 'in -consequence of this request, has solicited and obtained promises from severall'espectable gentlemen and merchants of London, that they will form themselves into a Company, and advance their_r espective shares and proportions of money, to enable them to send proper factors and agents to St. George's Bay, the principal harbour of the new English territory, in order to promote and carryon the trade of the settlement in British manu- factures with the Natives of the neighbouring coast and rivers in Africa, prov'ided your Maj.estywill be pleased to grant them a Charter of Incorporation," &c. &c. &c. CHAP. X.] SIERRA LEONE. 351 CHAP. X. I T was in the midst of such zealous and anxious efforts, that, in the month of April 1790, news arrived· of the calamity mentioned in the previous narrative, regarding the total dispersion of the settlers and the burning of their town. Mr. Sharp, immediately made a repre- sentation of the outrage to our Government, and, being admitted to an interview with the Minister, was ,directed by him to procure information as to the best means of affording relief. This charge was speedily executed. G. S. to the Right Honourable William Pitt, ~c. ~c. Chancellor qf his Mqjesty's E:rchequer.-[ExTRAcT.] " Right Hon. Sir, " Leadenhall Street, 26th April, 1790. " Sin~e I had the honou~ of representing to you the deplorable situation of the poor people that were lately compelled to evacuate the new settlement at Sierra Leona, I have ·carefully consulted several friends en the best means of affording them some immediate temporary relief at the least possible expense. " If a vessel w~s to be chartered on purpose for the voyage, the charges would be very heavy, and time also would be lost in preparation. But as I have lately purchased, through the favour of Government1"a small vessel, the Lapwing, of thirty-four tons, intended for the St. George's Bay Company, to be employed in the service of their factory in that Bay, in case they should succeed in their · application for a Charter; and as they have already engaged a proper master for the said vessel, anu a pri"ncipal factor (both acquaint~d with the coast), and also some proper assistants, whose salaries are already commenced, it will occasion very little more expense to them, to employ this little establishment in carrying out, and dispensing to the best advantage among the poor people, whatever sum Government shall think proper to allow them; and a much less sum in this way will be necessary, as the Company take upon themselves all the expenses of their own people. It is conceived that, with this assistance of the Company, a sufficient supply, for the present, of necessaries, clothing, and 352 MEMOIRS OF GR, ANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. prOVISIOns, from' hence, and some few articles of traffic to barter for fresh provisions and other necessaries on the spot, may be procured at the expense of three hundred pounds, provided the Government will, in addition, be pleased to order a small armed schooner, or sloop (any that are now actually fitted for his Majesty's service), commanded by a lieutenant of the Navy, to proceed immediately with the Lapwing, for the prot~ction of the poor people, and to keep them together; because the agents at Bance Island profess that it is the ~nt~rest of the\r only as are the natlllral produce of the soil, raised or procured by the honest industry of the inhabitants, that the Natives may no longer be tempted to oppress and enslave each other. " The 'C~mpany have appointed Mr. Alexander Falconbridge, the bearer of this letter, to be their chief agent; and his brother, Mr. William Falconbridge, to be his assistant. They are strictly enjoined to have nO concern whatever in the Slave Trade, to which indeed they are very far from having the least inclination, being both of them sincere friends to the People of Colour, and to the natural and equal rights of men, and lovers also of justice, peace, and quiet; so that y~)U may safely confide in their advice; and be assul'ed that they will do the best in their power to make a reconciliation with the Native Chiefs, that they may ,restore the land which they absolutely sold to the King rf Great Britain and his heirs for ever. " The present intention of the British Government is, to invest the general property of the King's land in the care of the S1. George's Bay Comp~ny, that it may be better protected for the future; and the Company will grant free lots of lmid to all the settlers who will engage to support the British Government according to -the former Regulatiop.s, provided they will promise not to trade with any other merchants than the agents of the Company, who will either purchase their produce at the market price of the country, or permit them to ship it for England on board the Company's vessels, at a reasonable allowance for freight and the expenses of maintaining the factory; and the Company will supply them with British goods at a moderate profit. " The settlers must also resolve to keep perfect order, peace, and quiet, among themselves, by maintaining a constant guard night and day, bi rotation of all the males above sixteen years of ag~, that all offenders against the peace may be immediately seized -and imprisoned, and tried by a jury of the settlers at the next Court: and Courts must be frequently held for the maintenance of justice; for I have received grievous complaints from several individuals among you, concerning the want of due order and justice; and you must attribute the loss of the settlement, in great measure, to that neglect of order and justice, and military discipline, which if you had maintained, and had employed yourselves industriously in forming proper earth-works or trenches round your town, the Natives would not have dared to meddle with you. Your own experience will now sufficiently convince you of the necessity of joining he3.rtily with Mr, Falconbridge, in forming such works of defence as he shall think nece5sary for CHAP. X.] SIERRA LEONE. 361 the safety of the settlement, in case he shall be able to recover the land, amI, of COUl'se, he will pay your wages, according to the value of la~our in that country, for whatever time you are employed in the service of the Company. " Sincerely wishing you success, and that the blessing of God may attend every honest exertion of your industry, (of which I cannot doubt, provided you will sincerely endeavour to maintain his laws ofj ustice and righteousness among you,) I remain your constant friend and humble servant, " GRANVILLE SHARP." The foreg,oing documents have fully shown the virtuous en<;leavour of u Christian to eSlablish and uphold a state of enti~'e social.freedom and justice. Hourly observation of the world forbids us to wonder that his pure views found insuperable obstacles in the adverse interests amidst which he attempted to establish it, as well as in the vices and errors of the very men for whose sake the experiment was made. With men of whatsoever description, casually selected from their kind, hopes of such a nature must have proved equaHy fallacious; more especially while the experiment was to be supported by the power only of a single hand. Granville, vigilant and resolute, maintained the guard of his enterprise to the last moment of possible safety, and then submitted with humility to his defeat, convinced that he had aimed at an achievement beyond the grasp of mortality. H is enthusiasm differed in this point from the feverish fervour which too often assumes its name. His hopes were frequently eccentric, his e.r:pressimzs of them nearly as much so: his conduct was that of temper, of prudence, of rational hope, and diligent precaution. But although his strong mind perceived the necessity of having recourse to the accessory strength of the Company, which was now formed and incorporated by an Act of Parliament, he must have been more or less than man not to have regretted the demolition of that ideal fabric of happiness, which he had wished to raise for an afflicted portion of mankind. The Writer of these Memoirs has witnessed the struggle of his mind on this occasion: yet his memoranda cOlltain no remarks of this nature; and once only on paper such remarks appear to have escaped the fence of his piety and courage, in a letter 3 A 362 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. \ to a friend whose name is not. mentioned; and even then the com- munication appears less to have been voluntary, than extorted by feelings of personal regard, and an anxious concern for the health of ,the friend tc;> whom he writes. " Sir, " Leadenhall Street, London, 5th October, 1791- « Dr. Lettsom having informed me that you have again expressed a desire to receive from me some accounts respecting the new settlement on the coast of Africa, for the sake of the poor free Blacks in America, it is necessary for me to acquaint you that I long ago, on your first requisition, wrote out for you a very full account of it, which probably never reached your hands. Having after- wards received similar applications from John Jay, Esq. in bebalf of the Blacks at New York, and from the Rev~ Mr. Hopkins, in behalfof the Blacks at Rhode lsland, I sent to both these gentlemen copies of what I had written for you, and several copies also of the printed Regulations; so that the free Blacks of America have not wanted information. on the subject: but I suppose the accounts they have since heard of the many disadvantages that the poor settlers have laboured under for want of pecuniary asssistance, and their sub- sequent misfortunes, may probably have prevented any further application from these gentlemen; and the inducements to go thither are still further curtailed (at least I apprehend they will be deemed so in your esteem) by the new Act of Parliament in favour of the Sierra Leone Company; because the community of settlers, though they are now restored to their actual possessions in the settle- meRt, are no longer pt'oprietors qf the whole district as before, as the land has been granted, since they were driven out, to the Sierra Leone Company; Sft that they can no longer enjoy the privileges of granting land by the free vote of their own Common Council, as before, nor the benefits of their former Agrarian Law, nor the choice of their own Governor and other officers, nor any other circumstances of per:fect freedom proposed in the Regulatior.zs: all these privileges are now submitted to the appointment and controul ·of the Company, and no settler can trade independently .of it. " I am very sure that such restraints 'cannot accord with your ideas of perfect liberty and justice. But I could not prevent this humiliating change: the settlement must have remained desolate, if I had not thus far submitted to the opinions of the associated subscribers. .However, all slavery, and the oppression of involuntary labour, are absolutely prohibited, and the laws of England are to be established. I hope to prevail on the Company to CHAP. X.] SIERRA LEONE. 363 bind themselves to reciprocal conditions in trade; to furnish goods -at certain fixed profits to all settlers equally, without respect of persons, and to purchase their produce on equal terms; in order to make amends for the monopoly, and to make it their interest to maintain the mutual terms inviolate. " To yourself I mention these very disagreeable circumstances with less chagrin and reluctance, than I should do to any body else, because I think they must deter you from all thoughts of removing to Africa, which would be attended with a considerable risk of health, as well to J6urself as to your amiable and accomplished partner; so that your removal, under the present circumstances, would not be justifiable."· '&c. &c. 364 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. . [PART III. CHAP. XI. THE accomplishment of the Charter put a close to the laborious and unprecedented ~fforts~f -at! individ~al, during four years, to support an undertaking of such extraordinary magnitude; and although that individual may be naturally supposed to have remained the most warmly attached of any to an ent~rprise of which he was the source, he thenceforward only shared in exertions, of the most laudable and arduous nature, with -meD, whose devotedness to a cause which they conceived to be interesting to humanity and important to religion, through an unremitting course of personal attention, fatigue, and risk, may be thought to merit precedence even in the high distinction so long possessed by England for her virtuous philanthropy. During the first period of the establishment of the Sierra Leone Company, appear the following :- s.0~.-" May 3. Committee of Sierra Leone Company. " July 13. At twelve o'clock at the London Tavern: chosen Director, with twelve more of the Sierra Leone Company. " July 14. Committee of Directors at Mr. Williams's." In the election of the Company's officers, the compliment, so often paid to Mr. Sharp on other occasions, of placing him in the chair, was here o~itted, as the philanthropic object of the settlement had by many been deemed so highly visionary, that it was judged advisable to elect a chairman, wbose ordinary connections with concerns of more acknowledged substantial foundation might seem to authorise the expectation of success. The person chosen was the late Henry Thornton, Esq. afterwards Governor of the Bank. But although Granville stood thus mingled with the general body, NAI~BANNA, KING OF ROHANNA. 365 on an equal footing with all, and with the common title only of Director, a superior respect, attached to his name, distinguished hilI} among the colonists of Africa. An instance of the inpuence of character will be found in the following anecdotes.- Naimbanna, the sovereign chief of Sierra Leone, was of a disposition little correspondent to the opinion, which prejudice had impressed on Europeans, of African manners and tempers. ,He was peaceabfe, bene- volept, desirous of knowledge, and of affording protection to all who were capable of imparting it. The first settlers at 'Granville-town opened to his view new prospects of improvement. Among the Negroes who had returned to Sierra Leone, was Elliot, his secretary, who" \vhile in England, had learned to read and write our language, through the cus- tomary kiIHlness of Mr. Sharp; anel his [.Jl·()ficiem;y in letters excited in Naimbanna a great desire of obtaining the advantages of an European education for his sons. It has been seen, by Elliot's letter to Mr. Sharp, that Naimbanna offered to appoint a scbool, to be placed under his superintendance; and this offer being declined, the King sent one of his sons to France for instruction, and another was placed under a \ Mandingo teacher, a Mahometan: the eldest son, John Frederick, having resolved to make his way to England for the same purpose, was on the ,point of concluding an agreement with the master of a slave-vessel for his free passage thither, when the Company's agent, Mr. Fa1cllnbridge, arrived at Sierra Leone. Naimbanna, having witnessed that officer's upright and r~spectable conduct during his stay in the settlement, readily consented to his son's desire of embarking in the Company's ship on her sailing for England, in spite of the strongest remomstrances from the neighbouring Chiefs. He had made the fullest inquiries into the details of the establish- ment at Sierra Leone, and was sensibly affected on learning its real motive. The original author and promoter of it appeared to him an object of veneration; and when he consigned his son to the hands of Mr. Falconbridgc, he charged him at the same time with a letter addressed to Gmnville Sharp, entreating him that he would in all things direct the education of the young prince. 3u6 M'EMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. The following extracts from his letter will show the amicable and generous sentiments of an African sovereign. " I~ has been told, that th~se people, the frce settlers from England, would in time drive me by force of arms back in the country, and take my post from me. I have received several accounts, from factories and captains of ships, . against the settlement, which I took no notice of, as I conceived it was, in my opinion, spite or envy that they had against their living in this country; but have served the settlers in any little request they asked of me, and have endeavoured to keep peace between them and my people, and also among themselves, by settljng a great many disquiets between them. It was pleasure to do it, as I thought they would become useful to us all in this country, by teaching \IS things we do not know; and common reason must tell, that the most ignorant people in the world would be glad to see their country made good, if they had idea how it might be done. . " And again, I must let you know, that, if there were no other reason for my wishing for the welfare of the settlement, I .should do it, that then;l might be a stop put to the horrid ' depredations that are so often committed in this country by aJI nations that come here to trade. There are three distant relations of mine now in the West Indies, who were carried away by one Captain Cox,. captain of a Danish ship; their names as follows-Corpro, Banna, . and Morbonr. These were taken out of my river Sierra Leona. I know not how to get them back. I . never hurt or deprived any person of their right or property, or withheld from them what is their due; so I only let you know of these lads, that t):lCre will be an account taken of them one day or another. " As to the settlers, I could only wish that you will send me over one worthy of taking the care and command of the place; then you need not be' afraid of their prospering in this country. Mr. Fa\conbridge, during his time out here, I approved much. I ever was partial to the people of Great Britain, for which cause I have put up with _a great deal Of insults from them, more than I should from any other country. " My son, I hope, y~u will take care of, and let him have his own way in nothing but what you think right yourself~." Mr. Falconbridge arrived in England with his charge on the 22d of September 1791; and the Directors, moved by the friendly disposition * Reports· 0.£ Sier~a Leone Company' .. CHAP. XI.] NAIMBANNA. 367 of Naimbanna, adopted immediate measures for procuring to his son those advantages of which he justly entertained 'hopes from our country. Mr. Sharp's answer will show with what feelings of mind N aimbanna's proposal was received 'by himself, and with what con- seque~ces it was attended. To King Naimbanna, King if Rohanna. " Sir, "November 11, 1791. " The extraordinary proof you have been pleased to give of youI' good opinion and confidence in me, by entrusting your son, by Mr. Falconbridge, to my charge, demands my best endeavours to fulfil 'your good intentions as amply as possible; and, even if I had not before thought myself under great obliga- tions to you for your kind and very friendly conduct toward the poor Black settlers at Sierra Leone, whose interest I have had so much at heart, and who have repeatedly (both in letters to me, and many by word of mouth) acknow- ledged your continued favour and condescending behaviour toward them, in conversing with them sometimes like a father,-I say, even without all these incitements to a grateful return on my part toward your son) yet his own natural good disposition, modesty, behaviour, and great diligence and application - to learning, would alone be sufficient to ensure my esteem and regard for him. " On his first arrival in London, Henry Thornton, Esq. the Chairman, or chief presiding Director, of the Sierra Leone Company of Merchants, very kindly invited him to his house; and, as Mr. Thornton is a gentleman not less distinguished by his virtue and amiabie qualities, than by his ample fortune and rank in life, I thought llIy::;elf happy that yuur WIl :should see so good an example. " Mr. Thornton, and the re~t of the Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, have undertaken the charge of paying a proper tutor for the education of your son. Mr. Thornton recommended the Reverend Mr. Gambier, of --, in Kent, about forty miles from London, to be entrusted with the charge; but before I consented to entrust your son to his care, I received a very strong testimony of his good character from two E nglish Bishops, not less eminent for their learning, piety, and diligence, than for their high station in the Church of England. " I shall deliver to Mr. Falconbridge a letter from the Consul-General of the Danish Nation, residing in London, to the Governor-General of the Danish Factory on the African coast, instructing him to make particular inquiries after your three 368 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART Ill. relations, who were stolen, and carried away by a Danish ship. And I purpose to write to you more. fully on the subject of the Slave Trade by the next ship. " I remain, with great respect and esteem for your worthy character, your hl1mbre servant, " G. S." The promised letter to King Naimbanna was afterwards sent to Sierra Leone. Mr. Sharp'S MS. Notes contain little mention of the young Nainlban~a, except the frequent recording of his name (as in the rase of Omiah) at , different dates, by which he appears to have been diligent in his attendance on him. This youth was just twenty-nine years of age; and, some time after his arrival, was baptized by the name of Henry Granville, Mr. Thornton and Mr. Sharp being his sponsors. The account given of him by two clergymen; who successively superintended his education, is such as demonstrates a disposition every ,"yay worthy of cultivation *. In capacity, he does not appear to have been below the ' general class of' • " A desire of knowledge' was the predominant feature in his character: he would continually urge his instructors to prolong the time of their reading together. He was forward in declaring his obligations to everyone who would assist him in the acquisition of useful learning : he would el1press regret if he had been led into any company where the time bad passed away witbout improvement; and when it happened that he was left. pnt.irely to himself, he would employ no,t less tban eight or ten hOlll's of the day in reacling. Though the disadvantages arising li'om the long neglect of bis mental faculties were apparent, he showed signs of very good natural sense: he had also a faculty at distinguishing characters; and his mind, as might naturally be expected, was ready to receive impressions from those persons of whom he had conceived a good opinion. He had few advantages of person, but he was uncommonly pleasing in his hehaviour, showing much natural courtesy and even delicacy of manners: he was also of a kind and aft'ectionate disposition. He was quick in all his feelings, and his temper was occasionally warm; some degree of jealousy also entering into his character: in particular, he was indisposed to answer questions put to him by strangers concerning the state of his own country; for he was apt to suspect that they meant to draw comparisons unfavourable to its character; and he would there- fore, on such occasions, often turn the conversation, by remarking, tbat a country so unfa,'our- ably circumstanced as Sierra Leone had hitherto been, was not to be supposed capable of having made any attainments worthy of being the subject of conversation in Great Britain." The following anecdote will show the extreme sensibility which he felt, when any circulllstance arose which tonched the honour of his country; and it will also explain the grounds of his peculiar jealousy on this subject:- The name of a person having been mentioned in his presence, who was understood by him CHAP. XL) NAIMBANNA. 369 mankind. "He learned, in the space of a year and half which he passed in England, to read very fluently, and to write a letter in English without much difficulty. The alteration which, during the same time, took place in his mind, was also very great. The peculiarities which have been ascribed to Africans in general, had evidently subsided. He was deeply impressed with religious principles, and reverenceJor the Sacred Scriptures. His morals were pure, and he showed at alI times a strong abhorrence of profane conversation and every kind of vice *." Very sanguine hopes were naturally entertained that the educati9n of the son of an African Chief in England might be of the greatest assistance in cementing a confidential union between the .people of his country and the European colony of freedom; and the young Naim- banna appeared likely, both from his abilities and disposition, to lend the most important aid in introducing the improvements of science, and the comforts of civilization, into Africa. to have publicly a'5erteci SO')lpt.hing- vpry ucgr.rling to thp general ~h"r"dpr of Afrir.an., he broke out into violent and vindictive language. He was immediately reminded of the Christian duty of forgiving his enemies; upon wbich he answered nearly in the following words :-' I{ a man should roh me of my money, I can forgive him; if a man should shoot at me, or try to stab me, I can forgive him; if a man should sell me and all my family to a slave-ship, so that we should pass all the rest of our days in slavery in the West Indies, I can forgive him i-but ' (added he, rising from his seat with much emotion,) 'if a man takes away the character of the people of my country, T never can forgive him.' Being asked why he would not extend his forgiveness to those who took away the character of tbe people of bis country, h-e answered: , If a man should try to I,i ll me, or should sell me and my f~mily for slaves, he would do an injury to as many as he might kill or sell; but, if anyone takes away the character of Black people, thai man injures Black people all over' the world; and when he has once taken . away their characler, there is nothing which he may not do to Black people ever after. That man, for instance, will beat Black men, and say, Olt, it is only a Black man, wlty should not I beat !tim? That man will make slaves of Black penple; for when he has taken away t heir character, he will say, Olt, /I,"y are only Black people-I.""Y sltould not I make tltem slaves? Tbat man will take away all the people of Africa, if he can catch them; and if you ask him, But why do you take away all these people? he will say, Olt, they aTe only Black p eople-tl. .! } Itre not like "'hite people-why should not I take them 1 That is the reason why I cannot forgive the man who takes away the character of the people of my country.' "-Report, 179/i. A similar acconnt is given of him in a letter from Granv ille Sbarp to his brother Dr. Sharp, 2ad September, 1791. • RepOlt, 1794. 3 B 370 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PART Ill. The dispensations of Providence forbad the continuance of these hopes. The spring of the second yel;lr had scarcely arrived, during the progress of his education, when Mr. Sharp received the following note :- " Thursday, 17th April, 1793. ': Mr. Naimbanna presents his compliments to Mr. Granville Sharp, and is sorry to inform, that letters have been received this morning which mention the death of his very dear father. His son, however, has, in his affliction for his loss, a pleasing hope that he died in the faith of Jesus Christ, and that his soul is ha.ppy. Mr. N aimbanna takes the first opportunity of mentioning it to ,h is friend Mr. Sharp, because he knows he shall have his tenderest sympathy." This unfortunate -event induced the young Prince to return home. The following month he took leave of his protector, and set out for Rohanna. ~@J.-" 18th May. Parted with Mr. Naimbanna about three o'clock at Fulham." Mr. Naimoanna to Gran'ville SluZ'lP, Esq. Garden Court, Temple. " Dear Sir, " Plymouth, 23d May, 1793. " Since I arrived at Plymouth, I have greatly wished to write you, pursuant to my promise made you before I left London, which I have been prevented from doing by my engagement with my kind friends here, all of whom have received me with great pleasure. " The Naimbanna is ready for sea, and will proceed for Sierra Leone -as soon as she can procure her proper 'papers from the Custom-house, which I Rope will be soon. I purpose to write you again on my arrival at Sierra Leone ; and assuring you that I feel sensibly your great attention to me, I beg leave to conclude myself " Your most sincere friend, " H. G . NAIMllANNA. " This amiable youth did not reach the abode of his family. Two or three days before the vessel arrived at Sierra Leone, he was seized with illness, and died within a few hours after landing at Free- town. A suspicion arose among his countrymen that he had been CHAP. XI.] DEATH OF THE YOUNG NAIMBANNA. 371 poisoned during his voyage; and a lo~g palaver was held, which terminated in an entire removal of their apprehensions. N aimbanna's mother, no less alive to the sentiments of regal generosity than her husband or her son, withdrew the charge which had been brought against the captain of the vessel, and, coming herself to Freetown, with expressions of the utmost confidence in the Governor and Council requested them to take another of her sons under their protection *. • " According to the information of a servant of the COlDpany, who sailed in the same ship with the young Naimbanna, he had left Plymouth in perfect health; but as soon as he reached a warm \!limate, he began to feel a slight complaint in hi~ throat, and occasional pains in his head. His mind was at the same time anxious and uneasy, for he was evidently dismayed at the prospect of those difficulties with which he expected t~at he should have to combat after his return. Numberless were the ' plans which he amused himself with devising, for the purpose of spreading Christianity, and opening the eyes of his rude countrymen; but he seemed constantly to be tortured by the idea that something would obstruct his designs ; and the dread of disap- pointment seemed to press upon him more strougly in proportion as he drew nigh to his native shores. The heat also began to affect him very violently, and a fever ensued, which was 'attended with delirium. In one of his lucid intervals he desired the person who gave this account, to assist him in making rus will, by which he entrusted his property to his brother, for the use of a young child, his son; and he introduced into the will an earnest request that his brother would exert every endeavou~ t.o put an end to the Slave Trade. When he reached Sierra Leone he was insensible of every thing that passed, and his life was despaired of. His mother, together with some younger branches of the family, came down to the Governor's house, where he was laid, and, after a few hours' attendance on his dying bed, they saw him breathe his last. 'The Governor and Council meution, that nothing could exceed the agitation and distress shown by his mother on the event of his death." " Thus terminated the 'days of this amiable and enlightened 'African, from wllOse exertion~, if he had lived , the Company might have expected the most important and extensive services. It may he remarked, however, that, notwithstanding his untimely and much to be lamented death, he has rendered at least one important service to his country, by furnishing a memorable instance of the effect of erlucation on the mind of A fricans, and a most encouraging and bappy omen in favour of his benighted countrymen."-Ueport oj the Sierra Leone Company, 27th Mm'ch, 1794. 372 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. CHAP. XII. THE history -of the colony from the time of these events has been related in the previolls narrative. A few of Mr. Sharp's papers refer 'to it at variolls periods. Some time after the barbarous invasion of the settlement by the French, he received a printed apology for the conduct of France, which he thus notices in a letter to Mr. Macaulay, Governor of Sierra Leone. " I had intended to send you a small printed tract, which was brought to me from France by a Swedish gentleman. It was drawn up and read in a public Committee by Bishop Gregoire, a man 'of benevolence and learning: it is a panegyric on the principles and intentions of our English settlement at Sierra Leone, wherein he apologizes for the hostile attack which his countrymen, the French, had lately made upon it, and which he asserts was by no means intended by the French Government." During the progress of the Company, continuing , anxlOUS to promote the welfare of the settlers to the utmost Qf his own power as an individual, he sent a large collection of Bibles and other books, for the use of the schouls and library at Sierra Leone. He continued also to send' such tracts as he had either written or collected on subjects which he conceived to be of importance to the actual state of the colony. G. S. to Zachary Macaulay, Esq. Guvernor q/SielTa Leone.-[ExTRACT.] " Dear Sir, " Garden Court, Temple, 29th September, 1796. " Enclosed I send you a copy of the memorandums annexed to several of the articles in the catalogue of books which I sent to the public libi'ary some time ago, as perhaps some of the hints may be useful, more especially those CHAP. XI!.] SIERRA LEONE. 373 relating to the forming towns and townships, agreeably to a printed plan, (No. 52.) " I send you also two copies of the Appendix t~ No. 49, which consists of short forms of prayer; as I believe you will find that much decorum will be added to public meetings on business, if you make a point of requiring that prayer shall precede all public business, but -more especially previous to the administration of justice in the courts of law. There are also forms for morning and evening prayer, which, though very short, comprehend the most essential points. " I am," &c. &c. G. S. to Witliam Dawes, Esq. " Dear Sir, -" Garden Court, Temple, L3th November, 1800. " I send you two dozen copieR of the Extract from Dampier, concerning fruit·trees, and one dozen copies of the tract on Maple Sugar, w'hich I promised, that you may disperse them among such industrious people as wi If be likely to make a proper use of them. I have likewise sent you a tract on Congregational Courts, wherein the system of frank-pledge is explained; and two more copies of my plan for laying out towns and townships, wherein you will find a remark, in pp. 14, 15, which shows that frank-pledge is so strongly enjoined as a part of the English Constitution by Magna Charta, that it would be illegal to lay it aside in the new colony, now that it has been once re-established by the authority of the Directors. If you establish the ancient 'watch and ward by a regular rotation of all the inhabitants, making the householders of each tithing and hundred responsible for the neglects of the inferiors whom they respectively pledge, you will soon find an adequate power to restrain and punish the refractory, who are but few in comparison of the whole body of householders. And it will be prudent to make the watch guard the regular supporters of the civil power, and to enforce, under the sheriff~ the writs of the court; and never to call out the regular military force unless there be an absolute necessity, but to reserve them as a proper check for the last extremity : their presence in the settlement will encourage the majority of the settlers, whose true interest is peace and quiet, to oppose the refractory with more confidence in the support of Government, if they are not irritated by any military arrangement. " &c. &c. A letter, addressed to the Chairman of the Company, on the st:lbject of adultcl,!! and divorce, i~ also among his papers, designed 374 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. for the instruction of the settlers; and two memoranda on subjects of religion and government, sent with the collection of books to Sierra Leone; the whole furnishing additional documents of his unceasing ~arnestness to spread the light of Christianity and the benefits of useful knowledge over the world *. " Mr. Sharp appears to have taken a very early charge of the instruction of the Negro settlers. The following leiter bears the date of the year in which they first sailed for Sierra Leone. It is evidently the composition of some person better acquainted with the construction of the English language than the poor Negro slaves can be supposed to have been, but probably displays the sentiments of those whose names are subscribed to it, and it proves how earnestly their instructor had endeavoured to instil into their minds tbe principles of religion. The Address of Thanks of the Sons of Africa to tILe 1l0nO/wable Granville Sha,'p, Esq. " Honourable and Worthy Sir, "December 15, 1787. " Give us leave to say, that every virtuous man is a truly honourable man; and he that doth good hath the honour to himself: and many blessings are upon the head of the just, and their memory shall be blessed, and their works praise them in the gate. " And we must say, th~t we, who are a part, or descendants, of the much-wronged people of Africa, are peculiarly and greatly indebted to you, for the many good and (riendly services that you have done !ewards us, and which are now 'even out of our power to enumerate. " Nevertheless, we are truly sensible of your great kindness and humanity; and we cannot do otherwise but endeavour, with the utmost sincerity and thankfulness, to acknowledge onr great obligations to you, and, with the most feeling sense of our hearts, on all occasions to express and manifest our gratitude and love for your long, valuable, and indefatigable labours and benevolence towards using every means to rescue our suffering brethren in slavery. " Your writings, Sir, are not of trivial matters, but of great and essential tbings of moral and religious importance, wortby the regard of all men; and abound with many great and precious things, of sacred writ, particularly respecting the laws of God, and the duties of mell. " Therefore, we wish, for ourselves and others, that these valuable treatises may be collected and preserved, for the benefit and good of all men, and for an enduring memorial of the great learning, piety, and vigilance of our good friend the worthy Author. And we wish that the laws of God, and his ways of righteousness and truth, set forth and described therein, may be as a path for the virtuous and prudent to walk in, and as a clear shining light to the wise in all age.; and that these, and other writings of that nature, may be preserved and established as a monument or heaeon to guide and to- warn men, lest they should depart from the paths of justice and humanity; and that they may more and more become a means of curbing the vicious violators of God's holy Law, an!! to restrain the avaricious invaders of the rights and liberties of men, whilever the human race inhabits this earth below. " And, ever honourable and worthy -Sir, may the blessing and peace of Almighty God be with you, and long preserve your valuable life, and make you abundantly useful in every good word and work! A.nd when God's appointed tinle shall come, may your exit be blessed, and may you arise and" for ' ever shine in the glorious world above, when that Sovereign Voice, speaking with joy, as the sound of many waters, shall be heard, saying, 'Well done, thou good CHAP. XI.] SIERRA LEONE. 375 After Naimbanna's return to his country, . the ~on of another African Chief, who resided in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, visited England for 'instruction; and, besides the advantages which he reaped in that respect from the bounty of the Company, appears to have received from Mr. Sharp the usual kindness of attention which he was so ready to bestow. A letter from the person h'ere mentioned affords a specimen of African disposition and intellect. Anthony Domingo to Granville Sharp, Esq. " Worshipful and dear Sir, " FreetowD, June 3,1797. " With affectionate gratitude and respect, I beg leave to present you with these few lines. My great and long absence from you makes me very solicitous concerning your welfare. Natural affection inclines me strongly to have you in remembrance, tendering your welfare in -every respect very dear to me. " I have no other-way of expressing my gratitude at present, ' than by my hearty thanks to the Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, for giving me education and bringing me to the knowledge of God. May the blessing of God attend them on every occasion! I shall ever acknowledge with gratitude the obligations I am under to the Divine Being for bestowing on me such pious and virtuous friends. " The distance at which Providence has placed me from you, has neither and faitbful servant: enter thou into the joy of thy Lord!' It will then be the sweetest of all delights for ever, and more melodious than all music! And such honour and felicity will the blessed God and Saviour of his people bestow upon all the saints and faithful servants who are redeemed from among men, and saved from sin, slavery, misery, pain, and death, and from eternal dishonour and wrath impending upon tbe beads of all the wicked and rebellious . .. And now, honourable Sir, with the greatest submission, we must beg you to accept this memorial of our thanks for your good and faithful services towards us, and for your humalle commiseration of our brethren and countrymen unlawfully held in slavery. " And we bave hereunto subscribed a few of our names, as a mark of our gratitude and love. t\nd we are, wilh the greatest esteem and veneration, honourable and wortby Sir, yonr most obliged and most devoted bum ble servants, " OTTOBAH CUGOANO. .. JASPER GOREE. JOHN STUART. GUSTAVUS YASSA. GEORGE ROBERT MANDERVILLE. JAMES BAILEY. WILLIAM STEVENS. THOMAS OXFORD. JOSEPH ALMAZE. JOHN ADAMS. BOUGHWA GBGANSMBL. GBORGE WALLACE." 