UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 

 

THE IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY ON TRADITIONAL BURIAL AND FUNERAL  

RITES OF KASENA PEOPLE IN NORTHERN GHANA  

  

BY 

  

AKETIRA JOHN BOSCO 

(STUDENT ID NO. 10267737) 

  

  

THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA-LEGON IN 

PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MA SOCIOLOGY 

DEGREE. 

  

  

  

SEPTEMBER, 2023  

  

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DECLARATION  

I, Aketira John Bosco do hereby declare that this thesis is the result of my own research carried out 

under the supervision of Dr. Alhassan Sulemana Anamzoya at the department of sociology and 

references cited have been fully acknowledged. I accept full responsibility for any mistakes it may 

contain therein.  

  

NAME (STUDENT): AKETIRA JOHN BOSCO         

  

SIGNATURE     DATE: 1st September,2023  

  

NAME (SUPERVISOR 2): Dr. Alhassan Sulemana Anamzoya  

  

SIGNATURE-        DATE: 1st September,2023  

  

  

  

  

  

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DEDICATION  

I wish to dedicate this work first to the almighty God and his son Jesus Christ for showing me divine 

grace throughout the period of this research work. Secondly this work is dedicated to my wife Grace 

Akebe, my parents Mr. And Mrs. Aketira George and to all my siblings; Lydia, Caesar, Mabel, 

Cletus, and Emmanuel Aketira for being there for me at all times and offering me financial support 

and words of encouragement as well as moral support.   

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  

I wish to thank the almighty God and his son Jesus Christ for granting me good health, wisdom and 

for the guidance and protection throughout the period of the study. Glory be to his name for being 

there for me, my lecturers and my supervisors in the course of the study. Without the almighty God, 

this study would not have been successful. I would also like to acknowledge the head of department 

prof. M.P.K Okyerefo, my supervisors, prof. Emeritus Godwin Kwaku Nukunya for offering me 

useful advice and criticisms. Their useful inputs have gone a long way to make this research a success. 

I will like to acknowledge Mr. Don Emmanuel Agbanyo for offering me a comfortable 

accommodation at a convenient location. I am so grateful for this immeasurable sacrifice. It was such 

a generous gesture; you are a friend indeed.   

I would also like to acknowledge the immense support I received from Rev. Francis Kupoe who 

helped me organize the funeral committee set up by the joint council of churches for a focus group 

discussion. He also helped me with some literature. Though unpublished, THE MATERIAL WAS 

helpful IN making the study a success. God richly bless you.  

I wish also to express my profound gratitude to Rev. Stephen Apotara. He gave me financial support. 

He also supported me in prayers and gave me encouragement to fight on when things were tough. I 

truly appreciate the support. God richly bless you and members of the entire Good News Bible 

Church.   

I wish also to acknowledge the support of Mr. Aduah Maalogi who assisted me meet all the right 

people. They are undertakers, community elders for in-depth interview and focus group discussion. 

His support went a long way to help me gather data from the traditionalists for the study.  

  

  

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 

DECLARATION ................................................................................................................................ ii 

DEDICATION .................................................................................................................................... ii 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................................................................. iii 

ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................................... vii 

CHAPTER ONE .................................................................................................................................. 1 

INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 

1.1 background of the study ............................................................................................................. 1 

1.2 Statement Of The Problem ......................................................................................................... 4 

1.3 Objectives Of The Study ............................................................................................................ 7 

1.4 Definition of Concepts ............................................................................................................... 8 

1.5 Theoretical Framework Theory ............................................................................................... 11 

1.6 Purpose of The Research .......................................................................................................... 13 

1.7 Significance Of The Study ....................................................................................................... 15 

1.8 Limitations Of The Study ........................................................................................................ 16 

1.9 Delimitations Of The Study ..................................................................................................... 17 

1.10 Organization Of The Research Report ................................................................................... 18 

CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................... 19 

LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................................................................. 19 

2.1 Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 19 

2.2 Kasena Traditional Burial, Funeral Rites And Religious Practices ......................................... 20 

2.3 Infant Deaths And Bereavement .............................................................................................. 23 

2.4 Kasena Lu-Lia (Wet Or Fresh Funeral Among The Kasena) .................................................. 23 

2.5 Burial and Funeral Ceremony Of The Aged ............................................................................ 26 

2.6 The Christian Conception of Life After Death ........................................................................ 28 

2.7 Types Of Deaths ....................................................................................................................... 29 

2.8 Kasena Traditional Conception of Life After Death ................................................................ 29 

2.9 Burial And Funeral Rituls For Abnormal And Bad Deaths ..................................................... 30 

CHAPTER THREE ............................................................................................................................ 36 

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................................... 36 

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3.1 The Period Of Study ................................................................................................................ 36 

3.2 Research Design ....................................................................................................................... 37 

3.3 Fieldwork ................................................................................................................................. 37 

3.4 Sampling Method ..................................................................................................................... 38 

3.5 The Research Instrument ......................................................................................................... 39 

3.6 Field Problems ......................................................................................................................... 40 

3.7 Positive Field Experience ......................................................................................................... 41 

CHAPTER FOUR .............................................................................................................................. 43 

BACKGROUND OF THE RESEARCH AREA ............................................................................... 43 

4.1 A Brief History ......................................................................................................................... 43 

4.2 Natural Land Features Of The District(S) ................................................................................ 44 

4.3 Residential Pattern Of The Kasena People .............................................................................. 45 

4.4 Socio-Religious And Cultural Background Of Kasena People ............................................... 46 

4.5 Various Forms Of Economic Activities ................................................................................... 49 

4.6 Spatial Distribution .................................................................................................................. 49 

4.7 Communal (Or Village) Structure Of The Kasena People ...................................................... 50 

4.8 Tribal Dynamics Of The Kasena Nakana District(S) .............................................................. 51 

4.9 Political Dynamics of the Kasena People ................................................................................ 52 

4.10 The Economic Life of Kasena People .................................................................................... 53 

4.11 Summary and Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 54 

CHAPTER FIVE ................................................................................................................................ 56 

KASENA TRADITIONAL FUNERAL RITES ................................................................................ 56 

5.1 Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 56 

5.2 Events Preceding the Death of A Prominent Member Of The Community ............................ 57 

5.3 Stages Of Kasena Funerals ...................................................................................................... 59 

LU-LIA (WET or FRESH FUNERAL) .......................................................................................... 59 

5.4 Announcing The Funeral ......................................................................................................... 60 

5.8 Burial Of The Corpse And Related Issues ............................................................................... 63 

5.9 Positioning The Corpse In The Grave ...................................................................................... 64 

5.10 Appropriate Time for Traditional Burial In Kasena Society ................................................. 64 

5.11 Mourning The Dead ............................................................................................................... 66 

5.12 The Final Funeral Rite ........................................................................................................... 66 

