Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12RESEARCH Open AccessIdentifying motivators for state-pastoralist
dialogue: Exploring the relationships between
livestock services, self-organisation and conflict in
Nigeria's pastoralist Fulani
Anna L Okello1*, Ayodele O Majekodunmi1, Adamu Malala2, Susan C Welburn1 and James Smith3,4Abstract
Historical tensions between Nigeria's pastoralist Fulani and settled indigenous farmers have intensified in recent
years, with dwindling natural resources and land availability greatly contributing to the ongoing, escalating conflict
in the north of the country. The urgent requirement to engage with, rather than isolate, Nigeria's Fulani from
various socioeconomic and environmental management strategies is fundamental to peace and agricultural
productivity in the region. This requires a greater understanding of formal and informal governance mechanisms
and their relative impact on the Fulani. This study examines the existing and potential roles of various actors within
the transhumant Fulani community of the Kachia Grazing Reserve in Nigeria's Kaduna State, triangulated with views
from external public and private sector representatives.
The findings reveal three main spheres of governance that intertwine and impact on the largely self-organising
Fulani: religious or customary laws overseen by the imams, ‘informal’ laws of the community overseen by Fulani civil
leaders and the ‘formal’ laws outlined in the official policies of the state. In addition, peripheral entities such as
Fulani co-operatives, non-governmental organisations and the private sector can have considerable influence. The
health and husbandry of livestock was identified as a key motivator for successful self-governance, integral to Fulani
daily life. Understanding and appreciating the self-governance structures of the Fulani, particularly given their
current isolation from formal state policy processes, can help identify motivators and opportunities for dialogue
between the Fulani and various external actors. Improved veterinary service provision and livestock extension
services are potentially powerful entry points for both the public and private sectors alike.
Keywords: Policy; Self-governance; Livestock disease; Veterinary services; Pastoralist-indigene conflictBackground
Nigeria's Fulani pastoralists are thought to number
around 12 million, accounting for a quarter of sub-
Saharan Africa's 50 million pastoralist people (Ibrahim
2012; Rass 2006). Thousands of Nigerians make a daily
living from the sale, transport, processing and marketing
of Fulani livestock products, including meat, milk, skins
and draught power, adding substantial value to Nigeria's* Correspondence: anna.okello@ed.ac.uk
1Division of Pathway Medicine and Centre for Infectious Diseases, School of
Biomedical Sciences, College of Medicine and Veterinary Medicine, The
University of Edinburgh, Chancellor’s Building, 49 Little France Crescent,
Edinburgh EH16 4SB, UK
Full list of author information is available at the end of the article
© 2014 Okello et al.; licensee Springer. This is a
Attribution License (http://creativecommons.or
in any medium, provided the original work is plivestock subsector. In the capital Abuja alone, 4,000
goats and 400 cattle - largely supplied by the Fulani in
northern states - are slaughtered every day (informant
interview, Federal Capital Territory (FCT) of Abuja).
Some suggest that the Nigerian cattle industry generates
only 6.8 billion USD of a potential 20 billion USD annu-
ally (PARE 2012; Bénard et al. 2010). The national status
of Nigeria's Fulani pastoralists has changed dramatically in
the last century, from perceived ‘favouritism’ by the British
to shouldering the blame for an underperforming live-
stock sector and destabilisation of security in Nigeria's
northern states by more recent regimes (HRW 2013).
Despite the huge potential to formalise their share of the
livestock market supply chains in Nigeria and across Westn Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
g/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction
roperly credited.
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 2 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12Africa, the Fulani remain at the periphery of most formal
networks. This is largely due to isolation from, and poor
communication with, various external actor networks that
could deliver the required services and resources to im-
prove integration with wider Nigerian society.
Social, political and economic marginalisation remains
a cornerstone of the majority of contemporary analyses
on pastoralist societies across the world, with investment
into pastoralist development generally regarded as ‘dis-
proportionate’ to its potential role in national economies
(Rass 2006; Davies and Hatfield 2006). Despite attempts
to promote greater policy and development innovations
to address pastoralist issues, pastoralism is still perceived
in a negative light by national governments and global
policy actors alike (Nori et al. 2008; Barrow et al. 2007).
With policy approaches ranging from sedentarisation to
the promotion of political inclusion, ongoing issues re-
garding service provision, land rights and political
marginalisation consistently feature as limitations to pas-
toralist livelihoods in the twenty-first century (Davies
and Hatfield 2006; Nori et al. 2008; IUCN 2011;
Nouakchott Declaration on Pastoralism 2013).
The situation in Nigeria is no exception, with one au-
thor noting ‘every attempt to bring Nigeria's Fulani into
the fold of so-called progressive society has failed, leav-
ing the Fulani at the mercy of the weather and faulty
government actions that impoverish rather than pro-
mote the welfare of the pastoral producers’ (Iro 1995).
However, in an increasingly globalised world, now is a
critical time to engage with pastoralist communities and
understand their current - and potential - contribution
to society; not just to the agriculture sector but to wider
national and regional economic performance and secur-
ity. Given the right inputs, pastoralism offers an oppor-
tunity to expand livestock production for regional
markets, sustainably manage rangeland ecosystems in-
creasingly affected by climate change and stabilise con-
flicting geopolitical interests, most strikingly evident in
the growing uptake of arms by pastoralist youths that
have become available as a result of various sequelae to
the west's ‘War on Terror’ and the Arab Spring (OECD
2013). The growing importance of understanding informal
governance mechanisms and decision-making processes
‘rooted in day-to-day, ground level realities’ (Jones 2011)
in pastoralist communities cannot be overestimated.
There have been several pastoral development inter-
ventions in Nigeria over the years, geared towards edu-
cation, sedentarisation, livestock health and productivity
(Ibrahim 2012; Oxby 1984; Waters-Bayer and Bayer
1994). They have had little impact however, since the
conditions of pastoralists remain largely unchanged. This
high rate of failure can be attributed to misconceptions
of decision-makers regarding pastoralist natural resource
management via informal governance systems, with policyanalysts ‘underestimating the potential for self-organisation’
of these pastoral communities (Ibrahim 2012; Jones 2011;
Ostrom 2009; Nori et al. 2008). In this way, the ongoing
pastoralism debate is not unlike that which occurs in
various other social-ecological systems (SES) governed
by traditional societies, where ‘simple blueprint policies
do not work’ (Ostrom 2009). Identifying and analysing
the self-governance mechanisms of local communities
has been acknowledged as a ‘core challenge in diagnos-
ing why some SESs are sustainable whereas others col-
lapse’ (Ostrom 2009). The ability to ‘get organised’ has
been highlighted as key to enabling pastoralists to gain a
stake in the policy process, particularly concerning land
rights (Nori et al. 2008). Understanding the mechanisms
of pastoralist self-organisation and informal governance
structures, particularly in light of insufficient resource
inputs from state authorities, remains a critical compo-
nent of the pastoralist development process. This paper
contributes to the existing knowledge base on the broad
area of Fulani social organisation, particularly regarding
the role of government policy, self-governance and the
interactions between the two.