376 ' MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART III. made me ungrateful nor undutiful. When I left England, I felt a violent struggle in my mind between indination and duty. I could have wished to have spent my advanced years in that place where I first obtaihed your acquaintance. But I hope I shall be one of the numbers that shall teach my country~en; to convince them of the necessity of repentance towards God, and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ; to guard them against temptations, to build them up in most holy faith, and to prepare them for eternal happiness." &c. &c. " ANTHONY DOMINGO. " G, S, in r{~ply.-[Jo:xTRACT.] " Your letter of June last affords me great satisfaction; for I am confidenf that ~he just principles yon have expressed, if you are careful to - continue in them, will not only secure your own peace and solid satisfaction, but also be . serviceable to others; for even bad men will approve a good example in others: so that practical worth, when sincere and unlj.ffected, is more persuasive than the most eloquent language, and affords the best instruction to all around us." &c, &c. ,The only remammg documents of Mr. Sharp's action relative to his colony, are such as exhibit him twice pleading in behalf of the unfortunate and misguided settlers. - After the tlrst insurrection had been suppressed (in 1794), he appears as the advocate for those personally, whose cause be condemned, in the concluding part of a letter to the Chairman of the Sierra Leone Company. G. S. to Henry Thornton, ESq.-[EXTRACT.] " 26th Novem ber, 1794 . .. ... " I must likewise rtlquest, that, agreeably to the promise in my letter, which you approved, to the Sierra Leone settlers [who were sent prisoners to England], - very particular directions may be given to Governor Dawes, or the Government at Sierra Leone, to protect, and also to grant some reasonable allowance to subsist, their wives and families that are left at the settlement.-I have still something more to propose on behalf of these men, but am fearful I shall not easily obtain the general concurrence of the other Directors, who are So - CHAP. Xl!.] SIERRA LEONE. 377 extteniely -intimidated with the apprehensi0n of a farther insurrection in tIDe colony. But I do not at , all conceive that there woulrl be the least occasiori. to fear the return of thes.e men, provided due caution be taken that the rest ,of the settlers (and more especially the persons' who return in the next ship, and 'have actually petitioned in their behalf,) shall pledge their future good behaviour, and take ~a;'e to separate the offenders into seve};al diffe~ent hundreds at the.settlement on theil' return. It would be a still farther seourity for their good -behaviour, if the Governor would undertake an active pan of soliciting their liberation, on condition of their earnestly promising to behave peaceably hereafter. It is magnal1'imous to forgive injuries; and I sh(~)Uld Llever fear any bad consequences from the performance of this fin;t of Christian duties, under'reasonable caution to prevent mischief; but I should have real apprehension from persisting in a refusal to pardon in the pre~ent case. Governor Dawes's kind interference in good time, to obtain their pardon from the Company on ' due promise of submission, and leave to return as soon as their release can be obtained, will remove all difficulties and dangers." A second letter,_ of much later date, IS of the same nature. It shows him still struggling to preserve the original privileges of the colonists, and solicitous for lenient measures towards them, when they acted under mistaken views of the conduct of their protectors. It appears, from the Reports of the colony published in March 1814 *, that an unpleasant misunderstanding had taken place respecting the militia law, and that, in consequence. many of the Maroons had withdrawn themsel ves from the ;ettlement. . G. S. to the Right lIon. General Maxwell, Governor if Sierra Leone. " Right Hon. Sir, " Garden Court, Temple, Dec. 22, 1812. " Having been the first proposer of forming the settlement at Sierra Leone, and having also been, for many years, one of the Directors of the Sierra Leone Company, I think it my peculiar duty to represent to you the probable cause of that discontentment which has lately been manifested by the Maroons at Sierra Leone, under your government. But, in the first place, it is necessary for me • Eighth Report of the Directors of the African Institution. S C 378 MEMOIRS ,OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART Ill. t(;j inform yeu, rth8Jt !the merit of the Maroons, in their zealous and effect~al defenceof that new colony, when it was attacked by a numerous body of the lHlighbooring Afrioan Chiefs, lought neverl to be forgotten. The Maroons have always beeIil' ~'etnarkably industrious in the cultivation of their lots of land, much more than any of ' the' other 'settlers; and, therefore, when they are wi'bhdr'aWlf.l. 'from theit' profitable labours, to be drilledl under martial law, instead otilthc1only trl'll') cbIistitutional means of defence, the English frank-pledge, which in tihe 'beoks ' of our Commen Law is entitled 'the chief and greatest security ' (summa et mCl,t'ima securitas), and in which the householders elect all the ofiticers (el(cept the Governor ' and' chief magistrates) who command them (without1the King's oommission,) - a glorious privilege, which was absolutely promised t()l -them by the Directors of the Sierra Leone Company-so unhappy a deprivation of it must necessarily occasi0n much discontent among them. The Sierra Leone Company, indeed,-have since resigned their management of the colony to his Majesty's Government; but as the English frank-pledge is the essential branch of the English Constitution declared by Magna Charta, wblich all the Kipgs of Great Britain are by oath at their coronation bound to . maintain, it is net easy to conceive that there can be any real intention to depri.ve the King's subjects in Sierra Leone of that most essential privilege, which was pr~mised, and really establish~d there by the Company. " The Act of Parliament by which the Sierra Leone Company was incor- porated (viz. S 1 Geo. II!.), a copy of which I send herewith, very prudentlJ limited the establishment of the frank-pledge, so that it cannot interfere with the ~upreme Government of the colony. " The Directors of the Company were empowered 'to make laws for the government of the colony,' (p. 8), and' to appoint a Governor and Council,' (ibid.); and that' the Governor and Council may make laws, which shall have effect until disallowed by the Directors'-viz. ' laws not repugnant to the laws and statutes of this realm,' (p. 9) ;-' that a Mayor and three Aldermen should be incorporated by the name of the Mayor and Aldermen of Fre~town, ' (ibid.); -' that the Governor and Council be Justices of the Peace, and hold Quarter Sessions, aJiJd be a Court of Record,' (p. 30.) " All these laws and privileges were fully established in the colony; and a short sketch of temporary Regulations was drawn up by myself, as being one of the Directors of the Company: and several printed copies of it were sent to the Governor/and Council of the colony, to be placed in the public library; a copy of which is also sent herewith. (See No.3.) CHAP. XII.) SIERRA LEONE. 379 " I am impressed with a most sincere res~ect for yourself, Right Hon. Sir, for your zealous, constant, and most excellent conduct, as Governor of Sierra Leone, in defending the rights of poor injured Africans; and am, with sincere esteem, " Right Hon. Sir," &e. &c. It is satisfactory to add, that, by the benevolent exertions of Governor Maxwell, these deluded men were induced to return to the settlement, and regained possession of their property. MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. PART IV. MR. SHARP'S MEANS OF EXPENDITU,RE.-VARIOUS TRUSTS.-CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE MEMBERS OF THE FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. SOCIETY FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE-ITS PROGRESS-MR. WILBERFORCE SUPPORTS THE CAUSE IN PARLIAMENT-BILL BROUGHT IN BY MR. FOX AND LORD GRENVILLE. MR. SHARP'S CONDUCT AS CHAIRMAN OF THE SOCIETY.-ANECDOTES OF MR. PITT RELATIVE TO THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. RELIGIOUS SOCIETIES.-AFRICAN INSTITUTION.-PROTESTANT UNION. PART IV. CHAP. I. IN the arduous attempt to found the. colony of Sierra Leone, if we compare the great expenses, necessarily incurred, with the slender ' fortune of the Founder, it seems difficult to account f9r the means by which he was so long enabled to prosecute his benevolent enterprise. Besides the 'heavy charges defrayed by the Government at his solicitation, he on various occasions advanced considerable sums, far e~ceeding his income, and it is not immediately evident from what sources he drew his supplies. The profits acquired in his situation at the Ordnance must long before have been expended. In 1780 he received a small increase of wealth by a legacy from a relation *. In ] 783, on the death of his beloved brother James, the widow having been left with the care of a business of large extent, wholly ' out of the province of female attention, he undertook the entire management of it, and, for that purpose, left his brother William's house in the Old Jewry, (which had till then been his home,) and became an inmate with his sister-in-law in Leadenhall Street, where • Ill~ ·-" 1780. Mrs . Prowse (formerly Elizabetb Sbarp), tbe eldest daughter of my uncle John Sharp, died this summer at Berkley in Somersets hire, and left me five huodred and fifty pounds, naming me also, at the end of a long entail, for estates in Northamptonshire and in Lincolnshire." 384 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. LPART IV. the business was then carried on. He conducted this new depart- ment with his accustomed good sense' and diligence, for more than six years, until t,he whole 'concern was finally arranged and closed, and the widow was at liberty to retire into the country. During the term of his management he received a liberal stipend from the business. But as neither of these circumstances 'brought him an accession of property at all adequate to the expenses of the plans in which he engaged, may it then be ima'gined that so virtuous a man found others of congenial character, by' whose assistance (concealed at their request) he was provided with means to carryon his designs ?-Some- thing of this nature has bee I) seen in his letters*. From the liberal friendship of his family he derived a further power of occasional exertions. The generous tender of a constant provision in the houses ofh is brothers, William and James, has before been mentioned. An annual sum wa~ at first placed at his disposal, and to this act of kindness they soon afterwards added the refined attention of making over to him, from their own funds, a fixed sum in capital, instead of income, in order to preclude a~y feelings of conditional dependence on their bounty. This capital cOl1ld be employed in aid of h'is plans; and there is reason to believe, from what he says of the diminution of his private fortune; that he dev9ted a large part of it to the exigencies of his undertaking t. In 1787, just" at the commencement of the Sierra Leone enterprisf', an addit.ional source of means came unexpectedly into his hands . . G. S. to Dr, John Sharp, " Dear .s.other, " 31st October, 1787. " As every thing thllt nearly concerns me is equally interesting to all my dear brothers and sisters, I ought sooner to have' in, formed yo. u of a small • To Dr. Lettsom. Account of the colony at Sierra Leone, p. 315. t In the first planning of the colony at Sierra Leone, it does not appear that any large expense was contemplated, beyond the aid which Government had consented to give. The following is an extract from a letter from Mr. Sharp to his brother at Durham, in June 1786:- • " I enclose.an .account of the intended settlement in Africa. I have promised to give twenty- five pounds towards procuring land. About fifty pounds, it seems, are wanted. Government will be at the expense of sending and fitting out the settlers. If the Trustees of Bamburgh -",ould give another twenty-five pounds, they would do a great act of charity." CHAP. I.] PLAN FOR A GENERAL ASYLUM. 385 addition to my income, by the will of my late worthy friend Mrs. Oglethorpe, who died last FridaY 'at her seat at Cranham Hall, in Essex. I am appointed one of her executors, and-am also joined in two separate trusts; so that a great deal of my leisure must necessarily be taken up; but, in recompense, she has left me the Manor of Fail'sted in Essex, 'with a l'ecommendation to settle it in my life-time to charitable uses qfter my death, leaving the appropriation to my own direction and choice *. I shall be very anxious to have the best advice, and most mature consideration, how I may most advantageously dispose of this little estate for public charity after my death." That the income derived from this bequest was employed on the African settlement, is an obvious conclusion.-These were his whole resources. Regularity, economy, and parsimonious self-denial, must have supplied -the rest. The legacy of Fairsted brought with it a new duty, and, of course, presented a new scope of action to Mr. Sharp'S beneficence. After settling- the several charges on the estate, he directed his attention to the ~ltimate' views of the testatrix, and reduced to method a design which, he informs his brother, he had" long had in idea~ of promoting a General Asylum in London, as a means ~f 'uniting more effectually and usefully some of the established charities." . " The London vVorkhouse was intended for something of this kind by Bishop Ridley; but the plan failed for want of proper regulations, though the City has still power to raise contributions for it from all the London parishes. Here, then, must be the foundation of my offer to th.e City, as a nest-egg for more charity."-Lettet' to Dr. J. SIUlt'P"/". • The estate was left by Mrs. Oglethorpe to Granville Sharp. Esq_, his heirs and assigns, for ever; with a t'fcommendalion to hi'" to settle it during his life-time to lite benefit oj some charitable establishment aft,,· "is decease: and at the same time exp,-essly enjoining him to ' -Utne the posstssion and p,-oftls of tlte estale to Mmseif during his life. t " Bishop Ridley's intentions for Bridewell also," adds Mr. Sharp, "are by no means efl"ectual for the desired good, throllg h want of farther regulations_ The poor wretches are confined, whippeJ, and then turned loose more wicked than they were wheu they went in, for want of separate confinement. and ffrr waut of encouragement to work. " The plan of a General Asylum may be a means of correcting both these charities, and may therefore justly demand a considerable aid from both." 3 D 386 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. , - [PART IV; His next care was to print his plan *, and to submit it to the inspection of his friends~ as appears from a letter to Dr. Barrington, Bishop of Salisbury :-- " My LordI " 21st May, 1789. " The advocates for slavery have said much of the superior hardships of our own poor at home ,; and as I have not been le~s anxious to promote their welfare than that of the poor Negroes, I beg leave to submit to your Lordship's correction the enclosed plan for a General Asylum; and I request your consideration and advice upon it, because I am very anxious to promote to the best advantage the trust that is put upon me," &c. &t. The plan, however, diu not proceed with quickness proportionate to his zeal. The occupation of his thoughts on the perilous concerns of his Sierra Leone colony, probably precluded any very effective attention on his part to other objects. It is not till the close of his individual exertions in support of that undertaking, that his customary activity appears in the farther search for some charitable establishment, on which he might settle the contingent benefits of the Fairsted estate. In maturing his plan, his principal attention was ~irected to a point in which the defect of our police has long been a subject of just regret. G. S. to Dr. John Sharp. " 14th September, 1790. " I am endeavouring to bring forward, as fast as I can, the plan of a public charity, but more especially Qne branch of it, the asylum f01' the females, to be employed in spinning linep and woollen thread and yarn in the London Workhouse, where there is a noble building ready and fit for tbe purpose, and where there are, at preseut, only about thirty children, though it is capable of accommodating four or five hundred." Agreeably to these intentions, his first especial offer was made, not long afterwards, to the Corporation of London. • " Soon after I received the above-mentioned trust, I printed a plan for a .public charity in the nature of a General Asylum for the poor, in separate classes, proposed to be under the management of the City Ma!!;istrates, assisted by an united Committee of Governors, to be elected by the Governors of all the Royal Hospitals, without interfering with their respective establisbments ."-Letter to the Committee of the Corpomtion oj London. CHAP.I.J PLANS FOR PUBLIC CHARITIES. 387 In 1791 he addressed a letter, dated Aprir 18, to the Committee appointed to inquire into the state of the London Workhouse; in which, after expressing his conviction "that the Corp01'ation for the POOl' of London were already invested with ample powers to fulfil all the principal objects which he had in view; in his plan for a General Asylum," he submitted to them a proposal for a reform of the London Workhouse, in order to the more effectually" protecting, instructing, and employing the poor in that . establishment." To this plan he subjoined an offer of the first reversion of the manor of Fairsted, and such conditions of the gift as he thought most conduci ve to the success of J::!is designs. On the day following he received a deputation from the Committee, to consult with him respecting the general purposes of their appointment; and in tl;e beginning of the following year he writes thus to the Marquis of Lansdown :- " My Lord, " January 29, 1792. " I take the liberty to send your Lordship the account of another charitable plan, the proposed 1'eformation 91 the London Workhouse, which the Common Council have now adopted, and have summoned me to meet their Committee next week, in order to consult on the means of carrying it into execution." The meeting, however, ended unfavourably to his wishes "'. He does not appear, from the commencement of this transaction, tq have been fully aware of the legal impediment which the testatrix had raised to the completion of her own intentions, by the particular conditions annexed to her bequest. The further account of his efforts to discharge his trust shall be related by himself. • In the meeting bere mentioned, 1 have' heen informed, hy a Member of the Committee still living, that Mr. Sharp was anxious that the proposed RtgulatiOlls, which had received the IIssent of the Corporation of London, should take place without delay; ami he proposed, that, until the manor and estate of Fairsted should, by his decease, revert to the Corporation, they should appropriate an aunual Slim, such a. th ey should judge proper, to the purposes of th e charity, in order, as he stated, "to set an example to other public bodies, city companies, ami individuals," &c. But the Corporation did not deem it prudent to incur such an expense, until they should be actually put in possession of the intended gift, either by Mr. Sharp's decease, or by his tran.fer of the estate to them during his life-time. The subject, therefore, was wholly dropped. 388 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. G. S. to tlte Right Rev. Lord Bishop qf London, PresIdent if the Society for the Conversion and 1'eligious Instmction and Education qf Negro Slaves in the lYest In'dia Islands. " l\fy Lord, ' " 14th January, 1795. " I have lately been informed that your Lordship has obtained a Charter for the establishment of a Society to promote the Instruction of N egw Slaves in the British Colonies, and that a foundation ,is thereby laid for forming a most respectable body 'of trustees, whereof your Lordship, as Bishop of London, is the President, with full powers to accept the reversions of lands, to be appro- priated, after the death of the donors, to tbat charitable purpose, notzl'it/zstanding the e.risting laws against mortmain. [" The Bishops of London, having for many years been charged with the spiritual concerns' of all the British colonies, must frequently have been impressed with anxious concern for the unhappy case of myriads of poor _ Heathens, held in hopeless ignorance and slavery, within the bounds of their jurisdictions; 'dnd of course must have lamented the want of proper ITleanS to provide for the religious instruction of these poor oppl:essed people. as well as their own \Vanot of dlJe infilJence, at S0 great a distance, to urge and promote it. And some even worthy prede.cessors of your Lordship may (through the misrepresentations of mercenary colonists, and other interested persons con· nected with them, respecting the care and attention of the masters toward their poor Heathen labourers) have probably been induced to consider the Slave Trade, and slavery, rather as the means of introducing poor Heathens to the knowledge of the Gospel under Christian masters, than as illegal oppressions, which the odious terms Slave Trade and Stare1"!! imply, and, through this vain pretence of the colonists, have been deluded to think m'ore favou rably than they ought of our national delinquency in tolerating slavery. But the contrary effect has been notorious; instead of instructing their slaves to become Christialkc:., the masters themselves, by illegal trust of an unlimited dominion over their poor brethren, have geFierally acquired all the vicious depravities of the worst of H eathens; and the almost total neglect of religious instructions to their slaves is sufficiently known. Of late, indeed, some few itinerant Moravians, and also well-meaning enthusiasts, have laboured to instruct the poor Heathen strangers, and with astonishing success; but not at the expense of the masters, as it oughL to have been; for these poor itinerant missionaries are chiefly supported by subscriptions in England, which I have endeavoured to promote.] " Your Lordship's attention [ther,efore] to the charitable work of instructing CHAP. I.) PLANS FOR PUBLIC CHARITIES. the Slaves in oui' colonies, is particularly seasonable at this time, and perfectly accords with the sacred duties of your high a~d important episcopal charge. And I sincerely hope that this worthy design may be liberally promoted by the affluent, and by all persons that can afford to contribute. " As to myself, I have very little to spare at present, but I have consider- able to offer in reversion for futurity; which I mention with the less reserve, because I do not consider my present intentions as my own charity, but only as a continuation of my unremitted efforts to fulfil a trust devoLved upon me by a worthy de"Ceased friend, who gave me an estate, "to be bestowed after my decease on some public charity, leaving me entirely at liberty in the choice of the charity. I speak of the estate and manor of Fairsted in Essex; the reversion of which I offered some time ago to the City of London, in trust, for the encolt1'agement qf'OolulItary labourers at the London lYorlchouse, that a due distinction might be made between industrious people, when they cannot ob- tain employment, and the idle and vagrant poor, who are the proper objects for Bridewell Hospital; but, more especially, I insisted on the protection and employment of honest and industrious females*, (women servants out of place, and poor girls), who seek an honest employment, to learn the art of spinning wool, if not already taught; and to be encouraged in their diligence by whatever profits may arise from their labour, beyond their estimated proportion of the general charge of maintenance and house-expense. The Court of Aldermen and Common Council ordered my letter to be printed and sent to all the members of that court, that the terms might be considered; but some difficulties were apprehended, chiefly, I believe, re~pecting the Mortmain Acts) which prevented the acceptance of them. [" I next turned my thoughts to some new regulations for the better employment and improvement of the unhappy females at BridC'weLl HfJspita1t. Spinning has been since introduced, and several other improvements, but an asylum for honest and industrious females cannot, with propriety, be annexed to tbat charity.] " I do not at present know of any other establisned public charity more worthy my attention, than that wbich your Lordship has proposed for the' ,,~ I mention more particularly these endeavours in hehal( of honest and industrious females, because I consider their protection as a very important charity, and wish to fecommeDd it to yo ur Lordship as a secondary object for tbe appropriation of tbe revenues of yonr Lordsbip"s trust, in case the primary object should cease by a general enfrancLisement of slaves, which there is ample reason to expect."-Note to LeUtI·. t Mr. Sharp was elected a Governor of Bridewell and Bethlem Hospitals, on 30th Nov. 1786. 390 MEMOIRS OF, GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. insfruction of Negro Slaves in the Colonies; and I am, therefore, willing to present to your Lordship, and the other Trust~es for t1)at Charity, by a proper deed of gift, the next reversion of my whole estate and manor of Fairsted, containing about three hundred and fifty-eight acres of valuable freehold land of my own, besides a considerable extent of freehold and copyhold lands, held by the manorial tenants, on the payment of several small quit-rents and occasional fines, of the 'Manor of Fairsted ,; two small charges' only remaining on the estate, But I wish to create a small additional charge, to provide for the instruction of the poor children in the parish of Fairsted itself, in reading, working, and spinning, as a mere matter o~ justice to the poor labourers of the soil from whence, the revenue arises; for it would seem a gross partiality to send away the whole revenue of the little district for the instruction of foreigners, excluding the poor natives of the manor from the same advantages: and therefore I hope that this additional charge, being under the same trust as that for the ' instruction of Negro Slaves, may fairly be considered rather as a reasonable and allowable part of the ordinary ex- penses of the estate, than as a distinct charity. I wish also to reserve, under the same trust, about fourteen acres of land, to be distributed or let, from time to time, in small portions among the poor cottagers of the parish, for gardens or potatoe-grounds, under particular regulations, which I have to pro- pose, while they hold no Gther land; for without such small portions of land, mere labourers in agriculture can scarcely subsist, since they have been depriv~d of the benefit of common land: so that this second proposal may also be fair,ly allowed, as a necessary branch of the ordinary expenses of the estate, towards the due support of the poor labourers by whom it is cultivated, and not as a distinct charity. These two additional charges to the estate, I propose, not only as a kind of duty lowe to the natives of it, but also as humble ex- amples to promote similar arrangements on other ,estates; because I conceive that whatever will most effectually promote the increase of population in any district or manor, (I mean increase only among industrious and orderly people,) must be an effectual means of increasing also the value of the landed property in that district j and surely a due constant regard and provision for the in- struction of the labouring poor, as well as for their comfortable existence, which are the only objects of my two additional charges on the estate, seem to be the most natural and obvious means of producing these desirable effects. [" Indeed, some such regulations are too generally wanted throughout England, for the relief of t~e poor cottagers-I mean chiefly those that are employed " CHAP. I.] MANOR OF FAI!.lSTED. 391 as mere day-labourers in husbandry, whose wages are now become utterly inadequate to the enormously increased prices of all the necessaries of life, and in many counties are not sufficient to purchase the necessary food and clothing for the families even of the most industrious and harq-working men ~ so that the condition of this most useful and necessary class of the people is certainly too much reduced, and requires some general reformation, more especially as the unfeeling advocates of the Slave Trade are continually vaunting the superior condition of the colonial slaves to that of the labouring poor in England :-a comparison as unjust as it is odious; because the English la- bourer is protected at least from all personal ill-usage and outrage, by equal laws; and when the'scanty pittance of wages (though not half that is due from his employers) is expended, he is entitled to demand some additional support for his family from the parish where he lives. (Nevertheless, it must be allowed, that it is extremely unjust that an industrious man, who labours hard six days in every week, should be subjected , to this latter most' humiliating circumstance, and thereby lose his elective rights as an English householder, merely because his wages are inadequate to the necessary expenses of a family. The case of day-labourers in husbandry most certainly demands redress, though not by any means so deplorable as to admit of the least comparison with the detestable ~ppression of the poor strangers under our colonial bondage, whi~h is even worse in many respects than the hardened Egyptian tyranny of old, and its retribution must also be more signally awful).] " If the proposed conditions should be approved by your Lordship and the rest of the Right Reverend and Right Honourable Trustees, I shall imme- diately prepare an irrevocable deed of gift of the next reversion of my whole t:state and manor of Fairsted, to be presented to your Lordship, as ' President of the Society for the Conversion and Religious Instruction and Education of the Negro Slaves in the British West India Islands.' " With sincere respect, Illy Lord, &c, &c,"" • The original copy of this letter contained a full detail of his first progress in lhe liheration of Negro Slaves (inserted in a former part of the Memoirs), and many remarks on the Slave Trade, which being considered by the Bishop as extraneous to the immediate purpose of the letter, it was re-written, with the omissions desired by his Lor~ship, and enclosed to him in a manly address, which the reader will find among other papers of a similar nature in the ensuing chapters. N, B. Two or three paragraphs, inserted between brackets [ ], are here restored from the original, because they relate to facts explanatory of Mr, Sharp's conduct, in the endeavour to discharge the charitable office bequeathed to him by his friend. 392 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. Two days after the date of the foregoing letter; appears the fol- lowing:- ®~. " 1795, Jan. 16. Lambeth Palace. The Bishop of -London ac~~pts tpe trust of Fairsted estate." Nevertheless, this attempt also to settle the reversion, agreeably to the humane views of the testatrix, failed of success. "The Bishop," says Mr. Sharp in a letter to a friend, ," consulted some of the highest authorities in the profession of the law; who were of opinion that the business could not be established, because of the laws against Mortmain; which was nearly the same opinion that had before been given by the Recorder and City Officers." In the same letter he rela!es a subsequent experiment, in which he appears to have given away a part o{the revenue during his life-time, but of which the future-provisions are not mentioned. " But I have already disposed of a few acres _o f land, by way of experi- ment, in favour of another very different charity. The land is laid out in small lots, as cottage-land,. some lots consisting of one acre and a half, but mostly of Dne single acre only: which lots are let to a few farmers' labourers (those that have the largest families in t-he parish) at a low rent; the income of which is expended in the instruction of all the poor children in the parish, whose parents cannot afford to pay for their schooling. The number of . children, in general, has been from fifteen to tirenty; and the cottagers are perfectly contented, and pay their rents most thankfully *." Mrs. Oglethorpe was not the only persoh who imposed on Mr. Sharp the task of providing for a chari,table establishment. About the year 1791 he was named a trustee also by Joseph Wilcox, Esq . .(son of the bishop of that name) who left by will a large sum tow!lrds endowing an hospit~l ' for the county of Kent; and, in pursuance of tbe testator's wishes on the occasion, he obtained a grant of the " This experiment is in part proposed in his letter to the Bishop of London. The result of it does not appear. . The estate_a nd manor of Fairsted have been reclaimed by tne heirs of t\1rs. Oglethorpe sincp ,Mr. Sharp's death, and are now ill their possession< CHAI'. 1.) . FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. 393 remains of Rochester Castle from the proprietors;; for that purpose. A letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, requesting his advice" for the more effectually promoting the intended charity," discloses these particulars. Nor was the great repute of Mr. Sharp's philanthropy productive of applic.ations merely of a private nature. Integrity of character exerts 'a resistless influence, which is extensive in proportion as time and opportunity render its possessor an object of notoriety. In the tumultuary movements . which had begun to agitate France, he was addressed by several of the most virtuous members of the National Assembly; and he held a continued correspondence with Brissot, L a Fayette, Roland, and others, among the principal abbettors of the ,first revolution, on the most important concerns, expressing his opinions with his usual sincerity and benevolence, and taking a deep interest in their success. In his admonitions to the new reforme~s, the most solemn and em- phatical warnings respecting West Indian slavery, were not omitted; and their effects were seen in the declarations of the French Re- -publicans on that subject. The advance of the great . work, of which he had long before laboured to Jay the foundation in his own country (as important to the general interests of humanity as to the character of England), now demanded his attention. • Lady Ducie, Mr. Dent, &c, the representatives of Mr, Child's house. 3 E 394 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. CHAP. n. THE mischiefs which had befallen, and the danger of entire destruction which had more than once menaced, the infant colony of Freedom in Africa, were, in great part, to be "ascribed . to the unshaken vigour in which the detestable Slave Trade still continued to flourish. A free settlement, supported by industry and national commerce, seemed likely gradually to undermine and eventually destroy the sordid traffic, by opening the eyes of the African chiefs to their own superior intei'€sts, and showing them that the produce of social labour was a far greater source of wealth to their revenues, than the capti.vity and sale of their subjects. What wonder, then, if the slave-traders set every engine to work, to irritate the natives of Africa against the new colonists, to undermine them in their turn, and "to pervert the ends of b~nevolence? " " - Out of good still to find means of ill." But Providenc~, in its mercy, was now about to cut the thread of long-suffered iniquity, and to comfort and strengthen those whom it had chosen to be advocates on earth for their fellow-creatures. After numerous ana unwearied endeavours on the part of the -Quakers in America, and of the zealous Clarkson and Gramille Sharp in England, in behalf of the wretched, and till of late unpitied, victims of men who degraded humanity; the time h~d arrived, when it appeared to be within the bounds of hope. that an association of be- nevolent persons, protected by a congenial movement in the British Parliament, might lead to a retrieval of the human charaCter from the ignominy of the Slave Trade. Endeavours were therefore used to collect, and unite in one bod v, the various parties who had severally. and almost independently ~f CHAP. n.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 395 one another, begun to make exertions of a similar nature; and in the spring of 1787 especial meetings were convened of a few men of eminent character, all of whom were friendly to the cause. One of their meetings was held almost in the same month in which the little fleet set sail, which carried the first banner of English liberty to the coast of Africa; and it was at this meeting that an event took place, which gave preponderance to the scale' of African fi·eedom. Mr. 'Vilberforce was there solicited to take the lead in 8: pariiamel'ltary effort for the abolitio.n of the cruel traffic in our species; and, in that eommunion oLbenevolent minds, the corresponding impulse of his heart prompted him to yield a ready assent to. an engagement of no common magnitude '". The first important point being happily secured, the next step was to arrange measures for prosecuting the schem~ in such a manner as should be most conducive to the great end in view. Many days did not elapse before the design was carried into execution. On the 22d of May, a Committee was chosen, consisting of twelve members, whose declared dUly and purpose it was to promote, by every means in their power, an abolition of the traffick in the human mce. Granville Sharp was included in the Committee. * The meeting was at the house of Bennet Langton, Esq.; the persons present were, Sir Charles Middleton, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Hawkins Brown, Mr. Windham, Sir Joshua Reynolds, and Mr. Boswell. Mr. Clarkson remarks, that Sir J. Reynolds an'd Mr. H. Brown gave. their unqualified approbation oj the abolition oj the trade. Mr. Windham and Mr. !3oswell spoke on the same side, though they afterwards became inimical to the cause. The following are among the reasons given by Mr. Clarkson for considering Mr. Wilberforce as the most proper parliamentary l~ader in the cause of the A holition.- .. His habits of diligent and persevering inquiry made him master of all the knowledge that was requisite for conducting it. His talents, both in and out of Parliament, made him a powerful advocate in its favour. His character, free from the usual spots of human imperfection, gave an appropriate lustre to the cause, making it look yet more lovely, and enticing others to its support. But, most of all, the motive on which he undertook it, insured,it progress: for this did not originate in views of selfishness, or party, or popular applause, but in au awful sense of his duty as a Christian. It was this which gave him alacrity and courage in his pur- ·suit. It was this which, when year after year of unsuccessful exertion returned, occasioned him to be yet fresh and vigorous in spirit, and to persevere till the day of triumph." fli6tol'Y oj tile Abolil'ion oj the Slal'e TI·ade. 396 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. The incipient labours of the Association were cheered by an important coincidence, which .occurred at this time. The efforts of the humane Anthony Benezet, and other American Quakers, had, by gradual advances. at length effected a general manumission of slaves among the whole body of men of their persuasion; and the year 1787, in which the Committee was appointed in England for promoting the abolition of the trade, was the first year distinguished jn America by the gratifying circumstance of there not remaining a single slave in the possession of an acknowledged'iluaker. The superstition of ancient times would have hailed this coincidence as an auspicious omen; the sensibility of modern ones perceived its influence. Eleven years had now elapsed since the criminality of the Slave Trade was first adverted to in the House of Coinmons. It was in 1776, that a motion was made by ~r. David Hartley, (a son of the cel~brated physician and metaphysician, and) member for Hull, the purport. of which was, " That the Slave Trade was contrary to the laws of God and to the rights of men." The motion was seconded by Sir George Saville. But the proposition failed entirely of support, and its very memory had nearly vanished. It was now resumed with a happier prospect. The trials which had occurred with regard to Negroes in this country, had awakened a very general attention to the subject of African slavery; and although prejudi'ce to a great degree, and interest to a much greater, still guarded the ground '! with Gorgoniiln terrors" against the attempts of the philanthropists, considerable access to liberal minds had been gained by the assiduous and affecting eloquence of -these new pleaders in the cause of humanity. They could not, indeed, address themselves so long in vain to the naturally reflective disposition of our nation*.