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5.13 Lua-Fulim (Final Funeral Rites) ............................................................................................ 68 

5.14 Widowhood Rites ................................................................................................................... 69 

5.15 Funeral Related Taboos ......................................................................................................... 69 

5.16 The Importance Of Funeral To The Traditional Kasena Society ........................................... 70 

5.17 Funeral Rites of the Unmarried .............................................................................................. 71 

5.19 Funeral Rite For A Leper ....................................................................................................... 72 

5.20 Christian Burial and Funeral Rites ......................................................................................... 72 

CHAPTER SIX: ................................................................................................................................. 73 

RELIGION AND SOCIAL CHANGE .............................................................................................. 73 

6.1 Ways Adopted By The Christians To Takeover Funeral Rites ................................................ 73 

6.2 History Of Christianity Among The Kasena People ................................................................ 74 

6.3 The Dos And Don’ts Of Christians At The Traditional Funeral Rites .................................... 77 

6.4 Christianity And Inheritance .................................................................................................... 80 

6.5 Christian Concept Of Death And Life After Death ................................................................. 80 

6.7 Can The Dead Go With Material Things To The Life Hereafter? ........................................... 81 

6.8 Do The Dead Have Power Over Human Life? ........................................................................ 82 

6.8 Christians Teaching About Sacrifice to The Dead ................................................................... 82 

6.9 Major Changes in The Traditional Funeral Rites ..................................................................... 82 

6.10 Traditional Funeral Rites That Are Still In Practice .............................................................. 84 

6.11 Burial And Funeral Rites Common To Christians And Traditionalists ................................. 85 

CHAPTER SEVEN ............................................................................................................................ 86 

CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................................. 86 

7.1 Christian Religion and Social Change In Kasena Society ....................................................... 86 

7.2 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 87 

7.3 Recommendations .................................................................................................................... 89 

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................................... 92 

APPENDIX A .................................................................................................................................... 96 

Appendix c ..................................................................................................................................... 98 

Appendix d ..................................................................................................................................... 99 

 

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ABSTRACT  

This study seeks to make an inquiry into the traditional view and approach to death, burial, and funeral 

rites of the Kasena people of Northern Ghana. It will also take a look at the kind of changes 

Christianity influenced on the Kasena people of northern Ghana. The research was thus focused on 

the traditional funeral rites of the Kasena people and the changes therein that are attributable to the 

alien Religion-Christianity. The study was designed to identify the specific changes that can easily 

be observed in the traditional funeral ritual process as a result of the introduction of Christian religious 

beliefs and practices in Kasena society. The study also looked at the history and development of 

Christianity in Ghana as a whole and specifically in Kasena society. This research design was solely 

qualitative and was based on review of documents, some of which are unpublished. Participants 

observation was not initially anticipated but opportunity was later given for the researcher to observe 

the performance of fresh funerals in both traditional and Christian ways. Data was also collected 

through focus group discussions and in-depth interviews. The focus group discussions were 

conducted for Christian religious leaders-a funeral committee made up of members from various 

Christian denominations. It is formed by what is called “the joint council of churches”. Traditional 

sextons were purposely selected for an in-depth interview. The bayƐ (also called burial experts or 

undertakers) were also taken through focus group discussion to unravel the traditional burial ritual 

processes in Kasena traditional society.  

The data analysis concentrated on the Kasena traditional funeral rites and customary processes for 

both lu-lia (wet or fresh funeral) and lu-fula (dry or the final funeral rite). It included the  

Christians involvement in the funeral rites of the Kasena people. It also looked at the Christian 

teaching about Kasena traditional rituals. What Christians are allowed to actively participate in and 

what they are not.   

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The significance of Kasena traditional funeral rituals regarding social control, socialization, taboos 

and the tendencies for conflict between the two religious persuasions.  

Findings made from the research are the consensus building and tendencies for religious conflict in 

the Kasena society. While it emerged that largely, the two religious believers have found a way of 

co-existing peacefully, one can also identify some aspects where traditional funeral rites have defied 

the speedy replacement of traditional funeral processes by those of Christianity. The point of 

divergence in funeral rites between the two religions is described here as dysfunctional and 

conflictual. It is needful to argue that Christianity has impacted a great deal on the socio-cultural and 

religious lives of Ghanaian people leading to social change in many of the traditional societies of 

Northern Ghana including the Kasena people.   

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

 

 

  

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CHAPTER ONE 

INTRODUCTION 

1.1 background of the study  

Africans have a wide range of unique customs that give them a clear cultural distinction from people 

of other societies around the globe. One of such cultural practices is their socio-religious response to 

the death of members of their families, lineages or clans. The response is the performance of burial 

and funeral rites. Death has been noted to be a necessary and inevitable end of man on Earth. The 

fact that all shall die, if not now at least some day has set people thinking about how to approach it 

when it eventually happens. It is also a scientific fact that when one dies he will not be seen again in 

his physical form. The scientific part of it is the Religious belief that if one will be seen at all, it will 

not be here on earth. For these reasons, people found the need to have distinctive socio-cultural, 

religious, sociological and symbolic ceremonies that they can organize for the burial and farewell of 

members departing to eternity. One of the things adopted is religion because of one of its function 

which as noted by Assimeng (1989: p.6) is the “control of the activities of men in their encounter 

with social and natural environment”. In this sense man’s activity is the funeral necessary to help 

them encounter the natural occurrence – death.  

People in different ethnic societies have varying views and ideas about death, how it happens, and 

what becomes of the deceased after death. For these reasons, a study of how different cultures and 

religions came to exist in the same society will enable us better understand these varying views and 

ideas that are held by people of different cultural and religious backgrounds.  

Michael Tagoe (2009) as cited in Alhassan Mohammed’s MPhil thesis (2011), defined culture as  

“beliefs, values, and attitudes that structure behavioral patterns of specific groups of people”. 

Durkheim (1915: p.47) cited in Nukunya (1991: p.53) on his part defined religion as “a unified system 

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of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say things set apart and forbidden-beliefs 

and practices which unite into one single moral community call church all those who adhere to them”. 

There is a general belief in the inevitability of death, life and judgement after death. There are those 

who also “believe in the power of the dead to influence the life of the living”. For this reason, funeral 

rites start right at the point of death until judgement day or when the spirit (soul) of the dead assumes 

the status of an ancestor or ancestress and can be worshiped.   

From the definition of culture by Tagoe (2009) and religion by Durkheim (1915), one can say that 

religion and culture are one and the same since they all function to regulate the pattern of society 

along which peoples’ lives are guided. The customs, the beliefs and religious practices of all societies 

determine the way the dead human body should be prepared for laying in state and burial. For 

instance, while some religious and cultural persuasions will have the luxury to delay the laying to 

rest of a deceased relative, others like those of an Islamic cultural background are taught to hurriedly 

go through to the end of the burial process.  While some cultures will cremate the body of their 

deceased relatives, other cultures will require that the body be glorified with coffins and well 

decorated grave (or house for the dead). Yet other societies like the Egyptians will mummify by 

embalming and wrapping them with beautiful garments and lying in well decorated tombs.  

