RXLIGION AND THE POLITICS OF
FOURTH REPUBLICAN ELECTIONS IN GHAN A (1gg2, tgg6)
Elom Dovlo
Abstract: Religion and Politics are inextrrcably Iinked in Ghana. Chana's Fourth Republican
presitlential and parliarnentary elections reveal horv this relationship is heightened 
of rlLiring thecampaigns political parties and politicians. This indicates recognition ol- thc strong
inlluence religion sields in the political livcs and prcttrences of tf,e people. Thc papcr
reviews the variorrs religious issr.les that emergecl in the first r.to .lections of thc Fourth
Rcptrblican constitution held in 1992 and 1996. It proposes that lhe current conlluence 
rcligion ofand politics in Ghana is largcly due to the role thi Christian Council of Ghana ar:d 
National rheCatholic sccretariat played in settin-q the scene for the current 
go\ernance. clenrocraticTheir calls fbr God-tearing leaders led to a host of"God-inspirecl,,ca^didatcs
seeking election. The phenomenon discr.rssecl range frorl coltr.o\,ersies over utterances
relating to religion and religiolrs gror.rps to the use of Christian chor-uses as carnpaign 
dttring sonesthese election-s.. The paper sceks to capture a continning clialogue betrveen trvo
constitucncics. thc rcligious and thc political, uncl tuo rcalnrs ofpoivcr, thlspir.itlal 
political. and thcAs thc lattcr taps into thc tbrnrcr to authcnticatc its pr.acticc and authorir,v, thc 
is tbrmcrtakirrg cognizancc of its infrucncc and graduarrv cnrphasizing thc ,,prophctic,' r,oicc of
rclrgion in polirics.
Introdut't io t1
Ghana in west Africa has gone through two presidential and parlianrcntary
elections so lar under its Foufth Republrcan constitution. The first wa; in I 992 and
the second in 1996. Subsequently two other elections r.l,ere held in 2000 a,d 2004.
During these elections the campaigns clearly revealed the strong inflyence religion
wields in the political lives and preferencei of the people. Iialso reveared how
politicians nse and manipulate religion to attaining political ends. This phenomenon
is r.rot ne"v in Ghana. It has been a sh'org element of civil religion oni hu. lbrmed
part of the post-lndepe,dence politics of Ghana.r This paper Iir.urr., issues that
ernerged in the 1992 and 1996 elecrions.
various religious issues ernerged duri.g both the 1992 and 1996 erections.
The prorninent ones involve:
The involvement and message of rerigious bodies for the electoratc
(Calling the Tune);
The prominence given to the religious crcdentials of the presidential
aspir:rnts especially d.ring thc 1992 elections (politicians for Christ);
The rcligious constituencies fbLrght tbr (Sacrcil Zones);
controversies ove*tterances relating to rerigion and religious groups
(The Fear of God);
For a detailed discussion ofthe use ofreligion in the posGlndependcnce politics ofGhapa, see
J.S. Pobee. Kvrante Nkrunah ancl the Church in Ghina. 1949-1966 lAccra: Asernpa pu6iirt.rr,
1988); JS Pobee,ReligiottandPoliticsinGhana.ACasestuclyoftheAcheampongEro(Accra.
Ghana Unrvcrsities Press. 1992). Also Kwesi A. Dickson,..Reiigion and Socieiy: ,t stuay or
church and State Relations in the First Republic." [n Kn.ame erhin 1ed.; The LilL ancl lyork ol
Kn'atne Nkrtrmafi (Accra: Sedco, l99l), pp. 135- 15 L
ELOM DOVLO
The use of religious imagery and songs during the campaigns (Songs of
Praise);
Various ethical issues raised during the campaigns (Sex, Vengeance, Food
and Mammon);
Appeal to traditional, supematural and cultural avenues to ensure loyalty
and victory as well as to resolve conflicts that were the marks of the 1996
elections in particular (The Retum of the Native).
Religion in this context covers the role beliefs, practices, religious bodies and
the leadership played during the two elections. In the rest of the paper we will discuss
each of the above items under the headings in parentheses. we will then conclude
with reflections on the interplay between religion and politics during the elections.
Calling the Tune
one of the influential religious factors of the 1992 elections had to do with the
various messages that the orthodox christian leadership had for the country. The
Christian Council of Ghana and the National Catholic Secretariat represent these
churches. In conjunction with other religious bodies such as the Ahmadiyya Muslim
Mission they actively encouraged the country's effort to return to a democratic
constitutional civilian rule. As revealed by Dickson, the Christian council even made
an abortive attempt to work with chiefs (i,e. 
' traditional rulers) to achieve this end.2In December 1990 the Christian Council of Ghana and the Catholic Bisliops
Conference issued a memorandum to govemment calling for return to constitutional
ru1e.3 As r.roted by Dickson, this was followed by seminars in which their
congregations provided the forum for discussion on developing a democratic political
system.a Aboagye-Mensahexplains that
What is striking about the step taken by the Christian Council was that the
Government of Ghana, The Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), wanted to
make sure that no other platforms were created for the debate on the national issues
except the one controlled and directed by the govemment. In this respect the Church
went against the dictates of the govemment to create an altemative fomm where the
dictates of the govemment to create and alternative forum where people could feel
free to speaft their mind on the issue.s
Prior to the 1992 elections, The christian council of Ghana also published a couple of
booklets on democracy to aid Christians reflect on making responsible contributions
towards the process.6 Prominent church leaders made public statements on the need
to refurn to civilian rule and democracy. The Anglican Synod made a statement on 2nd
September, 1992 declaring that it is only a democratic system that is compatible with
Christianity. In a Pastoral Letter dated October 1992, the Christian Council and
Catholic Secretariat called for peace during the elections and declared a special week
of prayer for the nation, beginning on Sunday, October 25, 1992. All preachers were
2 Kwesi A. Dickson, "The Church and the Quest for Democracy in Ghana" in Pau[ Gifford (ed.) The
Christian Church and the Democratisation of Africa (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995), p.263.
3 Ibid, p. 263.
4 Ibid, p. 263.
5 Aboagye-Mensah, Robert, K, Mission and Democracy in Africa: The Role of the Church (Accra:
Asempa Publishers, 1994), p.4.
These are the Ecumenism and Democratic Culhre Series comprising "Democ:ratic Culture,
ConstitutionandFreeandFairElections"(Bookl)and"HumanRights."(Book 2)TheCatholic
Bishops Conference also produced The Catholic Church and Ghana's Searchfor a New
Democratic Syslem.
RELICION AND POLITICS
aclvisc'd to "... prcach on peace, tolerance ancl forgivcness at all servic,es" during thc
,,r'cck.' The Ghanir Pentecostal Council re-echoed this conccrn b),c:rlling tbr a Day'ol
Prayer and fasting on October I l. 1992. for peace in Ghana. On October 30. 1992
thc religious bodies led by the Bahai organized a Peace lrtlarch in Accra to urgc a
peaceful electioneering. The Muslims had earlier held special prayers for peace on
Scptember I I of the same month.
Horvever, it r.vas the call by the Christian leadership for 'a God fearing man' to
be elected as Plesident that set thc religious tone for the 1992 elections. Somehow.
many of the candidates rvho car-ue up rn party presidential primaries and later as
prcsidential candidates sought to present themselves as'God-f-earing men' ot at Icast
as Chlistians. Christian credentials therefbre became an essential element of
qualification fbl the prcsidency, rvhich, of course, is houscd at Christiansborg Castle.
The result tlay be dubbed a phenor.nenon of 'Politicians or Presider.rtial Candidates fbr
God'.