· • "Mens' minds," says Mr. Clarkson. " began to be impressed with the moral necessity of the abolition of the Slave Trade; an impression wllich had been gradually brought on by the public labours of Mr. Sharp; and several had become inclined to unite for the extirpation of . this gigantic evil." History of lite Abolition. CHAP. II.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 397 The progress of this humane, and finally powerful association, is so well known from Mr. Clarkson's faithful 'and interesting history, that it will merely be requisite, in this place, to give such a summary notice of its actions, as may serve to connect the thread of Mr. Sharp's Memoirs during his participation in its labours. The rapid progress of public sentiment is deserving of our attention. The Committee for effecting an abolition if the Slave Trade assumed its denomination in June 1787, and immediately dispersed circular letters, giving an account of the Institution. These letters soon procured the friendly notice of the Quakers at large; and a depu- tation also from the General Baptists informed the Committee of their wish and intentions to labour with them in the cause of human freedom. A corr~spondence was likewise quickly opened with the . Societies established at New York and Philadelphia for the Manu- mission of Slaves and Abolition of Sl'avery. In order to diffuse a more general knowledge of the subject, the Committee deemed it right to adopt the publication of a work which Mr. Clarkson had pres~nted to them, 'entitled, " A summary View of -tile Slave Trade, and of the probable Consequences of its Abolition." Numerous copies of this useful tract were dispersed, and the curiosity of the public became every day more excited by the authentic information thus unexpectedly laid before them, The new class of moral revolutionists in France warmly espoused the cause of the abblition. Brissot, and Claviere (his friend and afterwards hls fellow-sufferer under Robespierre's tyranny), requested to be admitted members of the Association. The well-known John Wesley and Dr. Price next appeared as correspondents, with expressions in the highest degree friendly; and a letter from the Rev. Robert Boucher Nicholls, dean of Middleham in Yorkshire, was ordered by the Committee to be printed, and five thousand copies to be dispersed. Dr. Watson, the bishop of Landaff, also added his support. In October, the Society adopted their present seal, which 398 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. represents an African in chains, kneeling on one knee, andJifting both his hands in the act of supplication, with this motto,-" Am I not a man and a brother r This, simple but striking design appeared to - ha,,' e a very extensive effect. About the end of November, two thousand more copies of Mr. Clarkson's tract were printed, and ' the Society's circular letter prefixed ' tQ each. 'All these having been eagerly' accepted by the individuals te> whom they were addressed, new' impl:essions were ordered of the circulac letter, to the number of three thousand, prefixed to lists of the subscribers to the Institution; to which were added, one thousand five hundred copies of Benezet's Account 0/ Guinea, three thousand of the Dean Of Middleham's Letter, five thousand of !\Ir. Clarkson's Tract, and hvo thousand of another work of the same Writer, " on the Slaver!! and Commerce of the Humqll Species." Excited by this effective circulation of all the knowledge, which -:the Committee continued to collect, on the subject of the Slave Trade, the feelings of a .generous people soon began to be openly expressed. :. . Meetings were called in variolls towns to discllss the inf@rmation which had been thus diffused; and by the middle of the .rens.l1ing February, (1788,) thirty-five petitions, praying for the Abolition of the Trade, were presented to the House of Commons. New correspondents had in the mean time presented themselves to the Committee of the Society; among whom were Dr. Horne, the p resident of Magdalen College, Oxford" and Dr. Bathurst (afterwards bishops of Norwich); Mr. Lambert, of Trinity College, Cambridge; and, Dr. Hinchcliff: bishop 0f Peterborough, who presented a plan, called "Thoughts Oft the Means for abolisbing the SlaVie Trade." Mr. Newton, also, the rector of Saint Mary Woolnoth, in London, who had in his youth been in Afi'ica, addressed to the Committee " Thoughts on the Afi'ican Slave Trade," of which three thousand copies were ordered to be printed. The extensi ve aisclosure of public sentiment was no less felt by the Government than by the Society itself; and in the same month of SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF TH& SLAVE TRADE. 399 February, the King, by an Order of Council, directed that a Committee of Privy Council should sit as a Board of Tra:de, "to take into consideration the present state of the African trade, particularly as to the manner of obtaining Slaves,' their importation and sale both in Britisb, and Foreign settlements, and the consequences of the trade to the commerce of the kingdom." In the sittings of this Committee of Privy Council, no less than one hundred and three petitions were presented from various places and bodies of men, including the city of London, the two Universities, the large manufacturing towns, whole counties, the several dioceses of the Established Church, the Quakers, and Dissenters of other denominations. Additional letters and offers of service were (among others, .nearly at the same time) received from the 'Rev. C. Wyvil; from Archdeacons Plymley and Paley (both proposing assist- ance in the great cause); from Dr. Sharp, prebendary of Durham; Dr. Woodward, bishop of Cloyne; and from the Marquis de la Fayette, who informed the Committee of his intention to establish a liimilar Society in France. The two latter persons having solicited to be admitted associates, were accordingly enrolled among the honorary and corresponding members of the Society *. Numerous other letters from various parts announced intentions of calling public meetings, to petition the Parliament in favour of the desired abolition. The examinations before the Committee of Privy Council still continued, and the time was now approaching w hen it had bEen proposed to bring the subject forward in the House of Commons 111e anxiety of the members of the Abolition Society was of course great, and their utmost diligence was exerted in maintaining the correspondences which had- been so usefully and honourably opened. • The fervid earnestness of an unknown individual should not here be omitted. fwo letters, pres~.rved by the African Institution, whoever was the writer of them, do bonour at least to bis heftrt. In the first he offers an immediate payment of 5001., if the Slave Trade ca,. bt at Qnct lIbvli,htd; and in tbe second he doubtts his offer to the same elrect. 400 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. They learned with great satIsfaction, that the Society which had been proposed at ParIs, for abolishing the Slave Trade, was actually established; that Condorcet was the president; that the Duke of Rochefoucauld and the Marquis de la Fayette stood first in the list of the members, and were followed by Petion, afterwards mayor of Paris, and other men of eminence. New correspo'ndents, also, continued to present themselves, among whom was Mr. Jay, the president of the Society before mentioned at New York; and the exertions of the Committee required a still greater degree of labour and attention. Additional works, which were esteemed useful to their cause, were printed, and more than nine thousand copies of different tracts were distributed in the most extensive manner possible. Sub-Committees were formed, who were charged to draw up a just statement of all the facts and arguments that had been ' brought forward against the Slave Trade, with a view to their translation into other languages, in order to give foreigners a suitable knowledge of the subject, as well as to confute many false reports which had been maliciously propagated concerning the object of the Institution. One of the most powerful weapons that had been employed against the efforts of the Society" was a pamphlet entitled "Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of the Slave Trade." The writer was an Ex-Jesuit, of the name of Harris. who 'was at that time a clerk in a slave-house at Liverpool, and employed as a mercenary on the present occasion. His pamphlet was now ably answered by the Rev. James Ramsay, vicar of Teston in Kent. who had resided nineteen years in the island of Saint Christopher, and in that time had been a frequent eye-w.itness of the cruel treatment of- the Negroes. Unfortunately, during the continuance of these important transac- _ tions, Mr. Wilberforce was deprived by illness of the power of attending, or in any'manner assisting, the Committee in its anxious progress; and two-thirds of the session of Parliament had, from this CHAP. 11.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLlTIO,N OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 401 cause, passed by, without any step havilmg been takeFl! in the Bouse of Commons to advance the claims of the Society on the atteNtion of the public. But the alarm experienced from these circumstances was unexpect- edly relieved by a message from the Prime Ministel" to the Committee, desiring a conference with their Chairman, and by the subseqllent assurance which they received of his. intentions (on aCCOllnt of Mr. Wilberfi)rce's absence through indisposition) to bring forward the, subject himself in the House of Commons. Agreeably to his promise, on the 9th of May, 1788, Mr. Pitt 'proposed for the consideration of the House the actual state of the Slave Trade, and, reserving wholly his own opinion on it, desired merely to pledge the House to a full discussion of the subject in the next session. This motion, though agreed to, disappointed many, who were impressed with a belief that the general feelings of the members of Parliament, excited as they had been by the copious statements of African sufferings, would have secured the immediate abolition of the trade, if Mr. Pitt's heart had been with !tis words. A secondary motion was therefore introduced by Sir William Dolben, for leave to bring in a Bill to relieve the condition of the Negroes during their passage from Africa to the colonies, which was represented as miserable in the extreme, from their being unwholesomely crowded, and "crammed like herrings" into the ships in which they were transported. The bill passed, after much opposition. The Abolition Committee now renewed their efforts, both by further researches, and by attention to their correspondences. They made applications to France and to Sweden, which latter kingdom was represented as particularly likely to derive advantages from an abolition of the trade by England. They added also to the list of their correspondents many men of the most respectable names, among whom were Dr. Franklin, president of the Society at Phila- delphia; the High Sheriffs of Huntingdonshire, Yorkshire, and Herefordshire; and Mr. Evans, on the part of the elders of several 3 F 402 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP.' [PART IV. ,Baptist churches, forming the Western Baptist Association; Mr. Irwin, of Grenada; and Mr. J. L. Wynne, of Jamaica. The «Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of the Slave Trade " were, at the same time, farther answered by the Rev. Mr. Hughes of Ware, and by Mr. William Roscoe; and numerous copies of these answers were printed by the Society, and dispersed as usual. A Report was then printed of the motives and proceedings of the . Society. CHAP. III.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION "OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 403 CHAP. III. MR. WILBERFORCE's health being improved during the receS5 of Parliament in 1788, his recovery was hailed as a favourable omen . to the progress of the cause. Among the new honorary meJ;Ilbers elect~d into the Society at this period was the present-learned Bishop of St. David's, who had lately published a work of high importance to its general interests*. Information was also received of the appointment of Committees in various towns of the kingdom, to assist the views of the Society; at Bristol, Manchester, Pool, Plymouth, and Exeter; and the same at Edinburgh. But the particular efforts of the Committee were directed to the maintenance of their correspondence with the different states of the European continent, and with America. The meeting of Parliament in the following year renewed the hopes and fears of all parties. On the 19th of March, 1789, Mr. Wilberforce rose to make his expected motion; and the 2Sd of the next month was fixed for the important discussion. The day was afterwards changed to the 12th of May. On that day Mt" Wilberforce moved for tbe consideration of the numerous petitions presented to the House against the Slave Trade; and a Committee of the . whole House immediately proceeded with the subject. Mr. Wilber- force submitted to -the Committee twelve propositions, leading to the Abolition of the Slave Trade. The discussion was resumed on the 21st, and continued on the 26th, 29th, and on the 9th June; when, by the consent of Mr. Wilberforce, and in consequence of the numero,us delays that had been opposed, a motion was made for deferring the * " Considerations on the Abolition of Slavery and the Slave Trade, OD the Grounds of natural, political, and religious Duty." 404 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. further consideration of the subject to the next seSSIOn of Par- liament. A second year of delay being thus procured by the intrigues of inter- ested avarice, the Bill for regulating the Middle Passage was renewed. The Committee, at the same time, published a plate, representing the section of a slave-ship, with the slaves stowed in it for the Middle Passage*. It presented a sight of horror, sufficient to convince the spectator, that, under whatever regulation, the conveyance of slaves in our ships was a work of cruelty and profound barbarism. During the interval of the parliamentary session, the zealous Clarkson, at the request of Mr. Wilberforce and the Committee, !let out for Paris, in order to promote the interests of the Abolition with the National Assembly. He was there cordially received, and his proposals seconded by men of the highest reputation; by Necker, Sieyes, Mirabeau, La Fayette, Condorcet, the Duke of Rochefoucauld, Claviere, Brissot, the Bishop of Chartres, and the Abbe Gregoire. Mirabeau prepared to make a motion in the National Assembly for tbe immediate abolition of the trade. But the same ingenious engines of malice were employed in France, as in England, to impede the success of the cause; an,d Mr. Clarkson was under the necessity of returning to attend the Committee in England, before any effectual step had been taken in Paris for the Abolition. In the early part of the next session of Parliament (1790}. Mr. Wilherforce renewed his motion for the consideration of the Slave Trade, and, not without opposition, obtained leave to establish a better mode of dispatch, in regard to the examination of evidence on the subject. The session ended without further advance in the great cause of humanity, and the Committee made their second Report. which they concluded by lamenting the powerful combination of interests against which they had to contend, and protesting against the • The original design of this engraving was made by th~ late Mr. Northcote, of Plymouth, a brother of the eminent painter. The present plate was improved by the most accurate dimensions of the vessels generally employed in the Slave Trade, as well as of the human bodies confined and manacled within them. CHAP. Ill.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 405 false alarms which had been spread in public to impede and prevent their progress in so great a national cause . . The labours of the Committee during the period that ensued were of the most arduous kind. They spared neither pains nor expense to procure fresh evidences in support of their cause, which they had now too much reason to consider as declining. Their evidehce was collected, printed, and circulated; and in April 1791, Mr. Wilberforce renewed his attempt in Parliamel'lt, and moved for leave to bring in a " Bill to prevent the farther Importation of Slaves into the British-Colonies in the West Indies." The discussion, however in itself favourable to the general cause, was not crowned with the success that had been hoped. The motion was rejected by a majority of votes, and the Committee felt the severest and most painful mortification. But Mr. Wilberforce himself, and several other members of the House of Commons, had pledged themselves never to desert the great cause which they had undertaken; and the Committee, rousing itself from despondenoy, renewed its labours. They procured an abridgement of all the evidence that h~d been collecteo with such infinite pains, printed it in one volume, and ' circulated it throughout the kingdom. Its effects were nearly instan- taneous. Mr. Clarkson, in traversing England at this time, found every where the great mass of inhabitants ardently embracing all the means in their power to aid the prospect of the Abolition. Amon.g other means, an abstinence from the use of sugar (as the produce of the labour of slaves) became so general, that the number of those . persons who wholly forbore even its occasional taste amounted at one time to no less than three hundred thousand. Meetings were called, and petitions followed fi'om all parts; three hundred and ten were presented from England, one hundred and eighty-seven from Scotland, and twenty from Wales. On the ?2d of April following (1792), Mr. Wilberforce made his fourth motion, to the further effect, "that the trade carried on by British subjects, for the purpose of obtaining slaves on the coast of Africa, ought to be abolished." 406 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. It was in the debate which ensued on this motion, that the argu~ ments in favour of the Abolition were strengthened by the powerful evidence derived from the new settlement of Sierra Le'One, and stated by Mr. H. Thornton, the Chairman, who ended his speech by remarking on the nature of this traffic in slaves: " It had," he 'said, " unfortunately obtained the name of a trade, and many had been deceived by the appellation; but it was a war, and not trade: it was a mass of crimes, and not commel'ce: it alone prevented the introduction of trade into Africa. He had found, in attempting to promote the establishment of a colony there, that it was an obstacle whieh opposed itself to him in innumerable ways. It created more embarrassments than all the natural impediments of the country, and was more hard to contend with than any difficulties of climate, soil, or natural disposition of the people." This representation had great weight; and the result of the discussion was, that "it was the 'opinion of the Committee that the trade ought to be gradually abolished." On April the 23d a Bill was accordingly introduced for the gradual abolitibn, which it was agreed, after a long debate, should take place in the year 1796. Early in the next session (1793), Mr. Wilberforce again brought forward his motion for the consideration of the subject; and after- wards, on May 14th, moved for the abolition of that part of the ::'lave Trade by which the British merchants supplied foreigners with slaves ~ but both these motions were negatived, and lost. The ~amination of evidence, however, by the Committee of Privy Council. continued. In 1794, Mr. Wilberforce, who had now digested his plan of operationsJ renewed his motion for leave to bring in the Bill which he had proposed last year; and the Bill was carried in the Committee, but lost in the HOLlse of Lords . . From this periQd, Mr. Wilberforce appears to have rested his hopes on a steady perseverance in an annual renewal of his motion in favour of the Abolition. In 1795 he moved for leave to bring in " a Bill for the Abolition of the Slave Trade." In the year 1796 he made a CHAP. HI.] SOCIETY FOR ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 407 similar motion; but both were lost. Another Bill, proposed by Mr. Francis, for the amelioration of the condition of slaves in the West Indies, was rejected in a similar manner; but an Address was agreed on to 'his Majesty, to order copies to be laid before the House of all the Acts passed by the several Colonial Assemblies since 1788, relative to regulations in behalf of the slaves. In 1797, a . farther address to his Majesty was c~rried, to give directions to the Governors of the West India Islands to recommend to the Colonial Assemblies to make regulations for the improvement 'of the condition of slaves, and the gradual abolition of the Slave Trade. In this year the Committee received a -letter from the President of the Pensylvanian Society for the Abolition of Slavery (Dr. Franklin), communicating a successful progress in America, and encouraging the Society to persevere in their efforts. In 1798, Mr. Wilberforce again asked leave to renew his former " Bill for abolishing the Slave Trade in a limited time." In 1799 he repeated his effort. Both attempts were ineffectual. Fresh efforts were now made to strengthen the cause, by the considerations deduced from the new colony of Sierra Leone; and Mi. Tho;'nton moved for" leave to propose the restriction of the Slave Trade within C'ertain limits," exempting from it about one-third of the African coast. But this Bill also, though it passed the Commons, was lost in ' the House of Lords, after a debate in which Dr. Horsley, bishop of Rochester, vindicated the Scriptures from the imputation of tolerating slavery. 4Q8 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PAI,lT IV. CHAP. IV. A MIDST these repeated failures of the efforts made in Parliament t-o obtailll the Abolitiol'l of the Slave Trade, it was evident that the powerful eloquence of Mr. -Wi Iberforce, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Fox, uniting in the production of irrefragable arguments against the continuance of the horrid traffic, had shaken it to the very foundation; and, notwithstanding -the high rank of several of their opponents, and the talents of some few ~lilong them, strong hopes now arose that the callse of the Abolition was ' se€iletlly gaining ground. It was therefore thought prudent to let the question rest for a time; and though Mr. Wilberforce annually moved fur papers that might elucidate the subject, he forbore the renewal of his motion till the -year 1804, when, the Union with Ireland h~ving taken place, a new tribunal presented itself for the investigation of the subject. The Committee were notdisappoiflted in their expectations from this timing of their measures. The Bill for the Abolition of the Slave TJl8Jcde within a limited period passed in the House of Commons by a c@nsiderable majority; and in Hl€ House of Lords the discussion wa~ merely postponed-to the next session. In the ensuing year, 1805, Mr. Wilberforce resumed his motion, and, to· the- disappointment and' dismay of its friends, was unsuccessful. But the cause of its failure having been discovered to be the accidental absence of such of its friends as had conceived it to be secure of success, llew efforts were made with alacrity for its support in the next session. In the interval Mr. Pitt die4 (January 1806). and Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox were called in _ ~o the Mini~try. The cause was now brought into Parliament under new auspices, and it only remained to be 'proved whether the opinions which those persons had maintained when jn Opposition, would be acted on when Ministers. Events soon proclaimed the sincerity of their professions. A Bill was brought into CHAP. IV.1 ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 409 the House of Commons, by the Attorney-General *, for prohibiting the importation of slaves by British subjects, either into colonies conquered during the war (consistently with a Proclamation issued by his Majesty in a former year), or into any foreign colony, whether hostile or neutr~l, and also for preventing British subjects from carrying on a Slave Trade in neutral vessels, and from fitting out Foreign ships for British ports. This Bill passed botk Houses; Mr. Fox and Lord Grenville declaring, in the respective debates, their strong sense of the importance of the question to the interests 0f humanity, and the claims of policy, justice, and religion; and their conviction that the accomplishment of the Abolition of the Slave Trade would be, of all other measures, the most glorious to their administration. Mr. Fox next moved, on June 10th, "that the House, considering the Slave Trade to be contrary to the principles of justice, humanity, and policy, wiJI, with all practicable expedition, take effectual measures for its abolition;" declaring, that" if he should succeed in carrying t hrough this measure, he should think his life well spent, and should retire satisfied that he had not lived in vain." The majorities were- in the House of Commons, 114 to 15; in the Lords, 41 to 20. In the former, after the resolution had passed, Mr. Wilberforce moved an "Address to his Majesty, that he would invite the co-operation of Foreign Powers in the same cause." The Address was also carried in both Houses; and, to prevent any interested abuse Of the interval previous to a Bill for the actual Abolition, another Bill was introduced, to prevent any new vessels being employed in the trade. The joy of this success was damped, in October, by the death of Mr. Fox. "Two things," said that great man on his death-bed, " I wish earnestl y to see accom pI i shed,-Peace with Europe, and the Abolition of the Slave Trade: but, of the two, I wish more the lattert." In 1807, Lord Grenville brought into the House of Lords " a * Sir Arthur Piggott. t Clarkson's" History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade," vol. ii. p . 567. 3G 410 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. Bill "f or the Abolition of the Slave Trade;" as if this great cause were due to no other hands than those of himself and Mr. Fox. , Counsel were heard against the Bill for four days; and on the fifth day commenced,the ever-memorable debate, which secured the victory of humanity and religion over the agencies of the Great Enemy of human bliss. The majority was of 100 against 36. On the 10th of February the triumph was completed in the House of Commons, by a majority of 283 against 16. A Committee of the whole House being then formed, a Bill was passed, "that no vessel should clear out for slaves from any port within the British dominions after the 1st of May of that year, 1807;" and that no Slave should be landed in the colonies after March 1, 1808. The Bill was passed on the 16th of March, and, by the strenuous exertions of Lord Grenville, was completed in all its forms and con- firmed by the Royal Assent, on Wednesday the 25th, a few minutes only before the Ministers resigned their respective offices, as they had been required to,do by a message delivered to them that morning. The remaining interval of an half hour was used to this glorious purpose,- to the accomplishment of an act which will live to latest posterity in the lo,v~, admiration, and gratitude of mankind! Such as have been here briefly described, were the long-protracted labours of an association of benevolent men-the natives of all coun- tries, the examples to all ages-in the support of human dignity. Nothing less than such a combination could have prevailed, to loose the deep-rooted grasp of human, or rather infernal, avarice. Nor could the extent of human wisdom have devised means more adapted to this end. It was necessary that a spring should be moved, which might affect the wheels of government and public action; and it was necessary that so important a spring should take its direction from the most solid and substantial base. The latter had been prepared by the efforts of the Association; the former was happily added in the virtues, political rank, and talents of Mr. Wilberforce, aided by his peculiar connections of friendly intimacy with the Prime Minister. CHAP. IV.] ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADt. 411 Admiration and reverence can seldom be directed to characters more honourable to the faculties of man, than theirs, whose names in this great cause stand for ever united- of Granville Sharp and William Wilberforce; of the one who founded, and the one who crowned, the work of African deliverance. Of the advocates of the cause, in the Houses of Parliament, the numerous list contains nearly all who gave dignity to the age: the leaders of either party (as has been seen) stood in the front *. Of its opponents- let the memory fall to earth! Let us forbear, in Christian charity, to awaken feelings of contention providentially now laid to rest. The lustre of Mr. Wilberforce's action was unclouded even for an instant: to the vulgar eye he seemed, like the Manoo-Capac of the Peruvians, the child of light, to have descended from the Sun, in pity of human sufferings; and Hope followed his steps. Such is the bright and dazzling aspect of virtue, wherever she appears! His benevolent course found it~ security in minds already prepared for the admission of truth, and its success in hearts already opened to those feelings, which he exerted himself to inspixe and improve. Shame on the degraded mercenaries of an infamous and unnatural commerce, who attempt to undermine the basis, which so much virtuous labour has prepared, and on which religion may hope to rear the beautiful fabric of human civilization! Shame, doubled shame, on the imbecile Governments, which hesitate to oppose the regis of power to snch attempts! .. " Among the speakers in favour of the Abolition were, in the House of Lords, the Duke of Gloucester, tbe Dukes of Richmond and Korfoll,; Marquis Townshend; tbe Earls of Bucking- hamshire aad Carlisle, Earls Grosvenor, Moira, Spencer, Stanbope, Selkirk, Roslyn; the Bisbops of London (Dr. Porteus), Durham (Dr. Barrington), St. Asaph (Dr. Horsley), Landaff Dr. Watson); the Lords Grenville, Erskine, Holland, Loughborough, Ellenborough, King, Hood: In the House of Commons, Earl Percy, Lords Howick, Milton, H. Petty, Mahon, Carysfort, Mornington, De Blaquicre '; Sir William Dolben, Sir Samuel Romilly, Sir Robert Buxton, Sir James Johnstone, Sir Ralph Milbank, Sir Arthur Piggott, Sir John Newport, Sir Jolm Doyle; Messrs. Pitt, Fox, Wilberforce, Burke, Whituread, Perceval, Beaufoy, Sheridan, W. Smith, Grigby, M. Montagu, Francis, J. Martin, H. Tbornton, Roscoe, Canning, Bastard, Barham, Courtenay, Stanley, Wynne, Lyttelton, Ryder, L. Smitb, Milnes, Hobhouse, Bouverie, Grenfell, Leigh, Huddlestone, Fawkes, Lusbington, Ward, Jacob, Herhert, Burdon, Cocl SYRIAC ......................... .. ... New Testament. 12mo .......... : .............. Hamburgh. 1663 VIRGINIAN INDIAN ............ Bible, by Elliot, of America. 4to ............. Cambddge. 1685 WELCH .............................. Bible and Prayer-Book. 12mo . .................. London. 1630 Djtto and Ditto. 8vo ...................... " .... Cael· Grallt. 1746 Appendix to Ike First !leport lif the Bible Sooiety. 0; Notice of these wOl'ks will be found in the account of Mr. Sharp!s Writings. 'CHAP. VII.] SOCIETY FOR PROPAGATING THE GOSPEL. 435 ~~.-" 1812. October 5. Bible Society. Received thanks for advice in printing Hebrew and Greek Scriptures." [This advice was contained in a letter addressed to the Secretaries of t~e Society.] SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL IN FOREIGN PARTS. Of this venerable society, establis,hed in 170 I, Mr. Sharp became one of the members in the year 1785, and took an active part in their pi·oceedings. His Manuscript Notes give frequent evidence of his regular attendance on the meetings; but they contain no allusion to any particular transactions of the society, excepting what has been seen in a preceding part of these Memoirs, in a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury'*'. It does not appear that he spoke in th~ meeting on the subject alluded to in that letter. The only record in the Reports of the Society, in which he is in any degree particularly concerned, relates to the success of his solicitation, in the same letter, for the appointment of the Rev. Mr. Fraser to accompany the first expedition to Sierra Leone t. He made a donation to the society of the works of his father, the Archdeacon of Northumberland, and likewise of several of his OWll tracts. • Page 262. t " At a meeting of the Society, 20th October, 1786: The Archbishop of Canterbury having' acquainted the Board, that 1\11'. Richard Fraser had been Ol'dained Deacon and Priest by th e Bisllop of Ely, in order to accompany a number of Blacks going to settle at Sierra Leone in Africa as their minister; and a letter being also read from George P eters, Esq., recommendin g him to the benevolence of the Society; it was resolved, That the Society do appoint him their Missionary, with a salary of fifty pounds per annum, to commence at Michaelmas last; anel that the Society furnish him with some books."-Repm·ts of the Society. The object of the Society is limited by charter to Foreign Parts, anel more especially to the plantations, col9nies, and factories beyond seas, belonging to the kingdom of England . Missionaries, Catecbists, and Schoolma~ters are employed by this Society in Newfoundland , Nova Scotia, ~ew Brunswick, Upper and Lower Canada, Cape Breton, the Bahama Js l~nd s , the coast of Africa, New ,south Wales, and Norfolk Island. The l\1issionaries are supplied with books for a library, and Bibles, Prayer-books, and small religious tracts, to distribute among their people, as occasion may r~quire. The Society is directed entirely by l\1~mbers of tb e Established Church of England.-See Hist01'Y of Bible Society, vol. i. p. 22. 436 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. In the year 1808, his aid was solicited towards the .establishment of another religious Charity, for the Conversion of the Jews. The proposal is contained in a letter from which the following is an extract :- The Rev. Thomas White to Granville Sharp, Esq. " loth December, lll08. " At this time I am particularly interested by the ben€volent attempts 'Yhich you have made to attract the attention of the Jews to the evidence which their own Scriptures afford to the Messiah. The addresses to them, which you have interwoven with the critical part of your work [on the Hebrew Vau] , convince me that you would rejoice to forward their conversion. Variouscircumstarices induce me to think that the present is a favourable season for attempting it; and, from conversations which I have had with several benevolent and pious persons on the subject, I feel persuaded, that, were a Society instituted, consistinE of rn€mbers of our Established Church, for the sake of promoting the conversion of the Jewish nation, it would meet with considerable encouragement. Your exertions in one noble work of charity have been rewarded by the most glorious success, and will, I doubt not, add unspeakably to the joy reserved for you in a better world. · The object to which I . now take the liberty of caIliug your attention, is ,one even mbre important; it is one which the Divine promise assures us shall ultimately succ€ed; it is one of which the promoters will, I am persuaded, obtain the blessing of the Most High. " It would give me great satisfaction to converse with you -on this subject, and r shall feel much obliged by your naming a time when I might wait upon you. " With sincere esteem and respect," &c. &c. It is to be remarked, that this letter was written a few months after the first meeting of an association of benevolent individuals, whose object was th~n declared to be that "of visiting and relieving the sick and distressed, and 'instructing _the ignorant, especially such as are of the Jewish nation," but who, in the ensuing year, were finally designated by the name of " THE LONDON SOCIE'fY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE JEWS." There is much obscurity in the early history of this institution. One of its most liberal and active CHAP. VII.] AFRICAN INSTITUTION, 437 patrons has stated, in a late publication *, that it is difficult to trace clearly the progress of the society from its origin. Its charitable intentions appear to have been announced, at its rise, under various descriptions; and it does not appear unlikely, that the communication of the sentiments contained in the above letter, if aided by Mr. Sharp'S approbation, might have contrihuted to fix the unsettled ilesigns of the associated members und~r the title which they now beart. No reply to the letter appears among Mr. Sharp'S papers. He presented to the society one of his tracts, entitled" Jerusalem," and his name stands in the list of subscribers (as does Mr. White's also) to the year of his decease:j:. AFRICAN INSTITUTION. The life of Granville ~harp is but a history of the continued progress of Christian charity and human amelioration. In his high • Letter to tbe Bishop of St. David's, by the Rev. Lewis Way, of Stansted . t The first meeting above alluded to took place in August 1808; and that in which the resolution was carried for adopting the present title of the Society was held in March 1809. The designs of the Society were at the beginning carried on under the influence of Joseph Samuel Frey, a native of Germany, who had renonnced Judaism, and had been sent over to this country, on the request of the London Missionary Society, to receive ordination (as a Dissenting Minister), and thence to proceed to preach the Gospel to tbe Hottentot Africans, at a settlement which the (Missionary) Society had formed in the Soutb of Africa, for the purpose of offering instruction in Chri,stianity to tbe Natives. But after Frey's arrival ifl England, he felt a strong prepossession to endeavour the conversion of bis fellow-Israelites in tbis country; and his efforts receiving the countenance of several benevolent persons, be was ulti"?ately,induced to separate himself from the Missionary Society, and was elected President of the small Association above alluded to, for promoting the temporal comfort and religious instruction of . the Jews. His conduct was at first exemplary, uut did not afterwards correspond with the respect due to his situation. Tbe London Society, as it was at first composed of Churchmen and Dissenters witbout distinction, was conducted under their joint management; and for some years the instruction imparted by its agents was of so general a nature as not to call any differences of doctrine into question; but when, on the enlargement of its funds, its plans were extended to the education of young men as preachers of the Gospel to the Jews, the unavoidable distinctiuns of opinion in the different parties were found materially to embarrass its operations. At lengtb, at a General Meeting, in 11305, the Dissenters, engaged in the management, agreed to retire, and to leave the Society entirely under tbe direction of Members of the Church of England; at tbe same time promising (a promise which they afterwards fu lfilled) to recommend tile Society to their respective bodies. f Reports of the London Society for promoting Cbristianity among the Jews. 438 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. example we may discern the value of a single step of.virtue. His early action of humanity to a distressed Negro brought on the freedom of sla¥es in England; and, in its consequ~nces, led to the Abolition of the Slave T~ade, and to the other singular events which have been related. His charitable attempt to restore .to social comfort those whom he had rescued from slavery, and to provide a home for them in their native land, laid the foundat~on of African culture and commerce; and by having given-birth to the establishment at Sierra Leone, which is still the central spring of oUf benevolent action in that part of the globe, he will justly be entitled to be called, in future ages, the first civilizer of Africa. - If the important efforts now making for the improvement of Africa should ultimately attain their end, and diffuse over an immense continent that light, and those 'blessings, from which it has been so long excluded, to Granville Sharp the gratitude of future generations must be offered. That his thoughts 'Here long turned to that object, various papers, superscribed "African civilization," sufficien~ly demon- strate. When the Directors of the ~ierra Leone Company declared the surrender of its fights to the British Government, they, almost at the same moment, announced the birth of another Institution, formed for the purpose of saving from the power of fortune those advantages whiGh, in spite of every discouragement and of failure itself, had been demonstrably proved to have been gained to the general condition of humanity. The Sierra L eone Company had fixed the basis of African civilization; and, though unsuccessful in the full attainment of the original plan, and finally driven, like its first Founder, to the necessity of resigning the establishment into more powerful hands, it ha4 formed a necess3.:'y ground-work for the beneficent advance of that strength to which it appealed for the protection of its invaluable purposes. It had ascertained th.e power of introducing agriculture, friendly commerce, and freedom itself, into Africa. It had shown, that ~ll the various ,natlll:al products, brought from the West Indies, might pe raised on the African soil; that the Native Chiefs might be made CHAP. VII.) AFRICAN INSTITUTION. 