The belief that death is not the end of man and that only his body is destroyed but his soul goes 

elsewhere and even attain the power to oversee the lives of the living (Nukunya, 1992: p.56) by 

punishing wrong doers and rewarding conformists is a belief held by most African societies. People 

of other socio-religious backgrounds like Christians have held that while there is life after death, that 

life awaits a judgement of the supreme God and that depending on your life here on earth one might 

either enjoy it with God in heaven or with Satan in hell. Traditional Africans on their part, believe 

that the soul of dead person can hover around for some time as a ghost (Abotchie, 1997: p.39) and is 

believed to have powers that can harm his earthly life time enemies.   

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All the above beliefs and religious practices have created varying ways in which the dead are treated 

but there are others that are universal and are commonly practiced by all religions and cultures. These 

include; “bathing” the dead body, covering them with garments, saying prayers before burial, among 

others. In Ghanaian societies, much of the funeral processes are guided by customary practices and 

religious beliefs of the people. For instance, the time for being emotional by crying, the positioning 

of the body in the grave, the direction to which a male or female body will face, the time for burying 

a male or female body are all a function of culture and religion of the people in that society. One can 

also talk about the use of the colors of clothes, shaving of hairs, wearing headgears, and ropes all of 

which are determined by the customs, religion and culture of the people.  Some other features of 

funerals in some Ghanaian societies are the music, drumming, and dancing which makes the funeral 

ceremony a merry making event worthy of celebrating. Yet in some other Ghanaian societies all 

forms of merry making and celebrations are not allowed when the dead person is deemed as; too 

young to die, a result of murder or suicide.  

Such merry making activities may include all kinds of loud music, drumming and dancing. Songs at 

such funerals are dirges and they are sung at low tone and their meaning reflects the extent of grief 

and sad mood of the people, more so when the body is not yet buried.  

The human life for traditionalists is a cycle with various stages; birth, puberty, marriage, and death. 

The transition from one stage to another is marked by ceremonies and funeral rite is one such 

ceremony that marks one’s transition from the human world to the spirit world. Some Ghanaian 

societies like the Akans, personify their nation state in their leader who is always a king or a chief. 

The funeral of the king is therefore an occasion for the performance of elaborate rituals which often 

carry along every member of the community or the nation state.  

It should be understood here that the different methods applied in the disposal of dead body vary from 

society to society because of their varying climate, cultural, and religious inclination. Kututera, A. 

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(1995, unpublished; Fred T. S. (1987) noted that festivities, drumming and dancing at funerals 

constitute common cultural elements among Dagon in Mali, and Frafra in Northern Ghana. He added 

that they are always infused with symbolic, religious performance which represents the spirit of the 

underworld.   

1.2 Statement Of The Problem  

Funeral grounds in Ghana are identified by music and dance of various styles, loud wailings by 

mourners, the dress code which in Southern Ghana, according to (Annane-Poku and Twombly, 2016) 

is black and red. Despite the universality of funeral as a socio-cultural element, one can see distinctive 

ways in which various societies show grief for the demise of their relations or loved ones. Annane-

Poku and Twombly, (2016) argued that “the particularities of Ghanaian funerals can be a little 

mystifying”. Performing funeral rites involves going through elaborate ritual processes right from the 

point of death to the end.   

Christianity is a religion in which followers believe in the trinity. Trinity in the Christian religion is 

one God in three; God the Father, God the Son and God the Holy Spirit. They are sometimes referred 

to as polytheist, which means a belief in the multiplicity of God. Christians also hold the belief that 

they shall live again after death–in heaven or in hell depending on how they adhered to the teachings 

of the religion. According to Christian teaching, living an “after life” in heaven is achieved through 

a belief in Jesus Christ and the teachings of the Holy Bible as the true word of the supreme God 

himself.   

 Christianity is seen as a foreign culture and Howell (1997) describes acceptance of it as “a Break 

with the past”. According to her such a break with the past is marked with the burning down of shrines 

and refusal to participate in the performance of rituals of all kind including funeral related ones. 

Nukunya (2003) noted that Ghanaians had heard and knew about Christianity but were reluctant to 

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accept it. Rev. Fr. Kazaresam (c.f Howell, 1997:1) also noted that “people are Christians only on 

Sundays and for the rest of the week, they are “real Kasena” people. Fr. Kazaresam explained that 

“in times of crisis and illness, some Christians would seek help through divination and participation 

in sacrifices and rituals as well as requesting prayers in church”. There are Christians who are not 

sure of their spiritual safety should they totally abandon their traditional religious customs for which 

reason they would always participate in some and stay away from others. Kwotuah (2007) observed 

that true Christians among Kasenas would avoid aspects of Kasena funerals that do not conform with 

the teachings of the Christian religion. Such Christians according to him would often engage in banter 

with traditionalist over which way to perform the funeral of their relatives-the Christian way or the 

traditional customary practice. This is more so when the family is divided with some being Christians 

and others being traditionalist. There is therefore a mixture of tradition and Christianity and tradition 

in some cultural aspect of Kasena life.   

Followers of African traditional religion hold the belief that, polytheism, which is a belief in the 

multiplicity of gods arranged in a hierarchy with the Supreme God at the top necessary to serve as 

intermediary between the sinful man and the sinless supreme God, Nukunya (2003).  

A lot of differences abound between Christianity and traditional religious beliefs and practices. For 

instance, there is great difference in how they conceive of life after death, where a person goes to live 

his or her life after death and what he or she becomes after death. There is also a great variation in 

how Christians and traditionalists conceive of the end of the world and of the judgement day. While 

some Christians believe that salvation is possible only through Jesus Christ, traditionalists hold the 

view that they can approach God through their ancestral spirits and the lesser gods.  

A lot of the African traditional religious beliefs and practices still exist till today but the speedy and 

forceful intrusion of foreign cultures and religions are fast eroding them away and taking their place. 

This is more evident in northern Ghanaian traditional societies such as the Kasena. Nukunya (2003) 

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has noted that Islam’s entry point into Ghana is the North where it started spreading to the south. 

Christianity on the other hand, spread to the North from the South after several years of 

evangelization. The advent of Christianity has penetrated many parts of Northern Ghana including 

the Kasena society and the consequences have been the fast wiping away of traditional religious and 

cultural values one of which are burial and funeral rites. In fact, Christianity is creeping into every 

fabric of socio-cultural, economic and religious life of Northern Ghanaian societies, including 

Kasena. It is not uncommon to see a Kasena funeral ground being dominated by Christian religious 

activities thus thwarting every bit of traditional ritual process that would have been going on. 