Poliricians /or Gotl
It seems that sorne of the presidential candidatcs felt thc nccd to declarc thetnsclves as
'God lcaring' so as to hopefr-rlly use the Church as a gatewa-v to the Castle. Various
candiclates thercfore re-packagcd their Christian irnages for public consurnption.
Ku,esi Yankah cornmenting on this attitudc in an article sub-titled "Building
Castles in the Church" notcd that:
Suddenly it has been realised that the shortost route to the castle is tho chnrr:h. and so.
thercforc, presidential aspirants (and doubtfuls) arc building castles in the chnrch,
even lvhen they are conrins to ernbezzle flrnds. The utole trick has been to hold the
Bible in one hancl, the constitutron in the other gct the votes ancl throw ths Bible
arva1,. They of-course knou the psychology ofthe electorate.s
The psychology of thc electorate is probably built on r.ariorts religious traditions.
African Traditional Rcligion. the resilient foundations of religious life in Ghana,
decply inf'lLrences all aspects of life and the political is no exception. The Chief, the
svmbol of political life. is sacrecl ancl rules in the placc of the ancestors and is
responsible to them. Sorne of his firnctrons are reli-eious ancl priestly. Thc first alien
tarth to corne to Ghana. Islam. historically linked up with h'aditional political
aulhorit.v. Traditional mlers grantcd the eally Muslinr traders rights of passage and
cmployed them in their cottrts in vat'ious capacities including religio-magical ones
that enabled them to consolidate their power. Christianity arrived with Westem
political porver. Tholrgh it rvas not quite able to reconcile itself with the traditional
political system. it still re spccted h'aditional political pou'er.
Christianity in Ghana l.ras for sometime been in a dilemma abottt lctive
Chlistian palticipation in party politics. The nor-mal attittlde of n-rost Christiaus
especially Pentecostals and those belonging to the Independent Afl'ican Churches is
apolitical. Yet they normally supported the gor.ernrnent of the day on the scripfural
basis that all governments exist by divine authoriry. Political activity leading to the
first Fourth Republican elections, however, revealed that Christianity in Ghana is
becomir.rg more inclined tou'ards active involvement in politics than was previously
the case-
"A Call to all Citizens of Ghana. Tlre Illection of President and Parliarnentarians fbr the tburth
Republic." ,A. Plstoral Lcrter tiorn the Christian Council of Ghana and the National Catholic
Bishops' Confercnce of Ghana Accra-Gltana. October 1992.
Tlris n,as in Iris regularcolumn "Woes ol'A Kuatriot'inThe Mirror, Saturday, l2 Septenlber,
t992.
ELOM DOVLO
This is probably because the ChLrrch is bccoming morc and nrore concemed
rvith social ancl economic problen.rs tl.rat arise due to the politics of undctlocratic
govemilnce. Thus thc notion is gradually gaining gronnds that the Christian must (not
can) gct directly involved in politics to change the society. One of the reasolls for this
new attitude may also be the elite r.ratr-rre ol contemporary Evangelical and
Charisnratic Reueu,al. Men of successflll business and professional life belong to the
rnovelrellt. They find it difficult to sit down and simply acquiesce in ',vhatever
goverllarlce their nation is subjected to. They extend the notion of divine election to
all spheres of life. As Amold Bittlinger notes, there are different types of
charismatics and "The politically engaged chansmatics uill look tbr chalisrnatic
contributions (gifts of prophecy, wisdom, disceming of spirit. leadership) in everyday
democratic processes..."'
In the 1992 presidential elections, the candidaturc of Kwabena Darko sct thc
tcttor of the uttprecedcnted religious focus of the elections. Krvabena Darko, thc
"flagbcarer" of the National Independence Palty (NIP), was one of those u.ho
introduced thc l"ull Gospel Businessrnen Fellowship International (FGBFI) to Ghana.
He rvas Presiclcnt oltlie Fellowship in 1992 when he stood for elections. He is also
an Elclcr of 1hc Assenrblies ol God Church. He rvas onc ol thc fresh laccs on thc
Glranaiarr politieal sccne.
It was inrtrally nrntored that his dccision to nln \vas basecl on Divinc
revelation. Hc tried on i.arious occasions to corrcct this inrprcssion. He explaincd
that he tlecided to enter politics out of personal conviction after careful and prayerful
consideration. This, however, did not dispel mrnors that his decision to mn was
based on a vision. Incleed Darko tried hard to dispel such nrmors of divine clection.
This reveals his arvareness that in spite of the strong inf'luencc of religion on thc
pcople, sltch clairns, unvcrifiable as thcy arc. nrake peoplc cloubt rather than believc in
lu cundirl:rte.
Whatevcl brought about his dccision to run, his Christian creclentials bccame
thc benchn-rat'k tbr othcr candidates. Darko was presentecl as a successfirl business
tycoon rvith fi-iends of the sanre caliber jn Anrerica. He was said to dine regularly
rvith Anrerican President George Bush. On the sanre slate he was projected as
Ghana's zrnswer to Ross Perot u,ho was then a thom in the flesh of George Bush. But
it rvas the Christian qualities of Darko and his rvife that fbrmed the pivot of his
campaigu. For if Ghana rvauted a God-l'ealing man then there rvas no better candidate
than a 'Born Agailt' Christiau.
Within his party. the NIP, Prof. Abdallah Botchway, a Muslin.r who was
expected to anchor the N4uslirn votes to the NIP, withdreu, fi'om the prrmaries and
threw his support behind Darko. Muslim sources accuse him of exploiting his faith to
raise funds for his candidature in the Arab rvorld and Malasia. At his early lallies
especially in Madina, a Musiirn suburb of Accra, he presented himself as 'the Muslim
Candidate' but ended up supporting the candidarure of Kwabena Darko. These rnade
thc Muslim comrnur.rity angry rvith liim and cor.rsider him a traitor.
Thc other rnost scrious contendcr in thc primaries rvas Dr. Gcorge Hagan, of
thc University of Gharra. I{e tricd hald to rnatch up to Darko's Christian creder.rtials.
Private advcrtisements sponsored by one Dr. Evans Arloateng in the dailies tried to
establish his Christian crcdentials. One of them reads:
Indeecl his nrotivation to run tbr the leadership of the NIP has been motivated largely
by pressLrre pr:t on him by his friends. They see hinr as rrot only as having provided
earlier Ieaclership to Catholic Christrans, he is also rvell accepted by Islamic
conrrnunities in view ofexhibited closeness to the latter group...He has providcd
9 Bittlinger, Arnold. Ilg Clutrclt i.r Chn'isntatic (Geneva: WCC., 1982), p,ll
RELIGION AND POLITICS
active support and guidance to the Bishops of Ghana on secular rnatters. IJe once
represented the Pope at an Accra .IINESCO cont'erencc. I{e is a consultant to the
national catholic secretariat and the Gha,a catholic Bishops conference.l0
Another advertisernent in the Daily Graphic of Friday, Septernber I l, lg92
reaffirmed the christian credentials of the Hagan farnily. It pr-oclain.red:
Dr. Hagan also l-rolds a papal arvard for dedicated ser'ice t. ch.rch and Nation. IIis
f'ather rvas The Knight of St. Gregory. His 82 year okJ rnother, lv{rs. catherinc
Hagan, a retired teacher and lor rnany years headmistress of St. Joseph's Catholic
Schooi, Adabraka, Accra rvas also a Papal Arvard rvinner tbr outstanding service to
Church and Country. | |
The Catholic standard also gave him a positive front-page corerage.'2 Horvever,
apart fi'onr contesting Mr. Darko's christian credentials, Dr. Hagan also had to
corltest with Darko's financial crcdentials. on this latter fror.rt, Hagarr,s orthodox
christian and nniversity lecturer's "silver and gold have I nonc,,(Acts 3:6) rvas sirnply
outweighed by Darko's Evangelical 'The Silver is mine and the gold is rnine, saith the
Lord olhosts' (Haggai 2:8).
outsicie tlie NIP there werc other God-inspired candidatcs. The Rev. Krvaku
Boateng aspired to be the presidcntial candidate of the National Conventiop part1.'