The research on which this paper is based was carried
out over three separate visits to Kachia Grazing Reserve
(KGR) in two years under the European Commission
Seventh Framework project Integrated Control of Neglected
Zoonoses (ICONZ) project, and the UK's Biotechnology
and Biological Sciences Research Council (BBSRC) under
the ‘Combating Infectious Diseases in Livestock for Inter-
national Development’ (CIDLID) scheme. The main ob-
jective of this research was to understand the major actor
networks that govern Fulani pastoralists, and the influence
- if any - of external actors such as state government, do-
nors and the private sector.
Land use, migration and conflict between Fulani
pastoralists and the indigenes in Plateau and Kaduna
States of Nigeria
Fulani pastoralists are thought to have arrived in Nigeria
around the thirteenth or fourteenth century, migrating
east from the Senegambia region (Blench 1994; de St
Croix 1945). Historically, the Fulani have a long associ-
ation with politics, scholarship and wealth; a sedentary
urban class of religious scholars was well established by
the early nineteenth century. It was around this time
that Usman dan Fodio led a jihad to conquer most of
northern Nigeria (Nwabara 1963), forming the Sokoto
Caliphate. The integration of the Fulani with the Hausa
ruling systems in the Sokoto Caliphate permanently dif-
ferentiated the urban ‘Hausa-Fulani’ from the more mar-
ginalised, pastoralist Fulani (Azarya 1996). The Sokoto
Caliphate was the largest African state south of the
Sahara at the time, with land tenure organised according
to Islamic inheritance law (Ezeomah 1985). By the early
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 3 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12twentieth century however, all land in northern Nigeria
become state-owned under British colonial rule, with ap-
plication for land rights for farming or grazing requiring
government approval.
Accounts of Fulani pastoralists moving southwards
into Nigeria's sub-humid ‘Middle Belt’ zone appear as
early as the 1820s; however, tsetse flies and the associated
trypanosomiasis disease necessitated a return northwards
into the semi-arid zone during the rainy season (Blench
1994). This gradual southern movement has been attrib-
uted to the creation of dairy markets by Hausa traders
and the relative security of the British colonial period,
when violence related to the trans-Saharan slave trade was
curtailed (Blench 1994; Waters-Bayer and Bayer 1994).
Migration was also seen as a way to avoid the hated
jangali (cattle tax) imposed by the British (Waters-Bayer
and Bayer 1994), with the introduction of trypanocidal
drugs further enabling pastoralist cattle herds to access
the high-quality grazing land in the southern sub-humid
zone (Blench 1994). There has also been movement in the
opposite direction: northwards expansion of agricultural
cultivation into the semi-arid zone occurred from the
1960s, alongside a general increase in the amount of land
under cultivation in the region. The resulting gradual dis-
integration of the burtali (official stock migration routes)
allowed indigenous farmers to claim ownership rights to
fertile land and waterways which Fulani cattle had been
grazing for over two centuries (Blench 1994). The situ-
ation was exacerbated by the 1978 Nigerian Land Use De-
cree which gave complete authority to the state and local
governments to assign and lease land. The relative ease
with which settled farmers could obtain the ‘certificate of
occupancy’ demonstrating land ownership, due to their
‘indigene status’ and higher literacy levels, left the Fulani
in Nigeria ‘permanently on the outside of land tenure’
(Ezeomah 1985). Contributing to the complexity regarding
land ownership is the observed reluctance of the Fulani to
buy land even when the opportunity exists. The idea of
‘outright ownership’ of natural resources is met with sus-
picion by many pastoralist groups, whose social structure
functions around common land use; there are known
cases where Fulani households have been leasing the land
their houses are built on for decades (A. Majekodunmi,
personal observations).
Several mechanisms for addressing the growing issues
of land use in northern and central Nigeria have in-
cluded the mapping and demarcation of cattle routes
and the ongoing promotion of grazing reserve establish-
ment (Adebowale 2014; Buhari 2009; IRIN 2009). How-
ever, despite numerous attempts by both government
and international organisations to improve the land
rights situation, rising tensions in northern Nigeria have
resulted in ‘horrific internecine violence’ (HRW 2013)
over the last 20 years. Kaduna and Plateau States - thesites of this research - have been the worst affected, with
over 10,000 deaths since 2010 (HRW 2009, 2013). Al-
though largely attributed in the press to religious conflict
between the indigene Christians and non-indigene Mus-
lims (HRW 2001, 2009), there are many who believe that
tensions are purely economic in nature (Abbass 2010; A.
Okello, personal communication). Calls are gaining mo-
mentum for the government to ‘end the rhetoric’ and
take concrete legislative steps to address the ‘policy and
legal vacuum’ that is exacerbating the conflict between
pastoralists and crop producers (Ibrahim 2012; PARE
2012; Adebayo and Olaniyi 2008). Others believe that
the current levels of ‘tribal, religious and political polar-
isation’ are overwhelming any efforts to promote peace
in central Nigeria, with the view that ‘sadly, any hope of
government intervention or fair reviews of land tenure
and natural resource use laws is unlikely’ (Majekodunmi
2012).
Nigeria's grazing reserve act of 1964
The Nigerian Grazing Reserve Act of 1964 was passed
as an initial attempt to improve Fulani access to grazing
land for their cattle, simultaneously encouraging seden-
tarisation in order to address existing conflicts between
farming and grazing communities and improve provision
of essential amenities to pastoralist families (Ibrahim
2012). In a broader sense, it was expected that the policy
would help address some of the wider constraints facing
livestock development in Nigeria at the time, such as
disease control and market supply (Ingawa et al. 1989).
Following this, the National Agricultural Policy of 1988
declared that a minimum of 10% of the national terri-
tory, equivalent to 9.8 million acres, would be allocated
for the development of grazing reserves in an attempt to
protect pastoralism (Ibrahim 2012; CIEL 2006). How-
ever, this policy has not been enforced; to date, only 2.82
million hectares has been acquired in a total of 313 re-
serves (Ibrahim 2012; CIEL 2006). Additionally, it ap-
pears that only around 24 of these reserves are formally
gazetted by the government, meaning that occupants of
the remaining non-gazetted reserves do not have the
rights to services such as road access and water pro-
vision, as set out in the grazing reserve laws (Kaufmann
et al. 1986). Whilst establishing grazing reserves could
certainly help alleviate the ongoing land conflicts, their
increased promotion may merely be seen as an ‘admis-
sion that all efforts towards peaceful coexistence of
farmers and herders has failed’, fostering stereotypes and
further suspicion amongst the Fulani and indigenous
ethnic groups (Majekodunmi 2012).