439 to perceive the full interests of peaceful communication; and that Negroes, in a state of freedom, might be habituated to labour in the fields, and were capable of being governed by mild laws, withoMt whips, tortures, or chains to enforce submission t9 civil authority. If insubordination appeared for a time among a part of the settlers, their conduct in those circumstances, when compared with European colonists in other parts of the globe, affordeg a result even advantageous to the African character. But, what surpassed all other benefits, the establishment of the Sierra Leone Company had created a point of confidence for the Nati'ves in the sound of friendly intentions, when prqfessed by an Englishman. Although a sceptic of Africa might still ' doubt the existence of an anxious disposition to diffuse improvement .and knowledge among the natives of his country, independently of all views of interest, the experience of twenty yeah had yet made it possible for him to believe, that British voyagers might court his acquaintance without designing to kidnap his family, or betrfl.Y himself into slavery; and' he might, like Felix, be "almost persuaded" that the blessings of mutual benevolence and good faith were not univer-· sally denied by nature to European traders*. In the commencement of the, attempt to support the colony .off reedom at Sierra Leone, the Company had undertaken to bear the wh0le expense of the enterprise; and, if the richest channels of wealth had been opened, the mother country could not have failed to re'dp' the * ~ee First Report of tbe African Institution, p. 43. I sball add one more anecdote to the many already extant on this subject. It was related to me by lID amiable and higbly respectable nobleman, lately deceased, the early part of whose life had been· passed in his Majesty's service in the Navy; and I shall give it in his own word~.- " The late Admiral Matthew Buckle commanded a small squadron on the coast of Africa, and had a broad pendant on board the Assistance, of fifty guns. One day, while at anchor ou the coast, a Negro came oft" with his canoe, loaded witb fruits, and all that he had that was ,'aluable. The Commodore beiug on the quarter-decll, tile Negro accosted him with' rvlwt ship tliis ?'-The other replied, in the jargon of the country, 'King GeOl"ge ship. man of war ship.'-The Negro replied, doubting, ' No, you Bristol sltip.'-The Commodore rppeatcd what he had said; but the Negro felt bis fears increase, and, exclai ruing , Dom ?Jour Item", you 8";stol ship,' leaped overboard, leaving his canoe to its fate ...... T scarcely need add, that the canoe was humanely towed on snore, where the owuer was most li kely to find it." MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. fruits of success, though she incurred no charges of government or protection. When the Company was afterwards compelled to solicit relief from the Minister, it received a liberal pecuniary aid; but it still wanted, the most desirable protection of the parent state from that devastating traffic, in the place of which it strove to substitute the natural relations of human intercourse. It in vain solicited Parliament to banish the horrid trade from that narrow region of Africa, in which the settlement was formed. English slave-mongers were permitted, to the last*, to trade even in the river of Sierra Leone, and, by every means of artifice and malice, ofte,n to divert the unfortunate settlers from their better views. Yet, even on the ruins of the fabric, in which the hopes of the individual philanthropist who had planned, and the liberal and powerful Company wQo had fostered the design, had alike expired, a new association dared to found its structure, as on a basis at once of convenience and security, on which" schools might be maintained, useful arts. might be taught, and an emporium of commerce established, by those whom its patronage might animate, or its information enable, to engage in such undertakingst." With sentiments of this nature, and renovated hopes, the AFRICAN INSTITUTION presented itself to the public. It announced its design, "to improve the temporal condition and the moral faculties of the . natives of Africa; to diffuse knowledge, and excite industry, by methods adapted to the peculiar s~tuation and manners of the inha- bitants -; to w~tch over the execution of the laws that have been passed in this and other countries, for abolishing the African Slave Trade; and, finally, to introduce the blessings of civilized society among a people sunk in ignorance and barbarism, and occupying no less than a fourth part of the habitable globet." ., The Act for prohibiting the Slave Trade was passed on the 25th of March 1807. The Directors of the Sierra Leone Company agreed to the surrender of the colony into the hands of Government on the 7th January 1B07, and the Bill for its surrender was brought into Parliament on the 8th of August following. The actual surrender was made on January 1,1808. t First Report of the African Institution. . t Second R~port of the African Institution. CH~P. VII.] AFRICAN INSTITUTION. 441 To. acco.mplish these stupendous views, it pro.posed no. purchase o.f territo.ry, no co.mmercial speculation, no colonial settl6ment, no reli- gio.US missio.n; but "to' collect and diffuse instructio.n concerning the natllral pro.ductio.ns o.f tae Oo.l1lIlltry, its agricultural and Ic'()mmercial capacities, and the condition, as well intellectual as political, of its inhabitants; to introduce and promote among them , letters, arts, medical discoveries, improvements of husbandry, and methods o.f useful and legitimate commerce; to establish amicableco.rrespon- dences; to encourage enterprise in exploring the unknown interio.r, no.t merely to g,ratify curiosity, but to obtain and disseminate useful knowledge; and to open sources of future intercourse*." _ This Institution was formed in April 1807, at a period which "appeared eminently fitted for prosecuting its benevolent d€signs; since the suspension, during the war, of that large share of the Slave Trade commonly carried on by France, Spain, and Holland, might naturally be expected, when combined with the effect of the abolition laws of Great Britain, America, and Denmark, to produce nearly the ' entire cessation of that horrid traffic, along a line of coast extending between ,two and three thousand miles in length, and thereby to. afford a peculiarly favourable opportunity for giving a new direction to the industry and commerce of Africat." Of the progress and effects of this Association likewise, while it is hourly exerting itself in the eyes of Europe and of the world, any recital would be here superfluous. Mr. Sharp was chosen one of the first Directors, at the advanced age of seventy-three; and the duties, which it was occasionally his pa~t to execute, were performed by him with the same zeal and activity, which had distinguished the early part of his life. He assisted regularly at every meeting, even to the last but one previous to his decease. In the year preceding that event, he was called on to present to his * Second Report of the African Institution. t Ibitf. 3 L 442 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester (the Patron and President of the Institution) · an account of his exertions in favour of African and American freedom. He accordingly ~resented a copious MS. (from which many parts of the foregoing narrative have been selected), and received the following answer :- Colonel Dalton to Mr. Granville Sharp. " Sir, " February 27, 18l2. " I beg to i'nform yon, that I have had the honour to lay your MS. before his Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester, as I was instructed to do by your accompanying letter. I am honoured with ·his Royal Higlmess's comlI1.ands, to convey to you his high approbation of the zeal with which you have so invariably and effectually forwarded this good cause,~a cause so near the hearts of alI" humane persons. I am also directed to assure you of the pleasure it is to his Royal Highness, to be 'put in possession of the MS. you have presented him ~ith. " I must not close my letter without obeying strictly the further instructions I have been honoured with from his Royal Highness, to express how sensible he is of the real benefit, such valuable and strenuous exertions have procured to this interesting cause in which we continue to be engaged. " I have the honour to be, Sir," &c. &c. PROTESTANT UNION. The year 1813, the last year of Mr. Sharp'S life, was distinguished by an Associati~n denominated the Protestant Union, formed for the purpose of defending, by the soJe weapons of argument and reason, a cause which the members held most sacred,-the cause of Teligious freedom. The admission of Papists into offices of political trust and power was at that time openly demanded by men of a leading character in Irel~nd; and a Bill was brought into Parliament, by which their political freedom, or emancipation (as it was termed) from all the restraints imposed by various Acts of our Legislature, since the time of James II., was solicited from the GoveFnment of Great Britain, as a right. CHAP. VII.] PROTESTANT UNION. 443 The following account'is from a member of that Association :- " Mr. Granville Sharp had uniformly opposed the system of Popery, most conscientiously believing that it was utterly subversive of the principles of genuine liberty, as well as of our Protestant Establishment. " When, therefore, the Roman Catholic question was agitated, from the lively interest which he took in it, and from his frequent con- versations with several friends on its great importance to the united kingdom, it was at length agreed to convene a meeting of respectable persons firmly attached to the principles of the Constitution, as established at the Revolution, (but unconnected with party, and having no political purposes whatever to serve); and calmly and dispassionately to consider the subject. " A meeting was accordingly held, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern in the Strand, on the 22d January 1813, when Mr. Sharp was called to the chair. After some discussion, the Address and Resolutions, published by the Protestant Union in their first paper, were unani- mously adopted. " These Resolutions .were reprinted and circulated in' Ireland, and had a great effect in rousing the dormant spirit of Protestantism in that cOIl'ntry. The Protestant Union was encouraged by the warm approbation of many eminent characters throughout the United Kingdom, and Mr. Sharp received many high eulogiums on the principles developed in their papers." The principal aim of the arguments used by this Society, was to separate distinctly the two objects, Religious Freedom and Political Freedom. They asserted the former to be already fully possessed by the whole body of Roman Catholics; and that the lauer, of course, was the true object of the Bill presented by them to the Parliament, and was coveted, not for the sake of the whole body of Papists (the lower classes, necessarily, not being within the reach of its consequences), but by that class alone, which, from its rank in life, would be enabled to possess what would accrue from its attainment. To this reasoning they ndded, as an incontrovertible argument, that the religious freedom, MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. enjoyed by the Roman Catholics in the united ~ingdom, would not in . retmn be allowed to the Protestants (and other religious descriptions of men), if the Papists should return to 'polit!cal power, because the positive and unalterable tenets of the Papal religiQn were intolerant of religious establishments of all other descriptions; and, therefore, that the establishment of a Protestant Church was the only real source .of univers:;tl religious freedom. " In their second paper," continues the same account, "they issued a series of fitues(ions, respecting the demands of the Roman Catholics, which have never been answered to this day. " The Protestant Union also published some extracts of their cor- res·pondepce with Ireland, exemplifying by facts the principles held by the Roman Catholics *. " The publications of the society :were sent tc:> all the Members of Parliament in both Houses. But as The Union had no desire to raise any popular claInour against the Roman Catholics, but . simply to bring the subject before the public upon principle, they did not call public meetings, or use any methods to create prejudice. "The last meeting of the Protestant Union, during the life-time of Mr. Sharp, was held on the 1st of March, on which day the question, having undergone a previous debate of four days in the House of Commons, \~as carried in favour of the Roman Catholics by a .majority of forty. The Union, therefore, finding its effi)fts ineffectual as to this great point, ceased from its exertions; the cause appearing to all the Members to be . lost, and it being deemed the remaining duty of all to submit peaceably to' the determination of the Government. But their hopes were not destined So soon to perish. On the 24th of May, in one of the largest assemblies of the House of Commons ever knowRi when the last stage of the Bill in favour of the Roman Catholics was in a Committee of the whole House, the Speaker (Mr ..A bbott), after a most powerfl!ll and impressive speech, proposed, ,. An " Appeal ,to the Protestants of Great Britain and Ireland" was published in the sub- ~equent P~pers of the Protestant Union, in reply to an " Address" by Charles Butler, Esq. CHAP. VII.) PROJ'ESTANT UNION. as an amendment to the Bill, 'that the first clause, which was, 'to admit Roman Catholics into Pa?:iiament, be struck out;' which motion " after a long and warm deba~e, being carried by a majority of 251 votes to 247, the other clauses of the Bill we-Fe given up, and the power of the Protestant Establishment remained unskaken *." In all the meetings of The Union, Mr. Sharp e~erted himself with unabated vigour of mind, and gave the most useful support to the cause. He spoke frequently, and with ' great tillmness; aNd he corresponded' with several eminent persons on the subject of the Bill t. Noiwithstanding his great age, his faculti6s were still strong and , clear; ' and his thorough acquaintance with the distinctions of religious tenets enabled him to enforce his feelings by the most animated and convincing arguments. Never, in the long course of his public efforts, had he shown more conspicuously the superior treasures· of his powerful mind, or excited in his associates sensations of higher respect. All the Reports, and other numerous ·pa'pers of the society, were submitted to his inspection and sanctioned by him, previous to their publication t; and ~everal of them recei¥ed his correcti<;)£)s. The flame of life played actively within him, and darted peculiar lustre, at the moment when it was. about to quit its mortal tenement for ever. The strenuous exertions of his faculties, indeed, on this important occasion, probably accelerated the final period of h1S labours '; and if he expressed no conscious triumph at closing them iN a cause ,which he deemed transcendently meritorious, it was because he re- • On the r'enewal of the Roman Catholic Petition, the meetings of the Pootestant Union were resumed, Stephen Cattley, Esq. being called to the chair; and, at the last meeting, April 17th, 1819, previous to the intended debate in the House of Commons (which took place on the 3d of May), a Series of Resolutions was drawn up, and sent to every Member of both Houses of Par- liament. t " His knowledge " (adds the writer of the account hefore given) "of what Popery was and ever will be, and his sense of the fatal indifference of good-natured Protestants, which will sooner or later be their destruction, rendered his services of great use. In this society he spoke more, and attended more frequently, I believe, tban in any other." t Tile Twenty Resolution., in particular, which were passed in the first meeting, and the Se"iu oj Queslio1ls proposed to the Roman Catholics, in the second meeting, received his hearty approbatiOn and concurrence. They are drawn up with singular ability and fo~ce . .. - 446 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART IV. garded the dispensations of his Creator with equal awe, and with equal submission, at all mome?ts of his worldly course. The MS. Notes contain the mention of Mr. Sharp's attendance on several .other charitable and religious societies, but afford no particular notice of their concerns. At the Hospit?-ls of Bridewell and Bethle- hem the remembrance of his name is accompanied, as usual, by that of his benevolence. In the early part of the time in which he was a G~)Vernor, he paid gre.at attention to the condition of the Prison and the Prisoners, and particularly to the introduction of work among them. The Minutes ~f the Committee bear ample testimonies to this solicitude. In the year 1800, a year of remarkable scarcity, he adr dressed a Letter to the Clerk of Bridewell Hospital, proposing that, ~nstead of the usual annual dinner, the Stewards, who were to have • furnished the expenses of it, shpuld apply a sum of equal amount to- wards the necessities of the Patients in Bethlehem Hospital; and, in consequence of his Letter, a Mo.tion to that effect was made and carried, at a special Court, held on the 15th of May. . He was also a Governor of St. Luke's Hospital for many years, and one of the Auditors of the Treasurer's accounts, but took no other active part in its management, not being on the 'Committees. The other Societies mentioned in' his Notes, at which he appears to have attended more rarely, are the African Association, Palestine Association, Refuge for the Destitute, Hibernian Society, Society for the Protection of Young Women, Female Penitentiary.-Dr. Bray's Society .o ccurs frequently . - MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. PART V. DOMESTIC CHARACTER OF MR. SHAj1P.-HIS DECEASE.-PUBLIC RESPECT SHOWN TO HIS MEMORY. '! ,.r PART v. .CHAP. I. WHILE perusing the public usefulness of this extraordinary man's actions, let us not forget to accompany him in the progress of his domestic life, in the bosom of his family, in the retirement of his private hours, and in the social intercourse of friendly relations. A long course of years had necessarily brought with it a numerous train of those affectionate interests, which, often delightful, sometimes painfu), but always valuable, form the richest treasures of the heart. It is not difficult to conceive, after what has been related, that Mr. Sharp was as attentive, as constant, as active, in all concerns of a domestic ' nature, as if those alone had eonstituted the whole employment of his time, But we may yet be surprised to learn, that he even allotted to them a priference above all other occupations and engagements; and that, averse from that obdurate system of morals whieh once reduced the world to servitude, he believed, that in the public actions of his life he was performing only its secondary duties* . • This character he gives in excuse of himself in a letter to the Archbishop of Casbel, 22d February, 1806.- " I bave, besides, my ~ord, a propensity to postpone business of consequence from time to time, in Javol"· oj c07ll7llon CutTent business and engagements of a !Dore trivial nature, bul ,.,bich daily press UpOD me." 450 MEMOIRS OF 'GRANVILLE SHARP. , lPART V. Whoever has considered the human faculties, will have perceived~ with wonder, hbw far beyond the reach of calculation, both in number and extent, are the springs which set them in action. That the mind requires intervals of absolute rest, is a maxim which will have sometimes appeared to be the doctrine of indolence, or the inference of a sick b~d. The mens sana in c07pore sano st:;ems to find its needful refreshment in the- change of its object; and to feel, at every recurrence, that its powers have been renovated, perhaps augmented, during the change. In Granville Sharp, an incessant impulse of desire to relieve the sufferings and contribute to the happiness of others, led the philan- thropist onward without adverting to the length of his march. or the difficulty of his way. He even accused himself of slowness; but what - estimate should we form of men in general by such a standard? In fact, that unaffected simplicity of conduct which marked even 'his most' arduous exertions, the produce' of a truly pure but powerful mind, preserved him untired, because unhesitating and unembarrassed, amidst the difficult trials to which his philanthropy exposed him; and; unlike to visionary ' theorists, he found neither cause nor reason to> abandon for doubtful f:}nterprise the near regards of the most €ommon circumstances, still less the most common duties, of social life; In · his home, no part of his cha-racter w,as more remarkable than th@ even cheerfulness of his temper, and the facility with which he at times consented to dismiss every thollght connected with busiriess or study, in ~rder t9 join, ia the amusements of-all ages, even of chi;ldren. How eagerly d,id the little females of his brothers' families watch the opening of his study door, as the signal for their mirth and play ! How gaily did the sound of hi~ tabor and' p~p.e set th€ir nimble feet in mQtion;. or his ready penoil delight them by delineations of birds, beasts, or other familiar objects!' Of the company of young · persons in general he was, indeed, peculiarly fond; and-he behaved to them with a kindness which nasure had poured into his breast with an, overflowing measure, and which met its full return from their cheerful and artless feelings. ' CHAP. 1.] DOMESTIC CHARACTER. 451 When sickness visited, or the pressure of circumstances afflicted, anyone of his affectionate brothers or sisters, he flew -to them, to aid and to console them. It has been noticed" in a preceding part of the narrative, with what promptitude he devoted himself, · oli the death of his brother James, to the care of ·his large and difficult business, and with what assiduity he brought his task to its completion. . In the summer of 1783, James being dangerously ill, he had accompanied him to Weymouth,. with delusive hopes of his recovery. In the autumn of the same year he returned thither, accompanied by his brother William, to bring back the dying invalid. "We arrived in town," says Granville-, "in the evening, my poor brother being in extremis. I lifted him out of the chariot, and carried him myself into his own house." Two days afterwards he expired, and Granville attended his funeral as chief mourner. With the same affectionate solicitude he hastened to his elder brother John. Archdea~on of Northumberland, at Durham,. to attend him in his last hours. in 1792. Besides the above deprivations, he h~d lost two other brothers, and two of his sisters, in the course of the events that have been related. But the heaviest of his afflictions was yet awaiting him. He had one only brother and sister still remaining: the latter, Mrs. Prowse, of Wicken Park, i.n Buckinghamshire, was at Fulham in the spring of 1810. with his brother William and Mrs. Sharp, who were anxiously watching over the declining health of theIr daughter. These . now formed the whole of the family circle resident at that place. William was sinking under the gradual decay of age, and deep parental concern. Mrs. Prowse, apparently healthy, was seized with illness, and at the end of five days expired-a pure Christian, benevolent in life, and full of hope in death. Granville was, as usual, on the spot, comforting and assisting "". His behaviour was composed, but grave. After her decease his whole ~ttention was occupied by his brother, whose infirmities were rapidly increased by this new affliction. But, • He received from his sister's lips, and wrote, her will, the day before her death; and attended her while she received the sacrament, in the midst of her family, incluuing, at her particular request, two little girls, her grand-nieces. 452 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART'IV, being named his sister's executor, it was necessary for him to repair to her late family residence at WickeR Park, in order to dismiss the establishment and vacate the place for her successor. He went, accompanied . by the daughter of his late brother James, to a scene which brought back the varied recollections of family endearments. The business, which it was necessary to transact on the occasion, agitated him so greatly as to render ,him sometimes, for the space of an hour or two, incapable, of making the requisite exertions. During thi~ painful occupation, accounts, arriyed of the alarming increase of his brother's illness. To the surprise. of all around him, , he was reluctant to leave Wicken, and was with difficulty prevailed on to assent to an immediate return to Fulham. He questioned the messenger: he strove to discredit his report. It seemed as if he could not bear to be convinced that hi~ beloved brother's life was in imminent danger. He, however, set forward.-"Thile on the road, a second ~ispatch brought the melancholy tidings that his brother was no more. Wherr' fully assured of the reality of his Ipss, "God's will," he exclaimed, " be done I" and shed tears copiously. A long silence ensued, till, turning to his companion, he opened a Bible, which he had brought in the carriage, and read aloud several detached sentence~ from the Psalms; selecting such as were most applicable to theif present distress, and translating them (for his Bible was a Hebrew oue) in language" to which the solemnity of the moment gave the most impt:essive and affecting expression. Throughout the whole of these severe trials his sorrow was deep and silent, tempered with resignation, and with a perfect composure which solaced and strengthened those who wept around him;. his conver~ationdwelling more on the blessings which were still accorded to them,' ~han on those which wete withdrawn. 1'wo years after the loss of his brother William, his affiiction was renewed by the death of one of his nieces,-an event which sensibly ~£fected the short remaining portion 'of his life*. • He has left the following memoranda of the death of his sister and his niece.- " 23d February/1810. My dear ' s'ister Prowse yielded up her calm and truly Christian CUAP. I.] DOMESTIC CHARACTER. 453 As Granville had continued unmarried, his ,brothers' houses were for many years his ge~eral residence; and it was not till the beginning of the year 1792, that he took chambers in the Temple for the purposes of various business that pressed upon him . . In ' his brother's families, he was an . e~ample of the most kind and -considerate behaviour· towards the domestics of every class, who were as assiduous and as anxious to serve him, as he was careful to avoid giving them unnecessary trouble. For himseIf, he ne~er at any time of his life retained a male servant: a feeble old woman was his only attendant at his chambers. His benevolence, so universal to mankind, could not fail to be e}ftended in just proportion to inferior animals, of whose nature he had ever been a close and studious observer. While a boy, he had been fond of taming them, and had always a favourite · dog or cat, jackdaw, bat, or lizard: His occupation at the Ordnance gave him frequent opportunities of visiting ~he menagerie in the Tower, and he studied, . with much observ~tion, the peculiar dispositions of each animal. When in the country, he delighted no less in the various character::. of the mOTe jTiendly tribes of inferior creatures. In fact, nothing in creation, whether animate. or inanimate, escaped his notice, his admiration, or his benevolence. But he more particularly applied the lesson, which. was the result of his observations on other animals, to a scrutiny of the human bosQm. He perceived, in the conduct of men toward the creatures destined to their use, an un- suspected test qf moml chflmcfe1', by which he might safely ascertain th(? worth of every man's heart, and the grounds of his action toward his own species >II . spirit to hei· Heavenly Fath'er this night, seemingly without the least sensibility of pain or suffering." " 28th December, Itl12. Yesterday I received a most afflicting letter from my sister Sharp, at Dawlish, Devon, giving me the melancholy account of her daughter, my dear niece, Mrs. Baker. She received the holy Sacrament on her death-bed; and being most sincerely prepared for the awful change, she resigned her meek spirit to God, without a sigh or groan, as if her • departure was only in sleep." ~. The last entry in his common-place book being on this subject, will be found in the 454 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART V. In the exercise of his religion, he was careful to preserve a behaviour free from ostentation; but it was at the saine time firm, and profoundly reverential. As he rose early, his first employment was either reading the , holy Scriptures, or chanting a portion of the ' Hebrew Psalms to his harp. His evenings were closed in the same manner. When in London, he regularly attended the -service of St. Paul's, and joined in the choral part*. In -{he respective "families of his'relations he ~egularly attended, and generally 1'ead, the Morning and Evening Prayers from the Liturgy. He was constant in his attendance on Divine worship twice, if possible, every Sunday, and never omitted any opportunity of receiving the sacrament. But his 'devotion, like every other part of his action, was simple. He disliked long sermons, particularly if preached extempore, and would often tell his friend , "Thou shalt not be heard for thy much speaking." He objected to extempore preachers, because he thought it presump- tuous in any man to venture to qeliver his sentiments and opinions on subjects so momentous, without notes at least, when they might be so much'better arranged in the closet. He, in general, observed all the Fasts and Festivals. He was, indeed, in the habit of fasting frequently; but it was performed in a way so unobtrusive, that few persons were aware of the strictness with which he practised this religious duty. In his MS. Notes, in the year 1800, he mentions that he dined at his chambers evay day in Passion week, with the exception that no, notice whatever is taken of Good Friday, whence it is probable that that day was observed with more than common abstinence. He avoided travelling, or entering on any secular business, on Sundays; sacred music being his chiefrecreation on those days. At all other times he was a frequent traveller, chiefly in public stage coaches, where he greatly enjoyep the mixture of characters Appendix. The following passage occurs in his trac~ " On the Injustice of Slavery: "-" At present; the inhumanity of constrained labour in excess extends no farther in. England than to our beasts, as post aDd hackney horses, sand-asses, &c. &c. But thanks to our laws, and not to • the general good disposition of masters, that it is so ; jor the wt'etch who is bad enough if) mal/real a helpless beast, would not spare hisjellow-man, if he had him as much in hil power." .. See Mr. Shield's letter, in the Appendix. · CHAP. I.] DOMESTIC CHARACTER. 4.55 which he met with, and where he not unfrequently found the means of exercising his benevolence. One day, going to his brother's house at Fulham in the stage-coach, a fellow-passenger, impatient at the ordinary delays attendant on conveyances of that kind, burst forth into expressions of immoderate rage, mixed with frequent oaths. Granville 'sat silent, taking no n.otice, in any manner, of his compa- nion's fury; but the next morning he called oh the angry traveller, and gently, but effectually, reproved him for his intemperate and unchristian behaviour. His ever-active humanity was as unostentatious as his religion, Sufficient examples of it are at large before the world. But it had not been more constantly exercised in public concerns, than in the private incidents of every day. He appears never to have refused, or neglected, any application made to him of a charitable nature.- From a poor imprisoned Author, well known to many by his annual request of s.ubscription to a pamphlet" On the Improvement of the Law of England with Regard to Imprisonment for Debt," he orders three copies to be left for. himself. When the celebrated singer, Signora Frazi, was returning to Italy, some pecuniary embarrassments, 'though of a trivial amount, detaining her on her road in France, it appears, by her letter of thanks, that he sent her a small sum, sufficient to relieve her difficulties. At another time, an anonymous writer requested of him a loan of thirty guineas: his plea was distress, and the desire of concealing it; and the excuse for his application, his confidence in Granville's benevo- lence. Mr, Sharp's answer does not appear :-it was not of letters of this kind that he preserved copies. But a second letter from the unknown petitioner expresses his acknowledgments to him, for explain- ing his circumstances so openly to a stranger, and for ten guineas which had been sent with the explanation. What more ensued is not now to be traced *. ~ It is, perhaps, to this transaction that General Ogletborp~ thu~ alludes in the beginning of one of his letters. .. The manner of your acting towards that unfortunate young gentleman, is a new proof of the universal cbarity which animates your actions." 456, MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE 'SHARP. [PART V. The following sentence, in a letter to Mr. Sharp ' from the late Governor Thicknesse, is similarly characteristic: "I asked my relation, the --- .of ---, for his subscription, which he readily conse!lted to; bilt he did pot say, like the generous Sharps, ' Put down my wife, 'my brother,''' K c. K c. This tenderness of sensibility toward the woes ' of a fellow-creature increased with his age; and even thg decay of life! while it gradually impaired the necessary discrimination of proper objects of his bounty, 'did not abate the benevolent desires of his heart. The consequence of his infirm state, at the time when his last public actions were in prog;ess, was that of which the world (unfortunately for Teal sufferers) . presents too many examples. He became a prey to the entreaties, importunit:i,es, and sometimes almost the menaces, of hundreds, who pleaded resistless poverty as a species of right to every thing that he possessed. The doors of his chambers in the Temple were beset, from morning to eveniQg, by a promiscuous assembly of poor and idle, who awaited his coming with the utmost vigilance, and who, at the first ," ~ ~ moment of his appearance, assailed him on every side. There is ~eason,to believe, that, in the course of his latter visits to his chambers, he deprived himself, for the sake of his mendicants, of every article of value that could in any way be useful to them *. As a British subject, he evinced in all his actions his loyalty to the Sovereign, and .his zealous veneration for the Constitution of England. During the alarming riots in 1780, an atlmed association being formed within the Temple, where he 'was then resident, he solicited permission to head th€ body of pikemen, who constituted a part of the proposed , defencet· " On his retiring' to Fulham! during his last illness, the same importunate applicants followed him thither, and were with difficulty restrained from a frequent repetition of their visits, although several Were proved tQ be impostors of the most disgraceful conditioll. t His definition of loyalty, in a note attached to his admirable conclusion of his friend Benezet's " Account of Guinea," deserves to be s€'lected. "Tbere is loyalty even in the law of liberty; for true loyalty, according to the strict meaning of the word, consists not only in a zealous attachment to the person of a sovereign, · but includes likewise a conscientious and iljcorruptible observance of all those moral, as well as tempora\laws, which are calculated for ~he mutual benefit and happil!eSS of society." ' CHAP. I.] DOMESTIC CHARACTER. 457 In his general demeanour, although always serious on important points, he never assumed any rigour of manner or conduct, nor did he abstain from the common recreations' of mankind. He .occasionally atteAded plays, operas, balls, and .concerts; and his acquaintances were numerous among aU ranks. He belonged for many years to a club called the jJfadrigal Society, where the constitutional vivacity of his disposition enabled him to join in and promote every innocent effusion of gaiety. The Members of the Club still speak with unabated respe.ct of their venerable Associate, whose presence (as they report of him) "never cast a gloom over their meetings, although it imposed that salutary restraint, which prevented the utterance of an impure expression, sentiment, or song, during his continuance among them *." But no intimacy of friendship, or familiarity ~f intercourse, even amid the ardour of youthful spirits, ever diminished the awful regard with which he at all times contemplated the higher hopes of our nature. In youth, he was the intimate friend of Sir William Jones; . and when that amiable man was departing for India, Granville, in their farewell interview, addressed .him thuS': "We have talked together on many subjects: we have not yet spoken on the most material ope, OW" reliance on the will of our CTeator in all things. You are leaving us for India. I have drawn up a collection of prayers: suffer me to preseHt it to you, and to entreat that, when you are far renlOved from me, you will adopt the use of it." Sir William Jones replied, that " his request was a high gratification to him, and he was glad to be able to say that he was himself constant in praye7'." It is probable that a collection of prayers, found among his papers; is the same w'hich he then presented to his friend. Nothing, indeed, - was more remarkable in Mr. Sharp'S social intercourse, than the firmness with which he delivered his most serious opinions on many ordinary occasions, and the unembarrassed simplicity with which he uttered them, blending religion with almost * I have been favoured with this anecdote by a Member of the Madrigal Society. aN 458 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PAin V. every topic, both in conversation and in writing. An anecdote, conimunicated by a friend who witnessed many of his virtuous labours, very forcibly expresses his character on this point :- Once, in a Committee of the Sierra Leone Company, after a long discussion of the difficulties which had impeded the progress of their undertaking; he suddenly l'ose, and said with warmth, " All these im pediments arise from our great. enemy, the devil, agaiUlot whom there is no power of resistance, except by fervent prayers to God." . The extent of his belief in distinct agencies under Di vine permission, is shown in his remarks on a passage of Gibbon's History, among his printed tracts: and it will be seen also in a short note; demonstrative of an internal feeling, which requires no comment ;- ~'%J.-" 1767. Sept. I 0, quarter past five A. M. Was severelY' warned abotlt my own slowness, which prepared me for the next business." He showed himself on every occasion friendly to all pursuits of literature, though his own peculiar learning was of so -different a nature as scarcely to be included undeF that denomination. He emhraced the hlOwledge which he acquired, only as the means of advancing virtue and piety among mankind. In a letter to Dr. With~rspoon, in America, sent with a large present of books to the public library at New Jersey, he says,-" I sincerely wish the pro- motion of sound literature in America, and more especially the two great objects and purposes of it, true religion and virtue." His general custom, an'd constant desire, to spread the instructions ,conveyed. in his works, by presenting them gratuitously rather than by exposing them for sale, has been noticed. The following letter will show the temper with which they were composed and issued. G, S, to Mr , William Sharp. " D ear Broth~r; " Garden Court, Temple, 7th July, 1807. " I have finished my , 'Yarning to the Quake1's,' a copy of which is enclosed in this parcel for you: but you tnust not part with it to any other, person, CHAP. I.] DOMESTIC CHARACTER. 459 because I am under promise to the Quakers not to give it to any persons ' but members of their Sooiety, except occasionally to a Roman Catholic, or a Swedenburgian. . " I have delivered two copies to Mr. W. Birkbeck yesterd.ay, that he may consult some of the most prudent of their Society, in what rpanner the book may be most advantageously distributed among them*." &c. &c. Two alone, of his numerous works, Were 'printed by himself for ' sale,-the tract ,, 'on the Injusti~e.of tolerating Slavery in Great Britain," and that ,', on the Greek' Article:" The obvious utility of the first of these probably appe~r~d . to him sufficient to justify its publication. For the publicatio,n of the latter, one of his notes furnishes the motive :- sw~.