(NCP). A nrinister during the first Republic, he vanished lrorn the political scenc lor
quite a long tttue. He re-enrergcd as nrenrber olthe Consultativc Asscntblv that drew
up thc Forth Republican Constitution. It rvas during this tinrt that rnsst Ghanaitrns
becalrc aware that during the period ofabsence fiom the public cye he had converted
frorn Governrnent Minister to Revercnd Minister.
Rev. Boateng later resigned frorn the NCp. He accused the leaclership of
rnanipulating the presidential nomination in favor of Mr. K.N. Ackaah. The Secretary
General of the party, Mr. Rowland Atta Kesson, responded to thc allegation with a
staternent that queried the basis of Rcv. Boateng's presidential anrbitions. Part of thc
press statement he released obsenecl that:
His (13oateng's) presidential arrbitions are far-fetched, urrrealistic and bascd on a
spttrious clairn tlrat it is nrandated by God. Throughout his interirn chaisnanship,
cornracle Kwaku Boateng, contrary to all reason, logic and scientific truth, sougirt
pernetual cover under his much vaunted cloak of divine inspiration and infbrnted
everyotle that all his decisions are God-directed because he was in direct contact ,,vith
coD.13
Thus the party that projected Kw'aku Boareng back into the political lirnelight
informed the nation that his claims to the presidencv rvere spurious. They aiso
rerninded the r.ration that in spite of religious claims he rvas still a "cornrade.,, A term
rvrongly associated with atheistic political ideology of socialism in popular
irnagination.
The National Patriotic Party (NPP) also had a God-inspired candidate in its
presidential primaries. Mr. Kodua, a lawyer by profession, clain.red divir.re revelatior.r
and vision as the basis for offering himself to the party and nation. His votes at the
party convelltion were the least. It seems that God forgot to reveal His divine choice
to the NPP Electoral College.
l0 Daily Gruphic, Saturday,5 September 1992,p.4
I I Duilt' Gruphit, Friday, I I Septer-nber 1992, p.6.
12 Stundtd. 9-15 August 1992. p.l .
l3 Thc Gltoiaiun Ttmcs,26 Septenrber 1992, pp. l&3.
ELOM DOVLO
Prof-. A. Adu Boahen rvon the NPP's 1992 presidential candidacy.
Throughout his distinguished scholarly career, he was known best by his last trvo
narles. As the campaign took off. he 'uvas increasing called Albert to rernind the
nation that he is a Christian. The firll nanre. rather tlran the initial A, rvas stuck in
tl'or-rt of the popr.rlar dLro. An intennie* in the Chrl.srlan Me.ssenger cor-rfirr-ned his
Christian convictions. He did not only have Christian convictions. It seerns that atier
his nornination he must have had a sense of divine election. For at the etite Ridge
Church soon after his normnation. He read the 1't Lesson. u'hich echoed the prophetic
rnanifesto of Jesus Christ ir.r Luke's Gospel. "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me
because he has anointed me to preach the gospel to the poor; he has sent me to heal
tlre brokerr lrearted..."(Luke 4: 18). A special issue of The Statesntan (a ne\\'spaper
ou,ned by a leadtng rlrerlber of the NPP) gave teu reasons u'hy tl-re populace nrLrst
vote for Aclu Boahen. Thc tenth r.l,as "FIc is a God-fcarins lrlan. courascous. hur:tblc
and casilv approachablc.''rl
Thc experience in 1996 rvrth God-fearing rncn u'as hon'evcr diff.-rent. Thc
Rcr,. Dr. Krvaku Lartey sought permission lrom iris Church, t1-re Ghana Pr.-sbrtcrien
Church, to slancl for the Presidency. However hc was not able to nrake it t.r ih;
prirnaries. A sccond aspirant rvas Mr. Ocansey of the Export Promotion Council. H.:
rnuch in tune rvitl'r the spirit of the 1992 clcctions declarcd that he had a vision to llld
thc country,. He offered hirnself as an rndependent candidatc but uas unable qi:|:r
cnough norninations to filc his independcnt candidature.
Gencrally, it seenrs that the Clhristian influcncc was stron_rrer in the l9>)l
carnpaign than tl're 1996 campaign. Onc probable reason is that prior Io the l.)t)l
clcctions and rndeed throughor"rt the era of Provisional National Defcnce Coune:.
(PNDC) mle, the Christian leadership played surrogate opposition partv to th.-
government. -f hey constantly gave back to Caesar what is Caesar's by holding up a
mirror for thc govcmment to sce its image . Since political parties rvere banned after
the PNDC coup they emcrgcd prior to thc clcctions at a disaclvantage and stnrqsl3rl to
tind a fboting in the race. This u,as not the case w'ith the National Democraiic
Congress. u'hrch tlansfornrcd and regrouped its .,vell-organized rer-olutionan' orglrns
fl'on-r tl-re er-a of thc nrilitary junta for the den-roclatic campaign.
The voice of the Christian Council and Catholic Bishops Conf'erence. oticn
spcaking in unrson through pastoral lettcrs. was therefore strong enough in 1991 to
recommend that the coulltry took fbr a'God fearing man.' In 1996. the presence and
grou.'th of a vibrant political opposition lrore or less relieved the Christian leadership
of its role as surrogate oppositron.
Further, the outcome of the 1992 elections must have cautioned the leadership
of the Orthodox religious bodies to be less brazen about *,hom they \\rant to be
president. Tl.re feeling in 1992 u,as that they u,anted Rawlings out of power.
Rarvlings has commented on this on a nurnber of occasions with the remark that God
did not answer their prayers. In 1996, therefore, their message was more neutral.
They called on the nation to pray for a peaceful election and reconciliation after the
elections. There was no lollger a direct call to elect a tvpe of Christlan leader.
SLk.t t:l Zotte.\
Naturalll, the claims to religious, especially Christian candidacy, in 1992 rvere
reflective of a strorlg belief in a Christian constituency that would vote for such
candidates. The Ghana Evangelical Comrnittee in its Church survey in 1989 put the
Christiar.r population at 6Ot% of the total population of the country.r5 In 1992 it rvas
assumed that Darko rvould capture the Christian vote. Yet Darko had no assured or
viable Chr istian vote from the very beginning of the campaign. This is because of the
l-lte Stutestnun, S Novenrber 1992, p.l.
Ghana Evangelisnr Comnrittee. .Yutional Clttrrch SLrrt'c.t. 1989. pp. I3 & l4
RELIGION AND POLITICS
supposedly large percentage of Christians in the country only I I percent of them
attendcd Chr.rrch, accorcling to the sarne st,*.y.'n These may'be cortnted on as
cornrnitted Christians likely to hear thc sennons and adnronishing of the lcadership.
Out of this group of ardent Christians, the Evangelical and Charistnatic wing to 
"r'hich
Krvabena Darko belonged can be pul at less than 3 percent.
Clearly there were also denominational preferenccs for the canclidatcs. The
Catholic Slondard's feahrre of George Hagan ancl thatof Chri.stian Mes.sengerof Adu
Boahen may be interpreted as expressing the Catholic and Mainline Protestant
pref-erences respectively. The Evangelical and Charismatic Christians, however,
debated 'uvhether it was right fbl Darko to stand. The FGBFI disassociate d itself from
the political aspirations of its rnost prominent African member, tbunder and President.