Study area
Kachia Grazing Reserve (KGR) was one of the earliest
reserves established by the Nigerian government under
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 4 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12pastoralist settlement schemes in the 1960s (Kaufmann
et al. 1986). KGR is a gazetted reserve situated in
Kaduna State in northern Nigeria, covering an area of
31,000 ha divided into six geographically distinct admin-
istrative blocks. The reserve lies within the West African
sub-humid zone with a rainfall of 900 to 1,500 mm/year
(Oxby 1984; Kaufmann et al. 1986). The area was de-
clared tsetse-free after a successful spray programme in
1967 (Oxby 1984), but tsetse flies have reinvaded and re-
main a serious problem to both human and animal
health on the reserve (Majekodunmi et al. 2013).
In the early years of KGR, livestock production inputs
such as a farmer service centre, boreholes, health ser-
vices and legume fodder banks were provided by the
International Livestock Centre for Africa (ILCA)
(Kaufmann et al. 1986). By 1981, 12 families had settled,
with the KGR deemed ‘advanced in comparison’ to other
reserves in Nigeria at the time (Oxby 1984). The reserve
currently has a population of 5,252 people, distributed
amongst 581 households over the six administrative
blocks. Despite being officially ‘settled’, the majority of
these Fulani are transhumant, taking their cattle off the
reserve to graze elsewhere during the dry season. Of the
581 households on the reserve, 569 own cattle, currently
estimated to be 23,327, with around 5,914 sheep, 5,058
goats and 123 donkeys (ICONZ 2011). Despite these
livestock numbers, there is no permanent veterinarian
on the reserve, although two slaughter slabs exist. The
prevalence of most diseases is largely unknown, although
animal brucellosis has an estimated prevalence of 8.6%,
whilst other studies have found the prevalence of bovineTable 1 Frequencies of focus group discussions and semi-stru
Qualitative research methodology Stakeh
Focus group discussion Male ov
Male 25
Male 15
Female
Female
Female
Key informant interviews - Kachia Grazing Reserve Leaders
Leaders
School
Commu
KGR Ard
Key informant interviews - external (government and other sectors) State g
State g
Private
Researctrypanosomiasis and geohelminth infections to be 8.4%
and 53.8%, respectively (Enwezor et al. 2009; ICONZ
2011; Nnabuife et al. 2013).Methods
A combined qualitative research approach consisting of
focus group discussions (FGDs), semi-structured inter-
views and field observation was taken to map the various
relationships and hierarchies that existed on the reserve.
A total of nine FGDs were held with community mem-
bers from the various blocks, stratified according to age
and gender (Table 1). Interviews normally lasted be-
tween one and two hours and were undertaken in Hausa
and Fulfulde, covering a broad range of topics around
Fulani cultural issues and practices, knowledge and con-
trol of both human and animal disease, and various gov-
ernance systems and actors. A visit to the local school
was conducted and several teachers interviewed, along
with individual interviews with the heads of four of the
six administrative blocks. Several leaders of both male
and female co-operatives were also interviewed, as well
as the resident community medical doctor. Representa-
tives from external bodies such as the state and federal
government, private veterinary sector and research orga-
nisations were also interviewed in order to triangulate or
‘cross check’ the accounts and individual views of the
KGR Fulani. Verbal consent was obtained prior to all in-
terviews, which were taped and translated at the end of
every day. Transcripts were entered into Microsoft
Word 2010 and manually coded.ctured interviews
older Number (n = number of people
interviewed total in FGDs)
er 65 years old 1 (n = 6)
to 64 years 3 (n = 29)
to 24 years 1 (n = 7)
over 65 years 1 (n = 5)
25 to 64 years 1 (n = 7)
15 to 24 years 2 (n = 13)
of male co-operatives 7
of female co-operatives 8
teachers 6
nity doctor 1
os (heads of the six wards or blocks) 4
overnment - Ministry of Health 1
overnment - Ministry of Agriculture 4
sector 2
h institute 2
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 5 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12Informal governance mechanisms, actors and
networks of the Fulani on KGR
Setting the scene: History of the KGR
We who live in this place were the ones that named
the place, a name that can suit the mode of our lives;
we named it Ladduga - ‘wilderness’
Ardo, Block 1, Kachia Grazing Reserve
Empirical accounts of KGR's history and establishment
are varied, with the younger Fulani appearing in general
to be much less informed of the processes which led to
the KGR development in the 1970s; ‘we have never
asked about it, not even once’ (female FGD participant,
aged 16). Seemingly romanticised accounts from some
of the younger respondents described how Sardauna of
Sokoto Sir Ahmadu Bello (the prominent Nigerian polit-
ician and premier of northern Nigeria from 1954 until
his assassination in 1966) ‘asked us to come here’ and
‘called our head men to this place’ (male FGD partici-
pants 24, 25). However, some of the original inhabitants
of the reserve indicated that they moved here due to the
increasing land pressures in the sub-humid zone at the
time, as it provided them with an opportunity to live in
relative peace with their cattle; ‘in the rainy season you
hardly found a place to tie your cattle where we came
from, so we came here [to KGR] to look for food for
ourselves and our animals’ (male FGD participant, aged
73). Several of the more politically connected male co-
operative leaders are quite clear about the Nigerian gov-
ernment's sedentarisation policies being implemented at
the time: ‘the federal government said there is no way to
help Fulani people unless they come into the reserve....if
you are based in this place nobody will come to disturb
you’ (interview, male co-operative leader Nagge Beldum
Sappo [name means ‘10 important cows’]). Despite the
objective of the 1964 Grazing Reserve Act to settle ‘no-
madic’ pastoralists, it appears that the majority of ori-
ginal KGR residents were transhumant Fulani from
neighbouring Local Government Authorities (LGAs).
‘We were the indigenes of this place since from the be-
ginning, we used to go out of this place for about a year
but we didn't go out from our district’ (informant inter-
view, Ardo Block 1). Kaufmann et al. (1986) found that
all inhabitants of the KGR at the time were ‘Kachichere
Fulani who have been resident in southern Kaduna State
for generations’. In recent years however, due to the ris-
ing tensions in the region, residents are increasingly
coming from further away, including Plateau, Bauchi,
Nassarawa and Kano States in the north and east of the
country (M. Ducrotoy, 2012, unpublished data).
By all accounts, life on KGR was difficult in the early
years of its establishment, reflecting published descriptionsof land allocated for grazing reserves as areas ‘previously
avoided for sound ecological reasons’ (Ingawa et al. 1989).