-" After the tract was finished, it was postponed or neglected fOl; nearly twenty year~, from 1778 to 1798, and would not even then have been produced to the public, if my very worthy and learned friend, Dr. Burgess, now Bishop of St. David's, had not undertaken to be the editor of it. He printed twq different editions of it; and the bitter objections of some scurrilous Socinians spurred me up at last to answer them in a third edition." That the opinion of a man so coriscientiously upright, sh'ould be anxiously sought on difficult subjects, and in cases of a doubtful nature, will not excite wonder. Accordingly, he appears to have been . consulted on points of conduct and conscience in numerous letters, to some of which the replies are found in his Correspondence. On al1 such occasions, whether in writing or in discourse, his manner of delivering his sentiments was gentle, but his phrase was earnest and expressive. The mode and tenour of his discourse on all important subjects was didactic. His deep and powerful, but diffuse arguments, were of a nature tbat did not easily allow of • There is also among Mr. Sharp's various papers one containing similar observations respect- ing the Roman Catholics, but it has escaped my search on the present occasion (1820). 460 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART V. . conversation. The hearer might listen, and would not fail to list~n with pleasllre and instruction, but must be contented to receive the ' doctrine in wbatever form it was delivered, without modification. These peculiarities a~e among the distinctions of a strong and good mind. Other.s, and greater, will also appear. It is requisite .that some alloy sli~uld be found mixed with so much virtue,. lest the " r character should appear the fabric of fancy, and the reader should forget that he is perusing the history of a mortal like himself. His counselwas always of the most salutary kind. When an Ameri.can of BflWmor~ (of the name o(Joseph TowJ)send) wrote to him, t~ acquaint him that, fi-pm I:espect to his g~eat virtues, he had given the Dame of Granville to his (third) son, Mr. Sharp replied, (after acknowledging the pleasing instance of his regard) "I sincerely wish that your son may live and improve to the satisfact~on of his parents.; and, as you have been pleased to give him our family name, I must request you to teach him a favourite maxim also ,of the family ;-' Always endeavour to be really what you would wish to appear: This maxim, . as my father informed me, was carefully and humbly practised by his father, whose sincerity, as a plain honest man, thereby became the principal feature of his character, both in public and private life;' ~ Nor can it be matter of surprise, that such a man should be thought desirable as a trustee in numberless instances. Two considerable ones have been mentioned; and Mr. Clarkson has stated, in his Obituary Notice, that " he was almost continually harassed by applications from others, to take a part in their affairs, and to see that justice was done them, where they had c~nsidered themselves to be aggrieved. There was, also, such a general notion of his ' integrity and justice, that many, both friends and strangers, pressed him to become the executor of their wills, and the guardian of their children. Mr. Sharp was willing to oblige all. We do not recollect for how many persons he was at one time a dis- interested agent in such concerns; but it was so great, that the office became an entire burden on his time, and he was obliged at last to CHAP. J.] DOMESTIC CHARACTER. 461 prevent the spreading of the evil, byrefusing all other applications of the same kind." * That he merited the confidence which his sincerity and religious zeal inspired, is confirmed (if any proof were wanting) by an occurrence, which derives importance from the eminently virtuous character with which it is connected. Among his MSS, is one thus ins€ribed, "A Letter by G. S. to the Author of a Tract on Prophecy" entitled • Application of a Prophecy in the Eleventh Chapter of Daniel to the French War.'" To this superscrip- tion is added, .in the hand-writing of Mr. Sharp, the following notice, which discloses a circumstance probably little known, and of no common stamp in the annals of the political world. "The anonYlnou~ writer, to who~ this letter was addressed by G. S., as an unknown Author, very soon afterwards acknowledged' the receipt of it, as well as his full approbation of the contents. That Author was the late very worthy and learned Spencer Perceval, Esq., at that time his Majesty's Solicitor-General, but afterwards Chancellor of the Ex- chequer. During all the time of his last high and important office of Prime Minister, he steadily maintained a just and proper sense of the anti-Christian~principles of the papal apostacy, and regularly, to the day of his death, opposed the false and mistaken benevolence of the inconli,derate advocates (or what they call Catholic Eman,cipation.:' " The following anecdote, iOncerning a trust consigned to him, is from a friend hefore men- t ioned. "My acquaintance with Mr. Sharp originated in the circumstance of my being professionally engaged in the conduct of a commission of banllrupt under which he was an assignee. The concern was of great magnitude, and involving questions of considerable intricacy, as connectrd with many trusts and collateral estates. With the detail of these Mr. Sharp did not interfere, but he was painfully anxious that the most ample justice should be done to every individual creditor and claimant, and never failed to urge the productive employ· ment of the balances in hand for the benefit of the estate, and that the dividends should be paid with the least possible waste and delay. It is almost needless to add, that he never directly 01' indirectly retained one shilling of the estate in his hands, and was only apprehensive that the debt, in respect of which he had proved on the estate, might not have been sufficiently inv~stigated ; and on the subject of one of the dividends I had many interviews and a long cor- respondence with him, as to a supposed error in his favonr, which, after much difficulty, I was enabled to elucidate to his satisfaction." 462 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. _ [PART V. , In person, Mr. Sharp, was thus described'in a periodical publication. at the time of his decease :- Stature . , . , . , . middle size; 'I Countenance. ' .. clear; Gait ...... ' ,' . upright; Motion .. , .... sprightly. This description is sufficiently accurate. ' .His figure wa~ well formed, and in his youth he must have been esteemed handsome. In the later years of his life (when chiefly he was known to the Writer of these Memoirs) he'was exceedingly thin, 'but proportionally active in his gait and motion. . His air denoted his mind: it was frank, livery, and unaffected. In all intercourse which was merely social, a strong bias to humorous associa~ions was happily blended with the philanthropic expression of his countenance, and rendered his address and conversation interestIng alike to the y~ung and old. In manner and behaviour he_ exhibited much of that polished courtesy and ' a~tentiveness to others, which is considered not to be of tlte' present time ; : a~d he had no less of that urbanity which is subject to no modes, but which is the ornament of all societies, and distingui'shes the gentleman of all times. When walking in the streets, which was usually with a rapid pace, he appeared abstracted in thought, and indifferent to all that was passing around him; but on recognising a~y friend who uCjosted him, he gave himself instantly and wholly to him, and his thoughts flowed so fully towaros the interest thus excit~, that- he seemed to have forgotten every other object. His deportment towards his superiors was respectful and easy ; his self-possession, . even in the presence of Royalty, being uniform ; towards his cO~llnon acquaintance, obliging and commlmicative ~ t?wards his inferiors, attentive and humane. CHA.!'.1.] DOMESTIC ' CHARACTER~ 463 MISCELLANEOUS MEMORANDA. 'Some ad~itional, though less imp()rtant, memoranda, taken from Mr. Sharp's MS. Notes, for which no place in the narrative obviously presented itseH~ are proper to be here' added, as contributing to the display of his opinions and affections, and of his constant .and v~rious actions. ! ' 1786. May 26. Met Dr. B--, who talked of Dr. Johnson in the highest terms. When I replied, that I tho~ght he was apt to build arguments on false fouudations, and contrary to natural rights, he said, ' Dr. Johnson thinks, that the gm'Tulosity of the people about their rights did infinite harm, and is inj urious to good government and· morality.' Thus the quondam professed advocate for popular rights and liberty has swallowed the perverted notions of the pensioner, and indiscriminately adopted his groundless sophistry, in favo.ur of passive obedience, and, in his own words, garrulosity." " J Lily 1. Attended Serjeant Rook, Lincoln's Inn, on the arbitration for damages jn favour of ,John Cambridge, a Negro, against Captain Holman." " 9th. Waited on Lord Dartmouth, in behalf of Daniel Simon, a Nasaganset Indian, and in Orders. His Lordship gave me ten guineas for him." " l78'6. January 10. Mr. Strasburg, a Jew, read the two texts on Jeremiah exactly like myself.'" « 11 tho Called on Mr. Shiph, priest of the Portuguese synagogue." , " 12th. On Mr. Moses, priest of the Dutch synagogue." " 16th. Read to Mr. Shiph, the priest of the Portuguese synagogu'e, the answer to the queries which he gave me." " 1793. July 16. Attended at Guildhall, ' and was bound to prosecute the young man and boy who picked my pocket on the 11 tho Jocelyn, the constable, swore to the fact. I ~nly swore to my property, and that I had lost my handkerchief.-(The trial about the 3d of September.)" 464 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART V. " September 1]. Old Bailey. Attended the grand jury at eleven Q'clQck, against GeQrge Whiteman and Mackey, twO' pickpQckets. The bill was fQund. Afterward, at three Q'clQck, I attended the sessiQn~. The Recorder, Sir JQhn Rose, ordered the trial immediately. Both were convicted. I tQld the Recorder I wished the prisoners might be permitted to enter the King's service, and I WQuld clQthe them. He promised to' respite their transportatiQn t~ll th~ next sessions, to' allow time for their entering and getting employment." " 1794. March 17. Fulham. Employed in making remarks on Lord Hawkesbury's plan of militia, &c." " 1796. January 20. This morning Antonio Barrat, alias MQlasco, called on me. He was just returned, ' exchanged by cartel; from a French prison-ship. I saved this man, and anQther Negro, Henry Martin Burrows, from on board the ship Albion, Captain Jeremy Barton (on the 4th of Febru07,!/, 1788), where they were concealed, to' be sold as sla.ves. .BQth had escaped from pr~son in the Havannah to' a boat, in which they put to sea, without provisions; were ten days without eating or drinking; and were taken up at sea by the Albion. I sent Antonio to Sierra Leone, in the Myro brig, in 1788 (about July), and he stayed at the settlement with the first settlers, till it was destrQyed by the Natives; after wh~ch, wandering Qn the cO'ast, he went on board a slave-ship, where he was detained, until taken by the French:' " 1796. Marchi. 26. Sent letter~ to - two Sierra Leone settlers in Haslar Hospital." " 1797. March 23. Left with the Archbishop of Canterbury the papers Qn divorce. Wrote in the catalogue @f bOQks sent to Sierra LeQne about the necessity of a test." " April 12. Rev. Mr. Trowers; and delivered to' him Remarks on his works, and also Remarks on Evans." " June 28. Called on Mr. King, the American AmbassadQr, to enfQrce the necessity of frank-pledge in America." " 1798. May 18. Society for Propagation Qf the Gospel : spoke to the Archbishop about schools at Sierra Leone:' CHAP. I.) MISCELLANEOUS MEMORANDA. 465 " September S. Colonel Tatcham called about his new work of embanking fens, &c. Sat the whole morning, from half past eleven to three o'clock, in searching etymology of words for him.". " 1800. At a general meeting, chosen one of the Trustees of the London Library." H 1804. December 8. The Bishop of St. Asaph called on me, and has consented to form a compendium of my rules for the Hebrew Syntax." " 1806. October 8. Wrote to the Bishop of St. David's about forming a compendiuQl of Hebrew Grammar and Syntax, which the Bishop of St. Asaph (Horsley) had undertaken, of whose' death I was informed last night." " 1813. January 14. The whole morning with Mr. Way, at my chambers, talking on religious subjects." 466 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. (PA-ilT V. CHAP. II. I T now remains to relate that humiliation of mental and corporeal faculties. through which many, even the holiest men, have been or- dained to pass to eternal life. After the last meeting of the Protestant Union in 11313, Mr. Sharp's efforts were few. He had for some months experienced a failure of quick recollection, wholly unusual to his ready and methodized intellect. At the l,l1eetings of the African Institution, he rarely took ' any share in the discussions; and, though - he was welcomed with a respect 'approaching to veneration, the advantages, which his powerful mind had so long continued to afford, were no ~ore to be gained from his presence. At those of the Bible Society, though he did not wholly forbeat· t9 express his sentiments, his arguments were vague; his reason wandered from its aim; and regret and silence were all that was left to his hearers, when he ceased to speak. He seemed, however, less aware than his friends, o.f.. the rapid change that was taking place, and he persevered in a strict attendance on the public meetings of both establishments. These exertions were contemplated by his anxious family with a dread which the afiections of our nature prompt on such occasions. They entreated him to desist; but in vain: he could not consent to yield a post which he thought it his duty to maintain. One effort, at length, which had nearly proved fatal to him, turned the scale, and compelled him to submission. Since the death of his brother William he had principally resided with his widow, at Fulham; from whence he made many occasional excursions to his chambers in the Temple. In the month of June, 1813, having made an offer of some books to the Temple library, he thought it requisite to attend in person to the delivery of them, and proposed a visitto London for that purpose. CHAP. II.] . HIS DECEASE. 467 Every argument, which affection c~uld dictate, was urged to dissuade him, but all proved ineffectual. The offer of the family-carriage was then withheld, in the hope that forgetfulness might prevent the apprehended evil. But at breakfast-time the next morning he did not appear as usual, and, on inquiry, it was found that he was gone to London in . _ the stage-coach. A servant was immediately dispatched after him; but he· had left his chambers also. He returned with the stage to Fulham in the afternoon; said he had packed and sent his books, but had had no food, and was nearly exhausted. His danger had been imminent. It appeared that the coachman who conveyed him to town, perceiving his altered state, had felt considerable anxiety on his account, and, as soon as he had settled the business of the coach, went in search of him to ·his chambers, at the door of which he found him, wandering about in a state of incertitude, being unable to guide himself to the part of the town that he aesigned to reach. He was easily persuaded by the warm-hearted coachman to go-back with him to Fulham, and was thus happily preserved from more distressing accidents. The term which bounds mortality now rose to Granville's view· But, although formed, by the fixed habits of a pious mind, to a submissive acknowledgment of ,the dispensations of Providence, and -a cheerful resignation to the Divine will, he beheld the approach of death not wholly without emotion. The ardent prosecution of his religious studies had gradually led him tq indulge a persuasion, which - . many of sainted memory have felt, that the epoch foretold in Scripture, when the reign of holy men shall be established on the earth, was on the eve of its commencement. He conceived that it might even precede the natural period of his own earthly existence. The encou- ragement of this favourite idea had tended insensibly to exempt him from the apprehensions of a time, when the consciousness of Being was to be suspended under the hand of death. That expectation was now shaken ;-in what degree shaken, or how far the soothing image might yet have continued to impress his soul with belief, during 468 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART V. the remalOlOg portion of his existence here, is known only to that All-seeing Mind, to whom the hearts of men are open, and who, amidst the darkness of deCline and death, is to the righteous an everlasting light and glory *. The distress, which the approaching loss of this excellent man brought on a house of which he now remained the sole male representative, needs not be described. He was attended with the most faithful care and tenderness; and the eV'en, although rapid, decay of life within him, allowed almost to its last hour the melancholy pleasure of viewing him still forming a part of the small domestic circle, at the once happy mansion of Fulham. On the day preceding his death, he breakfasted as usual with the family. His weakness was much increased; and he was several times compelled to lie down on his bed during the course of the 'afternoon. He appeared often to 'labour for br€ath. Night. and partial repose, came on. In the morn- ing, his countenance 'Yas changed-in colour only;-in expression it remained unaltered. About four o'clock in the afternoon he fell into a tranquil slumber, in which, without a struggle or a sigh, he bre~thed his lastt. His decease was a gradual (and, to those who watched around him, an imperceptible) decline into total rest. He ~. An anecdote of an extraordinary nature is related of Mr. Sharp on the above-mentioned point. From an opinion which he had adopted, of the striking resemblance of many actual circumstances of hi~ own time to those which, in the scriptural prophecies, are believed to announce the happy state of the good on earth, he had encouraged in bis mind a belief that the desired period was speedily approa{"hing, and once, ill the fervour .of his hopes, declared its probable arrival in tILe ensuing spring. Being thCll in company with J!~hal ministers of the Gospel, he was asked by one of them if he did not speak of these things doubtingly. "Not at all," was his reply, " but as a Jiositive t1·uth." Mr. H--, a Baptist preacher, exclaimed, "What would we give, Mr. Sharp, for such a faith as yours! " t Some circumstances, just now communicatcd by a near relation, are too interesting to he wholly omitted_ During the further decline of his strength, he frequently entered the room where the family -were assembled, and, taking a seat near to them, continued~sometimes for hours-to look stedfastly on them, appearing pleased with being i,n their company, but without uttering a \\'ord. When on his death-bed, his two widowed sisters wel'e his constant attendants. To ' the last he continued frequently to look at the family portraits, which hung roulld tbe room, with the most earnest and afrecting eX.pression, as if tracing the resemblances, and then naming them, one hy one-" My dear Father," " My good Mother," "My dear brother William:' These affectionate ideas seemed to occupy his mind to the. latest moment. CUAP. II.] PUBLIC RESPECT TO HIS ·MEMORY. 469 only ceased from his mortal state ;-and who shall presume to judge, if the prepossession of his pure and holy feelings was not in that moment accomplished? He ceased from life, when that life could no longer be powerfully exerted to. combat the pride, to promote the virtue, and enlarge the happiness, of his fellow-creatures. May it not be 'pardonable to think, that Providence had allotted to a creature of so pure a spirit the entire development and use of his high faculties in this his station, and that their exhaustion was the signal of his departure? The talent, which had been entrusted to him, was faithfully disbursed, and he returned to the bosom of the Giver! He expired on the 6th July, 1813~ The news of his death immediately drew forth marks of the highest respect from the public bodies, with which he had been connected. Among the Directors of the African Institution" Lord Teignmouth and Mr. Wilberforce expressed their desire to accom- pany the funeral of their lamented . companion: and, a meeting being summoned, the Duke of Gloucester, announcing with tears the loss they had sustained, proposed that Mr. Sharp's executors should be requested to allow a deputation of their Society to pay the last tribute of respect to his person, by attending his remains to the grave. The circumstance is thus honourably noticed in the Eighth Report of the African Institution.- " Since the last General Meeting, the Directors have been deprived by death of the assistance and services of their venerable coadjutor, Mr. GRA NV I LLE SHARP. " As a mark of the high esteem and respect, which was entertained by the Board, for one, who not only had been an active and unwearied Director of this Institution, from the time of its first establishment almost to the close of his long and well-spent life, but also one of the earliest and most able instruments, under Providence, in promoting the Abolition of the Slave Trade, the Board deputed two of the Vice-Presidents, and three of the Directors, to represent them at the funeral; which was also attended by some other distinguished Members of the Institution." The Bible Society was not behind-hand in its tribute of peculiar respect. The following advertisement appeared in all the public papers :- • 470, MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART V. " BRlTISH AND "FDREIGN BIBLE SDCIETY. " At a Meeting o.f the Co.mmittee Df' the British and Fo.reign Bible SDciety, held at the New Lo.ndon Tavern, Cheapside, Dn MDnday the 2d of August, 1813; , " The following ResDlution was unanimously adDpted, and ordered to. be phlblished, " It ha:ving pleased GDd, in the course Df his providence, to call Granville Shal'p, Esq. to his heavenly rest, the CDmmittee Df the British and Foreign Bible Society feel a mDurnful pleasure.in recDrding their veneratiDn for his character, and their gratitude fo.r his services. In him, ' the Co.mmittee reco.gnise tpe ~enerable person, under wh0se auspices the Society was formed; the earliest and largest benefactor to their libr~ry; and one Df the mo.st regular, dHigent, aRd useful attlmdants at ' the meetings fDr the transaction Df business. While the CDmmittee' acknowledge the · Dbligations Df the Society to. the extent ahd a~curacy Df his Biblical learning, . they feel it tbeir duty to. bear particular and affectionate testimo.RY to. the integrity o.f his mind, the simplicity o.f his spirit, and the phil!l!uthrQPy Df his heart. ' The CDmmittee desi're to bless GDd. for having cDntinued so. lo.ng amOllg them an instrument Df so. great usefulness; and they trust that the benefit of his labours may be perpetuated and extended by the- influence Df his example. - "JDHN DWEN, 1 JDSEPH HUGHES, Secretat'ies." C. F. A. STEINK'DPFF, No.r-were the expressio.ns of gratitude, which the remembrance of his useful labo.urs had called fo.rth, co.nfined . to. the metro.Politan so.cieties. At a meeting o.f the Shro.Pshire Auxiliary Bible So.ciety, held o.n the 13th July, 1814, the Rev. Archdeacon Corbett, in an affec- tionate enco.mium o.n Mr. Sharp's character (fro.m which the f~llowing is an extract), noticed with particular distinction his public services. He remarked, when anno.uncing the business o.f the day, that "they met under circumstances which excited no. ordinary feeling, as they had to. regret the decease of -the first Chairman o.f the British and foreign Bible So.ciety." "I had the honour" (continlJed the speaker) "and the happiness of his acquaintance fDr nearly the last thirty years Df his existence upon earth. He was learned in no. CDmmon degree; he was humble in the greatest degree. His benevolence knew no bounds; and his piety was exemplary. He may be lo.oked upon, in his earlier exertio.ns, as the autho.r Df whatever degree of perso.nal CHAP. II.l PUBLIC RESPECT TO HIS ,MEMORY. 471 liberty has been since restored to the inhabitants of Africa; and we view him, in his later labours, contributing to mature that plan by which the freedom of religious truth is now offered to all the world. " Though nurtured in the bosom 'of the Church of England, he was her zealous disciple not so much from education as from conviction. He was deeply read in all the priI,lciples of natural and revealed religion; and his }earning was more particuhi.rlY employed in studying the writings of the Old and New Testament in their original tongues .. ' , ' • " I have a satisfaction in repeating, that this amiable man, to whom the term Orthodo,v, in its purest and best sense, may be perhaps more exactly applied than to almost any other persun, was one of the early promoters of that plan by which the Bible is disseminated." His remains were, on the 13th of July, deposited in the family vault at Fulham, the funeral being attended by Thomas John Lloyd Baker, Esq.; the Rev. John Hutton; Granville Wheeler, Esq.; Gregory Esley, Esq.; and John Erskine, Esq., relatives. ;-and by the Right Hon. Nicholas Vansittart; Lord Calthorpe; William Wilberforce, Esq.; Thomas Babington, Esq.; Rev. John Owen; Thomas Harrison, Esq.; Sir Charles Blicke; and John Bayford, Esq. ;-and by the family servants.-The Service was read by the Rev. William Wood, Vicar. The following epitaph, written by the Rev. John Owen, Rector of Paglesham, in Essex, was placed on the north side of the tomb.- HERE, BY THE REMAINS OF THE BROTHER AND SISTER WHOM HE TENDERLY LOVED, LIE THOSE OF 'GRA.NVILLE SHARP, ESQ. AT THE AGE OF SEVENTY-EIGHT, THIS VENERABLE PHILANTHROPIST TERMINATED HIS CAREER OF ALMOST UNPARALLELED .-I.CTIVITY AND USEFULNESS, JULY 6th 1813; LEAVING BEHIND RUf A NAME THAT WILL BE CHERISHED WITH AFFECTION AND GRATITUDE, ."S LONG AS ANY HOMAGE SHALL BE PAID TO THOSE PRINCIPLES OF JUSTICE, HUMANITY, AND RELIGION , WHICH, FOR NEARLY HALF A CENTURY, HE PROMOTED BY HIS EXIlR'fIONS, AND ADORNED BY HIS E X AMPLR. 472 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART V. . To the former . affectionate ' testimonies of · respect was added another, of a still more ' public nature, announced in the -same Report of the African Institution. After noticing the deputation of Directors who' attended Mr~ Sharp's funeral, the' Report proceeds :- e, Not conceiving tha~ they should acquit themselves of the debt of gt:atitude due to Mr. Sharp for his assiduous and unceasing efforts in ,the cause of the Abolition by this measure alone, . the Board are desirous to pay a more perma- nent tribute of respect to his memory; and for that purpose have in contem- plation to erect a Mo~ument in WestIninster Abbey, which shall record his eminent services in the cause of humanity." The Monument, thus proposed, has been since erected, in that part of Westminster Abbey so well known by the name of Poet's Corner. The work is executed by Mr. Chantrey, and exhibits, in the centre, a medallion of Mr. Sharp; and, on one side, in low relief, a lion and lamb lying down together; on the other, an African, in the act of supplication (taken from the seal of the African Institution) . . The following is the inscription, written by William Smith, Esq., Member for Norwich. ' CHAP. m.] 473 ,., SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF GRANVILLE SHARP, NINTH SON OF DR. THOI!1AS SHARP, P REBENDARY OF THE CATHEDRALS AND COLLEGIATE CHURCHES OF YORK, DU]j.HA~r, AND SOUTHWELL• . AND GRANDSON OF DR. JOHN SHARP, ARCHB~SHOP OF YORK. BORN AND EDUCATED IN THE BOSOM OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, HE EVER CHERISHED FOR HER INSTITUTIONS THE MOST UNSHAKEN REGARD, WHILE HIS WHOLE SOUL WAS IN HAR~IONY WITH THE SACRED StRAIN, .. GLORY TO GOD IN THE HIGHEST, ON EARTH PEACE AND GOOD WILL TOWARD MEN," QN WHICH HIS LIFE PRESENTED ONE BEAU'l:IFUL COMMENT OF GLOWING PIETY AND UNWEARIED BENEFICENCE. F REED BY COMPETENCE FROM THE NECESSITY, AND BY CclNTENT FROM THE DESIRE, OF LUCRATIVE OCOUPATION, liE WAS INCESSANT IN HIS LABOURS TO HI'PROVE THE CONDITION OF nfANKIND, FOUNDING PUBLIC HAPPINESS ON PUBLIC Vin-ruE. IlE AIMED TO RESCUE HIS NATIVE COUNTRY FROM THE GUILT AND INOONSISTENCY· OF E~IPLOYING THE AR~1 OF FREEDOM TO RIVET' THE FETTERS OF BONDAGE, A ND ESTABLISHED FOR THE NEGRO RACE, IN THE PERSON OF SO~IERSET, THE LONG.DISPUTED RIGHTS OF HUMAN NATURE, HAVING IN THIS GLORIOUS CAUSE TRIUMPHED OVER THE COMBINED RESISTANCE OF INTEREST, PREJUDICE, AND PRIDE, liE TOOl\: HIS POST AMONG THE. FOREMOST OF THE HONOURABLE BAND ASSOCIATED TO DELIVER AFRICA FROM THE RAPACiTY O~' EUROPE, BY THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE, NOR WAS DEATH PERJIIITTED TO INTERRUPT HIS 'CAREER OF USEFULNESS, TILL HE HAD WITNESSED TIIAT ACT OF THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT BY WHICH THE ABOLITION WAS DECREED. IN. ms PRIVATE RELATIONS HE WAS EQUALLY EXEMPLARY: AND IIAVING EXHIBITED' THROUGH LIFE A MODEL OF DISINTERESTED VIRTUE, liE RESIGNED HIS PIOUS SPIRIT INTO THE HANDS OF lllS CREATOR, IN THE EXERCISE OF CHARITY, AND FAITH, AND HOPE, ON TilE SIXTI-I DAY OF JULY, A,D. MDCCCXIlI" IN TH'E SEVENTYEIGHTji YIMR OF HIS AGE, READER. IF, ON PE RUSING THIS TRIBUTE TO A PRIVATE INDIVIDUAL, THOU SllOULDEST BE DISPOSED TO SUSPECT IT AS PARrIAL, OR TO CENSURE rr AS DIFFUSE . KNOW THAT IT IS NOT PANEGYRIC, llUT HISTORY. E RECTED BY THE AFRICAN INS'rrrUTLON OF LONDON, A, D, JllDCCCXVl. 3 P 414 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. tHAP. lII. M DeH has been said already of Mr. Sharp's character in previous parts of this narratIve, and much will presently be added in the obituary recol1ettions 6f' his ' associates. It· may yet be allowable to occupy a short interval wi!h Ii few of such furthet remarks as the progressive view of his acti.ons and undertakings has suggested. In the varied and ex.tensive course of his singular 'life, the reader has seen his conduct towards the great, towards his equals, and towards the poor and. low , tOw,alids friends and strangers: he has seen him the champion bf social tights, and of religious obedience and charity. Equally void of diffidence and presumption, he claimed and obtained access to men in tile hIghest situations of the state, less from the interest con:nected with his near descent from an Archbishop of York, than from the effect produced by the grave simplicity of his character, and an ~mehl'ty of filanilers which could not be forbidden or resisted. The facility of intercourse with the great encouraged him to think that he might, by their means, be useful to others. Hence the energy of his action with tegard to the Slave Trade and Slavery, to the est8!blishment of the colony at Sierra Leone, of Episcopacy and of Peace in the American Colonies. Whenever he ~ohceived that the interests of mankind were at stake, he discovered little or none of that artificial regulation of his thoughts, which is connected with what is called w01'ldly management. In his plain declarations of religious or political truths, in his sudden intro- duction of great and momentous precepts, both in his conversation and letters, the fervency of his zeal bore not unfrequently the . imputation of being abrupt and ill-timed. But these were distinctions which did not exist in his mind. He regarded life as a state of continued active preparation for the service of God: all times were, CHAP. Ill.] GENERAL REMARKS ON HIS CHARACTER. 475 in his estimation, the proper tim'es for pursuing what was right to be done, and no time so particularly proper as the pres~nt instant. Pu,re and blameless in himself, he wished to wipe off the stain of sin ii'om his race. \ , ~t was with this view of Qur human condition, that, venerating and vindicating the precepts of his Saviour and the just claims of his fello~-creatures, he stood forward, in the presence of all orders of society, to assert his own clear discernment of its obligations, and to arouse others to the execution of them; summoning every where the believer to the recollection and performance of his duty. Whether addressing himself to thp. Governors of our political State, or the Ministers of our religious Establishment, he considered them alike as especial and appointed instruments of .one Eternal Principal, whose wisdom he humbly acknowledged an~ adored. In his earnest applications to them on public concerns of religion or justice, he exhibited a singular union of the utmost firmness in the pursuits of his purpose, with the most entire and unvarying respect to their persons and public character. While he lost no advantage which his unreserved frankness in the expression I of his sentiments could procure to his cause, and while be offered the most awful admonitions to the most exalted stations, he was never found to infringe on the reverenoe due to national dignity. Of this admirable deportment, several .of his conversations and letters inserted in this narrative a're sufficient instances. But neither did the abject condition of poverty and distress, any more than the splendid privileges of rank and station, prevent him from beholding in all men their essential condition, and the natural claims of our earthly existence. He looked up through man to his Creator. His benevolence was not more disinterested and 'pUl'e, than it was active and firm; and though his course Df action might often fo r moments be diverted by visionary hopes, he as Dften recurred to its direct path, and never failed to pursue its main purpose with effect. 476 MEMOIRS OF- GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART V. He adopted no rash measures, he sought no subtlety, he rested on no subterfuge. As he soughJ hrs universal rule of conduct in the Sacred Writings, while he made the interpretation of them the object of his most anxious 'study, he 'regardecl -his acq uirements of knowledge, even from those Divine sourc€s, as the means only, not the end of his wishes. His favourite text of Scripture was, " The tree which beareth not good fruit shall be cut down, and cast into the fire." He conceived that the doctrines of Christianity should not be confined to the pulpit, but should be carried uniformly into all the general coneerns of daily life. The high sense of his duty to the will of God, as revealed in the Scriptures; never for an instant deserted him. No human wisdom or authority stood in competition with this paramount obligation. The strong conviction ofthis, necessity preserved.him calm, humble, modest, and even titnorous, in private life, arid render~d him. in public action the 'mostfearless of men. His conduct and deportment in all questions of national or religious importance, were most truly of an heroic kind. If he felt ambition-and what elevated mind is devoid of that feelin'g ?'--"":it was that alone of treading in the steps of his Divine Master. To obey, and humbly to adore, although the first, was not the sole object of his heart. He wished, and he dared to hope, t:hat he might be permitted to imitate. the Perfection 'which descended from above, and to preser~e in his frail vessel some portion of the purity or that light, whi~h he pad diligently sought for his guide. Had m'artyr- dom been in his day a requisite proof of steadinesS' in the faith of a Christian, he was one for whom it might" without danger of fallacy, have 'been said, the grave had no terror, and death no sting. The resoluteness of his character was very early formed. It was neither the result (jf long profession in the cause which he supported, ,nor engendered by its success. He has left in his memorandums a short account of a conver~ation with a frierid in the year 1781 (while he was struggling in behalf of the West.Indian Slaves with little CHAP. III.] GENERAL REMARKS ON HIS CHARACTER. 477 external prospect of success), in which it appears that the disclosure of his intrepid spirit was too plain to be mistaken *. He was, therefore, f~\r from destitute of that enthusiasm which is the powerful and necessary ingredient in every great enterprise. He felt a confidence, which the integrity of his heart could well justi(y ; and the results that attended his humble means of exertion led him secretly to acknowledge a protection, which surpassed the strength of man. Under the impression of such feelings many of his letters are evident1y written; and, particularly in a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, he has described his persuasion, on reviewing the effects of his efforts, that a 'peculiar direction of Providence had guided his labourst. The degree of Divine communication imparted to our mortal state, in whatever light it be regarded, must always furnish a topic of the most awful consideration. Whatever impression had been made in this respect on Granville's ardent mind, it is certain that his almost prophetic warnings were too frequently justified in the actual suc- cession of events. But in the commencement of his action he appeared· to have been urged forward solely by a confidence in the rectitude of his aim. His distinguished course of benevolence was wholly practical, and only gradually led him to the accomplishment of the great objects, whose never-dying memory surrounds his tomb. That he was an enthusiast in one point, who would wish to deny? He was an enthusiast in the doctrines of Christianity, as delivered by Christ mid his Apostles; ·and he is among the proofs which the world has seen, that enthusiasm in those doctrines is productive of benefit to mankind'. • " Friday, March 23. Called on General Oglethorpe, who had been very ill, but much }·ecovered. I read to him a part of my first letter to the Bishop of Peterborough, with which he expressed himself highly satisfied, and thanked God that he had lived to have those point. so clearly opened to him: that, without the least degree of enthusiasm, he was satisfied God had made me an instrument of warning of this kingdom; that the actual accomplishment of heavy judgments in the kingdom, aDd its colonies, ought to convince me of it: that he feared J should be a martyr, because lie trusted that I would hones tly maintain my principles; but he hoped God 1V0uid strengthen me to bear whatever might happen."...... . t Part III. p.21:1. . . 478 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP • [PART V. Ardtmt in the profession of his faith, he showed, by his humility, charity, and gentle,ness of manners, the pure SOllrce from whence he derived his religion, and the Divine Pattern which was the object of his imitation: It has b.een said, by the Author of the Obituary Memoir so often quoted, · that ;' although Mr. Sharp was implacable towards the ' papal religion, he would not have hurt a hair of the head of any Roman Catholic." No remark can be more truly well founded. He did not consider the highest human virtue as exempt from error, or inconsistent with it. He lived in habits of friendship and intimacy with many mewof all religious persuasions, and particularly with Roman Catholics ' and QL1akers,~the two distinctions of religious profession against which some of his most severe observations were openly levelled. " Having founded a faith precious to himself, he wished to propagate that faith: but zeal in him was tempered by mildness and benignity; and although he viewed some doctrines even with abhorrence (if so strong a term may be applied to so gentle a mind), yet he was ready to relieve the wants of all his fellow-creatures, without distinction of country or colour." Such is the character given by Archdeacon Corbett, in the eloquent elllogium before mentioned. "I had the melancholy consolation," he adds, " of vi~ting Mr. Granville Sharp a short time before his decease. Life was then rapidly retreating; but still his regard for others preponderated oyer. every consideration for himself. His urbanity was undiminished; and even politeness, which in him was not fictitious, but natural benevolence,-his polite- ness, even at that awful period, was as active as ever." In consequence of his tract, entitled" An Apology for an Apology," &c., he was largely engaged in controversial correspondence on the religious opinions 'and practices of the Quakers; and he conducted it with the same candour, manly firmness, and discretion, which at all times accompanied his ,l'e~earches. It was in this manner that the eminent rule of his ingenuous mind, described in his first letter to Dr. Fothergill, was enforced on the observation of those who acted with him. Let it now stand an example for our conduct in similar CHAP. III.] GENERAL REMARKS ON HIS CHARACTM. 