In an intervierv with lhe Daily Gruphit, Mr. Godfried A. Bar.nfb, National Secretary.
is clroted to have stated that:
.As far as this platform is conccrned, canvassing for a party or an individual during the
current political carnpaign is out.... Politics is not our fellorvship. As a religiotrs
f'ellorvship, each menrber is free to choose his or hcr political affiliation. As sootr as
r.r'e allou politics in rve u'ill ruin the fellow'ship.l7
Thc Worren Aglorv Fellor.vship foundecl by Darko's,uvile as thc fen-rale countcrpart to
thc FGBMI sharcd thc same sentiment with Mr. Bamlo. Mrs. Esmc Siriboe, tlte tlrcn
National Prcsident. is also quoted as sayin-u that'We havc our lreedonr to cxcre ise
individuui lights. Ir is not true we arL'sllpporting or canvassing lor any in.livitltral.'rt
The Assemblies of God Chr.rrch also distanced itsclf frotn thc Darko
Carnpaign. It even removed Mrs. Darko tiorn her promincnt position as coordinator
of its Wornen Ministry. She was accused of distributing political fliers for her
husband at their rneetings. This was a clear indication that the Church did not rvish to
be officially or unofficially involved in the political aspirations of the Darkos.
Thus though the leadership of the Church were praying for a "Gocl-fcaring
man." they were not prepared to support their prayers with an open choice. Thcy
u,erc caught by the neecl to remain neutral as rcligious bodies whose membership rvas
uf r rrliorrs political pcrsttasions.
Moreover, even though orthodox or mainline Chutch leaders called on
Christians to vote for persons of sonnd moral qllalities, most of the membership of
their churches had old political allegiances. Many Orthodox Christians are also rvary
of the Evarrgclical and Charrsmatrc phenomenon and would not entrust leadership to a
representative of the phenon-renon. Kwabena Darko visited and even tnade donatior-rs
to the Synod of the Ghana Presbytenan Church then rneeting at Agona Nsaba. He did
not rnake mnch impact. He rvas even clapped out rvhen he exceeded the time allotted
to him. Rev. Kwaku Boaterrg who also called at the Synod, received the saure
treatment when he lapsed into spirit-fiIled sennonization. When Albert Adu Boahen
called at Agona Nsaba he received better treatment, clearly showing preference for
him.
Wrilst Darko was being prematurely declared the winner of the Chr.iNstaianna
vote. F1t Lt Rawling's and his tvife took to the Christian circuit seriously. 
Konadu Agyen-ran Rawlings, the wifc of the Head of State, attended various church
gatherings of wotnen and other groups in the Orthodox Churches. J.J. Ralvlings
himself preferred the Independent aud Pentecostal Church trail. He began u'ith a
16', Ibid.
. I 7 The report appeared in an item captioned " 2 Religious Bodies deny canvassing lor Darko." In
Dail.t Graphic. I September 1992. p. 9.
l8 Ibid.
,16 ELOM DOVLO
ln 1912, the Government and Heads of the Principal Missions in the Gold Coast in
their endeavor to safeguard the interest ofthe native Christians who were supposed to
' be suffering under the imposition of heathen rites, resolved among other things in
Kumasi on 2nd March, 1912, as follows: That in future no Christian shoutd be obiiged
to 'swear back' on 'Oath'.29
In August 1996, the Ashanti Regional Minister, Mr. Ohene Agyekum, voluntarily
decided to forgo this exemption. Prior to the elections there were various attempts to
make some politicians fall foul of traditional authority and peoples. This was the case
of the Ashanti Regional Minister, Mr, Ohene Agyekum. He was accused of
disrespect to the Asantehene Otumfuo Opoku Ware II. He was accused of declaring
that he did 'not fear the Asantehene but respects him'. He is alleged to have made the
remark in April 1996 wlile settling a quaffel between two rival groups of butchers in
Kumasi. Four months after the meeting, The Pioneer later joined by The Ghanaian
Voice tried to end his political career with the allegation.30 He was promptly
aQcused of re-echoing Rawlings' 1992 blunder of not fearing God, on a smaller and
traditional scale.
Yet unlike the previous case'where there were no supernatural sanctions or
fast retribution, the Kumasi Traditional Council proved that the Asantehene must be
feared. Without giving the minister a hearing, they slaughtered a sheep to appease the
gqpq for the taboo ofdisrespect to the king. They then asked the President to remove
the,Minister from the region within one week. In his defence, the Minister revealed
th4t as an Ashanti royal (of the Oyoko Clan), he could not have said.such things
against the Asantehene. He sued the newspapers involved in the allegation.
Helvever, knowing that it would not solve the problem he offered to take the Great
O4lh (N1am Kesie) of the Ashanti. He stated that he was ready to swear by the great
oath of the Ashanti, even though he was a Christian. This oath would invoke the
ctlstgnpry right to a hearing and adjudicating of fhe case to prove his innocence. It
wguldrhavpj forced the King to sit over the case and judge who was right or wrong.
Th9;cgqp,ryg,s l4tter resolved amicably as his challenge was not taken up.
The Ashanti Regional Minister waS not the only person to seek the avenue of
thg traditional,oath.. Dr. Alex Ababio, the NDC Member of Parliament for West Dayi
Constifugncy, ailualfy swore the great oath of Peki, Agbenoagbe, before the
paf9qggnj chief of lhg Peki traditional area. During the party primaries a number of
a[e€pti,ons wqrA,,fey.ql,ed, against him by executive of the Eagle Party, which is in
allianc-e rvith th9 NDC- [!p yp, for instance, alleged to have accused the people . of
the Peki traditignal arpa o[ dislikipg ,PJesident Rawlings. He was also accused of not
accounting for an amount qf,l,l,gullign,Cedis collected for the Peki Disaster Relief
fund and l5 nrillion Cedis given to all parliamentarians for development projects in
their constituencies. Upon swearing the oath, the paramount chief summoned the
Traditional Council to settle the case-.The gxqcutive of the Eagle.Party was made to
apologise,to Dr. ,gbabio, [o paciff him.and,$Ettle all his expenses.''
,.. ,A.t ,Berekum., thg'Mu1,q{ty. Iig.aduq,,,gf the House, and Minister for
P41!!am9gpry,Aff4!qs, Mr.,,o._ulU,4fhgq,Sppgg,,lt is rumored, also swore a number
of oaths. In the first, it is alleged that his support was undermined by a rumour that he
wps,lnq!ruqnq4tal,in.Ihp dismisgal.qf,a sprliq,r poliqp officer (an influential son of the
arpe) ftgnir,{hE GhuqC Polipq Sewicg, In..ol4qf la,$jlprt the damaging rumour he is
a[Eeed tq.havq sw,ern al qath to the man" ,tq.th9,f ffea,l that he had nothing to do with
his dismissal., . : .:, , ,.:ri,. ii
. . t. i' i ,,r
29!, Os.eadeayo dddo;Danltrta tII; ';Libati6a a$d pa,thi qpearleotIre,at flqinity College, Legon, 30
November 1987, p.7.
30 The Pioneer, Thursday,25 July 1996, p.i.
3l Cf . The Ghanaian Time,s, I I October I 996, p.3.