Many of the older Fulani interviewed confirmed that the
land given to them was thick bush, with no road access,
no water and a large variety of wildlife including ‘ele-
phants, buffalo and lions - and a big snake that used to
swallow people’ (female FGD participant, aged 65); it is lit-
tle wonder the Fulfulde name given to KGR by the original
occupants is Ladduga, meaning ‘wilderness’. Several older
participants clearly remember the amount of flies on the
reserve in the early days, drawn by the uncleared land; ‘if
you were moving around you had to carry a leaf to protect
yourself from flies biting, but now the place is OK, you
can even come with your sleeping mat outside’ (female
FGD participant, aged 67). In a pertinent example of the
central role of cattle to the Fulani psyche, the human
health impacts of flies such as sleeping sickness and trach-
oma were deemed insignificant compared to their effects
on the cattle at the time; ‘because of the flies there was
blood on the body of our cattle, and after this you will see
tears coming out of their eyes and they will fall sick’ (male
FGD participant, aged 64). Respondents reported that the
situation became so severe in the wet season that they
were forced to move their cattle off the reserve; relevant
literature implies this may have resulted in tension with
nearby settled farmers at the time, as a result of crop de-
struction (Ingawa et al. 1989). Despite the early challenges,
many described their ‘peaceful life’ and pride at how
Ladduga is developing to date. Feelings of safety and se-
curity associated with life on the reserve were apparent,
possibly reflecting the conflicts some may have recently
faced before arriving on the reserve; ‘no-one can come
and enter your house and claim that it is their house;
where you fence your house - that is yours’ (male FGD
participant, aged 36).
Informal leadership and self-organisation
We follow rules, we don't break rules
Male aged 15
Field observations and interviews held on the reserve
for this research concur with previous accounts of the
‘institutionalised political leadership’ that occurs within
Fulani society (Iro 1995; Riesman 1977). The hierarchy
on the reserve consists of the much-respected Imam
who governs according to Shari'a law, followed by the
Ardo, a group consisting of the District Head and the
leaders of the six geographically distinct KGR adminis-
trative regions known as blocks or wards. In many ways,
the KGR Ardo still fulfil their historical role as mediators
between the Fulani community and government author-
ities, although the leaders of the male co-operative
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 6 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12groups are also active at the local government level.
When asked about their role, one Ardo likened it to
‘what the village heads of the world are doing….our role
is to see the development of Ladduga, and promote
peace’ (interview, Ardo ward 4). Many respondents indi-
cated that their behaviour, particularly in terms of their
interaction with ‘strangers’ from outside the reserve,
depended on what these traditional leaders told them to
do. This appeared heavily enforced, for example if visi-
tors did not have permission from the hierarchy to speak
to the Fulani, no one would turn up to the meeting;
powerful individuals such as the Imam could turn a
whole community against the ‘outsiders’ (A. Okello, field
observations).
The influence of Islam on Fulani identity is well docu-
mented in the literature (Azumah 2001; Riesman 1977).
Despite having ‘so many ethnic groups’, participants
overwhelmingly considered themselves to belong to only
one; ‘the Fulfulde, joined by Islam’ (male FGD partici-
pant, aged 24). Religion, rather than state law, appears to
play the most prominent governing role in social organ-
isation, with ‘religious laws’ determining behaviour such
as marriage, inheritance and daily prayer rituals. For ex-
ample, selection of leaders such as the Ardos was done
‘according to our knowledge of the Qur'an’ (interview,
Ardo ward 1). Celebration ceremonies appeared strongly
based around the Islamic faith, such as Sallah (Eid al'Kabir)
and various naming and wedding ceremonies. Consistent
with Islam, there was no mention of ‘animistic’ harvest
celebrations or similar events involving the livestock and
environment which play such a major role in their lives.
Any form of nbodoto (traditional beliefs or myths) was in
fact vehemently denied; however, probing indicated that
strong traditional practices - such as only travelling or vis-
iting relatives on certain days of the week - may still exist.
The Ardo'en held the main authority to develop and
enforce informal laws to benefit those on the reserve.
‘Only the leaders design and give us the rules. Even us
[males] - the leaders do not seek advice from us, even
less from the women’ (male FGD participant, aged 26).
Rules aiming to promote health and harmony on the re-
serve were the responsibility of the Ardo'en, for example
where to graze cattle, where to fetch drinking water
(‘no-one should drink water from the same place as our
cattle, it is not good for drinking by humans’), where
their children play and even when people are allowed to
leave the reserve; ‘if he says no-one is to go to the cross-
ing [town], then no-one will go to the crossing’ (female
FGD participant, aged 65). Ardo'en could also enforce
rules regarding social interaction, particularly if it ap-
peared to be detrimental to the wider community.
‘There is one game played during the night where one
sees his colleague and he beats that colleague with a
stick. The head of the village called the villagers toattention and gave them a law forbidding them to play
that game’ (female FGD participant, aged 45). Regarding
livestock health and husbandry, the Ardo'en, assisted by
village elders, enforce a number of rules to minimise
conflict in the event of livestock disease outbreak; ‘the
head of the village will mobilise the people and tell them
they shouldn't go close to that man's cattle, and people
will listen to the rule, and they will not go closer’ (male
FGD participant, aged 65).
By all accounts, enforcement of rules and laws by
community leaders seemed to occur relatively easily on
the reserve, particularly regarding the younger gener-
ation; ‘we respect our leaders and we respect what they
say to us and we follow rules - if a leader makes a rule
no-body disobeys’ (male FGD participant, aged 24).
When asked how they feel about the development and
enforcement of various laws and rules on the reserve, re-
sponses were generally positive; ‘we feel happy, because
when the rule comes, it works on us, it is for our own
benefit’ (male FGD participant, aged 18). However, some
older participants indicated that the ‘top-down’ informal
governance structure of the KGR was possibly not
enjoyed by everyone, despite decisions from the Ardo'en
being largely obeyed; ‘because of the behaviour of our
people, some people will start murmuring and arguing
why they are prevented from going to such a place. So
this is how our people are’ (male FGD participant, aged
72). Still others indicated that the enforcement of laws
and rules was a necessary part of life, whatever the cir-
cumstance; ‘everywhere people are based, if they have
their leaders, there will be laws’ (female FGD participant,
aged 64).
Perceptions of the state
Since the establishment of KGR in the 1960s, the Fulani
have relied heavily on their own organisation and incon-
sistent help from external donors and the Nigerian gov-
ernment to establish even basic infrastructure and
systems of health and education. At the local govern-
ment level, KGR is represented by a Ministry of Agricul-
ture Kaduna State Development Project (KADP) Officer
within the Kachia Local Government Authority (LGA).
The KGR Project Officer was deemed the only ‘official’
link between reserve activities and official government
policy processes, responsible for duties such as the regis-
tration and land allocation process for new families onto
the reserve, and ensuring amenities are provided accord-
ing to the Grazing Reserve Act. However, his presence
appeared to be little felt by the majority of KGR resi-
dents, attributed by one male co-operative member to
the ‘too much work he has’, likely reflecting a combin-
ation of poor resource availability and a tendency for
‘legal government business’ to generally be communi-
cated by the Ardo'en. In this regard, male respondents
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 7 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12indicated that there was some opportunity for input into
government decisions. ‘We get the message easily
through the mosque. When we get information about
anything, we gather ourselves in one place and discuss
the best way we can enlighten people’ (male FGD par-
ticipant, 25 to 64 age group). The women however,
barred from the mosque, appear to have little participa-
tion in how the messages get distributed and wider
policy decisions made outside the reserve; ‘we have mes-
sages in the form of announcements that normally meet
us through the Ardo'en’ (female FGD participant, 25 to
64 age group).