Followers of the Christian religion have by this approach always imposed their religious values on 

the people thus undermining the traditional views about burial and funeral rites. The consequences 

are that it leads to the extinction of traditional cultural values.   

In view of the ever spreading Christian religion with its values taking the place of tradition, one would 

ask; what is in store for the culture and social life of the Kasena people. The spreading Christian 

religion appears to characterize every fabric of Kasena social life. Researchers have to look at funeral 

rites but many dealt with work of undertakers as can be illustrated in the work of Rev. Kazaresam 

(unpublished). It was titled Bayaaro (undertakers). Others like Abasi (1995) also dealt with Lu-lia 

(wet or fresh funeral). Some scholars like Howell (1997:253) sought to look at the role of songo tiina 

which literally means house owners (that is clan heads) at funeral ritual processes. Akara (1999) 

studied the ‘bu-jora’ (literally meaning the return of a child). This means the death of an infant. None 

of them worked on the dry funeral and whether agents of social change have had any influence on 

these ritual processes.   

In light of the mention research gap, this study seeks to identify changes in Northern Ghanaian Kasena 

burial and funeral rite processes occasioned by the introduction and fast expansion of the alien 

religion – Christianity. This is done by focusing the study on the actions and inactions of members 

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of the Christian religion to bring these changes about. This study also aims at uncovering the 

motivation behind the acceptance of the Christians demand for changes in these traditional funeral 

ritual practices. Of interest to this study is also to find out whether or not some of these traditional 

ritual practices have persisted defying all the quest for their replacement with  

Christian practices.  

In pursuit of this, the western part of the Kasena Nankana West District is chosen as a study area. 

This area is chosen because of the dominance and continuous expansion of churches in that area. It 

is also observed as would be revealed by the demographic statistics that people of other religious 

persuasions in the area are woefully insignificant and cannot be deem to have such a forceful 

influence that brings about social behavioral change.   

1.3 Objectives Of The Study  

The general aim of the study is to explore the Kasena society to discover how the intrusion of 

Christianity, its belief systems and values have impacted on the burial and funeral ritual processes 

among the Kasena of Northern Ghana.  In other words, the study is broadly focused on how 

Christianity as a religious group contributes to significant changes in the major traditional burial and 

funeral rituals of the Kasena of Northern Ghana. Specifically, however, the study aims at addressing 

the following objectives:  

• To find out the major Kasena traditional burial and funeral ritual activities that take place 

when someone dies in the community. 

• To identify the major changes that have occurred in traditional burial and funeral rites as 

a result of Christians religious influence. (TO BE DELETED) 

• Identify some of the key changes that have occurred in funeral performance as a result of 

the widespread acceptance of Christian values among the Kasena in Northern Ghana.  

• To examine the approach Christians use in persuading the indigenous people to change some 

of these funeral rites.  

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• To understand the motivation behind the acceptance of these Christian values in the 

performance of funerals among Kasena people.  

. To find out whether there are traditional funeral rituals that have resisted change despite the forceful 

influence of Christianity.  

• To find out whether there are practices common to both tradition and Christianity in burial 

and funeral processes.   

•  

1.4 Definition of Concepts  

In this section I have attempted to define the traditional concepts used. This will help readers get the 

meaning of these concepts so that they can better understand their application in the research report. 

The following are some of the Kasena traditional concepts commonly used in traditional burial and 

funeral rites:  

• Lua: funeral  

• Bayaaro: the institution of undertakers or burial experts. It can also be used to mean the 

rituals of initiation into the art of undertaking dead bodies or perform burial.  

• Bayaa: Singular form of undertakers or burial experts   

• BayƐ: plural form of undertakers or people who are specially initiated through rituals and 

assigned the duty of preparing the body, grave digging and burial of the dead.  

  

Lu-lia: literally means wet funeral (also called fresh funeral). The wet is attached to denote 

how mourners are socked in tears as they cry for the death of their relative.  

• Lu-fula: final funeral which sometimes may take place after the death and burial of the 

person.  

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• Lua-fulim: the art of performing the final funeral rites of a person in Kasena traditional 

society.  

• Churu: ancestral world. The place where it is traditionally believed everybody will go and 

live his life after death.   

• Lua-keirim/lua-kwim: the first stage of the final funeral rites.  

• Gaasem: a ritual that marks the end of the mourning period for biological parents who lost 

their child. During this period the parents are supposed to stay away from certain kinds of 

meat which is called “black meat”. It also stands for a ritual that marks the end the third year 

after the performance of a husband’s funeral or fourth year after the performance of a wife’s 

funeral. Before the end of this period, the surviving couple is forbidden from eating and 

touching funeral food and drinks.  

• Tiga-baŋa: this world or the human world. Literally it means “on top of the land”  

• Tiga-tu: land custodian  

Fulim: the very final rite which is marked by the cutting into pieces and burning of the quiver 

(for male funeral) or the breaking of pots and burning of basket (for female funerals).   

• Yugu-jeinna: head sitter. These kind of women are always supposed to sit close to the corpse 

or the funeral mat and must be there till burial is done or the funeral mat is burnt.  

• Sinya-Guli-Magena: women sitting round the corpse or the funeral mat and singing dirges 

while playing a musical instrument called sinyaa.  

• Kara or konkɔlɔ: a woman’s court yard  

• Naboo: animal Kraal  

• Bujwora: a returned child  

• Chichiru: a spirit child  

• Lira: spiritual power  

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• Anu: my mother  

• Akwo: my father  

 •  Kadeim: a widow  

• Botara: orphans. That is those who have lost their parent(s)  

• Yibeeili/yibeeila: grave.  

• abɔɔlo: a girlfriend or boyfriend  

Achiro: my brother or my sister  

• Diga-pɔrɔ: a round room that is built   

• Goli: goad or a weapon made with wood  

• Gulu-magena: gulu is a Kasena traditional musical instrument. The men who play the gulu 

are call gulu-magena. It is normally played by men round the house while singing dirges or 

making merry at the funeral of an aged person.  

• Jwoori: returning. It is use when referring to the death of an infant. Such a child is called bu-

jwora or the returned child.  

• Kwa: fathers or ancestors or forefathers,  

• Gare-bwora: a smock. It is a common traditional dress of northern Ghanaians. It is worn for 

fashion, funerals, etc. It is offered to be put on for the dead as they are being buried.   

• Yupuga: a headgear provided for the dead man before burial since he needs to wear clothes 

on his way to the ancestral world.  

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• JƆgƆ: a pant created in the form of a triangle. It is usually provided for the dead person 

before burial is done.  

• Punga: a sacred pot which all women must have. It is broken into pieces at the final funeral 

ritual for women for the woman whose funeral is being performed.  