RELIGION AND POLITICS 15
Muslim fcasts of Id al Fitr and Adha public holidays likc Christrr.ras and Easter. This
rvonld not have raised an cyebrorv if it had come tl'om any othcr: party. Many
Christians would have no quarrel rvith it. Horvever, the Evangelical Christianity o1'
s'hich Mr. Darko is a prominent leader, is not known fbr beiug inclusivist. It lvas not
one to -glant parity rvith the Chlistian laith. This episode of the Darko crrnprrgn
revealed horv difficult it is to proffer a candidacy based on religious credentials in a
religiotrsly plural society like Ghana. It w,as clear that out of fear of alienatine the
Muslim vote the NIP had to make a move to reassure Muslir.ns through the promise of
national holidays. Darko already had problerrs rvith the Muslim vote especially at his
hot-ue base of Kut-uasi u'here he is suspected of supporting the Converted Musliur
Christian Mission (CMCM) uhich is activel.v propagating Christ to Muslirns. His
llrovc \vas therefore inconsistent rvitli Dar-ko's Christian irnage. It quer-ied thc
consistcr.rcv of l-ris candidacy, as did ntanv of the issucs raised abovc. It exposecl thc
problems of religious candidature in a rcligiously plural society.
The 1996 clcctions suffercrl lcss lion-r such nroral issues. T',vo issues atlractccl
public atl.ention during the period bclore the elcctions. The first ancl thc lrost scriorrs
dealt witlr tlrreats issued by sonrc politicians and political activists that if the
incumbcnt r,"'on thc clcctions thcn Gliana would be rcduced to Libcria and Rwancla.
Ghana is host to many Liberian rclirgccs ancl thc people are kccnly arvare of the
atrocitics tlrat occurrcd in that country. hnprovernent in telecontrnunication lrad
brouglrt the horrors of Ru,anda into ntany GI'ianaian ltot.tres. Thcrc r.,u.as also thc fcar
that il'thc govcrnnrent Iost it u'oulcl not go qLrictly irnd sincc it had.para-ntilitar.v
supl)or1 tlrut could tusrrlt. irr u rr.
It u'as this fcar that hclcl thc attcntion and conccrn ofvarious religious boclies
in thc coltntry so that the call for praycls rvas for a peaceful election, r'eeonciliation
ancl tolcrance.
The other issue focused on thc cstrangecl Vice-Presiclcnt, l\,1r. Kow Ackah,
rvho rvas accltscd of having an al'lnir rvith a Jenrinra Yalleir. It rvas clear that the
Vicc-Prcsiclcnt r'r,as thc victinr ol political propagancla. Hou,evcr, this aff-ectcd his
rloral crcdibilitv and rnade hirr a liabilitl, to the NCP.-NPP alliancc.
We cannot, however, conclLtdc this papcr rr'ithout rcftrring to the main
religious t'eature of ttre 1996 elections. It has to do rvith detern.rinir.rg the tnrth.
securing loyalry and ensuring victory. It also lias to do with the resurgence of
traditional religion in the politics of the For.rrth Republican elections. This was
mainlv manifested in the su,earing of oaths, and accusation of ritual sacrifices to
ensure victory. After the ovenr.hehning Christian influence of 1992, this
plrenornenon in 1996 can be dubbed 'the return of the native.'
The Rcnrrn of the Native
Whcrcas in the 1992 elections Christianity dorninated the religious issues, in 1996
traditional religion and culture wcre paramount. It emerged to assert itself as the
unvanquished laith ol rnany that could still wield its influence even on self-
proclainred Christians. This assurned various forms, the most prominent being the
usc of traditional oaths.
Oaths norrrallv refcr to some tragic events involving some inrportant
nncestors. There are various types of oath taking. The type involved in our
discussion is a traditional forrn of prerogative writ in which a person accused of an
offcnce. desircs to impress upon others his innocence by swearing an oath. This oath
obliges the traditional ruler to hear the case to determine his or her inntrcence.
According to Oseadeeyo Addo Dankwa III, Omanhene (Paramount Chief) of
14 ELOM DOVLO 
support to the NIP. However, the NIP's presidential running mate was Prof. Naa 
Afarley Sackeyfio. She was dismissed from the University of Cape Coast and denied 
the right to redress in the courts because a decree indemnified the Interim 
Management Committee of the University. Would she also have an axe to grind? 
Apart from this, the NIP, which as we have stated set the religious tone of the 
campaign, raised certain moral questions about the way it packaged its candidate. 
The Darko candidacy, as already noted, posed moral questions to some Christians. 
They wondered whether it was right for a Christian to be deeply involved in party 
politics. His choice of party was the NIP with deep CPP roots. The Convention 
People's Party was formed by Kwame Nkrumah and led the country to independence 
and the First Republic. It was socialist in ideology and therefore associated with 
atl\eistic lore that was not quite reconcilable with the image of Darko. Could brother 
Darko also be Comrade Darko at the same time? In jest some even said his choice of 
NIP was based on revelation. The Party symbol, a cock, aptly captured his business as 
a chicken magnate. 
However, the major moral problem with the Darko campaign centered on the 
perennial question of the struggle between God and Mammon. The spread of the 
Gospel of Prosperity proffered by many charismatic Christians reconciled Wealth and 
God. However, the Darko campaign fell victim to a moral controversy over the 
display of wealth by Christians. The impression was created during the Darko 
campaign that he was flaunting his wealth. The very first picture of the Darko 
campaign introduced the tuxedo clad family into the Ghanaian politics of Batakari 
and T - shirts. The picture of affluence reflected the Prosperity Gospel associated 
with contemporary charismatic renewal in Ghana. It was a positive picture but it 
could not supplant the traditional picture of Ghanaian political attire that sought to 
identify with the common man. 
Darko's appearance tied in with his utterances. In his campaign speeches he 
promised Ghanaians paradise. Mainline Christians saw this message as deceptive and 
unappreciative of the full value of the cross of Christ. Further, it is believed that 
Darko's affluence and the hope of further finance for the party propelled him into the 
leadership of the party. 
The Darko campaign was further damaged in an advertisement that appeared 
ve1y briefly on Ghana Television. The advert carried the nation into the Darkos 
dinning room. The sumptuous spread on the table must have caused a spate of 
salivation across the nation. From table, Kwabena Darko walked out to enter one of 
two plush Mercedes Benz cars. The door was closed to seal his doom. The advert 
appeared only briefly for a couple of days. It was seen as grossly flaunting his wealth 
in public view. It was edited later in the week to remove the offensive parts 
mentioned above. The editing reveals that some sober mind alerted the Darko 
campaign about ,ts negative impact. 
However, it was too late. The advert coupled with Mr. Darko's fondness 
during the campaign for the proverb "If a naked man offers you cloth be mindful of 
him" was interpreted negatively. The proverb according to an NIP insider emerged in 
an attempt to parcel Darko as Ghana's answer to Ross Perot, a wealthy businessman 
and industrious person who can fulfill the promise of bringing the nation to greener 
pastures much more than the other candidates do. The proverb was, however, 
interpreted by many conservative Christians as a boast unbecoming of a Christian. 
His generous gifts of chicken and eggs to the clergy in Kumasi during the period were 
also interpreted as vote buying. Mammon triumphed, whether Darko intended it or 
not in his campaign.· 
Then Prof. Naa Afarley Sackeyfio, his presidential running mate, denied him 
the chance of a possible resurrection as a credible Christian candidate. She promised 
a meeting of Muslims that the NIP if voted into power would declare the two major 
RELIGION AND POLITICS 13
Sex, Vengeance, Food and Mammon
Ethics is an important element in contemporary politics. Scandals especially sexual
and financial ones currently haunt world politicians. During the 1992 presidential
campaign, economic and ethical issues overshadowed policy issues. These issues
centered on human rights, and the moral probity of candidates. The human rights
records of the PNDC government were the main focus of attention. The memory of
the three judges and an army officer, assassinated on 20thJune, 1982 were regularly
recalled to drive the point home. Opposition stalwarts like Ray Kakraba-Quarshie
wrote articles on human rights irt the Ghanaian pape.s."
However, the issues bordering on principles were soon relinquished for
matters of personal morals. These were raised much more in the form of trading
insults. The mode naturally deprived them of any moral value. The battle of smear
campaign was fought mainly between the supporters of Prof. Adu Boahen and Flt. Lt.