Regarding livestock health services, opinions concern-
ing the role of the state were forthcoming, particularly
by the male participants, with many older respondents
recalling the previous government-led vaccination pro-
grammes against harbin darji (blackleg), bakkale
(brucellosis), bauru (foot-and-mouth disease), bushiya
(rinderpest) and huhu (contagious bovine pleuropneu-
monia, CBPP) that occurred under ‘military rule’. Partic-
ipants recalled how livestock disease outbreaks during
this time were taken seriously by the government and
met with swift responses. Currently, no state-sponsored
animal health interventions exist on the reserve; when
asked why these government programmes ceased, one
response was simply ‘everything is about siasa (politics)’
(interview, male co-operative leader). Further probing
revealed a perceived association between this change in
government attitudes towards veterinary service pro-
vision and the democratic rule that took over from the
military in 1999. ‘It was during the military regime that
vaccination is taking place…they used to bring two or
three vaccinations at the same time, they used to come
quickly’ (informant interview, male co-operative leader).
In actual fact, the decline in government-led veterinary
services was due to structural adjustment policies in the
1980s that aimed to scale down government services
and transfer responsibility to an unprepared private sec-
tor (de Haan 2004). Government respondents acknowl-
edged the communication gap between the Fulani and
state government that emerged as a result. ‘In the past
we had national campaigns for disease control; there
was a good relationship between Fulani and the govern-
ment. Now, since structural adjustment, most of the free
government programmes have collapsed - this leads to a
widening gap between Fulani and government officials,
as the government now has nothing to offer in terms of
animal health services’ (interview, Plateau State Live-
stock Department). Other government opinions indi-
cated a growing concern at the continually worsening
health status of Fulani livestock herds, questioning the
efficacy of ‘blanket’ vaccination programmes in the ab-
sence of a sustainable veterinary service. ‘Before you
even vaccinate, you may have to think of deworming,you may have to treat for disease - the general health
status of the herd is another problem’ (interview, Minis-
try of Agriculture, Federal Capital Territory).
Regarding government-supported activities on the re-
serve outside of the livestock sector, polio vaccination
remains the single major human health intervention,
despite the occurrence of other communicable diseases
such as measles (informant interview, KGR medical offi-
cer). Accounts from older Fulani recall times when
emergency assistance would be provided by the govern-
ment, for example during cholera outbreaks or times of
famine, whilst more recent government activities have
included grading the access road, and refugee assistance
from the National Emergency Management Agency
(NEMA) (Isuwa 2014).
The role of co-operative societies
A recent synthesis of 21 cases in 17 countries concluded
that formalised civil society organisations are a key fac-
tor promoting co-operation and common action of pas-
toralist societies (IUCN 2011). Discussions held with
both the female and male leaders of the various co-
operative groups on the KGR revealed little was known
about the activities of the female groups by the men,
and vice versa; the one exception being a previous joint
HIV/AIDS enlightenment campaign led by an external
non-government organisation (NGO). This example
highlights the extent of the traditional gender segrega-
tion that still exists on the KGR, even for undertaking
activities that would benefit the overall community such
as health and education. Regarding participation in co-
operative activities, whilst the majority of FGD respon-
dents seemed aware of their existence, specific knowledge
as to how the co-operatives operated was generally lack-
ing, particularly within the younger age groups.
Female co-operative groups
Female co-operative groups exist on the reserve under
the overarching co-operative group Mbigeweti (‘now we
are enlightened’), grouped according to their proximity
to specific locations on the reserve: Wuro Nyako (House
of Nyako), Wuro Fulbe, (House of Fulani), Mayo Borno
(River Borno), Wuro Lobi (House of Lobi) and Wuro
Tale (House of Tale). Formalisation of pastoralist co-
operative groups via government registration is an essen-
tial driver for state recognition of activities, allowing
greater co-operation with external agencies to improve
their support networks (IUCN 2011). At the time of re-
search however, only one of the womens' groups was
registered with the government, seemingly as a result of
cultural and logistical barriers impeding access of the fe-
male co-operative leaders to the formal processes re-
quired for registration. This in turn affects their ability
to interact with outside funding groups which came onto
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 8 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12the reserve; ‘they (the NGOs) came with their message
but they didn't collaborate with us because we were not
registered’ (informant interview, female co-operative
leader).
It appeared that the main activity undertaken by the
female co-operatives was to advance credit to individuals
wishing to start up or maintain business; however, the
long-term impact of this remains unclear. Other activ-
ities undertaken include facilitating the production and
sale of goods to sell at the market such as soap and
chinchin (cakes). Another major role of the female co-
operative groups was to promote education on the re-
serve, a fact mentioned favourably by FGD participants,
regardless of age or gender; ‘the women are really trying
[to ensure their children are educated]’ (male FGD par-
ticipant, aged 65). Whilst male informants appeared not
to object to the promotion of education, in general it was
the women who played a pivotal role in ensuring it is
achieved. ‘The society built this school that we are in now,
and most of the teachers are paid for with our own money
from this society. Our men here they don't pay for their
school fees - if you want your children to go to school
then you have to get money for their school fees yourself ’
(informant interview, female co-operative leader).
Interestingly, the women of KGR at the time of re-
search did not have a milk society or group. This was
surprising, given historical accounts from the literature
describing the role of Fulani women in milk production
and sale, often portrayed as the single activity allowing
them some financial and social independence (for ex-
ample de Bruijn 1997). The explanation by the women
co-operative leaders for why there was no female milk
society was that they felt it was not worth pursuing as a
commodity; ‘if you are looking for milk in this place
[within the reserve], you will get it’ (informant interview,
female co-operative leader). Accounts from the more
politically enlightened school teachers indicated that the
historical opportunities for pastoralist women to access
external dairy market chains were decreasing; ‘[now-
adays] we really have a problem. As a Fulani community,
[historically] most of our womens' business was selling
milk, but now our women don't have an occupation that
will sustain them’ (informant interview, teacher). Both
males and females indicated that a combination of the
KGR's isolation and poor road access is an obvious bar-
rier to off-reserve sales opportunities. ‘We have so many
problems. Some times when we make Kulikuli [ground-
nut cake] people are not buying it, because there are so
many women that make it, and the times we do make it,
we cannot take it out of this reserve because of the bad
road’ (female FGD participant, 25 to 64 age group). An-
other important observation was the abundance of com-
mercial powdered milk on the reserve, used by cafes and
other small businesses as well as individual households(A. Okello, field observations). Likely as a result of the
female co-operative groups not being officially recog-
nised by the government, a recent World Bank-funded
milk processing plant was controlled by the more
powerful, politically connected male co-operative soci-
eties, further decreasing the opportunity for females to
engage in dairy sector activity. ‘Like this building you see
in front of you [milk processing room] we are the ones
who brought it here. If it was not because of the [male]
society, nobody would think of such an initiative’ (in-
formant interview, male co-operative leader). There is
an important requirement for further research into the
current opportunities that exist for the inclusion of
Nigeria's Fulani, both men and women, with formal
dairy market chains in the north of the country, and the
extent to which this is currently realised.