• Chwoŋa: it is called quiver. It is a sacred object owned by all men. It is usually caught into 

pieces and burnt with flames during the final ritual that marks the end of the funeral for men.  

Naboo: animal kraal located in the middle part of the Kasena traditionally built house. It 

houses cattle, sheep, goats, and donkeys.  

• Kara/KonkƆlƆ: a woman’s court yard.  

• DedoŋƆ: an old house site. A place that use to be a house from which the ancestors of the 

lineage once lived.   

 1.5 Theoretical Framework Theory  

This study is linked to the conflict theory. Conflict theorists see the social world in a continuous 

struggle. To them, social behavior or behavior of larger groups (religious, political, tribal, football 

teams, business entities, employers and employees, etc.) is best understood in terms of conflict or 

tension between or among them.’’ It doesn’t have to be violent’’. Conflict sometimes end in positive 

rather than negative result. It can take the form of negotiations, arbitration, dialogue, lobby, party   

politics (campaigns), evangelization, warfare, competitions for customer, members into a particular 

religious’ groups through sermons, propagating the values of the group and the benefits therein.  

Conflict theory is manifested in group behavior in time pasts such as civil rights movements, gender 

activism, civil society groups and think tanks making inputs into budget, policy formulation and 

implementation etc.  

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For Karl Marx, conflict or struggle between groups with opposing interest is inevitable. Though Marx 

narrowed it to be a struggle between two broad groups’- social classes. One with capital and another 

without it.  

It must be noted that other social science scholars have found conflicts not to be exclusive foundation 

of a class system but a social phenomenon of everyday life. In each instance, a social scientist 

studying culture, religion and other group behavior would want to know, who benefits more than the 

other, who suffers at the instance of the other, dominate at the expense of the other.  

In this study, we are looking at a conflict situation between two opposing groups with different 

religious practices each influencing the other in pursuant of winning membership and creating a social 

change that will be to their advantage.  

Traditional religious beliefs and practices are seen to have characterized every facet of Kasena 

society, from economic, to health, from education (socialization) to rites of passage, etc. Christianity 

being a borrowed culture, is seen to be in conflict with tradition. It is in competition with tradition 

for followership or for space in the socio-religious life of the Kasena people. Dahrendorf (1958), said, 

conflict as a theory lay emphasis on social change and redistribution of material things, benefits and 

opportunities thus ‘making them more radical and activists’.  

Religion is culturally universal and its role in all human societies cannot be overemphasized. 

Religion’s role may be latent (hidden, intended or covert). It may also be manifest (openly known, 

clearly stated). Considering the ideas and world views of people from varying socio-cultural and 

religious backgrounds. Conflicts can sometimes result in positive rather than negative ends. The 

potential for conflict under the circumstance of a clash of cultures and religious values is eminent 

here. The forceful intrusion and replacement of one socio-cultural and religious values by other socio-

religious beliefs and values have occasioned instances of a banter between believers of the indigenous 

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culture and tradition on one hand and those of the alien culture on the other which in this case is 

Christianity.    

 1.6 Purpose of The Research  

Christian Kasena in Northern Ghana, have over the years been facing a challenge with how to perform 

funerals of relatives and fellow Christians. This is because African traditional customs have been 

applied strictly to funeral performance before the advent of Christianity. There are many rituals to be 

performed which Christians deem fetish and in contravention with the teachings of the Christian 

religion. The acceptance of the Christian religion as noted by Howell (1997:1) has often been 

dramatic and symbolized by the refusal to participate in pagan or fetish activities. After several years 

of teaching the Bible, some aspects of traditional customs have been reluctantly abandoned and 

replaced by Christian religious practices in funeral performance and in many other cultural lives of 

the Kasena people in Northern Ghana.  

This dissertation is the report of a research that sought to identify those aspects of traditional rituals 

and customs that have been influenced in one way or the other by the Christian religion. It also sought 

to identify those Kasena socio-cultural and religious practices that are still in practice side by side 

with Christian socio-religious beliefs and practices in the performance of funerals among the Kasena 

of Northern Ghana. One thing that has become a challenge is the fact that most Ghanaians in general 

and Kasena Christians in particular do not clearly understand the meaning attached to traditional 

customs and cultural elements in funeral performance and how Christian teachings can be used to 

explain or interpret them. In the midst of this ignorance they seem to advocate for the total 

abandonment of every aspect of traditional beliefs, values, customs, practices and rituals in the 

performance of funerals. For this reason, the dissertation sought to identify and understand the 

meaning attached to various customary practices and rituals associated with the performance of 

funerals in order to clarify why they have been abandoned or made to exist side by side with Christian 

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religious activities. It is the researcher’s intention to bring to light through this study the manner in 

which Christianity affected the traditional cultural values, norms and practices of Kasena people in 

northern Ghana. As noted earlier death is just one of the stages in the life cycle of man. Transition 

from one stage to another is marked by ceremonies and one must qualify by your life time conduct 

and character to merit a culturally defined burial and funeral rites that is befitting without which one’s 

life after death at the status of an ancestor or ancestress cannot be guaranteed. This has in a lot more 

ways helped to enhance social control, moral and social conformity among people in African 

traditional societies Abotchie (1997). Sarpong (1974: p.41) stated that; the Ghanaian is constantly 

preoccupied with the thoughts that the ancestors are watching him. The pre-occupation serves to 

regulate his daily life and behavior, while there is a very potent and a sanction to morality. To this 

end, providing intellectual, sociological explanation of how burial and funeral rights are performed 

in society will beef up existing knowledge about culture and social control as well as law and order. 

This study was therefore purposively designed to provide sociological explanation to the existing 

cultural processes pertaining to Kasena burial and funeral rites and to identify changes that might 

have arisen due to the introduction of Christian religious beliefs and practices.  

Foreign culture and socio-religious practices and the media; print (newspapers, journals), electronic 

(radio, television), and social media (Facebook, twitter, WhatsApp), have so well adopted some 

elements of Northern Ghanaian culture. These are music, dancing and festivals thus drawing the 

attention of the current generation to just these few things to the neglect of other African socio-

cultural and religious values and practices. These things include rituals, taboos, sacrifices, rules, 

customs and norms etc., which are equally available for study into their nature and how changes in 

them come about. Therefore, one of the purposes of the study was for the researcher to explore the 

Kasena society and its culture, customs, beliefs and practices associated with the death, burial, and 

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funeral rites of the people through which sociological knowledge can be added to what already exist 

about African culture and society.  