J.J. Rawlings. While the former was accused of impregnating a maidservant, the
latter was in the same breath accused of homosexual tendencies and heterosexual
hyperactivity. This unsubstantiated, vitriolic, and disgusting side of the campaign by
the supporters of both sides did not however have the desired effects.
Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings as some people polled at the time indicated looked too
virile to be'gay'. Moreover, stories about heterosexual affairs including the very
story of his affair with a German woman were seen as contradicting the homosexual
label. In the popular Ghanaian mind such affairs are no big deals, however morally
wlong they are. After all, as someone put it, military personnel are associated with
the amorous life in popular imagination. Indeed, one recalls that before General I.K.
Acheampong was executed by the Rawlings regime in 1979 he was publicly accused
of moral turpitude. His famous reply was "Wrich of you flirt only with your wife?"
It is also clear that people did not believe the vitriolic allegations against Prof. Adu
Boahen.
Another moral concern that led to appeals for peace and a peace march led by
a number of religious bodies was the fear of vengeance if the opposition won. Two
presidential candidates in particular, Prof. Adu Boaheri and Dr. Hilla Limman were
feared to habour vengeance in their hearts against Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings. In addition,
the NPP, it was feared, would exact vengeance that would stretch beyond the PNDC
to the entire Ewe people. The fwo candidates were aware of this problem and
repeatedly declared during the campaigns that they would not exact vengeance. Dr.
Limann made the declaration at arally at Ho on September 10, 1992. Professor Adu
Boahen made it several times. For example, at a rally at Mampong on l6th October,
he stated that "We_-will not probe or try Rawlings. We will leave himJo his own
conscience. I am i-eh*stian and I believe that vengeance is for the Lord."28
Nevertheless, the human element of vengeance stili lurked glaringly as insults
were cast at Rawlings. The NPP provided the most qualitatively good advertisement
of the campaign. Some of the people who were most offended or felt offended by the
Rawlings regime appeared on such adverts. They included Major Courage
Quarshigah, a friend tumed foe. Another was Kwabena Agyepong the son of Justice
K.A. Agyepong, one of the judges killed during the Rawlings regime on 30th June
1982. They all silently re-affirmed that though Prof. Adu Boahen had renounced
vengeance, this was not fully reflected in the campaign at the popular level. Too
many threats flew about with regard to what would happen (win or lose) arnong
supporters of various parties.
Part of the calculation of the NIP was that for fear of vengeance the PNDC, if
it could not win the presidential election at the first round of voting would give
27 'How do wc identiff Human Rights?' by Ray Kakraba-Quarshic, Standard,9-15 August 1992,
p.5.
28 Ghanaian ?nuzes, Saturday, l7 October 1992,p.3.
12 EI-OM DOVLO
l'abricating llic accusation.:5 In spitc of the carnpaign, the NPP was able to sccttre its
trzrditional seats in the northern sector of the country which is predontinantl,v Muslirn.
Hor'vever, the National Democratic Congress is said to have faced a Muslrnr
debacle as wcll during the 1996 elections which involved the Tijanniya movement.
.Accorcling to sources, in 1992 Shayk Abdallah Maikano of Prang. in Brong Ahafo
Region, leader of the movement, gave support to President Rarvlings. Houever. in
1996 he refused to clo so on the grounds that tlie president made certain prolnises in
1992 rvhich he did not ftllfil. One rvas to btrild the biggest mosque at Plang and offer
concessions for the annual pilgrimage. N{atters u'orsenecl rvhen on a Fndal'shilst h.-
w,as delrverrng his serrnon there u'as a gun shot rvhich he is saicl to have attribtrtci t.l
government attempts to get rid of hirn. It rs said that attempts bv the hcad ot'stete Io
rneet him pt'oved futile. Not even the Dagomba chref in Accra. AbdLrl Qadir. nor I
respected fl'iend, Abdul Razak Tahir, a Ghanaian lecturer in Amadtt Bello Universitl .
Zaria nor the Chief Imarn could resolve the problem. He is alleged Io have
proclairned that in 1 992 he rvas behind thc president and the latter rvon because oi his
prayers. but l.re would not support him l996. The Tijanniya group did not. ho\\'eve:'.
rer-nain completely loyal to their leader. In Tatnale some declared that he \\'uS lttil
God and lbllor.ved their old political allegiance.16
The various attempts to discredit candidates before religious cot.tstitti::'.:::'
shou's the strong belief that r.otes can be rnfluenced along religious lines and her,ce
re-affirrr the irnportance of religion in contemporary Ghanaian politics The
attractiorl of religion ir.r tire political campaign is also reflected in the ciroice of songs
dururg thcse campaigns. Some may be called 'songs of praise'.
Songs of Praise
The major campaign songs of the NDC and NPP rvere Christian songs. Thc NDC
used the tnne of "Onr,r'ard Christian Soldiers" rvith emphasis on the retiain "From
Victory unto Vrctory his arnry he shall lead." A second sollg tlsed was a song popular'
among the Charismatic Churches entitled "lVo ke Yesu baya." The song literalll
translated rreans "we do not klorv any one but Jesus, and we r.vill go r.vith him alone."
The name Jesus was replaced with J.J., the initials of President Rau'lings.
In 1992 the NPP used the tune of a popular chorus of the Charisrnatic
Churches. The original lyrics are about'Satan crying in defeat'. Tl.rey substituted the
n'ord "lt is shaking" to emphasis their campargn slogan that they were goitlg to shake
thc nation with arl earthquake. In 1996 they introduced a nerv chortts associated \\'ith
thc Indcpendent African Churches. Its original rvords rvere substituted rvith words
exhorting Ghanaians to revierv their lives to see if there have been any itnprovcrneuts
so as to know how to cast thcir votes. The catchy tune swcpt across the natlon in the
rnanner in which the African Independent Churches frorn which it was borrorved
prolil'eratcd.
The choice of Christian songs is not inccidental. After all, Christian choruses
clorninaie the current music scene in Ghana. This has even recently strmr.rlated the
emcrgence of Muslinr popular music especially by Sidiku Buari. It rnust also be
notcd tlrat lyrics of Christian songs are either rnanifestos about the kingdom of God or
canvass for Christ. Their ethos is naturally political, cven if in a spiritual way.
Horvever, spirituality and religion also call for rnorality. This is the reason
u,hy it is irnportant to touch olt solre moral rssues that emerged during tlie clectiorrs.
25 Dailt. Grophir;, 1l October 1996, p.3.
26 I anr grateful to Ha.lj Nlumuni Sulemana of the Department for the Snrdy of Religions, Legon tbr
tlris inlirrmation.
RELICION AND POLITICS tt
pl'evior.rs week. Il1 an opening speech to the Synod of his Church, this leader.praved
for a God-fearing man to emerge from tlie elections to lead thc nation.