Male co-operative groups
Similar to the female Mbigeweti, the male co-operative
groups fall under the ‘Nbela [umbrella] that acts like a
mother to all societies’ (informant interview, male co-
operative leader). In contrast to the female groups how-
ever, all male co-operative societies on the reserve were
registered with the Nigerian government, thus allowing
them greater political traction and the ability to liaise
with outside funding groups. This has obviously given
the male co-operative societies a distinct political advan-
tage; they were the only homogenous group that indi-
cated an understanding of, and participation in, formal
government-led policy processes; ‘now we are in politics,
and we have our ward councillor here. He represents us’
(informant interview, male co-operative leader). Reflect-
ing recent findings in the literature (for example IUCN
2011), another participant reiterated that a strong co-
operative is the only way to gain political voice and
standing in local government: ‘If you are looking to be a
councillor in this community, you will not win if you
don't have a society’ (interview, male co-operative
leader). Activities of the male co-operative groups in-
cluded campaigning for the development of the Kachia
access road, digging of wells and a number of agricul-
tural initiatives including the planting of trees and pro-
curement of livestock drugs and feed. Others indicated
the relative ease with which the male co-operatives
could obtain livestock inputs, particularly drugs, through
a good relationship with the local government project
officer. The recent acquisition of the aforementioned
milk processing plant is an example of the extent of
their influence; ‘we are the ones that fought for (the milk
processor) in collaboration with KADP (Kaduna State
Development Programme)’ (interview, male co-operative
leader).
Overall, the male co-operative groups appear quite
powerful in terms of their bargaining power with the
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 9 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12Kachia LGA, with several communication pathways be-
tween the Fulani and government authorities apparently
available; ‘if something happens within our community
we report to the district head. If it concerns the local
government, we report to the (LGA) chairman. If it con-
cerns (Kaduna) state we report to the governor. This is
how our societies carry out their projects’ (interview,
male co-operative leader). Through their external con-
tacts and knowledge of local and state government pol-
icy processes, male co-operative members appear to
have a much greater ability to influence the direction
and enforcement of state government policies concern-
ing specific pastoralist issues such as cattle, fertiliser,
roads and water, compared to non-members. In contrast,
the womens' co-operatives' sphere of influence was con-
siderably smaller and less structured, consisting of local-
ised village level activities directed at themselves and
their children, rather than an attempt to gain official rec-
ognition from the state and/or donors. The teachers
were the only other participant group who indicated an
understanding of higher level political processes, de-
scribing how the National Union of Teachers provided
information on current policy debates within govern-
ment. These groups were the exception; more often than
not, respondents indicated that messages from the local
government were delivered via their Ardo'en, thus indi-
cating little direct participation in government policy or
other decisions made outside the reserve.
Working with the co-operative groups will be central
to strengthening future Fulani-government relations.
The male co-operatives are a key stakeholder group re-
garding the livestock sector and potential development
of private sector veterinary services on the reserve. Simi-
larly, respondents from across all FGD ages and genders
appreciated the important role of the women in promot-
ing education and health messaging on the KGR. The
major barrier to progress on the latter, however, remains
the lack of knowledge of and access to the registration
process for the female co-operatives. Unless the number
of registered female co-operative groups on KGR in-
creases, there is a chance that issues of particular con-
cern to the KGR female community members, such as
education and maternal and child health, will be left out
of subsequent dialogue.
The role of NGOs and external development actors
The political pressure resulting from networks, alliances
and co-operation with external actors helps create wider
change in pastoralist societies, with the associated cap-
acity building, awareness raising and economic support
‘allowing for parallel, synchronised actions in an entire
region’ (IUCN 2011). NGOs such as Pastoral Resolve
(PARE) were mentioned by interview respondents
mainly in the areas of health, predominantly promotingmessages around sanitation (boiling and sieving water,
hand-washing) and HIV/AIDS advocacy. Whilst com-
munication between the Fulani and NGOs and other de-
velopment organisations that came onto the reserve
could not occur without prior permission from the Ardo,
once permission was sought, the messages seemed to
flow quite well amongst the communities; ‘the head of
the village will assign people to go to the neighbouring
villages and inform them of what is happening’ (male
FGD participant, 25 to 64 age group). The group of
older females (65 years and over) appeared most
knowledgeable of the various NGO interventions and
their impact; ‘that was when we started boiling our water
and this has made a very good impact on us. Before we
never used to boil the water, we used to drink it directly
from the well’ (female FGD participant, 65 years). For
younger age groups, the NGO sector did not appear to
play a prominent role on the KGR at the time of re-
search, with many unsure of the various organisations,
suggesting that in recent times the input from NGOs
had diminished; ‘there was a time we were enlightened
by other people about HIV/AIDS....and there are other
NGOs similar....but we can't differentiate between them’
(informant interview, teacher aged 24).
In terms of broader alliances promoting the welfare
and socio-political power of Fulani pastoralists in the
wider region, Miyetti Allah (literally ‘thanks be to God’)
is a religious organisation formed in 1972 to represent
Fulani interests in official government circles, with a
major objective to improve access to grazing land. Out
of all the respondents however, only the younger female
focus group (10 to 24 years) made a specific mention of
what is now termed the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders
Association of Nigeria (MACBAN), which has extensive
branches across northern Nigeria (Kaufmann et al. 1986).
References in the literature to Miyetti Allah are sparse;
however, accounts from the 1980s are contradictory, with
one author praising the organisation's achievements at
higher government levels (Ezeomah 1985), whilst another
claimed Miyetti Allah had ‘no authority’ (Kaufmann et al.
1986). Poor organisational leadership during the last
decade has further contributed to MACBAN's lack of in-
fluence in the policy process, leading to pastoralists ‘ques-
tioning the relevance’ of such institutions for the
protection of their rights (Ibrahim 2012).
The relationships and overlaps between these various in-
stitutions can be represented in a Venn diagram (Figure 1).