479 points. -The reader will pal'don the single repetition in this pl~ce. -" Experience has taught me to make a proper distinotion between " the opirtiotts of men a.nd their persons: the fdrrner I can freely " condem'n, without presumi'ng to judge the individuals themselves. " Thus freedom of al'gurtlent is preserved, as well as Christian charity; "leaving' personal judgment to Him ttl whom alone it belongs *." It is true, that, as a general maxim, Mr. Sharp's theory of separating the offender from the offence, differs from that of every good man in little else than in the' mode of declaration: namely, that punishment, or coercion, should never be influenced by, or in any manner conjoined with, hatred or malice to the criminal. It is also universally admitted, and particularly as a Christian's duty, that We ought to do good to the worst of men, as far as we can do so without danger or inconvenience to those who depend on uS (including ourselves), or to ' general society. But the world owes a debt of gratitude to anyone who institutes a new form, or rule, of practical application, in concerns of general 'morality and importance to our daily happiness: and Mr. Sharp'S maxim is valuable in this respect. It is easily born in mind; and, when put in practice, is of immediate efficacy in promoting mutual forbearance and benevolence among mankind. Such, indeed, is the tendency of a far more extensive precept, offered to us in the whole tenour of his life. He displayed the "* Of his ptattice, founded on this principle, sufficient instances appear in his correspondence with the respectable Quaker to whom this letter was addressed; in a letter addressed to his 'friend Benezet, on similar topics; and in his letters to Dr. Lanthenas and others, at the period of the French popular Revolution. One of his answers to Dr. Lanthenas proves the united complacency and strength of his mind. It is eminent as an example of the spirit of Christian benevolence, In which the Truth $hould ever be maintained. A later letter, designed to have been sent to Benezet, appears to have been withheld, from tbe dread of giving pain to him in a state of health not calculated to support the conflict of atgumeht. It is found arilong the MSS., and has this superscription :-" G, Sharp to Anthony Benezet: a l!coond letter. G. S. wrote to A. Benezet July 1774, and Mr. Benezet replied in Novemher 1774. Several years afterwards, in August 1.7113, G. S. promised an answer to the first letter of 1774; but before it was transcribed from the rough copy, a letter from Dr, Rush, dated 27th April 1784, informed G. S. that Mr, Benezet was then seventy years of age, and in bad health." A postscript of the saine leUer, dated 15th May following, rilentions his death. 480 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP., [PART V. venerable example of an almost perfect peace of mind, preserved and maintained through a constant course of vigorous action. , Ever gentle and amiable spirit! may the seeds of charity sown by thee in '!:;o many 'hearts produce in their season an abundant harvest, and offer to the sight of the Creator a grateful return for his bounties! May -tl1e lesson of thy-philanthropy be diffused over latest ~ges, and teach the child of man, while he aspires to chasten error in the strong, or lift the w~ak and wretched from the dust, to ,love and venerate, in all, the fellow-creature-the equal work of God! T,wo letters, here annexed, will aptly: close l\,ir. Sharp's history, and supply all that is yet deficient in t;he delineation of his character: the first sent to the Rev. Mr. Owen, on the day of Mr. Sharp'S interment, apologizing for the absence of one of the Deputies named by the African Institution to attend his funeral at Fulham; th,e second from Mr. Owen himself, to the Writer of this Narrative, with such information c0ncerning , his departed friend, as a long intimacy enabled him to impart, and the reader will not fail to value as it deserves.- To the Re'O. John Owen, Fulham. " My dear Sir, " It was my full intention to testify to-day my regard and affection for our dep'arted friend, by joining the mourners at his funeral. Owing, however, to the sudden illness of the only person who could supply my absence, I am compelled to substitute this apology to you, and, through you; to the friends of this venerable and lamented saint. I have been much mortified by this circumstance, not only as it deptives me of the opportunity of showing this last token of respect to this great leader in every work of piety and beneficence- this emancipator of Africa, this father of the Bible Society-but as it pHts it out of my power to execute my part of the trust, delegated by the African , Institution, ,of assisting to convey his remains to the. house appointed for their repose, until that day arrive when all that was mortal of him shall put on immortality. ' I had anticipated no small benefit to myself, from having my thoughts turned to the contemplation of an honoured character, who, for near CRAP. III.] GENERAL REMARKS ON HIS CHARACTER. 481 eighty years, had stemmed ' the tide of oppression and corruption; who, animated by a simple view of his duty, and that Christian philanthrop); which emanates from the love of God and Christ, stood before kings and judges in the cause of the friendless and tne faint; who laboured for God and man with unexampled assiduity and perseverance, and who yet made no account of his labours; who waged no war but with the devil, and the works of the devil and the flesh; and whose highest enjoyment arose from the advancement of God's spiritual kingdom in his own soul, and from the anticipation of its full establish- ment in every heart. 1 verily believe that a purer and more upright mind,one , more single in its aim and intention, and more unequivocally scrupulous as to the rectitude of his means, more simply directed to the glory of God and the good of man, has never left this world. " Ever yours, my dear friend, " ZACHARY MACAULAY." Prom the Rev. John Owen.-[ExTRACT.] ( In "eply to &eveml inquiries.) " 1\1 y dear Sir, " Fulham, March 25, 1816. ....... " 1 am not acqnainted with ,the occasion of Mr. G. Sharp's writing and publishing his tract on several important Prophecies. He was a man of constant observation; interpreted all the passing events, political and religious, with a reference to Scripture Prophecy; and generally wrote and publi~hed under impressions for , which a satisfactory account (I mean satisfactory to others) could not always be given. His principle waR Round. He considered the world as under the administration of the Messiah, to whom all power had been given both in heaven and on ea"th . He regarded, therefore, every occur- ,re-nce as forming part of that administration, and as ministerial to the purposes of Christ's spiritual kingdom. The Bible ""as his te,t't; the events of every day were his commentary. The error to which he 'was liable (an error from which the wisest and the best have not been wholly free) was that of laying too much stress on the exactness of a mode of interpretation, which, from its very nature, must be doubtful m.d uncertain. In regarding the Papacy as the grand a?Jstacy, and unrighteousness as the besetting sin of political authority, he was strictly correct. Nor can he be enough admired (or the grace of God in him) for the undaunted courage and unwearied perseverance with which he maintained these scrjpturai positions against every species of corruption, both in Church and State. But the love of his principle, and the influence which it had on 3Q 482 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART V. his own heart and conduct, would not permit him to make any, the least, allowance for the mixed and imperfect state of human affairs. He was for bringing back every thing to the standard from which it had deflected, and that with a degree of rapidity and decision often inapplicable to the case, and seldom compatible with a peaceful and orderly return to integrity and justice. I say this merely that you may know my opinion of what I must call his errors. These errors, indeed, are splendid sins; and I heartily wish the best virtues' of some who have been; and are stiB, admired as great and ~good men, were not inferior to the worst of his errors. God appeared to have raised him- up and qualified him for the work of political and moral reformation. He had, in a measure, the spirit and the power of Elijah: he was zealous for the Lord of Hosts, and he hated iniquity with a perfect hatred. With all his ardour for reform (an ardour which only expired with his life), he was full of loyalty and subordination. He revered the throne and the altar, and stood in the gap between those who would overthrow them, and those who wished to convert them into instruments of gain and oppression. In short, I would say of him, and can from a long a,nd intimate knowledge of his character do so most conscientiously, that the Church had not a more dutiful son, the King a more loyal subject, and Mankind at large a more sympathizing friend and brother. " His knowledge of 1anguages, considering the limited nature and time of his education, was surprising. Besides his native language, he understood French, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and the Syriac and Chaldee dialects. For the acquisition of these he was principally indebted to his own exertions, prompted, not by an ambition for literary fame, hut by a desire to understand the holy Scriptures in their original texts, and to possess the means of carrying into effect, both by reading and communication, the gl-eat purpo!'e to which his life was devoted, that of promoting glory to God, and peace and good will among men." " With great regard, &c. JOHN OWEN."~' * Besides the distinguished notices of Mr. Sharp's decease already mentioned, Dlany other obituary tributes to his memory ,,-ere ushe~ed to the world in various respectable publications, from -which sODle extracts are here subjoined, because they are evidently the effusions of sensible and pious minds, and have a tendency to strengthen the impression of so much worth on the reader, and, of course, to render the example more largely beneficial. " At Fulham, on the 6th July last, died Granville Sharp., Esq., in the 78th year of his age;- a DIan of varied learning, and pre--eminent philanthropy; whose life was most actively and perseveringly devoted to promote the best interests of his species, under a deep sense of his }-esponsibility to God. He was a man of sing-ularly gentle and modest and courteous mallners ; but, in a cause which he deemed important, especially whell it involved the rig-hts either of his CHAP. Ill.] GENERA:lr'REMARKS ON HIS CHARACTER. .483 Such are now the ··memorials of a name which, by a long progress of religion, virtue, and beneficence, has been 1'endered-not illustrious, great Lord and Master or of his fellow-men, he was no less s-ingularly bold and intrepid. With peculiar, and perhaps mistaken, views on some' political and Biblical subjects, which might bave exposed him to be undervalued by many as a man of understanding, and with a style of composition which was far from attractive, he nevertheless was a most efficient instrument in operating some mighty changes in the opinions ~and conduct of nations ;-changes which will immortalize his name, while the idea of liberty is cher.ished, or fearless and unwearied and self. denying and successful exertions for the happiness of mankind are admired among men. But the praise of men was not the prevailing motive to exertion with t,his distinguisbed individual: he did what he did, as unto God ....... " He was truly the friend of the friendless. What he possessed, be }·egarded ,~s belonging to the poor: he was himself but a sharer, in common with them, of the necessaries of life which it could purchase: and many are ·now doubtless mourning his departure, of whom the world lmows nothing, to whom he had been as an angel of God, drying their tears, and causing their hearts to sing fOT joy! "-Cllrislipn Observer. " Granville Sharp is now no more. Full of years, and far beyond any usual period for active exertion, when he took the chair at the meetings of the ' Protestant Union,' he no less wisely than benevolently gave tbe final sanction of his name to a measure tbe most necessary at tbe time' for the defence and support of the Protestant Religion, and the British Constitution, as established at the GLORIOUS REVOLUTION in 1608.' This was his legacy to his country . • " ... " He was, to speak most briefly of him, a man in wbom the truly constitutional love of liberty was exceeded only by a piety of the higbest order and most judicious temperance; who studied politics only to benefit the community, and religion only to purify and defend his own faith, and that of bis brethren. His benevolence was equal to his piety."-British Cdtie. " We cannot refuse ourselves the gr~tification of dwelling for a moment upon a theme, consecrated in the hearts of all who revere exalted worth, and delight to contemplate a long course of quiet and peaceful, but unremitting, exertions for the liherties and happiness of mankind. In preserving the names of other virtuous men from the temporary oblivion into ·which more dazzling and perishahle glories are wont to cast them, it is frequently necessary to exhaust the arts of composition, to display arguments which may convince, or to seek, amidst figures and periods; "the r~ad to congenial feeling. But he who would hold up this venerahle philanthropist in the most stl·iking light, has only to tell faithfully and plainly the story of his actions. Unaided hy any authority ~r party in the State-before any of those benevolent institutions existed which have since done so much honour to tbe age-opposed by the opinions of lawyers and the most rooted prejudices of the times-he fought, by his single exertions, and at bis individual expense, the most memorable battle for the Constitution of this country, and in its consequences for the interests of the species, of which modern times aftord any record . ... ... He abolished a Slave Trade carried on in the streets of Liverpool and London ....I t cannot be doubted, tbat when those distinguished persons (who formed the Deputation of the African Institution) attended the remains of Granville Sbarp to the grave, they mourned the extinction oJ the light which at first went before to guide them in their course, and had ever since been their faithful companion."-Edinburgh Review. 484 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART V. for the blessings which fell on it were breathed from lips that could not confer celebrity; from those of ' the poorest and humblest of socie~y; from the houseless exile, from the captive, and from him who had none to help him-but s~cred, in the tecords which are written in the bosoms of the good and wise, and which ANGELS ' KEEP ·and PERPETUATE! MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. PART VI. LI1'ERATURE AND WRITINGS. ~ATALOGUE BY MR. SHARP OF THE BOOKS WRITTEN BY HIM,' AND OF OTHER WORKS IMMEDIATELY RELATING TO THEM. OBSERVATIONS. ON MR. SHARP'S BIBLICAL CRITICISMS, BY THE LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVIDS. ADDITIONAL TESTIMONIES. BRI.EF REMARKS ON HIS MORAL AND POLITIC.4L WRITINGS. CONCLUSION. PART VI. CHAP. I. ~@I.-AN ACCOUNT OF BOOKS WRITTEN AND PUBLISHED BY G. SHARP, AND ALSO OF SOME OTHER BOOKS THAT nAvE BEEN WRITJfEN EITHER FOR OR AGAINST HIS PUBLICATIONS. [The Books not written by Mr. Sharp are marked X.] [A few of Mr. Sharp's publications were noticed with a particular view in an early part of the Memoirs. The present catalogue and notes, from his own Manuscript, contain the whole of his writings, and an explanatory account of many of the most important.] No. l. ANSWER to the Rev. Dr. Kennicott's Charge of Corruptions in the Hebrew Texts of Ezra and Nehemiah*. (~d Edit. 1775.) 1765 No. 5!. On Vocal Music. (~d Edition 1777.) .............. 1767 " The proper title of this little hook is, " Remarks on a printed Paper lately handed about, entituled, ' A Catalogue of the sacred Vessels restored by Cyrus, and of the chief Jews who returned at first from the Captivity; together with the Names of tbe returning Families, and the Number of the Persons at that Time in each Family; disposed in such a Manner as to show most clearly the great Corruption of proper Names and Numbers in the present T ext of the Old Testament.' " . The Author of the Remarks was cautious not to oppose Dr. Kerlllicott any farther than his own printed Paper really required; and therefore the Remarks were not published in tJle ordinary way, but given gratis to tbose persons only who could produce a copy of the Doctor's own printed paper. The efl'ect of this was agreeable to what is recommended in the last paragraph of the Remarks-viz. tbat the Doctor was obliged to give up his inten- tions of correcting the Hebrew text, and to abide by his first proposals, offered in 1760, of printing his new edition of the Hebrew Bible (not wiLll a new text, but) from one of the best editions already published, having lhe various readings inserted at the bottom of every page. 488 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PAltT VI. No., 3. On the Pronunciation of the English Tongue, in French and English; and the same in English only. . . . . . both in. . .1767 'No.4. Remarks on several important Prophecies, in Answer to' Dr. ' W--ms. In five Parts*. (2d Edition 1775.) ....... 1768 No.5. " A short Account of that Part of Africa inhabited by Negroes: " (First printed at Philadelphia in 1762.) To which is added, an Account of the Endeavours of the Soci~ty for propagating , the GosPel to' instruct Negro Slaves in New York, 'with two Letters by Bishop Gibson on that Subject: to which is added, a Conclu>lion by the Editor (G. Sharp) ........ 1768 No.6, A Representation of the Injustice of tolerating Slavery. . . . . 1769 Written during the action commenced against the Author by James Kerr, Esq. of Jamaica, for having liberated a Negro, Jonathan Strong. The action, after two years impending, was dismissed, with treble costs, in favour of tbe defendant; this work having been circulated in MS. during tbat time, in about-twenty copies: after which it was printed. Ditto, reprinted at Phila.r1elphia in America, by Mr. A. Benezet . 1769 No.7. Remarks concerning Encroachments on the River Thames, near Durham Yard. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ., 1771 No.8. An Appendix to the Representation against Slavery. . . . . . . 1772 No.9. Remarks on the Opinions of the most celebrated 'Writers on Crown Law, respecting the due Distinctions between Man- slaughter and Murder-viz. against Duelling. (2d Edit. 1790.) 1773 No. 10. A Declaration of the People's natural Right to a Share in the Legislature ;-against the Attempts to tax America, and to make Laws for h~r against her Consent ... '. ...•.... l774 ... A reply to this work was promised by Dr. W--ms, every time he met G. S., for about two years; and at length G. S. received an anonymous book, being an attempt 'to set aside the two first chapters of St. Matthew's Gospel, (from whence the evidence was principally drawn which confuted the Doctor''S former work). G. S. was too much engaged at that time to undertake an answer to this; but t;"o very able replies very soon appeared-one by the Rev. Mr. Velthusen, of the Savoy Chapel, a very learned German Divine; and the second by the learned Dr. Caleb Fleming, who, thougb. a Socinian, very ably and zealously defended the ,sacred text from this calumny, under the feigned name of Theophilus ;-and neither of these gentlemen were at all aware of the original cause of this controversy. By the latter, seme very 'st~ong proofs were given that the Magi did Dot come to Jerusal~m to inquire for the Messiah, unti,l the beginning of the second year after his birth, hy which many difficulties are removed years. ' CHAP. 1.] CATALOGUE OF HIS WORKS. 489 No. 11. A Declaration of the People's natural Right to a Share in the Legislature; containing a Defence both of America and Ireland, stating the Illegality of those declaratory Acts of Parliament called Poining's Acts (January)., . . . . . . . . . 1775 Ditto, printed in' Ireland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1776 N. B. A few years afterwatds the Irish Parliament repealed the obnoxious Acts . This change seems to have prompted the English Administration to procure the Union of the two kingdoms, which they rendered extremely dangerous, by ' permitting Irish Papists to vote for Representatives; for which trust they are utterly unqualified, because their prin ;iples and practices have ever been contrary to the two first foundations of English law. No. 12. The Law of Retribution; or, a serious Warning to Great Britain and her Colonies, foupded on unquestionable Examples of God's temporal Vengeance against Tyrants, SlavehQlders, and Oppressors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1776 No. 13. The just Limitation of Slavery in the Laws of God. To which is added, a Plan for the gradual Abolition of Slavery in the Colonies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1776 No. 14. The Law of passive Obedience; or, Christian Submission to personal Injuries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . 1776 No. 15. The Law of Liberty . . .... . ... . . . .. . 1776 N o. 16. Addition to the Preface of the Sailor's Advocate. (A Work of General Oglethorpe.) .. . . . ..... .. . • 1777 No. 17. The Law of Nature and Principles of Action in Man. (2d Edi- tion 1807, 3d Edition 1809.) ... . ... . .. .. .... . 1777 No. 18. The Case of Saul ; intended as a~ Appendix to the Law of Nature in Man, &c.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1777 No. 19. An Address to the People of England against the Suspension of Law, and also stating the Illegality of impressing Seamen .. 1778 N o.20. Doctrine of " Nullum Tempus occurrit Regi " explained, and its due Limitations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1779 This was written in 1771, in defence of the Duke of Portland, with success. No. 2 !. The Legal Means of Political Reformation. In seven Tracts. 17S0 All these seven trac ls were afterwards (in 1797) printed in one vo lume, with an Index to the whole ; making the number of edit ions as fo llows :- 3 R 490 MEl\1OlRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART VI. Tract No. 1. Equitable Representation necessary to the} 7 Editions: Establishment of Law, Peace, and good Govern- 8th jointly 1797. ment, &c. (Written March 1777: printed 1780.) Tract No.2. Annual Parliaments the ancient and most} 7 Editions: salutary Right of the Commons of Great Britain. 8th jointly 1191. (Written in 1'774: printed 1780.) ................. . Tract No.3. A Defence .of the ancient, legal, and con_} stitutional Right of the People to elect Represen- 7 Editions: . tatives for every Ses.sion of Parliament, not only 8th jointly 1791. " every Year once," but also" more often, if need be." (Dated 22d March 1780: printed 1780.) ... Tract 'No.4. A -Circular Letter to the several petitioning} Counties and Towns, against a late Proposition 5 Editions: for a triennial Election of Representatives, instead 6th jointly 1791. of the ancient Constitu'tion of electing " every year once, and more often ifneed be." (April 1780.) Tract No. o. 'Appendix to the legal Means of pOlitical} 3 Editions: Repreientatioll. (Dated March 1780.) ............ 4th jointly 1797. Tract No.6. The Claims of the People of England: being") Remarks on a little Book published under that I Title, which contained the principal Articles ' of 5 Editions: the Act of Settlement·, showing: the dan!l:erous ~. v v 6th jointly 1797. Alterations that have since been made in thatJ very importan~ Act, and the necessity of I'estoring . the original Principles of it. (Written March 1782.) Tract No.7. An Appendix to the second Edition of Mr'l Loft's Observations on a late Publication, enti- tled, "A Dialogue on the actual State of Parlia- 1 Edition : ments," and on some other Tracts equally inimical ~. 2d jointly 1797. to the Constitution of "Free Parliaments," being J a farther Examination of Mr. Hatsel's Precedents of Proceedings. (Dated May 1783.) ... ; ......... .. No. 22. Free Militia; consisting of seven distinct Tracts ...... . . 1781 These tracts were published at different times, but printed altogether in one volume, with a complete Index to the whole, in 1782. Tract No.1. The ancient Common Law Right of asso-} Separately 1781 : ciating with the Vicinage to maintain the Peace. jointly 1782. (Written in 1780.) ........................... " ....... .. Tract No.2. A General Militia, acting by Rotation, is the} Separately 1781: only safe Means of defending a free People. jointly 1782. (Written in ]780.) ...................................... . Tract No.3. Remarks concerning the Trained Bands of} Separately 1781: London. (Written in 1780.) ........................... jointly 1782. Tract No.4. Remarks o~ the Militia Laws for London.} Separately 1781: (Written in 1780.) ....................................... jointly 1782. Tract No. o. Hints of some general Principles useful to} Separately 1781 : Military Associations. (Written in 1780.) ......... jointly 1782. CHAP. I.) CATALOGUE OF HIS WORKS. 491 Tract No.6. Remarks upon a Plan, proposed , by a re-1 spectable Member of the Corporatkm of London, for rendering the Militia of London useful, &c. Written with a View to prevent the said Plan from r Separately 1782 : introducing the Establishment of "a regular jointly 1782. Military Corps" with constant daily Pay (i. e. a Standing Army), in the City (which afterwards unhappily took place.) (Written in 1781.) ......... ) Tract No.7. Proposals and Remarks, &c., delivered to a} respectable Magistrate of London, by G. Sharp, in 1781, to promote the training of the City Separately 1782: jointly 1782. Militia, -that they wight be truly and effectually Trained Bands, according to their usual Title ..... No. 23. A Tract on Congregational Courts and the 'ancient English Constitution of Frank-pledge, the Right of choosing Magi- strates and Officers of the Militia. With an additional T.ract on the Election of Bishops *, and others on forming New Settlements . • . . . • • . . . . . . • . . . . . • . 178<1 Ditto, second Edition, with a complete Index added t . . . . . 1786 ~ This Tract was particularly useful in promoting Episcopacy in America. Even Dr. Franklin (bred a Dissenter) and Dr. Rush declared their approbation of it in letters to the Author: and the two first Bishops that were sent to England for consecration, declared that they should not have been sent, had not the Author's endeavours prompted the business. t Memorandum.-Partly from the last-mentioned Tract on Frank-pledge (No. 23), and from the seven Tracts on a Free Militia (No. 22), a plan was drawn up by Dr. Lanthemas, M. D . at Paris, to establish the rights of the French people/ and their national representation by allnual elections, in a similar effectual mode of frank-pledge and free militia, without martial Jaw. The whole system is most compendiously included in about twenty-three pages, octavo, though extracted from more than five hundred pages. It is entitled, " Necessite et Moyens d'etablir la Force publique sur la Rotation continuelle du Service X militaire, et la Representation nation ale sur la Proportion exacte du Nombre des Citoyens."-Printed at Paris, in 1792. This little work was approved by Monsieur Rolland, who sent fifty copies of it as a present to G. S., under his official seal as Minister of tbe Interior. But that worthy and able Minister, and the other true friends to a limited and legal Government, wcre horribly persecuted, and either driven from their country or murdered by the Papistical Jacobins, who acted under a deceitful cloak of liberty and infidelity, that they might restore the baneful power of standing armies, and an uncontJ:olled despotism, without which the Papacy could not be restored again to its supreme establishment in France. But if this plan of frank-pledge and legal militia had been adopted a little sooner, so 14at the majority of the people might have had time to have felt and perceived their own ability and true interest in maintainillg justice, law, and peace, among themselves, they might at this time ha"e been a free people, instead of being rendered an enormous and most dangerous band of martial slaves, acting uuder the irresistible compulsion of a military despot, as a baneful scourge to all neighbouring nations. 492 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHAR,P . [P ART VI. No. £4. Is the before-mentioned French Publication, which, by being X formed 'from the several Tracts of G. S., ought of course to be placed in this Collection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1792 No, 25. An English Alphabet for the Use of Foreigners, wherein the Pronunciation of the Vowels is explained, in twelve short Rules, with their several Exceptions, as abridged (for the Instruction of Omai) from a former Work printed in 1767 (2d Edit. 1801.) Third Edition, with an Appendix, apologizing for the English Mode of pronouncing the Latin Tongue . . . 1786 No. '26. Regulations for a New Settlement at Siena Le'one. (2d Edition.) 1786 Ditto, with a Preface to Negroes and People of Colour, and other Additions. (3d Edition.). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1788 No. 27. Free English Territory in Africa; being a Description of the District lately purchased by Government for the New Settle- ment at Sierra Leone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . '. . . .' . . . . 1790 No. 28. A Description (from Captain Dampier) of the most useful Trees X and Fruits in the East Indies: (printed for the Use C!f the Settlement at Sierra Leone.) ... " . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1790 No. £9. A Tract on Duelling, with the Distinctions in Crown Law between Manslaughter and Murder. (First printed in 1773.) Second Edition, with Additions. . . . . . . . . . . • . • . . 1790 The doctrine of this tract was thoroughly adopted in the practice and judgments of the late Lo~d Kenyon, and has been approved al~o by Lord Ellenborough, the present Lord Chief Justice. N o. 30. Plan of a public Charity, with !hree Appendixes •....... 1790 No. 31. Letter to a Committee of the Corporation of London appointed to inquire into the State of the London Workhouse. Printed by Order of the Common Council of London. . . . • • . . . 1791 No. 32 . . Causes des Calamites publiques qui regnent it present par-toute ,1'Etendue de I'Empire Romain • . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . 1792 This was a letter sent in MS. to a Foreign Nobleman, bU,t afterwards printed, and many copies have been sent to France. No. 33. A Collection of political Papers, with Remarks on the Accom- plishment of Prophecies. (Reprinted 1797.) ..... ... . 179~ No. 34. Extract of a Letter from Dr. B. Rush, of Philadelphia, to G. X Sharp, respecting the Liberation of the Blacks in Pennsylvania, CHAP. [. CATALOGUE OF HlS WORKS. 493 and the Establishment of an African Church at Philadelphia. Printed by G. S. . ... , .................. 1792 No. 35. Extract of a Letter from G. S. to a Gentleman in Maryland, respecting the extreme Wickedness of tolerating the Slave Trade, in order to favour the Illegalities of our Colonies, ' where the two first Foundations of English Law (the two Witnesses of God) may be said to lie dead, &c. First printed in America. (3d Edition 1797; 4th Edition 1806.). . . . . 1793 No. 36. A general Plan for laying out Towns and Townships in new- acquired Lands, to promote Cultivation, raise the Value of the adjoining Lands, and to promote the Peace and Security of the Inhabitants by the System of Frank-pledge. (2d Edi- tion 1804.) . . . . . • . . • . . . . . • . . . . . . .. . . . 1794 No. 37. Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article in the Greek Text of the New Testament. Written by G. Sharp in 1778, and published with a Preface by the Rev. Thomas Burgess. (now ' Bishop of St. . David's); with an Appendix, by the learned Editor, of (1 st) a TaMe of Evidences of Christ's Divinity, by Dr. Whitby, and (2d)' a plain Argument from the Gospel History for the Divinity of Christ. (2d Edit. 1802.) 1798 No. 38. The Child's First Book'improved, with a Preface addressed to Mothers and Teachers. (2d Edition 1805.) ......... 1801 No. 39. An Answer to an anonymous Letter (dated Septembe~ 1777) . on Predestination and Free-will, with a Postscript, on eternal Punishments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . 1801 No. 40. Extract of a Letter of G. Sharp's, on Land-Carriages, Roads, and profitable Labour of Oxen. Appended to " A Letter to Sir John Talbot Dillon, on the comparative Advantages of Oxen for Tillage in Competition with Horses, by Colonel William Tatham." (Dated 1794.) .............. 180 1 No.41. Six Letters to Granville Sharp, to confirm his Remarks on the X Uses of the Definitive Article in the Greek Text of the New Testament, by the Rev. Christopher Wordsworth . . . . . . 1802 No. 4~ . Six more Letters to Granville Sharp, condemning his Remarks X on the Greek Article, by Gregory Blunt, Esq .... .. ... 1802 494 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART VI. No. 43. The Third Edition of the. Tract on the Uses of the Definitive Article in the Greek Text of the New Testament, with an additional Preface and several Appendixes by the Author, and also Extracts from the British Critic, the Christian Observer, the Chl'istian Guardian, and Orthodox. Churchman, confirming the Principles of it . __ .. _ .......... _ . : . . . . ISOS No. 44. Three Tracts on the Syntax and Pronunciation of the Hebrew Tongue, with an Appendix, addressed to the Hebrew Nation 1804 The Grammatical Rules in these tracts have since been separated from the variety of other subjects which the Author had blended with them, by the late Bishop of St. Asaph, Dr. Horsley, and translated into Latin, for the use of schools, with an additional Rule of his own. No. 45. An Inquiry whether the Description of Babylon contained in . the eighteenth Chapter of the Revelations agrees perfectly with Rome, as a City, &c.; with Prefaces, and an Appendix, addressed to the Roman Catholics . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 ~05 No. 46. Copy of a Letter to a Clergyman in Ireland, respe~ting the proposed Catholic Emancipation : .............. 1805 No. 47. Serious Reflections on the Slave Trade and Slavery. Written in March 1797. Addressed to the Peers of Great Britain ... 1805 No. 48. A Vindication of certain Passages in the common English Ie Version of the New Testament: addressed to Granville Sharp, Esq., Author of the Remarks on the Uses of the Definitive Article in the Greek Text of the New Testament. By the Rev. Calvin Winstanley, A. M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lS05 No. 49. A Dissertation on the supreme Divine Dignity of the ' Messiah, in Answer to the above-mentioned Vindication .. . . ' . . . . . 1806 No. 50. Remarks on the two last Petitions in the Lord's Prayer ;- with an Appendix extracted from the Rev. Dr. Lort's short Commen- tary on the Lord's Prayer, including all that he wrote on the two last Petitions of it. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1806 No.51. The System of Colonial Law compared with the eternal Laws of God, and with the indispensable Principles of the British Constitution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1807 N o. 5~. A Letter, in Answer to some of the leading Principles and Doc- CHAP. I.] CATALOGUE OF HIS WORKS. 495 trines of the People called Quakers: originally addressed to Mr. Anthony Benezet, of Philadelphia, in the Year 1784. Printed in · the year 1807, with a Preface and Appendix, addressed to the People called Quakers, not as a publication, but only for private communication among themselve~ • . . . 1807 No. 53. The Case of Saul. (!.ld Edition, with Additions). To which is also !l.nnexed, " Remarks on 1 Tim. iv. 1-3.". 1807 No. 54. A Letter to Granville Sharp, Esq., respecting his Remarks on X the two last Petitions of the Lord's Prayer, from a Country Clergyman (Rev. Mr. Dunster, of Petworth, Sussex). Being a general Confirmation of G. Sharp's Tract on ·that Subject • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1807 No. 55. A Letter to Granville Sharp, in MS., by Dr. Middleton of X N~rwich; sent with a copy of the Doctor's learned work, entitled, "The Doctrine of the Greek Article applied · to the Criticism and Illustration of ' the New Testament" . . . . • . No. 56. Jerusalem: in Answer to Inquiries respecting the Etymology of that Word . . . . . . . • . . • . . . . . . . . . . . • . • 1808 No. 57. Melchisedec; or, an Answer to a Question respecting the Reality of Melchisedec's Existence, as King of Salem and Priest of the Most High God . . . . . . . . . . . ; . . . . • 1810' No. 58. Remarks on the Most Rev. Dr. ---'s Catechism : revised, enlarged, approved, and recommended by the four Roman Catholic Archbishops of Ireland, as a general Catechism for the Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 I 0' No. 59. Modus Decimandi. (Half sheet 4to.) • . ..... ... . .. l S I I No. 60. Remarks on an imp0rtant Passage, Matt. xxi. 18, which has long been perverted by the Church of Rome in Support of her vain Pretensions to supreme Dominion over all other Episcopal Churches. . . . ....... , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1812 No. 61. Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Peculiar of the Deanery X of Hereford, July 30, 1812, by G. Gretton, D. D . Dean of Hereford, wherein the Pretensions of the Popes of Rome to· 496 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART VI. Supremacy in the Catholic Church are shown to have no Foundation in Sc~iptUl'e nor in the Constitution of the priinitiv~ Chr.istian Churches. . . . . . . . . . . . . . • . • 181 2 I·n p.11 the learned -Dean refers to the text which is the subject of the pre- ceding Remarks, No. 60, and particularly recommends the criticism on that p-assage by G. S. CHAP. II.) HIS LITERATURE. 497 ' CHAP. II. THE history of Mr. Sharp's literature is ' little less extraordinary than that of his life and actions. It will be found that the singular humility of the Author had not only forborn to admit even the justest tribute of contemporary praise, but had tended, as far as its operation could reach, to suppress any public ack_nowledgment of the obligations which he had conferred on learning. Under the influence of this pri,nciple, he seems almost to have trespassed on veracity. But in a mind sincerely humble the brightness of intellect serves onl y to increase the sense of human ·insignificance. This feeling was so habitual in him, that wh'en he was requested to look over a biographical sketch, which had been printed in a periodical work, on finding a statement of his learning expressed in very high terms, he wrote the following comment in the margin :- " G. S. is by no means entitled to the character of ' a good scholar, well read, f:{c.,' for he never read or studied more, than what was unavoidably necessary on those few subjects which from time to time seemed to demand his unexperienced endeavours, on each particular occasion which excited his attention," On another passage, which speaks also highly of his musicalleaming, he remarks, in the same manner,- " G. S. is indeed an admh'er if music, but by no means a ' great proficient: His pretensions are only to choruses, and such other full pieces of music as are sufficiently plain and easy to be performed by any ordinary performer*." * In the same unpretending manner he speaks of his valuable collection of Bibles in all the various languages of Christian learning. After adverting to the compliment paid to his library, on account of its ,xtellsiveness (a term, he says, which can no otherwise be applicable than from his books being separated in several diffe"ent places), he adds, " This collection of Bibles 3 S 498 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART VI. He has left on record, in other parts of his notes, his own testimony of his uninformed state, when he first became the Advocate for the oppressed Africans, with "so little pretension to · any knowledge of law, that he had never once opened any law-book, to consult it, till . compelled on that occasion;" and of his "natural slowness, or snail- like tardin~ss, in the prosecution of his study." All these testimonies, though they do not bear on the degree of pis learning, point strongly to a part of pis character before noticed. But the modesty with which he describes his various attainments is in nothing more remarkable than in his reply to the Hebrew Professor at Cambridge, who had thought it right to avow, in his public lectures, the assistance which he had received from his remarks on some passages of Holy Writ "'.-" It is ne~essary," he says, . " (as well fOf your own sake, as for the dignity of the important office you hold ·in the University), that I should give you due previous caution that I am not a regular scholar, and that the little knowledge I have acquired has been taken up entirely without the instruction of any master; .so that my name must not even be mentioned, as having the least degree of authority, to influence either the opinions or practice of any regular scholar." In another letter, also, to the Bishop of St. David's, who pl'Oposed to bind one of his tracts" On the Messiah" with a religious work of a similar size written by the Bishop of London, he suggests his" doubts how far that learned Prelate may appr~)Ve of such a connection with a layman, and no scholar." Our respect is involuntarily heightened by perceiving that such acknowledged powers of research were not excited by any thirst of fame. His disposition to reading, and his delight in books, were evinced at a very early period of his life; for he ·used to relate of himself, that he "read all the plays of Shakspeare in an apple-tree in his father's is so far from being the hest in the kingdom, that it is not worthy of the least comparison with many other well-known collections."-Of the justice of such an assertion, the persons into whose hands the collection hus fallen, are the best judges• •. See p. 1>11 . CHAP. II.] HIS LITERATURE. 