Rau'ling's statement led to the most public exegesis of scripfules the nation
has experieuced in receut timcs. TI-re country was transforn-red into a theological
forr.rnr [o debate 'the lear of God and the Lovc of God'. In other u,ords, could
Ralvlings accept RudolI Otto's et -ftrscinan-s rvitl.rout the fceling of lvll'stet.iutrr
Trenrcnclunt. would his rvitness to God be conrplete? The Cltr.onicle a Ghanaian
Newpapcr in an editorial based on Proverbs 9:10 dcclared "Lct i.J. be told that Gliana
needs a God-fearing leader and rvc are grateful that he has disqLralifiecl himseli"r')
Dtrring the 1996 election carrpaign the opposition media tried at various tirnes
to nrake rcligion an issue. The Ghontrittn Chronicle, for instancc, rcportccl Rawlings'
speech when he openecl thc E. P. Church Synod at Ho under the headline "Ran,lings
Justifics Flogging of Nakcd women at church Funclion". It noted that the Prcsiclclt as
trsnal tlcviatecl fl'onr his prepared spccch to condcrln the Christian cloctrine of turning
the othcr check:
He said that unlike Nigerians, Ghanaians like turning other cheek too reaclily. Then
justitying somc of the harsh measures taken during the early pNDC days, r:specially
stripping women traders naked in public and beating theur, he said that even Jesus
hinrself took the canc to whip traclers in the temple.:l
The Frec Plcss echoed the Chronitle 's concem in a special feature article entitled
"Utterances a,sainst the Most High, shall u'e blame the president?" The a;ticle
clain.red that:
Evcr since his infarnor.rs I-Don'rfcar-God staternent brought to us by GTV, Presiclenr
Rarvlings rs alleged to have rnade five other statcnrents against thc Most High. Thcse
are : Mocking christ for not asscmbling an army like Mohammed did to fight his
enetries. Claiming that God is not dcmocratic, Being very arnuscd that Christians in
Chana prayed to God for a chanqc of governrlcnt but God did not listen to tht-nr,
Bcing very enrphatic that Christ cxutles r.'iolence bv clriving tra(lers out olthc lcrlplc
and chiding Ghanaians tbr tnrning thc other clieek.ll
The sanrc paper also carriecl an article rvith the heaclline "Rawlings Insults Chlrch'
Leaders As'False Prophets suffeling fl'om Mental Disorder."'The 
rl insult w,as clatcclback to I 990. 
Their campaign did not, however, attract as rnuch attention as was the casc in
i 992, plobably because rcligious cledential rvas not an issuc in the 1 996 elections.
Whereas the NDC did not facc the problern of deflecting the fall-off of
lcligior.rs uttclances in thc 1996 elections, its main lival, thc NPP, faccd this pr-oblcm.
It r'vas allcgcd fi The Gzrirlc ner.vspapcl that its Gencral Secr.etary, Mr. Agvenirr.r
Boateng, described Muslims as "lorv grade people."t' Thi, rvas supposecl to be in
ref'erettce to the large Muslini corlmunity in the Ayau,aso West Constituency.
Muslints in the constituency dernonstrated in anger and the NPP promptly accused the
NDC, especially the Minister of Information, Mr. Totobi Quakye, of engineering and
l0 Tlrc Gltattuiutt Chroniclt, T-13 Scprember )992.
2l Tlrc Glttnuian Chronicle, Monday', 9 Scptcmbcr to Wcdncsclay, I I Scptcn.rbcr. 199(r. pagc 7.
22 Free Prcss, Friday, 20 Scptcmbcr to Thulsday, Scptcnrbcr 26, 1996, pp.6-7 .
2i Free Pre.y.s. Wcdncsday,9 Octobcrto Tucsday, l5 Octobcr 15, p.12.
24 Tlte Grtidc. l-7 Octobcr 1996. p. l.
10 ELOM DOVLO
speech of Repentance over thc exccsscs of the Revolution. This u,as delivered to the
Church olPentecost nrecting at the Trade Fair Sitc, Accra at the end of Ar-rgr.rst 1992.
Thcn hc rvent on pilgrinrage to Mozano, thc sacred town ol the Mozanra Disco
Christo Church, one of the olclest and popr-rlous Ghanaian Inclcpendcnt Churchcs on
27tl' August, 1992. There lrc rnused about earlier dreams of bccorning a rlissionary,.
He proceedcd to Cape Coast to attend the National Witness Convention of the
Apostolic church in September 1992. At cape coast, he declared he loved God in
words that were the most controversial of the whole carnpaign and probably the year
1992. He encled up at a Pentecostal Healing center at Sefwi Asafo. He presented
thern rvith a tclevision set ancl cautioned spiritr.ral healers to trlrn to scientiflc healing
whenevcr the necd arises.
Thtrs Rawlings nradc a conscior.rs cflil't to securc votcs fiom tite Inclepenclcnt
SpiritLral churches. Thc Iatter churchcs it must be noted are also wary of
colltemporarv Evangclical and Charisrnatic rcnerval lrovelt'lct1t to r.vhich Darko
belongs. This is because the Ilvangelicals and charisrnatics accuse
Independent/spirittral churches of hamessing spirits other than the Holy Spirit in their
w'ork. They therefore do not regard thent as genr.rinely Christian.re
In 1996 the election issues differed tiom l992. The Cliristian circuir rlas
therefore not stonrped as much as in the 1992 elections. The notable appearances
u'et'e those of President Rarvlings at the Synods of the trvo f'actions of the EP Church.
He attended the Synod held in Accra and at Ho. At both Synods he called on rhe splir
clturch to recotrcile. This rnessage had irrportant political bearing. The ChLrrclr is rhe
trtaitr Protestant Church in thc Volta Region. The controvcrsy betwcen the'tuo
factions of the church had equally dividcd the Volta Region. The Volta region had in
both elections lcndered total support to Rawlings and the NDC. Apart fronr gcnuinc
collcerlt lor reconciliation, there had always been the fcar that the division lnav creatc
roonr lor political inroads by the opposition.
At Ho the Prcsiclent nracle some controversial uttcrances though thel' did not
spark olf thc public clebatc his uttcrances provokcd in I 992. For onc particu)ar issuc
that brought religion to the forelront in 1992 were uttcrances on religion or relisiogs
people, cspecially that by Presidcnt Rawlings that he did not lbar God.
The l'-eur ol Gocl
All party rlratlifestos, especially tliose presented in the first party political broadcasrs
on television h 1992 pronrised religious freedom and the developrnent of the spilitual
lifc of citizens. The Eagle Party made thc ruost rcligious of all prcsenrarions
frequently punctttating it with appeals to God, Even the shadorvy Dentocratic Peoples
Party, rvhich did not feature much in the elections, had the rnotto "GoD IS GREAT"
which captures the Takbeer of Islam.
However, what really stimulated religious dpbate in the 1992 elections rvas
without doubt the utterance of Flt. Lt. Rawlings that "l am not a God Fearing man. I
arn a God Loving man." The declaration was made at the National Witness
Conl'erence ol the Apostolic Church ol Ghana held at Cape Coast. On the spot. a
ratherplacidcongregationclappedlorhinr. Thelogicolhisargurnentwaswell built
llp cvcn though it lacked exegesis of Scriptures. Flt. Lt Rawlings clainted hc loved
God and would want that love to show in his farnily and other relationships. He even
defined what he nreant by the fear of God. He explained that priests in intennediary
positions often create unnecessary fear of God to serve their own purposes. He
implied that he was responding to remarks made by a Church leader during the
l9 Cl Elom Dovlo,'A Comparative Overvierv of'Independent Churches and Charisrrratic Ministrics
in Ghana' l'rini11, Journul ol Church ontl Thaology,2 (lc)92), p.7 l.
ELOM DOVLO
...prevail upon Togbui Adzaklo, to cancel the voodoo curses Mr. Ahiable forced him
to put on Prof. Awoonor and the entire Weta through secret noctumal rites when a pig
was sacrificed.32
Reacting to the letter, the chiefs of Afife with rogbui Adzaklo II as one of the
signatories stated that:
We take a serious view of the statement made by Togbui Ashiakpor that the regional
minister forced Togbui Adzaklo to put voodoo on Prof. Awoonorland the entire Weta
through secret noctumal rites when a pig was sacrificed...We seize this opportunity
to assure Togbui Ashiakpor that Torgbui Adzaklo did not perform any nocturnal rites
on Prof. Awoonor and the people of weta. Rather on May 4, 1996, the day of the
primaries, Prof Awoonor invoked.the spirit of rorgbui Nyigbla the war god of Afife
and performed on ritural days of the god with a white band on his right wrist to hetp
him win the electron.