Discussion
Harnessing the central role of livestock in pastoralist
societies to improve state-pastoralist relations and
motivate participation in the policy process
The evidence from this research accords with various
descriptions from literature sources, whereby identifiable
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 10 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12
Research Multilateral 
Agencies 
and World 
Bank
Male Government
Co-operatives
District Head
Private 
Ardo'en, village Heads
Sector Islam
NGOS 
and Imams & FULANI 
CSOs Elders HOUSEHOLD 
Female 
Co-
operatives
Figure 1 Venn diagram illustrating the relative stake of various actors within the Fulani governance system on KGR.community leaders have strong decision-making author-
ity in Fulani society (Azarya 1996; Iro 1995). There were
several indications that the KGR governance structure
recoded in this research agrees with documented ac-
counts of the role of the Ardo'en as mediators between
the Fulani and the ‘formal law’ of the official government
(for example Riesman 1977; Iro 1995), in this case the
ward heads of the six blocks and often the leaders of the
male co-operative societies. Many indicated that the
state government enforced ‘no rules at all’; although
this is a common observation across Nigeria (and in-
deed much of sub-Saharan Africa) due to the generally
poor enforcement of livestock policy, this could also re-
flect Fulani feelings of isolation from official govern-
ment policy processes.
Given the central role of cattle to Fulani society, it is
perhaps unsurprising that informal governance mecha-
nisms appear to be heavily focused around overseeing in-
formal ‘policies’ regarding livestock practices, for example
the issuance and enforcement of animal quarantine afteroff-reserve grazing during the dry season. ‘Here in
Ladduga if your cattle are infected with a disease you can-
not hide it. You can ask people for help, but if the infec-
tion rate is high you will be given a rule to restrict your
animal from grazing where the other animals are’ (inform-
ant interview, Ardo, ward 2). Another added ‘There is not
any government law about how to handle our cattle. We
make laws on our own, we gather ourselves together and
tell our neighbouring villages those with infected cattle
should be grazing on their side, they should not come to
our side’ (male FGD participant, 25 to 64 age group). Par-
ticipants also described various vaccination programmes
that were organised and paid for collectively by the Fulani
to promote disease control and good animal husbandry.
Accounts from outside the reserve reinforce the existence
of these well-enforced, self-imposed preventive measures
such as quarantine for disease control in Fulani society;
for example, one government official spoke of his experi-
ences further south in Oyo State where the Fulani had
formed a committee preventing others coming from the
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 11 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12north onto their grazing reserve due to fear of disease
introduction (informant interview, Plateau State Livestock
Department).
Professional frustration over certain actions of the
Fulani regarding the health and management of their
livestock was expressed by both public and private actors
alike, for example under-dosing of cattle therapeutics ‘to
try to ration (the drug) for their whole herd’ (informant
interview, private veterinary sector). However, the Fulani
perspective implies these types of actions are not neces-
sarily driven by economics and lack of willingness to pay
for services, but a combination of poor access to live-
stock inputs, compounded by a lack of knowledge; ‘if
you see your animals are in an emergency condition, you
go and buy [drugs] yourself, you cannot wait for
anybody to come and do it for you’ (interview, male co-
operative leader Hamri Halal commercial farmer co-
operative group). Another explained ‘you are supposed
to know which type of drug to give the animal even if
you don't know what the animal is suffering from! So we
are facing this problem’ (male FGD participant, 25 to 64
age group). Overall, contrary to the assumption that the
Fulani do not want to invest in veterinary services - ‘they
are aware of the vet facilities but they don't use them’
(informant interview, private veterinary sector, Kaduna
State) - disease control is an extremely high priority to
the Fulani, indicated by the far-reaching social repercus-
sions of sick animals; ‘cattle disease causes fights be-
tween people’ (male FGD participant, aged 12).
Several government officials acknowledged that re-
invigoration of the government extension system could
help improve Fulani-government relations through alle-
viating miscommunications from both sides. Extension
services have currently collapsed across many parts of
Nigeria, particularly in pastoralist areas. This is blamed
on the expense and logistics of maintaining constant
contact with isolated communities such as those on the
reserve (informant interview, Plateau State government).
Nevertheless, the extension service is regarded as an
integral component of successful implementation of dis-
ease surveillance and reporting policies and improve-
ment of government-Fulani relations in Nigeria ‘because
that's what leads to communication with these Fulani,
not this once in a year communication’ (informant inter-
view, Ministry of Agriculture, Federal Capital Territory).
However, simply improving extension services will not
alleviate the current issues regarding lack of private good
services such as drug provision and disease diagnostic
tools; if the Fulani cannot understand why immediate
problems of sick animals cannot be addressed by exten-
sion agents, it will only lead to further lack of trust and
confidence in the government.
Comparison of opinions from the KGR Fulani commu-
nities and those from members of local and stategovernment suggests a disconnect between what the
Fulani want and what the Nigerian government assumes
they want. Examples regarding livestock service pro-
vision were key observations in this regard, with some,
particularly older, government officials feeling that the
Fulani are not willing to pay for veterinary services and
do not take responsibility for their livestock husbandry
and treatment. ‘They prefer to observe vets, then self-
treat. They are aware of the vet facilities but don't use
them. Their knowledge is more of a barrier than other-
wise. Training them may make it worse’ (interview,
Plateau State Veterinary Hospital). Although some older
Fulani (likely those that remembered the pre-structural
adjustment era) appeared to believe that the government
would eventually resume its free veterinary service,
things are obviously changing with the younger gener-
ation. When asked what government support and ser-
vices they would like on the reserve, animal health was
not mentioned; overwhelmingly, the Fulani's priority ex-
pectation from the government was the provision of
water and roads, which is indeed a government responsi-
bility on a gazetted reserve according to the Grazing Re-
serve Act of 1964 (Kaufmann et al. 1986). In terms of
livestock service provision, the majority of respondents
indicated a willingness to pay for veterinary drugs and
services from private providers. However, given the lim-
ited private sector activity currently existing on the re-
serve, many Fulani had to travel to buy drugs, for
example a veterinarian at Zankwa (Kaduna, outside the
reserve) was mentioned by several respondents. Aside
from the issues with accessibility to veterinary services,
the quality of available inputs was also questionable;
‘sometimes when we buy medicine and inject our cattle,
it's as if we increase the sickness. If you are lucky your
animal gets well, and for some sickness there will be no
response from the drugs. That is why we listen to infor-
mation that is passed on to us’ (male FGD participant,
25 to 64 age group).
Younger government officials supported the opinion
that the Fulani are happy to pay for veterinary services,
provided they are easily accessible and the quality is
there: ‘I think [the Fulani] have gone beyond expecting
free veterinary services....the only thing that keeps the
Fulani man, or anybody, is a quality service. For ex-
ample, if before the Fulani man has even showed you his
animals you are getting out drugs, calculating money -
that is the wrong approach. Instead, if you take the cow's
blood, and right there you do a blood smear and tell
him “come and see the trypanosomes” that Fulani man
cannot go to sleep! He will ask “you mean this thing is
in my cow, destroying the blood?” and he will ask you to
give him the solution to kill the parasite. It's all about
communication’ (informant interview, Ministry of Agri-
culture, Federal Capital Territory). The importance of
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 12 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12effective communication in veterinary service provision
in Nigeria - ‘especially when government agencies are
dealing with people who have had only tenuous relations
with them’ - has been acknowledged for decades
(Awogbade 1979). Notwithstanding the inherent logis-
tical difficulties of long-term engagement with trans-
humant and nomadic societies, meaningful contact
with the Fulani is vital to gain their trust and confi-
dence, contributing to the development of sustainable
pastoralist-government relationships. As one govern-
ment official reiterated ‘You get that confidence [with
the Fulani] through continuous contact, not periodic or
haphazard contact. If you don't develop that confidence
there's going to be a problem’ (informant interview, Min-
istry of Agriculture, Federal Capital Territory).