499 orchard at Rothbury;" and he remem bered the greater part of them accurately. He had read Hudibras, and Allan Ramsay's "Gentle Shepherd," at the same time, and always delighted in them. Although he was master ' of the various languages mentioned in Mr. Owen's letter, and read also Italian and Spanish, he sp0ke none but his native language, or only French imperfectly. With regard to the style of his writings in general, although his plain and. strong sense was as clearly as powerfully expressed in most of them, his want of early classical instruction prevented his compo- sitions from being either methodical or 'graceful. They were, on the contrary, too frequently diffuse and embarrassed *. It is true, he sought no grace in writing; no praise; Iition. He was singularly fortunate in the application of his learning to the illustration of the original languages of Scripture. His doctrines of the Greek Article, and of the Hebrew Conversive Vau, and of other particularities' of the Hebrew language, though nof unknown to scholars before his time, had all the merit of discovery, and more tha~l that merit in the valuable use which he made of them. His most decided. belief of the supreme Divinity of Christ, and his ardent z~al to maintain the doctrine against Jewish and Socinian objections, made him a ,critic and philologer, and led him to those grammatical principles' a,Od analogies so decisive in their result that Jews ' and Socinlans cannot misco'nstrue or disput~ them, without denying the most direct and acknowledged usages of grammar. His doctrine of the Greek Article was violently opposed by Socinian writers, but without the least injury to its principle, and with a strong presumption in its favour; for such a violence of opposition would never have been excited by any publication which had not struck at the vitals of Socinian unbelief: The ample confirmation which it'has received from the concurrent interpretation of all the ancient Greek Fathers ' of the Church, in Dr. Wordsworth's elaborate and candid CUAP. IlL] HIS BIBLICA~ CRITI~ISMS. 50! work, has given it a stability which. may bid defiance t9 all the sophistry. employed against it. It ,is no longer a question, whetber the Rule proposed is capable of the application which ha~ been given it, or whether the chief passages, to which it has been applied by Mr. Sharp (Epb. v. 5; 'fit. ii. 13; 2 Pet. i. 1), will admit the sense which the Rule requires; for the only sense in which the Greek Fathers understand . that important passage, for instance, Tit. ii. 13, is that which is ascribed to it by Mr. Sharp. It appears, also, from Dr. Wordsworth's investigation of the subject, that the various forms of expression contained in the passages relative to the Divinity of Christ, which are the subject of the Rule, were constantly used by Greek writers, from the first century to the latest period of the Greek language, in the , sense required by the Rule; and that that was the uniform doctrine of all the ancient Churches. The Rule was more temperately opposed by the Rev. Calvin Winstanley, in his" Vindication of the commonly received Version "';" to which tract the Bishop of St. David's replied at large, in his " Evidence of the Divinity of Christ from the literal Interpretation of Scripturet·" The learned Rector of Killesandra, in two val uable works (his "Analysis of Ancient Chronology," and his" Faith in the Holy Trinity"), has some remarks 'on Mr. Sharp's examples, which, as they tend, in some measure, to impeach the credit of the Rule, must not pass unnoticed. Dr. Hales, who has most learnedly and ably main- tained the doctrine of the Trinity, and of the Divinity 'of Christ, admits the validity of the general Rule, but objects. to the example of Jude, vcr. 4. " The accuracy of the general Rule, as it respects " both diversity and . identity, is fully established by MIDDLETON" [now Bishop of Calcutta], " pp. 79 and 57 I, from the usage of • " Six Letters to Granville Sharp, Esq.n t Reprinted in a volume of Tracts, entitled, " Tracts on the Divinity of Christ, and on the Repeal of the Statute against Blasphemy." 502 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART VI. " sacred and profane Classics. But SHARP himself allows that the " Rule may sometimes prove rather too much; and in this instance "especially (Jude ver. 4) may be liable to favour the Sabellian "heresy, followed by the Swedenborgians, that Christ is the only '~God (p. 51); and MIDDLETON has-proved that the Rule requires " limitations, especially in the case of proper names, which often form " exceptions to it*." Mr. Sharp has so can!fully guarded the Rule by limitations, , especially in the case of proper names, one qf its excepti0ns, that I do not perceive in what respect the Rule- can ever " prove too much." The Rule may be misapplied to incongruous examples, but that is not the fault of the Rule, but of him who applies it. In the present instance, Dr. Hales is mistaken in supposing that Mr. Sharp "allows that his Rule may sometimes prove rather too " much, and that it may be liable to favour Sabellianism." His words are-(p. 58, 3d edit.)-" But the applying to Christ the supreme " title,-' the onb; Potentate, God;' and also, in the former text, the " supreme title of ' th; gr~at God,'-may, perhaps, induce some persons " to cO[ilceive that this grammatical system of constructi'on, if admitted " as a rule for all t'exts in which the same mode of expression renders " it applicable, will sometimes prove rather too much, and may be " . liable to favour a modern sect of Unitarians, who have adopted the " Sabellian notions of the late Baron Sweden borg, and who assert " that 'Jesus Christ is ' the on/ty God.' " But Mr. Sharp is far from "allowing that the Rule may sometimes " prove rather too much." He says that "some persons" may be induced to think so; but he concludes, from his review of the passagf', that the effect of his grammatical Rule will not (in the opinion of those who rightly consider the supreme attributes of each Person of the Godhead) appear. to exceed bhe truth. He says (p. 65), "The true " Unitarian Christian, who acknowledges but one God, one Jehovah, one • "Analysis of Ancient Chronology," vol. ii. p. 8:>6; "Faith in the Holy Trinity," vol. ii. p. 299. CHAP. III.) HIS BIBLICA L CRITICISMS. 503 " DivineNatute (9EOT?)~) or Godhead; and at the same time, nevertheless, " is convinced that th1"ee Divine Pel'sons are really revealed to us under " the title of Jehovah in the Old Testament, and under the title of " , eeo~, or God, in the New Testament; and that the supreme attributes " of the DIVINE NATURE are applied to each, in both Testaments; " will, of course, be aware also that each of these Divine Persons " must necessarily be ' the great God' and' the only Potentate,' as " there is but 'one God,' one only supreme Powel' or Godhead. So that " the effect of my grammatical Rule, when applied to the two par- " ticular texts before mentioned (viz. Tit. ii. 13, and Jude 4), will " not (in the opinion of such true Christians) seem to exceed the " truth." Dr. Hales quot~s from lEschines ToY' A"E;all~poli "al et. ii. ' 1. "And, ' synonimously with MONO~ ..:1ecr7l'OT'l)~;Cplrist is caUed by St. Paul EI~ KUp'O~, "ONE Lord;" and by St. Matthew, EI~ ;Ca.e'1jr'1jT'1j~, 0 XplcrTo~, "ONE Master, even, Christ." The words of 'St. J ude, ~herefo're, eeO'l ;Ca.l Kup'o'l -rjP.W'I, should be ,translated, "OUR GoP AND LORD," The passages ql.lOt@d by Wetst€)in and Dr. Hales from Josephus and Justin Martyr, are by no means in point; because in those examples ~Ecr7l"OT7)~ is not in construction with eEO~, as in the common version of St. J nde, "the only ~ord God," and Dr. Hales's" spvereign God ;" but with OAw'I 'and7l"a.'1Tw'I,. the Lord rif' all; and is the predicate of eeo~. It is the construction of eeQ~ with ./lEcr7l'OT7)~ in the common version, as w~ll as in Dr. Hal~s's, that renders their translations contrary to the usage of Scripture, in which" the Lerd Ged" (Jehovah Elohlm) is always expressed by Kup'o~ Q eEO~. The unscriptural appearance ' of ~Ecr7l"OT7)~ eEOS' was probably the cause of the omission of eEOS. in some Manuscripts. The cqnstrmction and punctuation here ' proposed for the words eeo'l ;Ca.l KUPHlY -rjP.W'I, 17)cr8'1 XPlcrTOlI, " OUT only. Master, ' God and. L07'd; Je~us Christ," - give no countenance to ' the Sabellian heresy, and at the same time afford a clear and strong testimony to the Divinity of Christ. Hammond ' translates the passage thus: " Our only Master, God, and Lord, Jesus Chri5t." I cannct close this subject better than '>lith the substance of Mr. Sharp'S First Rule, and with the principal examples to it.- " When two personal nouns of the same case are connected " by the copulate ;Ca.l , if the form~r has the definitive apticle, " and the latter has not, th~y both belong to the same person." " 2 Pet. i.} I.-Tou ;CUPIOU -rjp.w~ ;CW' crWT'1JP0S, I'1jcrou XplG-TOU. OUT Lord a'T!d Saviour, Jesus Christ. " . 2' TJaess. i.' 12.-Tou eE~U -rjp.w~ ;Ca.l KUFilOU, I'1jcrou XPlcrTOU.. Our God and ; Lord, Jesus Christ, CHAP. III.) HIS BIBLICAL CRITICISMS. 505 " 2 Pet. i. 1.- Tou 0.ou ~.u-WII 'Uti rrwT'Y)pOfj, I'Y)rrou Xp,rrTou . Our God and Saviour, Jesus Christ. " Tit. ii. 13.- Tou .u-.'Y(1.7I.ou 0.ou X(1.1 rrWT'Y)pOfj ~.u-WII, I'Y)rrou Xp,rrTou. Our great God and Saviour, Jesus Christ. " Jude 4.-Tw .u-0IlW a.rr7l'0T'Y)II, 0.011 XIX4 xUP'W ~.u-WII, I'Y)rrouli X~'rr'l'oll. Our . only Master, God and Lord, Jesus Christ." Mr. Sharp's Hebrew Rules, though not of so marked importance, as to doctrine, as those of the Greek Article, are of great utility in clearing the difficulties of Hebrew construction. Bishop Horsley was so much pleased with the Rules relating to the Hebre~ Con- versive Vau, that he was desirous of giving them a more permanent form than their English dress, by translating them into Latin. But he died before he had put Mr. Sharp in possession of this proof of his learning and friendship. Mr. Sharp made some inquiries after this paper, but without success. To the usefulness of these Rules the learned Prelate contributed what was of more value than a Latin translation. In his correspon- dence with Mr. Sharp he suggested a Rule, which, with some variation, Mr. Sharp adopted, and considered of so much value, as a means of resolving the difficulties of many passages of the Hebrew Scripture, that he has left in wr~ting a memorandum, directing it to be inserted in a future edition of the Hebrew tracts, as a fifth Rule, instead of that adopted from Rabbi Elias. The Rule suggested by the Bishop of St. Asaph was, that" perfect . tenses with the prefixed TTau are always converted to futw'e tenses, except at the beginning of a sentence." From this exception Mr. S. has extracted that Rule which he calls the Eishop's, "with some small variation in the form." With this variation Mr. Sharp's Rule stands thus-viz. that "pelieet tenses with the prefi:ad Vau are not converted in the beginning of a sentence." In order that the Reader may possess all the necessary information respecting thiJ; important Rule, we think it right to Jay before him Mr. Sharp's own observations, expressed in a manuscript memo- randum which he has left behind him. aT MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART VI. , ~'tS).-" Memol'andum concerning any 'future' Edition that may be made of G. Sharp's three Tracts on the Synta.'l' and Pl'onunciation of the Hebrew Tongue. " " N. B. In any future edition of this work, it will be necessary to add a rule of syntax proposed to G, S. by the learned Dr. Borsley, late Bishop of St. Asaph, which (with some ~mail variation in the form from that proposed by the Bishop to G. S.) will supersede the necessity of retailJing the fifth Rule, adopted by G. S: from Rabbi Elias, and wilt afford an ' easy explanation to 'many very difficult tl:!xts . .. The Rule proposed by Bishop Hdrsley 'was ·as follows: 'That perfect tenses with prefixed ~ ave always converted to future tenses, except at th€l b~ginning of a sentence: . " 'On this Rule the following remark , by G. S. was submitted to his Lordship's consideration, together with a very large collection of e)tampfes; which, after his Lordship's death, were returned to G ..S . by' his executors. " The r.emark by G. S. submitted to the Bishop was as follows.- , " , Th~ truth of the latter part of the Rule-viz. the exception-is Stl~ciently proved, I 'belIeve, by the great number of examples Slmt kergwith; and thevefore it should be' an established rule, that' perfect tenses with prefixed Vaus are not c~:mverted at the beginning of a sentence.' ' " Several examples (for the explanation of which G. S. was obliged, before he received this Rule, to have recourse to the Rule of Rabbi Elias) are much more easily explained by this Rule of the Bishop of St. Asaph. For instance: the first verb, ,t,i1~, in 1 Sam. :vii. 16:, will afford a remarkable exampie of the Rule, if this verse may be allowed to be the beginning of-a sentence, to which it seems entitled by an obvious Fe~son.-that it describes several circumstances C7f ·Samuel's transactions sufficiently distinct from that, general one m€ntion@d in the preceding verse, to justify the opinion that it ought \ 0 be deemed ,a Illew sentence, though included in the same narrative. The verb ,t,m being at the beginning of this 'verse, is most naturally CHAP. III.] Hrs BIBLICAL CRITICISMS. 007 construed in the perfect tense, according to the sense of the context, as well as according to the ,Rule. But the next verb, in the middle of the verse, :l:lO~, seems to forbid the Bis,hopTs supposition, as first proposed, that' perfect tenses with prefixed Vaus are always converteq, except at the beginning of a sentence;' because this second verb iii an example to the contrary, as also the next following verb (the third) UlS~. And therefore it is much more easy and obvious to refer to the second Rule in this work, as the reason why the t,wo last-mentioned preter tenses are not converted, than to be obliged to s~ppose that this single verse should be divided into three s~ntences ~ for that necessity would render theJlule not only less obvious in general, but also much more difficult, and consequently less valuable. " The corrected statement of Bishop Horsley's Rule ought therefore to be inserted in all future editions of this work, as the Fifth Rule of Hebrew Syntax, instead of that adopted from Rabbi Elias; as it is much more easy and intelligible, and will render the system of Hebrew syntax perfectly complete, so as to enfranchise the students of Hebrew in future from the arbitrary shackles of that most perplex- ing and unreasonable system of vowel points, by which Ollr Hebrew Bibles are most shamefully dotted, and disfigured as if they were blurred and defiled by flies I-See Tract I. pr. 63, 64; and Tract III. pp.28-30. " Much important and unquestionable evidence against tbe pretended antiquity of punctuation may be added hom Calmet's 'Dictionnaire Historique, &c., de Ja Bible,' printed at Paris in 1722, under the word "100, 'Tradidit.''' 508 MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART VI. CHA~. IV. ALTHOUGH no greater evidence can be given of the esteem in which Mr. Sharp's Scriptural researches were held by the learned writer of the preceding pages; yet some additional · testimonies from the same source (fQund among Mr. Sharp's papers), may with pro- priety be added in confirmation of it. To Mr. Granville Sharp.-[ExTRAcT.] " Dear Sir, " Durham, December 15, ]792. " I have had both pleasure and instruction in t~e perusal of the several learned and interesting papers which you most obligingly sent me. There are two which I have selected for transcription,-' A Letter concerning the Use of the Greek Article,' and 'The Grammatical Rules of Construction for the Greek Tongue, applied to the several Texts of the New Testament,' &c. " With great respect, dear Sir," &c. &c. "T. BURGESS." From the Right Rev. Lord Bishop of St. David's, to the Right Hon. Henry Addington (Lord Sidmouth.) [With Mr. Granville Sharp's Tract on the Greek Article.l " Dear Sir, " I beg you to accept a copy of a new edition of a book, which was first published by me, but which the Authoi' has much improved, and republished. J am' persuaded that I cannot make you a more valuable present than a book which contains, in a small compass, the most solid evidence of the Divinify of Christ. " Your ever obliged and grateful Servant," &c. &c. " T. ST. DAVID'S." CHAP. IV.] ADDITIONAL TESTIMONIES. 509 To these testimonies the Bishop thought fit to add a public decla- ration of his approval of the same Tract, in his'Diocesan Charge to his Clergy in the year 1804. A . vindication of Mr. Sharp'S con- struction of the several texts alluded to forms also a part of a work now preparing by him for the press. The following extracts, &om letters of another learned Prelate, also relate to some points mentioned in the "Observations." From Dr. Horsley, Bishop of St. Asaph, to Mr. G. Sharp. " Dear Sir, " 5th July, lU04. " I return you many thanks for your very valuable work upon the Hebrew syntax.' ..... You have' cleared up the mysteries of the Con'Versi'Ve Vau, which never had been treated with any degree of accuracy by any grammarian before you. Your Rule about Binoni seems to me no less valuable. I think, if the grammatical Rules, with select examples of each, were published in a small tract by themselves, it might be introduced with great advantage in such of the public schools in which the rudiments of the Hebrew language are taught in the upper forms." From the Same to the Same. Ie Dear Sir, " 20th July, 1804. . . . .. "The grammars taught in our public schools are always in Latin; and for that reason I wished very much that your Rules should be turned into Latin, and make an Appendix to be added to the Westminster Grammar: or, if not added to it, if it were published by itself by the Westminster Printer, it , would make its way among school books; and in Latin it might find its way into the Continent. In this I am so much in earnest, that I have myself almost finished a Latin translation of your Rules," &c. ," You have laid the foundation of a more perfect theory of the Con'Versi'Ve VQu, and other parts of the Hebrew syntax, than we have ever yet possessed : and I much wish your Rules should become generally known, and make a part of our Hebrew Grammar." &c. &c. 510. MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. [PART VI. OtheF acknowledgments of Mr. Sharp's Scriptural learning appear in sever-al letters from various persons. From the Rev. Henry Lloyd, D. D., Reg-ius Professor of Hebrew at Cambridge, to Mr. Granville Sha1'jJ. " Sir, " Cambridge, 15th January, 1798. " I am quite at a loss for words to express the satisfaction with which I have perused your letter, or the sense of gratitude occasioned by the communi- cations it contains. As I consider myself countenanced by Dr. Blayney and yourself with respect to the Masoretic Points, I shall enter upon my course of public instruction with comfort. " Your extraordiaary kindness encourages me to hope that I shall soon expeFience new marks of it, provided you have leisure. " I confined my late application to the subject of Masoretic points and pronunciation, bectause I was taking an almost unwarrantable liberty, in coP: sideration of a Slight acqljaintance. Now that I find you so ready to oblige, my desire of whatever critical or otner, information you may have time and goodness to impart can n0 longer be suppressed. " Your obliged hnmble servant," &c. &c. From the Same to the Same. " .sir, " With),1o less reluctance thaI) gratitude, I return your letters, in hopes of your only wishing to consult them previously to an account of your sentiments With respect to consonants . .. Before our ,correspondence c0mmenced, I had fixed On the mode of pronunciation set forth iQ the enclosed, as matter of expediency, but have recommended and privately taught the J.1se of Masoretic Points, as necessary for understanding a valuable Jewish comment on the SS. " Considel1ing how long Hebrew literature has been neglected here, my lectures have , been well attended; an!i\ I have, on occasion, avowedly availed myself of the contents of your letters. " Should your zeal for th~ .propa.gation of scriptural knowledge incline you to assist my imperfect endeavours, by transmitting any dissertations, I shall be happy in making the same use of them, and with the same candour. " With a deep sense of gratitude for your communications, I remain, " Your much obliged," &c. &c. CHAP. IV.] ADDITIONAL TESTIMONIES. 511 Fronz the Rev. Mr. EttricP to Mr. G.-Sharp. " Rev.t Sir, " I have been much obliged and gratified by the present of your Remarks upon the Ro~an Catholic Catechism, not only because it was aocompanied with an approbation of , the principles of my Reflections on the expected Exodus of the Jews, but far more ,so on account of the pleasure I received in reading that valuable tract, which stamps 'a charl ter of authority on most of the positions advanced by me, and establishes on undenia,ble grounds a very important fact. ..... " The learning, and great knowledge of -books, by which you have settled these points beyond controversy, are not easily accessible to many of us minor writers.; and we are therefore the more sensible of the obligation due to you, for the better exertion of more competent abilities in the cause of injured truth, " I was favoured by Dr. Gray with a sight of your form€r learned publication on the' Inquiry,' &c., and have only to regret that I ,did not meet with it before my book was too far advanced to allow me to profit by it as I might hawe done. " I remain, Rev. Sir, your obliged," &c. &c. From Dr. Gray, Rector of Weremouth and Prebendary of Durham, to Granville Sharp, Esq. " Dear Sir, " Bishop Weremouth, November 24, 1806. " I have only waited for your address, which I received yesterday, to express my very sincere acknowledgments to you for the very important observations which you have been kind enough to send me upon 'The Key to the Old trestament,' all of which are highly deserving of the greatest attention; and, . should I have occasion to publish another edition, I shall thankfully avail myself of them. Your very accurate and critical knowledge in Hebrew, I knew, particularly qualified you for the task which Y0U have taken the trOUble to perform, and made me anxious to obtain your remarks. " We have, I believe, now, all your printed works in our library, and they form a very interesting collection, remarkable for the variety and correctness of the discussions which they contain. I regret that the memorandum which you sent was not accompanied with another manuscript, which you have written, jf • Author of " The Second Exodus, or Reflections on the Prophecies of the last Times," &c . ·t The epithet here used by Mr. Ettrick was very frequently applied to Mr. Sharp's name, by those who were umrequainted with ~lis real situatio.n. 512 MEMOIRS OF GRANVfLLE SHARP. (PART VI. I rnista..ke not, on the circumstances of the present times, which seem to exhibit a development of prophecy." &c. &c. From the Rev. Dr. Adam Clarke to Mr. Granville Sharp. " My dear Sir, " Accept my best thanks for the pamphlets. Your important remarks ol,l Matt. xvi. 18, I have taken the liberty to insert in my notes on Luke ix.,. at the end. Had I seen them before yI~rinted Matthew," I could have made my note there more accurate. I bel}eve your notion of the passage to be strictly correct, and the best yet published. ' It was highly necessary at these times; and, to give it the widest circulation in my power, I have printed almost the whole of it in the place above referred to. " Yours very respectfully," &c. The remarks just mentioned (by Dr. A. Clarke) were also so highly approved by Dr. Gretton, the learned Dean of Hereford, that he expressed his approbation of Mr. Sharp'S explanation of the text, III a printed Charge addressed to the Clergy of his Deanery. One other eulogium is of too great importance to be omitted. Fro£ll Dr. Magee's "Discourses on the Scriptural Doctrines of Atonement and Sacrifice."- . . . . . . " This positiOl;l is substantiated by a wide range of examples in the Letter on certain Particularities of the Hebrew Syntax, written by Mr. Granville Sharp, whose acute and valuable philological inquiries, as well in that and his other letters on the same subject, as in his investigations of the Greek text, cannot be too highly commended. The labours of this learned layman reflect honour upon himself, and, what he appears to have much more at heart, light and intelligence upon the Sacred Text." The following letter should have been added to the account of the Society for Conversion of the Jews. To 1/,:fr. Granville Sharp. " Rev. Sir, " Jews' Chapel, Spitalfields, January 29, 1812. " Since the first instant, we have been in expectation of receiving your criticisms upon the first · half-sheet of the Version of the New Testament into CHAP. IV.] HIS LITERATURE. 513 the Hebrew language; and as we have placed much reliance upon the benefit of your attainments in that tongue, we hope that you will not disappoint us. " We remain, &c. " T. FRY, JOSEPH FOX, H Seeretm'ies to the London Society for p"omoting Christianity among the Jews." Some other testimonies of a complimentary kind show a still more general opinion of Mr. Sharp's l~arning.and piety. From William Whitwell, Esq., to Mr. G. Sharp. " "Dear Sir, " Mr. Mousley, the author of a memoir recommendatory of ~ translation of tlle Scriptures into the Chinese language, is very desirous of an interview with you. I have a second edition of the memoir, with additions, to put into your hands, at his request. Will it be agreeable for you to say by the bearer whether Mr. Mousley can see you, either at Garden Court, or in the City? " Respectfully y otherwise); and, therefore, that tbe damages sbould be proportioned to tbe loss wbich might appear to be sustained. . But this is a new doctrine,'as repugnant to the-laws of God as to tbe common law of this kingdom: for, according to both these, a man and his wife are considered as 07Ul - that is, one flesh, which I have already shown. Now they either are one flesh, or they are not so; Cor no third person wbatsoever has any right to define a medium, eitber witb respect to their conjugal relationsbip or tbeit- mutual affection. The laws must ever suppose that both these are entire, especially wben sufficient proofs of a lawful marriage are not wanting, and the parties themselves do not sue for a separation. It is therefore very plain and clear, that Hylas, as a husband, has- a. ri'g'ht t'o his wife by the laws of God and man; and, as a subject of England, has a rig,ht likewise to very considerable damages, as well by the Habeas Corpus Act as by the common law and common justice. Nevertheless, hefore the cause was opened, nay even during the time tbat the clerk was tendering the oath to the jury, Sir Fletcher Norton came into court, and acquainted the judge, that now the great important question concerning the rights of retaining slaves in England was likely to come before his lordship; signifying, at the same time, that it is a point of great difficulty, and that a judicial determination is much to be wished for, or to that purpose, &c. Sir Fletcher likewise observed afterward, that there are now in town upward _o f 20,000 WegToes. I could have told him, that there would soon be 20,000 more, if the important and difficult point, as he calls it, was to be determined on his side of the question: whereas, if it was clearly proved, on the otber hand, tbat Negros become free on their landiug in England, it is very certain tbat their West-Indian masters, who are so tenacious of this kind of property. would for the most part be prevented thereby from bringing them. N ow it may safely be allowed, tbat the cause which Sil' Fletcher espoused-viz. the right, OF rather wrong, which the West Indian claims as his prerogative, forcibly to transport a person out of this kingdom-is a point of great difficulty. It is so difficult, indeed, that it cannot possibly be admitted, until some valuable statutes are annulled by proper authority, and until the common law and custom of this realm is totally changed; which time I hope we shall ,neve~ see. The slave-holder's counsel must first of all convince the whole Legislature, King', Lon]s, and Commons, tbat some singnlar benefit will arise to the community, if tbey will condescend to give a sanction to such flagrant breacbes of the peace as that particulm' transaction which was then before the court. But it wil! be still more difficult for the slave-IIQlder's counsel to find just argument for this purpose, though one of them could burst into a: loud contemptuous laughte1' at the v.ery mention of damages for such an outrage. How far this kind of eloquence, in which that gentleman seemed so happily to excel, might influence or 'prejudise the judgment of his hearers, I know not; but sure I am; that such a method has no more connection with sound and just 1'easoning than it has with good manners. APPENDIX.-No. III. vii But to return to the important question-One of the slave-holder's counsel wished that it might now be determined. He could not mean, I think, that he wished it to be determined in fav-our of the oppressed, because that is sufficiently determined already, as well by the. common law and custom of England, which is always favourable to liberty, and the freedom of a man from imprisonm~nt, as by the 12th section of the Habeas Corpus Act, which expressly determines the point, that no sltbject of this realm, that now is, or hereafter shall be, an inhabitant of this kingdom of England, dominions of Wales, or town of Berwick upon Tweed, shaH be sent prisoner into Scotland, &c., -or into ports, garrisons, islands, or places beyond the seas; and that every such imprisonment is hereby enacted and adjudged to be illegal, &c. So that really there is nut any difficulty at all in the question , notwithstanding tbat I have heard some very grave and learned lawyers affirm the contrary, to my great astonishment and 'mortification. But none of those gentlemen I speak of have as yet made it appear that there is any thing so commendable, or worthy of imitation, in the W est-India slavery, that it deserves to be admitted also into this kingdom. And therefore I hope they will no longer persist in_d efending so bad a cause, lest they should bring upon theJnselves also the charge of inhumanity, according to the maxim of t he great ChanceIlor Fortescue, "Impius et crudelis judicandus est qui lihertati non favet." No. III. A DDRESS OF THE WARD OF L I ME STREET.-(see p. 64.) To the Right Honoul-able B rass Crosby, Esq., Lord lflayor of the City of London. MY LORD, Th e I nquest and Inhabitants of tlte W aI-d of L ime Street, truly sensible of YOU/' Lordship's earnest endeavours to support and maintain tlle laws of tMs kingdom and tlle "ighis of the citizens of London, beg leave to testify OU1' appl'obation of your LOl-dship's conduct in this alanning situation rif affa i1'S.-[This paragraph was added by t ue Ward.] A due limitation of power by just and equitable laws, is surely tbe best foundation of happiness for all nations; and tbe E ngli sh Natioll, in particul ar, hath ever esteemed tbis point essential. We are taught to believe, even by a positive law (13tb Charles II. cap. i.), "That tbere is no legislature, in either or hoth Houses of Parliament. witbout the King;" and tberefore we cannot conceive tbat a command, or mere resolution, of ~lDy one of these branches, should oblige us to dispense with reasonable and beneficial laws confirmed by viii MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. all the three, when even their united authority cannot enact any thing contrary to the principles of law and reason. No law, for instance, can be made to dispense with perjury or theft, or to confirm or pardon an encroachment or " ·nuisance in the highway, which still continnes and is not ended until removed," * nor to " confirm a trespass or unlawful entry upon a man's hous,e or land," * 01' to " make a man judge in his own case," * or indeed to establish any other mala pel' se, which are prohibited by th.e common law. 'Ve also beg leave to observe, that the obligation of magistrates to render strict justice, (lccol'ding- to their oaths of office, is so deeply founded in the laws of religion and reason, that to dispense therewith would be as mu()h a rnalurn in se, as any thing that we have mentiol?-ed; and, consequently, a command or injunction for that purpose, even THOUGH IT WAS ENFORCED BY THE SUPREME AUTHORITY OF THE WHOLE LEGISLATURE, would (as in any of the other cases) be null and v(,}id in itself; " For a law wbich a man -cannot obey, or act according to it, is void and no law; and it is impossible to obey contradictions, or act according t; them." '" (Vaughan's Rep. 339.) It is with great concern we see your lordship refused in solemn judgment the benefit of THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT, the right of every Englishman, under pretence that one court of judicature cannot interfere with tbe privileges of another court, in cases of c(mtempt. Contempts, my lord, were formerly confined to offences committed within the courts;" and vain will be our boast of liberty, if con tempts of court be suffered to exten'd beyond those limits. There is nothing, however, which we shall be able to say concerning law, that your lordship is not already sufficiently acquainted with; but 'we shall, nevertheless, beg leave to observ~, "That the law oLthe land is the highest inheritance that the King hath; for by it himself and all his subjects are ruled: and if there was no law there would be no king nor inheritance." (19th Hen. VI. cap. 63.)* Every infringement, therefore, of law, especially when extended to the unlawful imprisonment, not merely of his Majesty's subjects, but even of his Majesty 's legal ministers and magistrates, is a manifest injury to our most gracious Sovereign, for whom we entertain t.he most unfeigned respect and affection. Weare theroug-hly persuaded also, that yeur lordship is no less siIwcrely attached to his Majesty's sacred' person, family, and true interest, than ourselves: but loyalty includes many other dnties besides those which are owing to the Sovereign; for the latter constitute only a· part (though indeed an essential part) of loyalty; whereas an exact and conscientious observation of the laws is absolutely necessary to establish a character of true loyalty, even in the strictest sense of the word. It is TRUE LOYALTY, therefore, that hath hitherto distinguished your lordship's conduct in your present high office, and which, at this time, deservedly demands our sincerest acknowledgments. We are, my Lord, &c. * Copious uotes on the several passages-ma,rked with an ' are among Mr. Sharp's papers. APPENDIX.-No. IV. IX No. IV.-(see p.94.) ON THE OPINIONS OF MR. HUME, MR. ESTWICK, AND MR. LONG, CONCERNING THE SUPPOSED NATURAL INFERIORITY OF NEGROES. Marginal Remark of G. S. on page 33 of" An History of Jamaica anrl Barbadoes, publislted" (as it was said by Mr. Estwick) "f01' tlte Benefit of tlte West-Indial' Sufferers, witlt a Sermon on tliat Occasion." MR. ESTWICK, the reputed Editor of this Book and Agent for the island of Barbadoes, made a serious attempt, in his second edition of " Considerations on tlte Negro Cause:' &c. (177a), to prove that Negroes are a different species of men, and want the" moral sense" (see p. 75) which Dr. Hutchinson had declared to be peculiar to hQman " nature" " essentially to distinguislt manfrom beasts." And after citing and adopting the infidel Hnme's idea about "several species of men," (which is a gross attack on Revelation) he adds in a note-" Although a Negro is found, in Jamaica or elsewhere, ever so sensible and acute, yet if Ite is incapable of mom,z sensations, .01' perceives tltem only as SIMPLE IDEAS, witliout tlte power pf combination in ol·der to use, (which I verily believe," says be, "to be the case), it is a mark tliat distinguislies liim from the man tvltOfeels and is capable of these IIIORAL SENSATIONS, who knows their application and the purposes of them, as sufficiently as he himself is distinguisbed FROM THE HIGHEST SPECIES OF BRUTES. All this atheistical doctrine fmm Hume about " different 6pecies of men," and Mr. Estwick's notions that the Negroes are ., incapable of moral sensations, and perceive tltem only as simple ideas," &c., are indiscriminately 'anopted by the author of an History of Jamaica (in three vols. 4to. 1774, said to be written hy .Mr. Long), who has added many other strange conceits and inconsistent remarks of his own, for the same uncharitable purpose of degrading the Negroes helo w the dignity of men, in order to vindicate the inhuman pretensions of tile 'Vest-Indian slave-holder to treat them like brutes! See vol. iii. p. 47'1. See also p. 876, where he says, "We cannot pronounce them unsusceptible of civilization, since even apes have ,been taught to eat, drink, repose, and dress like men; but of aIr the hum an species hitherto discovered, their natural baseness of mind seems to afford least hope of tbeir being (except by miraculous interposition of Divine Providence) so far refined as to tltink as well as act like men:' But the partiality, on this point, of the writer bimself, is so lamentably predominant, that he seems (according' to Mr. Estwick's description of tb e Negroes) to be "tvitlwut tTte power of combination in m'de]' to use"- " a mal'k tvhich distinguishes !lim (says Mr. Estwick) from the man who feels," &c. ;-50 tbat he has been incapable of discerning that slave-holdel's on tbis subject neitber " think nor act like men;" and that there is " no baseness of mind" so despicably inhuman and immol'al as that which prompts a man to become an advocate for slavery in any of its branches! In page 360 he extols tbe docility of the Orang O).ttang., in order, by comparison, to depreciate tbat of the Negro; and says, " I do not think tlwt an Orang Outany b :x MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP, Imsband wOldd be any dishonoul' to an Hottentot female," &c. "Has tlte Hottentot " (says he) "from tltis portrait, a more MANLY figu1'e than the Orang Outang ? I suspect that he owes, like the Orang' Outang, the celel'ity of his speed to tlte particulm' conformation of ltis foot," &c. And in order to inculcate this idea of a "dijfel'ent species of men," he says, speaking of the Mulattoes, in p. 335, " Some of them have intermarried here with those of their own complexion; but such matcbes have generally beendefec'tive and harren. They seem, in this respect, to be actually of the mule kind, and not so capable of producing from one another as from a commerce with a distinct White or BlaGk." But this advocate for slavery would not have said, that" such matches have GENERALLY been defective," if he could have said that they are always defective, like mules; so that the defect is only in his own argument, as mules and ll~alattoes are utterly dissimilar in the very point on which he has founded the comparison: fot, if some such marriages have increase, it is manif@st that there i's nothing in the connection contrary to the,ol'del' of natul'e, such as that ~hich prohibits the increase of mules by mules. But what shall we tlJink of tlJe inferiority of the Negroes, when we read what this author allows concerning the propensity of the Whife men to " cohabit witl£ Negresses and Mulattoes, free in' slaves," since not one in " twenty can be persuaded" (says he) " that thel'e is either sin 01' shame in cohabiting with his slave," &c. p. 327. And in p. 330, speaking of the "public ana avowed keeping of Negro or Mulatto mistresses," he says, " Habit, Iwweve1', and the prevailing fashion, reconcile such scenes." What must we think, I say, therefore, of the pretended inferiority of the Negroes, if their women have such notorious influence over their Wltite masters ? We must either conclude that this author has , been guilty of gross and wicked misrepresentation in comparing them with apes and ourang outangs, or else that almost all the White inhfJ,bitants of our islands (" not one in twenty" being eXGepted by bim) are guilty of gross and abominable bestiality! Let the refined anthor show his" moral sensations" and superiol'ity of discernment to that of the Negt'oes in choosing which side of tbis dilemma suits him best! In short, all that he, Mr. Hume, and Ml', Estwiak, Itave presumed on this, supposed natural inferiority of the Negroes, is utterly indiscriminate, and witlwwt foundation. The evidence against these slanderers of human nature is notorious and unquestionable, and dearly vindicates the much. injured Negroes. The Scripture. declare that God" hatl£ made of ONE BLOOD ALL NATIQNS OF MEN fOl' to dwell on ALL the face of the earth," &c.; and Moses bas circumstantially declared the parentage of _ALL those ncttions frem our common pa1'ent Noah: and besides, the descendants of Ham, by the clear evidence of holy Scripture, have in different periods attained the highest pitch ef human grandeur and -importance, as nations oj men, in aU tbe arts of war and peace: as the princely states of Tyre and Pboonicia; the andent and poweTful king'dom of Egypt; nay, the first kingdom among men, tbe Babylonian monarchy, founded ~y Nimrod tbe son of Cush, a Negro, as were all his descendants the C'Ilshites; the ruling tribe in tbe kingdoms of Saba and S heba, N umidia, Abyssinia, Mauritania, &c. &c. extending' even into I:;urope, as well as to tbe furthermost bounds of India: so that all the arguments to the contrary, asserted by Mr. Hume, Mr. Long, and Mr. Estwick, are TOTALLY FALSE, and in that. respect are TRULY DESPICARLE. But when we conside~ that the pu~pose and intention-of such APPENDlX.