Inherent in the culture of Kasena in Northern Ghana is a procedure for “culturally acceptable” 

changes in some of the rituals that are performed at burial and funeral rites. There is a point in time 

when such inherent rules have been applied at different times in different Kasena communities which 

created a few differences in the ritual processes. It is probably for this reason and reasons of few and 

negligible linguistic differences in the language that Howell (1997) argued that the Kasena do not 

constitute a homogenous society. This study is thus all the more purposeful to ensure that a 

comprehensive research report is produced to correct the distortions in facts about Ghanaian culture 

in general and that of the Kasena in particular. This report is important because it will help evaluate 

the otherwise intellectually neglected cultural practices relating to the death, burial, and funeral rites 

among Kasena of northern Ghana.   

 1.7 Significance Of The Study  

This study is relevant as a guide for policy formulation especially in curriculum development in 

education, in the preservation of Northern Ghanaian cultural heritage, and for tourism development 

as most of these awesome and valuable cultural practices if preserved, can be of immeasurable 

tourists’ attraction to the country in general and the northern part of the country in particular. It is 

also relevant in creating opportunity for the intellectual world to make sociological perspective into 

the cultural and socio-religious dimensions of death, burial, and funeral rites of the various cultural 

societies of Northern Ghana. It is relevant and more so since culture and religion are the pillars on 

which hinges the spirituality and morality of the people in any society and they affect the world view 

of the people regarding social order, social stability as well as social change and development. Any 

sudden attempt to cause a change may lead to the collapse of the social order and moral fabric of the 

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society. One of the significance of the study is to determine whether there are economic, social, and 

moral benefits accruing to the indigenous Kasena people in the practice of their culture regarding 

funeral rites and whether such changes as may have caused by the agents of social change leads to a 

loss of these benefits. It is equally significant in determining the kind of changes brought to the burial 

and funeral ritual processes through the advent of Christian religious culture and whether the changes 

are by no means beneficial or detrimental to the social, cultural, and moral lives of the people.  

Burial and funeral rites in Kasena society vary from person to person based on gender, marital status, 

age, health status of the deceased, and the cause of death. This study is relevant in revealing the 

various processes and changes therein as influenced by Christianity. Ritual procedures in burial and 

funeral rites are spelt out by the cultural beliefs and customs of the people. By this they help guide 

group and individual behavior. For instance, culture determine the form and procedure as well as the 

events that take place at the funeral of a particular deceased person in a traditional society like the 

Kasena in northern Ghana. Funeral rites are also believed to qualify one to reach the destination 

where his “after life” begins. It is this that helps guide the conduct and behavior of the people’s 

individual and group life. This study is therefore relevant because though it is not a novelty, it will 

help youngsters and scholars make sense of the culture, beliefs, customs, and values of the Kasena 

people of northern Ghana especially that aspect that has to do with the death, burial and funeral rites 

of any member of the communities.  

1.8 Limitations Of The Study  

A study into any aspect of African cultures cannot be successfully done without facing or 

surmounting some daunting challenges. One limitations of this particular study is the time frame 

within which the researcher is expected to deliver his research report. A longer period is required for 

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the researcher observe and collect primary data at funeral grounds. This unfortunately could not 

happen.  

The research could not cover many other Kasena communities in order to reveal the extent of 

influence Christianity and the church has on Kasena funerals. Thirdly, the researcher is likely to rely 

heavily on in-depth interview and observation of funeral related cultural activities for data.  Another 

challenge was that of oral narration and the fear is that participants would not give the true account 

of the realities in the past and present or they may give an account that is inaccurate since all their 

knowledge about their culture is grounded in oral history and practical experience. It is the 

researcher’s hope that these challenges will be surmounted and a successful research conducted.   

1.9 Delimitations Of The Study  

The researcher intends to delve into the traditional burial and funeral rites of the Kasena people of 

Northern Ghana as determined by their cultural norms, customs, values, beliefs and practices. It will 

also explore those areas within the culture regarding Kasena burial and funeral rites that are affected 

by Christian teachings, beliefs and practices. Abasi (1995) indicated that he could not fully qualify 

to be a bayaa (an undertaker or burial expert) because his initiation into bayaaro was cut short by his 

conversion to Christianity and by school education.   

Sample units for the study will be; clan heads, bayƐ (undertakers), leaders and founders of various 

Christian denominations that are established in Kasena land, archives from the Catholic Museum and 

library in Navrongo. Some major communities to be covered in the research will be in the western 

portion of the Kasena Nankana District (Chiana, Nakong, katiu-Saa, and Kayoro).  

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1.10 Organization Of The Research Report  

This study is arranged in seven chapters. The first chapter deals with the introduction which entails 

the background of the study, statement of the problem identified that requires a research into it. In 

this chapter is the objectives the research intends to achieve at the end of the research work. These 

objectives are arranged in part as the general objective and in another the specific objectives. The 

theoretical framework within which the research work is situated will also be captured in this chapter. 

Also in the first chapter are; the purpose of the study, significance of the study, the limitations or the 

challenges that are expected to be encountered in the course of the study. The last in this first chapter 

are the delimitations and how the research report is organized.  

 The second chapter covers a review of the literature relating to burial and funeral rituals. The 

Christian views about funeral rites, life after death, and initiation bayaaro. Traditional rituals that are 

acceptable to Christianity regarding funerals and burial rites. Chapter three deals with the background 

of the study area. The political, relief features and social institutions and the population dynamics, 

tribal distribution and the geographical dynamics of the study area. The forth chapter entails the 

research methods and techniques to be used in the data collection process. The fifth chapter of the 

report has to do with the research findings on traditional burial and funeral rites, and the Christian 

religious funeral rites. The report ends with chapter seven (7) which entails the conclusion and 

recommendations.  

 

 

 

 

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CHAPTER TWO 

LITERATURE REVIEW 

2.1 Introduction  

In this chapter of the study will be an analysis burial and funeral rites of the Kasen a people. These 

rites are performed variously for the dead based on their age, marital and health status, as well as the 

nature of death. What has the introduction of Christian religion impacted on ideas, views, beliefs and 

practices relating to these rites. The research will take a brief look at how modernity and other 

religious persuasions - Islam, Buddhism have had on the performance of funeral related rituals among 

the Kasena people of Northern Ghana. The observation of burial and funeral related customs, beliefs 

and rituals is a distinctive human phenomenon. Abasi (1995) indicated that for the Kasena people, 

“life finds in death both its measure and its renewal”. For Mohammed (2011), funerals “are deeply 

associated with religious beliefs about the nature of death and of an afterlife”. To him, “funerals also 

have important psychological, sociological, and symbolic functions for the survivors”. Death for the 

African is a transition, a stage that can open up to a rebirth if not a return to life in a physical body. 