As this research demonstrates, the lack of joined-up
communication between the Fulani and veterinary actors
(public and private) is an important contributing factor
to existing pastoralist-government tensions. The private
sector in particular should be encouraged to fill the
existing gap in veterinary service provision, with the op-
portunities to do so identified, supported and promoted
amongst veterinary workers both during and after train-
ing. Several government respondents agreed ‘There ex-
ists a requirement to open the eyes of Animal Health
Technicians and show them they can make a living in
rural areas, especially if their animal health knowledge is
combined with husbandry services. For example the vets
had a good response from Newcastle Disease vaccination
in conjunction with the HPAI [Highly Pathogenic Avian
Influenza] vaccination programme, as it sensitised the
public about holistic poultry care and disease control. If
the same can be done by animal health technicians I am
confident they will gain public confidence’ (interview,
Plateau State government). Given the priority the Fulani
place on their livestock, improved access to livestock in-
puts and information should be considered a key entry
point for improving Fulani-government relations; how-
ever, it will require demonstrated commitment, under-
standing and facilitation from both sides.
Conclusion
The primary objective of this research was to understand
the existing self-governance structures in Nigeria's KGR,
in order to identify motivators and entry points for
Fulani-government dialogue. The results are timely,
given the recent move by several African governments
to reinvigorate policy initiatives aimed towards address-
ing pastoralist issues on the continent, including the
2011 African Union Policy Framework for Pastoralists in
Africa and the 2013 Nouakchott Declaration. The long
history of conflict and mistrust between external actors
and Nigeria's pastoralist Fulani, compounded by physical
isolation and changing state policy narratives regardingtheir role in society, appears to have resulted in a com-
plex but functional system of self-governance outside
formal government policy, particularly regarding live-
stock disease control. The empirical evidence described
in this article concurs with several earlier publications
highlighting Fulani self-governance systems that arise in
the absence of external inputs from the state (Riesman
1977; Azarya 1996; de Bruijn 1997). This existing Fulani
self-governance system must be well understood if on-
going approaches towards increased political inclusion,
improved service provision and conflict resolution are to
be successful.
It is urgently important to understand and integrate,
rather than isolate, the self-organising systems of Nigeria's
Fulani pastoralists in order to identify workable solutions
to pastoralist needs; witness the growing conflict in the
north of Nigeria over the past two decades. The provision
of veterinary services appears to be a plausible entry point
for the reinvigoration of Fulani-government relations,
since the decline of government-funded livestock disease
control programmes is considered by state and Fulani re-
spondents alike to be a major blow to trust and communi-
cation on both sides. Reinvigorating Fulani-government
relationships by strengthening veterinary services and pro-
moting ‘enabling’ policies to encourage private sector in-
vestment in the veterinary/livestock sectors could start to
generate the trust and dialogue required to provide public
good amenities such as roads, water and human health.
This research demonstrates that whilst the Fulani seem
open to participation in formal policy processes and gov-
ernment service provision, the opportunity rarely arises,
and when it does, it appears to be met with a general mis-
understanding of expectations from both sides. There are
already heightened tensions across northern Nigeria.
Improving the communication pathways in order to avoid
further misunderstandings between the Fulani and the
public and private sector actors they integrate with should
be a priority for all involved in promoting peace and sta-
bility in the region.
Competing interests
The authors declare that they have no competing interests.
Authors' contributions
ALO, AOM, SCW and JS designed the study. ALO, AOM and AM undertook
the fieldwork. ALO and AM interpreted the data, and ALO drafted the
original manuscript, with further inputs from AOM, AM, SCW and JS. All
authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Authors' information
ALO is a veterinarian with a PhD in political science from the University of
Edinburgh, working to promote transdisciplinary approaches for zoonotic
disease control in Africa and Asia. AOM is an epidemiologist at the University of
Edinburgh, working on the control of parasitic and zoonotic diseases. AM is a
researcher with the Nigerian Institute of Trypanosomiasis Research, based in
Kaduna State, Nigeria. SCW is the Director of the Global Health Academy and
Assistant Principal for Global Health at the University of Edinburgh. JS is a
professor of African and Development Studies and Assistant Principal of the
Global Development Academy at the University of Edinburgh.
Okello et al. Pastoralism: Research, Policy and Practice 2014, 4:12 Page 13 of 14
http://www.pastoralismjournal.com/content/4/1/12Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank all the people who gave their time, opinions
and sentiments during the course of the study, in particular the members of
the Fulani community on Kachia Grazing Reserve, and those interviewed in
the relevant government, private and research sectors. The authors would
also like to thank the Nigerian Institute of Trypanosomiasis Research (NITR)
and the National Veterinary Research Institute (NVRI) for facilitating the
research.
Funding
This study was supported by the UK's Biotechnology and Biological Sciences
Research Council (BBSRC) under the ‘Combating Infectious Diseases in
Livestock for International Development’ (CIDLID) scheme (AOM, SCW), the
European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under
grant agreement no. 221948, Integrated Control of Neglected Zoonoses
(ICONZ) (ALO, AM, SCW), and a European Science Foundation Senior
investigator(s) award Investigating Networks of Zoonosis Innovation (INZI),
grant number 295845 (JS).
Author details
1Division of Pathway Medicine and Centre for Infectious Diseases, School of
Biomedical Sciences, College of Medicine and Veterinary Medicine, The
University of Edinburgh, Chancellor’s Building, 49 Little France Crescent,
Edinburgh EH16 4SB, UK. 2Nigerian Institute for Trypanosomiasis Research
(NITR), No. 1 Surame Road, Ungwan Rimi G.R.A., P.M.B. 2077 Kaduna, Nigeria.
3Centre for African Studies, School of Social and Political Science, The
University of Edinburgh, 58 George Square, Edinburgh EH8 9LD, UK.
4Department of Geography, Environmental Management and Energy Studies,
University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa.
Received: 25 April 2014 Accepted: 12 August 2014
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doi:10.1186/s13570-014-0012-7
Cite this article as: Okello et al.: Identifying motivators for state-
pastoralist dialogue: Exploring the relationships between livestock
services, self-organisation and conflict in Nigeria's pastoralist Fulani.
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