-No. V. xi arguments was to deprive a very great part of mankind of the common rights and dignity of human nature, in order to justify the enslaving and treating them as brute beasts, it must be allowed that there never were greater instances of " brutality," or more manifest tokens of a want of "moral sensations," than what those writers themselves have shown us in their own wicked attempts against the Negroes! How shall we distinguish ,such writers" from the HIGHEST SPECIES OF BRUTES?" By their shape? by their speecb? or in their" perception by SIMPLE JDEAS?" Yet iurely not by their ee MORAL SENSATIONS!" for in that respect their humanity is plainly deficient. No. V. - , VIRGINIAN PETITION.-(see pp. 103, 112,118, &c.) Extr(U;ts from the Minutes of the House of Burgesses in Virginia, Wednesday, April 1, 1772. Most gracious Sovereign, WE, your Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Burgesses of Virginia, now met in General Assembly;, beg leave with all humility to approach your Royal Presence. The many instances of rour Majesty's benevolent intentions and most gracious disposition to promote ,the prosperity and happiness of your subjects in the colonies, encourage us to look up to the Throne, and implore you~ Majesty's patern'empIified hy the best didactic autlJOrs and masters. But, in justice to Mr. Sharp, it will be readily acknowledged, that although he was blest with learning, he has Gondescended to explain them with language more intelligible to common readers; and I doubt not that the " Short Introduction to Vocal Music, by Granville Sharp," has been, and will be, found to answer the purposes of instruction; which is all that was aimed at, as will be evident by this ·paragraph cited out' of his modest preface :- . " The author, however, that he may not seem to make much 'ad.Q a.bogt nothing" begs leave to assure his readers, that, insignificant as his method of hitting distances may appear to some, it bas nevertheless been practised by sev~rat FEl.rso!).~ with grea.t success. He therefore flatters himself, that the young persons for whose use the following rules were drawn up, will not esteem them unworthy their consideration, especially · when they shall find that tbis method of learning music requires very little time Tn comparison of tbe old method of Sol-fa-ing·." As hi s obs~rvon all his abettors and defenders! And, therefore, a learned and dignified lawyer did certainly place himself very inconsiderately under the same felonious description of mind, when he asserted, in behalf of these murderers, "I could not suffej· another man to live, when tlte single question was, whether I should prefer my life to ltis," &c. I trust, from the general good character of this eminent persou, that he did not mean what his words express; for a man who sets so high and over-rated a value on life, independent of all principle of right and the fear of God, is unfit to be trusted at all in any society. 1 should not have taken notice of such an unreasonable argument, and much less have troubled your Lordships with it, did not the official dignity of the speaker, and his high • Vouc~e ... i Ibid . xx - MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. reputation as a lawyer, compel me to guard against the adoption of his avowed doctrine!! in the present case; lest precept, as well as impunity, should encourage the Liverpooi traders to multiply tbeir murders, to the disgrace of the English name, and to the destruction of the hUlllan species. "If any man of them'; (said the le.arned advooa!e for Live.rpool iniquity, speaking of the murderers in the present case), "if any man of tbem " was allowed to be tried at the Old Bailey for a murder, I cannot h.elp thinking, if that " charge of murder was attempted to be sustained, it would be folly and rasbness to a " degree of "mad~ess: and, so far from tbe cQarge of murder lying against th"ese people, " there is not the least imputation- of cruelty I will not say, but-of impropl'iety: not "in tlte least!!!" This destruction of living men he considered, it seems, as if it were merely the case of chattels or goods. "It is really so," says he: "it is the case of throwing over " goods: for to this purpose, and the purpose of this insurance, they are goods and " property; and whetber rigbt or wrong, we bave nothing to do with':' But at tbe same time, he ought not to Iiave forgot the nature of tbese goods or property, for that is the most material circumstance of the case; and yet he either indiscriminately overlooked, or criminally suppressed, this most indispensable point of consideration-viz. that it is also tlte case oj tltrowing OVe1' living men,' and that, notwithstanding they are, in one sense, unhappily considered as goods or chattels (to the eternal disgrace of this nation!), yet that still they are men; that their existence in ltuman nature, and their actual rights as men, nay, as brethren, still remaiu! So that the supposed property in their persons (which is so highly, so shamefully favoured) is, after all, a very limited sort of property- limited, I say, by the inevitable consideration (if we are not brutes ourselves) of thoil' 'tuman nature,' and therefore the argument of the learned lawyer, asserting that this is the case of chattels or goods, whereby -he endeavoured to suppress the idea of their being at tlte same time human persons, and the necessary consideration in f~vour of the life of man, which our law requires, is certainly liable to the imputation, not only of cruelty and intprozn'iety (though he has asserted the contrary), but must also be imputed to the grossest indiscrimination, wbich is unpardonable in his profession as a lawyer, especially when the most obvious natural right of human nature is at stake-viz. the right even to life itself. ~ The property of these poor injured Negroes in their O1On lives, notwithstandi~g their unhappy state of slavery, was infinitely superior, and more to be javoul'ed, in law, than the slave-holders' or slave-dealers' iniquitous claim of property in their persons,' and therefore the casting them alive into the sea, though ins-ured as property, and valued at thirty pounds per head, is not to be deemed the , case of throwing over goods, &c. according' to the learned advocate's indiscriminate argument, "as any otlier in'ational cargo," says he, " or inanimate cargo, might be," &c., but it is a flagrant offence against God, and against all mankind; which, so far from deserving the favour of' a judgment against tbe insurers, to make good the pecuniary value of the property as of mere goods and chattels, ought to, have been examined and punished with the utmost rigotM', for the exemplary prevention of such inhuman 'practices for the future; hecause our cemmon law ought to be deemed competent to find a remedy in all cases of violence and injustice whatsoever. "Lex semper dabit remedium." "Lex HOMINEM rebus qjus pr(1Jjert, vitam et libertatem (not the slava-holder's property) et JUSTlTIAM omnibus." "Lex APPENDIX.-No. IX. XXI lib~rtati, vi till, pudicitil1l, et dotifavet; RECTO autem in omnibus et ANTE O·MNIA." Life and liberty, therefore, are rigltts which demand favour and preference in law; so .that a rigltt to live oug-ht by no meaus to have been sU'ppressed in favour of a mere pecuniary claim in the most doubtful species of property, the service of Slaves, the very reverse of what the law is required to favour, and which it cannot countenance without tincture of iniquity, nor without violence to its own excellent principles. The learned }awyel' ought not to have neglected these necessary maxims: but, on the contrary, his argument was so lamentably unwor-thy of his dignity and public character, and so banefully immoral in its tendency to encourage ' the superlative degree of all oppres- sion, Wilful ]}Iurder, that the author of it, as well as the indiscriminate jury who favoured the horrible transaction by their judgment against the iusurers, . must be cOl1sidered as abettors and parties, in the g-uilt at least, of all the ~urders of tile same kind that may hereafter be promoted by this failure of justice, and by the lamentabI'e want of distinction between good and evil which has been so notoriously manifested in this inhuman business. The only pleas of necessity that can legally be admitted, or are worthy of being mentioned in this case, are--lst. A necessity incumbent upon the whole kingdom· to vindicate our national justice, by the most exemplary punishment of the murderers mentioned in these vouchers ;-2d. The necessity of putting an entire stop to the Slave Trade, lest any similar deeds of barbarity, occasioned by it, should speedily involve the whole nation in some such tremendous calamity as may unquestionably mark the avenging, hand of God, who has promised to destroy tlte "destroyers of tlte eartlt •." Old Jewry, 2d July, 1183. No. IX. SOME REMARKS ON A LATE ATTE1HPT TO VINDICATE THE SLAVE TRADE BY THE LAWS OF GOD.-(see p. 262.) A REVEREND Author, Mr. Thomas Thompson, M.A., has lately attempted to prove tbat" the Africau Trade for Negro Slaves is consistent with the principles of Itumanity and revealed religion." From Leviticus xxv. 39-46, the Rev. Mr. Thompson draws his principal conclusion '-viz. " that the buying and selling of Slaves is not contrary to the laws of natuTe; for" (says he) .. the Jewish constitutions were strictly t~erewith consistent in all points; and " these are, in certain cases, the rule by 'which is determined, by learned lawyers and .. casuists, what is or is not contrary to nature." But these premises are not true; for the Jewish constitutions were not strictly consistent with the laws of nature in all points, as Mr. Thompson supposes, and consequently his principal conclusion thereupon is erroneous . Many things were formerly tolerated among the Israelites, merely through the mercy and xxii MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. 'forbearance of God, in 'consideration of their extreme frailty and inahility at that time to beaf a more perfect system of law. Other laws there are in the Five Books (besides the ceremonial laws, now abrogated) which are merely municipal, being adapted to the pecu- liar polity of the Israelitish Commonwealth, on acconnt of its situation in the midst of the most barbarous nations, whom the Hebrews were at all times but too much inclined to imitate. . The universal moral laws, and those of natura~ equity, are, indeed, every where plentifully interspersed amongst the peculiar laws above mentioned; but they may very easily be distinguished by every sincere Christian, who examines them with a liberal mind; because the benevolent purpose of the Divine Author is always apparent in those laws which are to be eternally binding : for it is the reason of the law which constitutes the lift of tILe law, according to an allowed maxim of our own country, "Ratio legis est anima legis." (J enk, cent. 46.) And ~vith respect to these moral and equitable laws, I will readily agree, with the Reverend Mr. Thompson, that they are the btlst rules by which learned judges and, casuists can determine what is or is nQt contrary to nature, (Digression about Law of Nature.) . But I shall now give a few examples oflaws which are themselves contrary to nature,ti or natural equity, in order to show that Mr. Thompson's premises are totally false. The Israelites were expressly peFmitted, by the laws of Moses, to give a bill of divorce to their wives whenever they pleased, and to marry other women; and the women who were put away were also expressly permitted by the Mosaic Law to marry again during the lives 'of their former husbands: all whhlh practices were manifestly contrary to the law of nature in its pu~ity, though npt, perhaps, to the nature of our corrupt affections aud desires. For Christ himself declares that "from the beginning it was not so," (Matt. xix. 8, 9.): and at the SaDJe time our Lord informed · the J e\vs, that H Moses because of the hardness of their hearts" suffered them to put away their wives. Neither was it according to the law of nature that the Jews were permitted, in their behaviour and dealings, tQ make a partial distinction between their brethren of the house Qf Israel and strangers. This national partiality was' not, indeed, either commanded or recommende~ in their law, but tolented, probably for the same reason as in the last-meutioned instance.-" Thou shalt bot lend lipon usury to thy brother," &c. "Unto . a stranger thou mayest lenl upon usury," &c. (Deut. xxi.ii. 19.) Again," of aforei;ner thou mayest exact (that is, w~atsoever has been lent, as appears by the preceding verses); but that which is thine with' thy ~rother, thine hand shall release." (Deut. xv. 3.) Now all these laws were cO,ntrary to the law of nature, or natural equity, and were certainly ll-unulled, or rather supel'seded, by the more perfect doctrines of UNI V ERSAL BENEVOLENCE taught by Christ himself, who" came not to destroy but tofuifil the law;' In the Law of Moses we also read, "Thou sl;aIt not avenge or bear , grudge against the children of thy people; but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself." (Lev. xix. 18.) The Jews accordingly thought themselves sufficiently justified., if they confined this glorious perfection of charity-viz. to love others as themselves- to the persons men- tioned in the same verse-viz. tbe children of their own people : for they had no idea that so much love could possibly be due to any other sort of neighbours / 01' brethl't)n. But Christ taught them, by tbe parable of the (tood Samaritan, that all strangers whatever, even those who are declared enemies (as were the Samaritans to- the Jews), . APPENDlX.-No. IX. xxiii are to be esteemed our neighbours, or brethren, whenever they stand in need of our charitable assistance. The Jewish institution, indeed, as Mr. Thompson remarks, permitted the use of bond-servants, but did not permit the bondage of b1·etliren. Straugers only could be lawfully retained as bondmen: " Of the Heathen" (or more agree• . ably to the Hebrew word, of the nations) " that are round about you: of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. Moreover, of the children of strangers that do sojourn among you, of the111 shall ye buy." "They shall be your bondmen for ever." (Leviticus xxv. 39-46.) This was the law with respect to a stranger that was purchased: but with respect to a brotlier, or Hebrew of tlie seed of Abraliam, it was far otherwise, as the same chapter testifies (39th verse): "If thy brother that dwelleth with thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not compel /tim to serve as a bond-servant; but as a hired servant anc;!. a sojourner he shall be with thee, and -shall serve thee unto the year of jubilee; and then slialllie depart from thee, botli lie and !lis children with liinl," &c. This was the utmost serl'itude that a Hebrew could lawfully exact from any of his brethren of the house of Israel, unless the servant entered voluntarily into a perpetual servitude. And let me add; that it is also the very utmost servitude that can lawfully be admitted among Cltristians, because we are bound, as Christians, to esteem every man our b1'otlier and our neigMour, which I have already proved; so that this consequence which I have drawn is ahsolutely unavoidable. The Jews, indeed, who do not yet acknowledge the commands of Christ, may perhaps still think themselves justified, by the Law of Moses, in making partial distinctions between tlieir bretlu-en of Israel and otlier men; but it would be inexcusable in Christians: and therefore I conclude that we certainly have no right to exceed the limits of servitude which the Jews were bound to observe whenever their poor bretllren were sold to them: and I apprehend that w'e must not venture even to go so fm', because the laws of b1'otherly love are infinitely enlarged and extended by the Gospel of Peace, which proclaims GOOD WILL TOWARD MEN without distinction; and because we cannot truly be said to love our neighbours as ourselves, or to do to others as we would they should do unto us, whilst we retain them against their will in a despicable servitude, as slaves and private property, or mere chattels. The g'lorious system of the Gospel destroys all narrow national partiality, and makes us citizens of the world, by obliging us to profess unive1'sal benevolence; but ruore especially are we bound, as Christians, to commiserate, and assist to the utmost of our power, all persons in distress or capti vity, whatsoever the" worshipful Committee of Merchants trading' to Africa" may think of it, or their advocate the Rev. Mr. Thompson. Charity, indeed, begins at home, and we ought certainly to give the preferenc'e to our own oountrymen, whenever we can do so without injustice: but we way not do evil tb at good may come (though statesmen and their political deceivers may think otherwise) ; we must not, for the sake of Old England and her African trade, or for the supposed advantage or imaginary necessities of our American colonies, lay aside our Christian cllarity, which we owe to all the rest of mankind, because, whenever we do so, we oertainly deserve to be considered in no better light tban as an overgrown society of robbers, a mere banditti, who perhaps may love one another, but at the same time are at enmity with aU the rest of the world. &c. &c. xxiv MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP. No. X.-(see p. 292.) Extract oj a Letter Jrom Mr. A. AJzelius to his ExceUency the Chevalier, v. Engestrom, the Swedish Ambassador in London, dated Sien'a Leone, 15th 1I[0vember, 1794. " THE English colony at Sierra Leone had, like all other new colonies, in the beginning great difficulties to overcome; but order and industry had begun to show their effects in an increasing prosperity.-A new town has been laid out, witi;l regular streets, and a little garden belonging to each house. The woods have been cut down to the distance of about half a Swedish mile (three and half English) all round the town. Bithis means the climate is become healthier, and sickness has diminished. The frme of our colony has been spread, not only along the whole western coast of Africa, but also to parts far distant fi'pm the coast; and we have had embassies from kings and princes, several hundred miles distant; with the view of acquiring a better knowledge of us, and of obtaining our friendship. They began to send their children to us with full confidence, in order to be brought up in the Christian religion. In short, we were externally respected, and internally happy. For my own part, I could never wish for a better situation. I had every comfort I wanted. I had a house of my own, which was large enough to contain specimens of all the natural treasures of this coast. - It was surrounded by a fine garden, in which I had myself planted the scarcest plants and the most beautiful aromatic flowers, which delightfully recompensed my pains. I had also many living animals, including about thirty birds. Natural curiosities poured into my collection from all quarters; and a fresh collection, which I begun on the 4th of last August, was more 'valuable in the space of two months, than all that J had got together from the time of my last return to Sierra Leone. " But ali these treasuues are no more. The French have been here and have ruined us. Th'ey arrived on the 28th of September last, early in the mornin·g. So well had they concealed their nation, that we all took them at first for Eng·lish. They had English- built vessels, rigged ,in the English manner. They showed the English flag, and had their sailors (at least those whom w:e saw 0n deck) dressed like English.. In short, we did not perceive our mistake, till we observed them pointing their guns. We had not strength sufficient t.o resist, and therefore our Governor gave orders that a flag of truce should he hoisted; but they still continued firing. As we did not understand the meaning of. this proceeding, we asked them for an explanation, and they answered us, that we should display the flag QJ liberty, as a proof of our submission: we assured them that it should already have been done, if we had had any such flag, which terminated the hostilities from the ships. '( By this time most of the jnhabitants bad fled from the town. I was with the Governor, together with a numbet of others; but as soon as I was certain that it was an enemy's fleet, I went towards my oWl). h~lU~e, with a view to save as much as possible of my property and natural collections, but was received in such a manner that I could not APPENDIX.-No. X. xxv venture to proceed. My house was situated near the shore, and. unfortunately just opposite the frigate which fired. I saw the balls passing through the house, and heard them whizzing about my ears. I saw that I should lose all my property; but life was· dearer to me, and I hastened to the woods. In the afternoon the enemy landed, finding the town almost destitute of people, but rich in provisions, clothing, and other stores. They began immediately to break open the houses, and plunder: what the.y did not want they destroyed, burned, or threw into the river. They killed all the cattle and animals they found in the fields, streets, yards, or elsewhere, not sparing even asses, dogs, and cats. These proceedings they continued the whole succeeding week, till they had entirely ruined our beautiful and prospering colony. • When I returned to the town, I fonnd my heuse converted into a melancholy guard- house: my money, clothes, my very valuable instruments, and most of my furniture, were either carried off or broken to pieces. The rest, which was of no use to the enemy, but on which I myself put just and great value, I had the mortification to find so totally destroyed, that the sight almost drew tears from my eyes. , My neat and beautiful little garden I found entirely ruined, the trees cut down, and the plants pulled up by the roots. My living animals and birds were partly eat.en, and partly thrown out of doors with their heads cut off. My library ~nd co.1lections of animal .• _ fruit.s, and flowers (preserved in spirits of wine), of birds, insects, shells, herbarium fruits, and seeds, together with all my. manuscripts, all were thrown down and spread over the whole floor, where they were mixed with offals of victuals, treacle, rum, beer, and other things of the kind. At last I received leave from the French Commodore to clear away this dirty mixture. I had then the floor swept, and collected what was not wholly spoiled in three sacks, which now contain all the miserable remnants of my p,roperty, except the clothes on my back. When the enemy found nothing more worth plundering, they set fire to all the public buildings, and all the hOll.ses belonging to Europeans, and consequently to mine among the rest. Nine (!)r ten houses of the colonists· also were burnt by mistake. In the mean time, the' enemy was not less acti ve on the water. They took about ten or tweJ.ve prizes, including the Company's vessels: most of these they unloaded and burned. They took also two of our armed vessels, one of which was a large sbip, laden with provisions,. and which had been long expected by us, but unfortunately arrived a few days too soon, and was taken, with her whole cargo. We expected at least to receive our private lettE)rs; but even this was refused, and they were thrown overboard. At last, after infEcting on us every hardship we could suffer, only sparing our lives and the houses of the colonists, they sailed on the 13th October last at noon, proceeding downwards to the Gold Coast, and left us in the most dreadful situation, without provisiou, clothes, houses, or furniture. Most of us must have perished, had not our frieuds in tbe neighbourbood, both Natives and Europeans, who were so happy as to escape the enemy, kindly sent us what they eould spare. Besides the common misfortune, I have several gl'ievances which make me particularlJ uneasy. All that I could possihly save from destruction was a few books, some dry herbs and seeds, and only a few fragments of my manuscripts. These last were. my most valuable property, and the only sure vouchers I could produce, to certify my perse- verance and attention in my researches, in the course of my travels! But most of thern. d ' .. XXVI MEMOIRS OF Glt,\NVILLE SHARP. are l')() mGre. alil'a many of them 'oon ~evel' he restored: a-li, for ius,tance, my journal ftom 1!lte time I fic.steame jj@ this pl~ce till this terri,ble catastrophe, &c. Descriptions of naJm.a:1 productions, and of my 'collectil>ns, I mi'ght perhaps in a great measure replace, had I only the necessary instruments and other requlsi,tes; b1)t I have lost all i . What tlltlll CaD a P0(i)l' heggardo in ,a desert? He must endeav(i)ur te employhis 'time in the hest mannel', patiently submit to the w-iU of Providence, and wait until assistance can arrive. Before.I flj1ish, I heg leave to Jtlake two general observations on the conduct of the French ill. this place.-iFirst. That they a'Cted contrary to .their own acknowledgeti fundamental .prinG-iples~viz. tlte spreading of light and liberty-when they plundered this colony, which has been instituted for those very purposes; viz. to abolish the Slave Trade, to enIi:ght~n the Afrireans, and te render them virtuous and rational, free and happy. This estabIishment, which has )]0 parallel in history, at first so much attracted the attention of the National Assembly, that several of.its members, as I have been told, wrote to the Directors of the col0l1Y in London, and assured them tbat neither their ships nor col(i)ny should be exposed to the Republican ar~s: I have good reason to believe that this correspondence is yet preserved. That promise, once made to our Directors" • had lulled both them, ana us in the colony, inte so profound a security, that neither they nor we could think of any possible attack, and consequently had not put onrselves in any state of'defence. Secondly. That tbey acted against the laws of neutrality in plundering me. I told them that I was a Swede, and a naturalist, who was exposing my life in Africa for the iakil of making discoveries for the benefit of all nations, and was residing here only for a certain time, without having any, thing farther to do with the English. They all acknowledged that I was ill treated, and many of them even insisted that I ought to be indemnified for my loss. This sounds well; but that they did not appear to be serious, I tllink I can conclude from what I experienced. When I first entered into my house, and found that there were still some trunks left, I asked for one of them, but was answered ,that it helonged to the Captaiu of one of tbe frigates; and when I thjln asked for another, that belonged to such or such an officer, &c. &c. They had, however, just before agreed, that i had suffered muoh injury. The follewing day, when the Captain himself came on shore, I asked him for my trunk. He shrugged up his shoulders, and complained much of my misfortune, saying that he would do me this little favour 'with all his heart, if only it was in his powel·. An- other time, I saw in my room a bed-cover. I asked the officer, who was on his post, for it, and he gave it to me; but a 'sailor came immediately and tore it from me, saying that it belonged to him, and I lost it. I could mention many similar instances. But the plain trllth of the matter was, that the officers had no authority, and tbe sailors did what they pleased. The former were, in general, very sensible and respectable men, who were very sorry fOf those violences that were' committed, but complained sincerely that it was totally out of their power to prevent them. I The latter, or sailors, seemed, in general, to be miserable and in great want, But, at the same time, cruel, and could lle compared only to wild beasts, who live by devouring their prey. APPENDIX.-No. XI. xxvii No. XI-(see p. 327.) REGULATIONS -PROPOSED FOR THE SETTLERS AT SIERRA LEONE. To thfJ worthy Passengers on Board the Myro Brig. " Dear Friends, " Leadenhall Street, 20th May, 1785. " I send you enclosed a copy of the long letter which I wrote, on the 16th instant, to the inhabitants of the Province of Freedom in Sierra Leone, which will explain many circumstances to you, tha,t would otherwise require a distinct recital in this letter. I send yon also a copy pf my charter-party with Captain John Taylor for the MJro brig, that you may be thoroughly acquainted with the nature of the service for which I have engaged him, and also the copy of a second agreement with Captain Taylor, to deliver live stock at Sierra Leona for the use of the new settlement. " I have sent you a list on board of all the provisions, stores, clothing, &c., which have been shipped. on my account, for your use, and for the use of the settlement; and I desire that all persons on board the Myro, who may be desirous of making' copies of the said list, and also of the cha~ter-party for the ship, and of the agreement for cattle, shall be permitted to do so, and to have recourse to them at all convenient times, that they may k-now what stores are on board, for the common good, and that they may be fully informed of the general intentions of this' expedition, in whicll they are all equally interested. And I appoint Messrs. Richard Collins, Henry Estwick, John Irwin, Thomas Peal, Alexander Sanders, and Charles Tacitus, to be trustees on my part, to take charge of all the said stores, provisions, &c., and to appropriate them to the several purposes expressed in this letter, and also in my letter to the people at the settlement. I request that all the rest of the passengers, both male and female, above sixteen years of age, and not named as trustees, shall elect one other careful sober person, who can read and write, to be added as a seventh trustee, with equal powers to the six trustees already named: and if it should please God that any of the trustees should die, or if a vacancy should happen by their leaving the ship, or any other means, the whole body of the passengers, above sixteen years of ago, must fill up the vacancy by a free election, and must appoint such persons as the majority of them shall choose. And I desire that the said seven trustees so appointed, and so elected as proposed, shall give a certifioate, or certificates, to Captain Taylor (or his representative), agreeable to the true performance of his charter-party and agreement. " I mnst also request, that, as soon as the ship leaves the POJlt of London, all the male passengers, above su.teen years of age, will form themselves into dozens; and tha( each dozen will elect a head-borough, and an assistaut head-borough, whose autbority must be oontrolled hy the majority of votes in each dozen. If any dispute should arise in any of the dozens, which cannot be settled by the majurity in that dozen, a comt of common council must be formed, by assembling all the dozens, and either an election xxviii MEMOIRS OF GRANVILLE SHARP., must be made of one of the head-boroughs to preside in the assembly, or else it must bt< decided by lot which of the head-boroughs shall preside in the common council. " The dozen which is first formed and compl~ted must be deemed the first dozen, and must be distinguished accordingly; and so of the second and third, in numerical order. " If you can make a general agreement amongst yourselves to consume only half of the usual daily allowance of provisions, it wiII certainly contribute much to your health during the voyage, and be of great advantage to yourselves, by leaving a larger proportion of provisions to be distributed amongst you, when you land in the settlement. I have no interest in giving this advice: tbe provisions are now your own, and of course a prudent ceconomy in the use of them is only for your own advantage; and therefore you yourselves must take care that the steward has a book, properly ruled, with the names of all the passengers, that the account of provisions, issued to each person, may be duly inserted opposite to their names'; that those who are prudent and temperate in their diet may be enabled to receive, at the end of the voyage, all their due proportions of the re'maining provisions, together with their saving from their daily allowance. " It is probable that some persons on board may have rum, brandy, or other spirituous liquors to dispose of among the people: if this should be the case, I hope you will carefully regard the purchasers, and warn them not to drink the spH-its without being duly mixed with water; and, if any person should be intoxicated, that you wiII represent it either to the dozen in which he is incorporated, or else in your general assembly, that the offence may be duJy reproved, and a suitahle fine levied, either of labour to be worked out at, the settlement, or else a forfeiture of half tlte allowance of provisions, for the 'benefit of the rest, for as many days as the majority shall think just; and in like manner also for every other~ misdemeanonr. and more especially for profane swearing or taking God's name in vain, and for allY affront, indecency, or improper behaviour, in the opinion of the majority of the assembly, toward auy woman. 'whether married or single : ftlr such discipline is absolutely necessary, to prevent jealousies and disputes amougst you. ' " In my letter to the people of the New Settlement I have strongly represented the necessity of l'\laintaining a free militia of all the males above sixteen years of age; and it is highly expedient that you should prepare yourselves ,vith a knowledge of military exercise, by a daily training one-third part of the able men at a time, during the voyage. I have sent on board thirty-five muskets, with bayonets, and a proportion of powder and shot, which are more, I believe, than wiJI be wanted for the number of males on hoard: but I do not g'ive these to the passengers, hut to the whole settlement, lest the people there should have imprudently parted with the arms that were left last year; and in that case, the people of the settlement must give indents to their own public bauk for the value of these arms: and thirty-five stand of arms, I believe, will be sufficient for carrying on the watch and ward of the whole settI!lment. Nevertheless, on your arrival, and previous to your landing, I desire that all the male passen~ers, capable of bearing arms, may be accoutred with those arms, and with cutlasses and belts (of which there are fifty on board), that you may land in a decent and military order, that your presence may be respected both by the settlers and the natives of the neigh?ourhood . • ••..• The retaining on deck one-third of the men -at one .time , by rotation will tend to the health of the passengers; and if Y9U can agree amongst yourselves, by common consent, to establish also a reg'ular watch-duty by nig'ht as well as by day, it wiJ\ inure you to such military APPENDIX.-No. XI. XXIX discipline as will conduce much to your future safety, and will be an effectual check against the ill behaviour of individuals, because the constable of the night who commands the watch must arrest and confine all disorderly persons, until they are examined by a court of all the dozens assembled together. I have provided six stout watch-coats for the night-watch, as also two dozen of leather caps, with capes to secure the necks of the wearer from cold and wet, whioh will be very useful also at the settlement in the rainy season. " I earnestly request that all the people may be assembled at prayers morning and evening, and that you will previously appoint from amongst yourselves some proper persons to take their turns in reading; and also that you will endeavour to inculcate amongst yourselves a due sense of your entire dependence on the providence of God for your safety and success in the present expedition. " As for myself, I have neither spared labour nor expense to procure for you, to the utmost of my abilities (and even beyond), whatever seemed to be immediately necessary; and therefore you cannot doubt my wishes and prayers for your happiness, and more especially that you may deserve it; that I may ever remain your sincere friend and servant, " GRANVILLE SHARP." " P. S. After this letter has been read, I must request that some proper person on board may be appointed to write a copy of it, and that any other person "afterward, who is capable of writing, may have recourse to it, in order to copy it, as also to take copies of the charter-party and agreement with Captain Taylor, and of the invoice of all the clothing, arms, implements, stores, provisions,\ and money shipped at my expense, for the benefit of the passengers and settlement, that they may have fnll information of the intended appropriation of all these articles, and of the general design of tbe wbole expedition, in wbich every individual among them i. deeply interested. " I have ordered a cask of sep-ds to be carried out for your use: but observe, that you will be careful to procure also, at the Cape de Verd Islands, some other seeds and plants, as Indian corn, yams, plantains, cocoa nuts of both kinds, and plants of orange- tree of the China kind (the only oranges at the settlement being of the Seville kind), figs, olives, vines, and whatever other plants you may deem most profitable. " The lemon, or lime-tree, may be found in great abundance at the settlement, and grows there so rapidly, that mere stakes or bavins, cut from that tree, and stuck in the ground, will in a very short time strike root downwards, and branch out upward, so as to form an impenetrable fence against the panthers, and other wild beasts, for the preservation of the cattle and fowls. A ditch must first be made, and the earth from it must be thrown up as a bank, or dike, on the inside of the ditch, aI\d on the top of that bank of earth the lime-stakes must be stuck in a row, like palisadoes, and the rest of the' banko n both sides may be usefully occupied by any useful vegetable you may think proper to plant. This is called a tirpado fence, and is deemed the most effectual, though it is most easily made." MEMOIRS O~ G~RANVI!-~ SHARP. , . No. XII. GENERAL .ASYI;UM.- (see p.387.) Th;e Plan of a public (Jharity propos~d by - ------ - , to which (if adoptee! by the City of London) he 1Vi~l appl'qpriate a small Estate in the County of---. given to him, wi,tlL a Recomme'll,dation to settle it .olL some public Charity after his Deatlt, but the Manner of Disposal is left entirely to his own Option. FIRST, --- - - --- proposes to present a deed of gift to the Corporation of London, of the estate and manor of ---- (to take place after his death, when the present legacies and other charges upon it shall be' d'lIly cleared), OB condition that the Corporation shall i.mmediately appropriate a part of their own revenues to support some additiomil regulations for Bridewell Hospital (such as may afford a wortby example to the magistrates or trustees of all otber Houses of Correction tbroughout the kingdom): viz.-that disorderly people, cOIDmitte.d to tbat Hospital (especially very young girls of tbe town, and boys detected in pilfering'), shall not be whipped, and then turned loose again upon the town, as usual, to tbe destruction both of tbemselves and others, but IIhall be detained, under pro,per instruction both of religion and useful labour, with a very small limited allowance of food, and no strong liqllor, until some creditable housekeeper. will pledge (respectively for each) their future good bebaviour. The Common L aw will warrant such continued confinement of disorderly or suspected persons, who have n_o lawful calling, nor any honest means of subsistence. And, Secondly, That the revenues of tbe London,W orkhous.c, 'With sufficient additions. ii'om the City, shall be appropriated to a General Asylum (for Fereigners and Strangers as weH as English), consis'ting of three separate parts-viz. one for males, another for females, and a third for families - where all industr.ious persons, who cannot elsewhere IJI'ocupe work, shaH find temporary. shelter and employment for a limited time, without incurring' the unmerited opprobrium apd inconvenience of being deemed parish paupers ; for persons who are really willing to labour oll-ght not to suffer the disgrace and inconveniences which. the Statute Law has indiscriminately thrown upon, the poor, w)l.ereby many of their civ,il rig'hts are sllspeuiled. ':(he children to be turned over to t he care of the Governors of Christ's Hospital, with proper allowance, from t1e- Corporation. of London, for their being instructed in separate inferipr sch091s for mere reading and labour. The sick. to be sent to St. Bartholomew's or SI. Thomas'-g Hospital , the disorderly to Bridewell, and the lunatics to' Bethlehem, on the order of a joint Committee of Governors, to he nominated by the Governors of Christs's, St. Bartholo- mew's, St. Thomas's, and Bridewell, and Bethlehem Hospitals, selected from their t:espective lists of Governors (viz. six from each list) by the Court of each Hospital; and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, for the time being, to be perpetual GoverllJ)rs and Members of the Committee;. so that, by lI!eans of the General Asylum .. APP'EN