At least to immortality of the soul or spirit (Abasi1995; Lemoal, 1989:13). Abasi (1995) indicated 

that rebirth is not a matter of re-incarnation alone but also about the destination of life of the soul 

after the death of the body. Death requires series of concrete responses that are in line with the 

“eschatological beliefs” of each ethnic society, (Abasi, 1995). One of the reasons for these responses 

is to ensure that the surviving relatives of the deceased do not surfer the loss to a large extent and also 

to ensure that decomposing body is properly handled to avoid any further effect on the living. The 

second reason is that funeral and burial rites will prepare the dead to embark on his long journey to 

churu (ancestral world). For Abasi, (Africa, vol. 3, 1995), these actions will establish equilibrium in 

both the human and the super-human spheres and make rebirth possible   

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The review of the literature for funeral rites is in two parts. The first one will look at the ritual 

processes of a traditional funeral and the second will look at the Christian religious point of view 

regarding death, burial and funeral rites. With the traditional funeral ritual processes, attempt will be 

made to look at funerals for the aged, infants, men, and women, and for people based on the nature 

of death. It will then be followed by the Christian perspective of funeral rites. In addition, 

consideration will be made on examining the impact of Christianity as well as modernity and other 

religious persuasions on funeral rites in Kasena society of Northern Ghana. The chapter ends with a 

conclusion. The researcher at every end point will be mindful to make comparison of research 

findings to the topic being studied.  

2.2 Kasena Traditional Burial, Funeral Rites And Religious Practices  

There are several processes to be followed in the performance of funerals among the Kasena in 

Northern Ghana. A funeral begins after the elders have confirmed the death and subsequently permit 

public announcement of the death. Funerals have two phases in any Kasena Community. The first is 

the Lu-lia (wet or fresh funeral) and the second is Lua-fulim (final funeral rite). In yet some Kasena 

communities- like Chiana, the second phase is sub divided into; Lua keeirim (crying) and the Lua-

fulim (final funeral rites) (Howell, 1988 unpublished). The long and elaborate rituals are limited to 

grown-ups or older men. While the Mamprugu are noted to have five stages in the (5) performance 

of funerals (Mohammed, 2011), Kasena funeral processes are uncountable. Each process is marked 

with various forms of rituals or traditional religious activities, (Rattray, 1932; Mohamed, 2011). 

George B. Eager (1996), cited from Kwotuah (2016) attempted to contrast between burial rituals and 

funeral rituals. This was seen in his statement that; “the rapidity of decomposition, the excessive 

violence of grief, the reluctance of oriental to allow the dead remains in the houses of the living 

explains what the indecency of haste seems’’. Bible soft, (2004) and Wejong (1976) have indicated 

that the length of time and the process in traditional funeral rites among the Kasena people, vary 

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slightly from community to community. Mohammed (2011) indicated that though the Mampurusi are 

patrilineal, burial rites slightly differs between them and Ibrahim Mahama (2004) spoke about three 

stages in the funeral processes among the Mampurusi people of northern region.  

Abasi (1995) spoke about soothsaying or consulting the diviner to ascertain the cause of death and 

the view of the dead person regarding how he wants the funeral celebrated. This stand was supported 

by Howell (1988 unpublished) who indicated that the diviner is also consulted for the deceased to 

show those who should not participate in the burial and funeral rites. Such people are required to stay 

at a place far removed from the funeral home-usually his mother’s family home until everything 

regarding the funeral is completely over.  

Abasi (1995) whose article was titled Lu- lia (translated as wet or fresh funeral), focused his attention 

on the first phase of the funeral rites for the aged. In terms of stages the Jewish tradition has six 

separate periods (Mohammed 2011) but Dacher (1989:75) identified five stages and in some cases 

three for the people of the Manpurugu traditional area. According to him these stages usually allow 

the bereaved persons to express their feeling of sadness, grief, and loss of a relative.  

The first phase of Kasena funerals which is what they call lu-lia (the wet funeral or fresh funeral) is 

described by Ellen Levine (1997) cited in Mohammed (2011) as the period between death and burial 

which according to her is the period of shock to the surviving family members and close associates 

and they may likely fall into a state of despair. According to Jewish religious law, one is obliged to 

mourn for seven people who are considered one’s immediate family members-father, mother, brother, 

son, daughter, and spouse. The next period of mourning is the next three days that follow the burial. 

It is called time for weeping and lamentation, Mohammed (2011)  

Abasi (1995) spoke about bayƐ (undertakers) and their role in the funeral ritual process. Howell (1988 

unpublished) referred to them as grave diggers or burial experts. They are specially initiated through 

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a lengthy, and elaborate rituals for the initiation process into bayaaro which means an institution of 

burial expertise, the art of undertaking Abasi, (1995). Preliminary survey of the study area revealed 

that at the end of the initiation rituals, they would always swear an oath to make themselves available 

at all times to bury the dead without failure no matter what the circumstance may be. Because of the 

critical role they play, Abasi (1995) stated that they are well revered in the Kasena traditional society 

the same way as the diviner, medicine man, chiefs, and other political office holders. They are more 

than grave diggers (Cardinal 1920; Ovesen, 1986: p.10) cited from Abasi (1995).  

According to the Jewish tradition, the 7th day following the burial of the deceased marks the 3rd period 

of morning, in which family members would return to their respective home and gradually pick back 

their normal lives and re-joining society in day to day activities Mohammed (2011). At this time of 

bereavement, a Jewish family would exhibit signs of sadness and loneliness occasioned by the sudden 

loss a member. They would at their period of mourning begin to show signs of gradual recovery from 

grief and shock. At a Jewish synagogue, the deceased children would always recite the mourners 

kaddish (a Jewish religious ritual) at the Sabbath service on weekly basis for eleven 11 months 

following the death and burial of a parent.  

Jewish religious law does not encourage perpetual mourning even though they recognize that people’s 

rate of recovery from grief of death and mourning emotions vary from person to person. This is 

because, Jewish belief system emphasizes on life rather than death by realizing that there is life even 

when death occurs.  Death and funeral rites from available literature, is a universal natural 

phenomenon and is always given varying socio-religious response across societies and cultures. The 

worlds over there are significant variations in the social responses and interpretations people give to 

death. And this assertion is recognized in the works of Evans Pritchard (1940; Capt. R.S Rattray 

1932; and Abasi A. K. (1995) among others.   

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2.3 Infant Deaths And Bereavement  

The death of infants is regarded as abnormal Abasi (1995) and unusual Howell (1988 unpublished). 

An infant is not clearly defined in traditional Kasena society. It is however described as a speechless 

and suckling child. The dead body of such a child is only buried without any special funeral organized 

for it. Such children are suspected to be bad or spirit children for which reason hairs of both parents 

are shaved thrice Howell, (1988 unpublished). During the second shaving, the mother’s hair is shaved 

in the form of a cross while the father’s is shaved round. This is necessary to change them so that the 

child would not recognize them if it had the intention of coming back to them as a new baby. They 

were forbidden from eating certain kinds of food and meat from some animals. This ritual process is 

often ended with a final ritual call gaasem which is done with the use of yeast, mud fish and “Tou-

Zaafi” (TZ) meant to end the period and to prepare them for the next child.   