President Rawlings set the scene for the taking of oaths. In his usual barrage against
christianity he stated that oaths sworn by gods such as the famous Antoa Nyama of
the Ashanti wete bound to produce faster results than swearing on the Bible. It seems
many of his party stalwarts took his advice very seriously.
More sinister were accusations of sacrifices including those of human beings
in order to win the elections. There are indications that in some rural areas parents
kept an eye on their children for fear that they may be used to underpin the spiritual
process to electoral victory of some Mps.
The most stunning of all were insinuations that the Mr. Joseph K. Baidoo, the
driver of the Central Regional Minister Mr. Valis Akyianu, was ritually sacrihced to
assure his victory in the elections.3a
The trend towards traditional religion in the -l996 elections shows the
continuing strength of traditional betief in spirit beings and their capabilities, powers
and functions and their ability to influence the affairs of men.
Conclusion
The above discussions do not exhanst the issues or examples ofthe use ofreligion in
tl,e fwo presidential elections held under the Fourth Republican Constitution so far.
What, however, clearly emerges from the foregoing discussion is that religiorr remains
an important element of political life so long as it influences the live 6 of individuals in
the country. Even though some of such issues emerged as rumours this does not
detract from the influence. It rather reinfbrces how strong beliefs are such tlrat certain
rumotlrs with religior,rs intorrations are meant to influence voters either positively or
negatively.
It is noteworthy that in the absence of multi-party democracy religious bodies
assumed the role of surogate opposition and were able to call the tune for a type of
leadership Ghana needed during the transition to democratic rule in 1992. Hourever,
their influence must not be overcstimated for it seems that the desires of the religious
leaders were not reflected iu the voting that took place, meaning that voting choices
do not necessarily depepd on religious allegiance. or that even if they clo,
32 Dail.v Graphic',3 June I996, p,6, A pig is a tabooed animal to the gods and to saerifice one
invoked their wrath. Among tfe Ewe it is believed that it was sush a sacrifice that led to thE
death ofGeneral Kotoka architect ofthe first coup in Ghana,
33 Duily Grqthic, Saturday, l5 June 1996, p.5,
34 The Ghanairin Chronicle, Monday,4 Noverrrber to Wednesday, 6 Novembor 1996, p, L Etc.
RELIGION AND POLITICS 17
His second foray into the world of traditional oaths occurs within the broader
context of a phenomenon reported from the Eastem, Ashanti and Brong Aliafo
regions in parlicular. This type of oath unlike the first is often referred to as 'eating
fetish' as it involves asking a god or ancestors to punish one if one goes against the
oath.
It is alleged that prospective NDC candidates passed gifts especially money to
prospective voters in a bid to secure their votes. This was because of the support in
these Regions for the NPP. Since the vote is secret, they sought to guarantee the
loyalty of such people by making them swear oaths. Some were therefore made to
invoke the god Antoa Nyama to punish them if they did not vore for the candidates
they took money from.'
It is said that Mr. Owusu Acheampong later joined the practice. In a
retrospective oath, he calied on his ancestors to punish all those who took his money
and would not vote for him. In response, it is rumoured that one such person also
took a counter oath that if the money. distributed to buy votes was genuinely for Mr.
owusu Achearnpong then his oath should work. on the other hand, if the money was
taken fronr government coffers then he rather should suffer punishment from the
ancestors. when Mr. Acheampong collapsed the next day on the campaign trail it
was taken as an indication of the swift working of traditional oaths.
A similar incident was reported in Sunyani where it is alleged that A. A.
Munufie the co-chairman of the NDC invoked the god Asrifi. The god who was
popular in the 19tl' cenfury lost its populariry when a'christian convert fetched
firewood from the sacred grove. The chief priest sanctioned him. This invoked the
wrath of the christians in town who burnt down the sacred grove. Nothing happened
to them after the incident, which made the people loose confidence in the god. The
shrine became a rubbish dump.
During the 1996 elections Mr. Mnnufie threatened that the spirit of Asrifi
would kill those who had collected monies frorn the NDC but did not vote for the
NDC. The people, according to the report, burst out laughing knowing the
diminished image and power of Asrifi. similar incidents were reported in Kumasi
where the Metrolitan Assembly chairman, Akwasi Agyeman, is said to have invoked
the god Antoa Nyama on such persons both in fhe 1992 and 1996 elections.
The Volta Regional Mhister, Mr. Modestus Ahiable, was also caught up in
the oath-swearing binge. Mr. Ahiable, the incumbpnt, contested the Ketu South
Constituency with Prof. Kofi Awoonor in the NDC primaries. The latter, a former
university professor, distinguished poet and Diplornat, Iost to Mr. Ahiable.
Awoonor's failure to secure the vote was seen as mysterious, for the guaranteed votes
from his own village weta seemed to have mysteriously vanished inio thin air. This
mystery was unraveled by further mysteries that rnay have aroused the muse of the
famous poet.
The story is that one member from his hometown, Weta, confessed that the
day before the primaries, the eligible voters from the area were invited to party with
the incumbent. Food and drinks were served. After this, they were duly informed
that the drinks had been dedicated to the War god Togbi Nyigblah, They were
admonished that they had earlier on pledged their loyalty to the incumberrt. However,
with the emergence of Awoonor as a challenger their vote seemed to be wavering.
The drinks were supposed to spiritually bind them to their original vow. It was a
peculiar case of retrospective oath-taking. They were simply reminded about what
they already believed, They knew the woes of defring a vow to Togbi Nyigblah the
principal deity ofthe area.
The battldbetween the people of Weta and Afifb was carried out in ftill view
of the nation through accusations and counter-accusations. In a widely publicised
open letter to the President, the paramount chief of Weta called on Mr. Ahiable to:
RELIGION AND POLITICS 19
denorninational preferences may at times detract from a common religious goal as
happened in the case of Kwanrena Darko.
Another lesson is that excessive n.rud slinging tnay not produce the desired
effects. lt may rather backfile, as was the case especially in the 1992 elections when
there was much mud slinging between the NDC and the NPP relating to their
presidential candidates. Where it is linked with ethnicity, each ethnic group may have
to assess its future prospects in the country on the basis ofits ethnic colouring.
The ethical issues raised also pose the question of whetherthe country is ready
to use morality as a measure of viable candidature. The desertion of
Kwabena Darko by the Full Gospel Businessmen Fellowship Intemational raises the
question of whether success in religious leadership guarantees support for secular
leadership. It also questions the will of charismatics to get ditectly ir.rvolved ir.r
politics.
Then, of course, there is the issue of the place and strength of the traditional
religion. It does not have spokesmen like other religions in Ghanaian politics but
continues to play a fail-safe role for politicians.
Generally it appears that politicians use religion in arr exploitative way due to
the perceived influence it wields on the electorate, in order to attract an entire group
without reaching out to them individually and where tire religious leadership is
influential to exploit their influence on adherents. Thus, as noted by Ellis and Ter
Haar, "lt is clear that, all over the continent, political elites make use of religious
communities for purposes of mobilising voters, creating clienteles or organising
constituencies."3s As they further note, this is not peculiar to Africa. However, in
Africa politicians go further and "...believe that access to the spiritual world is a vital
resource in the constant stmggle to secure advantage over their rivals in political
--i/,
rntrghtlIlg."""
J) StephenEllis&GerrieTerHaar,'Religionand politicsinSub-Saharan Africa', TheJourncrl of
Contcmpurar.v A.fiit'an Studics.16,2 (1998), p. 188.
36 Ibid., p. 188.