 2.4 Kasena Lu-Lia (Wet Or Fresh Funeral Among The Kasena)  

Various cultures have designed their funerals in such a way that the outlook might appear similar, but 

the details will show a sign of variation in terms of how elaborate certain socio-religious or ritual 

activities may be carried out for various individuals; men and women, the aged and under-age, 

married and single as well as health status of the deceased. Other societies may have varying rituals 

and socio-cultural or religious activities for people based on their societal standing (e.g. a medicine 

man, a chief, slave etc.). Others will consider whether one is first born or not (Mohammed 2011). 

The performance of different ritual processes for different categories of deceased persons is evident 

in most customs worldwide.  

At death, some African societies think same of infants, twins, under-age death and people dying of 

strange disease or infections. Mongols and deformed children are not treated as “returns” they do not 

belong to human society but to the wild and are seen as disgust spirits with evil intentions caught red-

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handed engaged in acts that threatens mayhem on their parents and the entire society. At some times, 

proof of their spirituality is sought from a specialized medicine man and they are eventually killed 

through rituals by the same medicine man Kazaresam (1975 unpublished) cited in Howell (1997); 

Goody (1959) cited in Mohammed (2011). When these kinds of deaths occur, the body is either buried 

at cross-roads, Goody (1959), at an anthill located at a sacred grove called “evil forest” Abasi (`1995). 

It is believed such places will prevent their possible return to human society. There are varying 

explanations of where children come from and how they are born. Any deviation of a child’s birth 

and growth process leads to varying social reaction to it. When such a death occurs, it is seen as a 

relief from impending predicament from spirits as a result of the way their burial and funerals are 

organized and executed in a way that they will not dare return to normal human world and their evil 

intention of causing havoc to parents and society averted Young and papadatou (1997) cited in 

Mohammed (2011).  

For them (Young and Papadatou, 1997), a child’s age, gender, family position and cause of death 

may affect the meaning attributed to such loss and determine the rites of passage as well as the 

appropriate grieving behaviors within a given culture. Not all infant deaths are seen as abnormal as 

infant deaths centuries ago were on the high side and were largely normal as most were due to ill 

health such as malaria, fever, diarrhea and poor nutrition and mourning therefore takes place within 

a few days.  

In recent times however, improvement in medical science and technology rate of infant mortalities 

have drastically reduced. Such deaths have been rare such that any such death is easily considered as 

a misfortune, tragic and unnatural but does not seem normal and parents seem to think that the cause 

of death must be found.  

When one dies, his spouse is called a “widow” or “widower” and the children are referred to as 

orphans with no culturally assigned concept to described parents or grandparents nor did the inlaw 

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(Schmitt, 1987) cited from Mohammed (2011).  Rando (1986), has however indicated that attention 

has in recent times been drawn to the lived experience of many parents over the loss of their children 

under one circumstance or the other. Young and Papadatou (1997) have argued that parent of a person 

dies alongside the death of his child and they would lose the dreams and expectations they hold for 

the child in life especially so when children are a source of pride, meaning, and also a source of social 

security and hope at their old age. Taylor and Francis (1978) have found that such parents will have 

to start again contending with life without the child they have lost to death and they would always 

replace the single word question “why”?  

The grieving and mourning of bereaved parents sometimes knows no bounds. And for McCrowry, 

(1987), it can last for more than ten years. Any tragedy that happens, even to a neighbor, reminds 

them of their loss. In Western society, children are considered innocent of the world’s since and that 

they are assured of a place in heaven- an assured life after death.   

McCrowry (1987) found that among the Greeks, death before marriage marks a loss of earthly 

happiness and would always dress such people with wedding attire but conceived of a child’s death 

as bad death likening it to violent death and it is described as shameful to the family. Papadatou and 

Young (1997) showed that suicide and homicide deaths among children are the most shameful such 

that parents are not allowed to openly show grief over it. Japanese on their part have created separate 

cemeteries for the burial of the children’s corpse Young and Papadatou (1997) but the Yoruba of 

Nigeria would throw it into the bush since to them burial makes the body offensive to the earth shrine. 

Hindus of India who cremate their adult dead bodies would bury their infant corpse rather than 

cremate it, Schmidt (1987)  

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2.5 Burial and Funeral Ceremony Of The Aged  

 Abasi (1995) has indicated that, in traditional Kasena society, death brings about a “spill-over” of 

the world to the “other world” and the living get mixed up with the dead”. Someone must always stay 

with a seriously ill person until he passes on because according to Abasi (1995) one must not die 

alone but must be held by another to die. The other world which literally means “the world of the 

dead” (known in kasem as churu) becomes “a theatre for the funeral drama” in which actors and 

actress are constituted by the living in tiga-baga (this world). The aged would often want to share a 

word with the closest relations especially children if not at least the eldest or the most loved one 

among them. Holding and giving or attempting to give water to the aged is customarily recommended 

among the Mampurusi (Mohammed 2011) and Abasi (1995) has shown that this is the same among 

the Kasena of Northern Ghana. Abasi (1995) has indicated that there are three phases to each funeral 

in Kasena land and each phase last for 3 days. This could not be true of all Kasena communities 

because social change occurred to their culture at different time, different rate and at different form 

or manner. Abasi (1995) considered funerals, the various rites performed at funerals as whole and 

that we should understand them as an unfolded drama. They are designed in regularities or linear 

sequence of events from the point of death to the end of the fulim (final funeral). When a person dies 

his body is covered with a cloth and laid either in his first wife’s room, mother’s room or a room in 

the house reserved for sacred purposes. If it is a woman she might be laid in her own room or in the 

room of her mother-in-law or in the sacred room. Children are not allowed to see the corpse (Mahama 

2004) and men are seated outside-the front yard of the house. As soon as the elders gather, confirm 

the death and announce the funeral, singing, drumming and dancing by the youth outside can start 

while the women - known in Kasem (the Kasena language) as yugu-jeinna (women who sit round 

the corpse) will sit round the corpse and sing dirges (Abasi; 1995). He indicated that the merry making 

that is characterized by singing, drumming and sometimes dancing lends credence to the notion of 

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good and bad deaths. A bad death among the Bobo, for instance, is death of a pregnant woman or one 

at Labor and the burial process is different. Death at old age of a successful married man blessed with 

many children is different from that of a young man whose death is considered sudden and 

unexpected or death from a strange disease, suicide (Abasi 1995) and this is seen as suspicious or 

abnormal death. In Kasena society Kwotuah (2016) indicated that gulumagena (literally means drum 

beaters) and Sinya-gul-magena (by women sitting round the corpse) starts spontaneously and the 

children and all others who call him their father (or uncle) are to offer food, money, drinks, collar, 

water, to the drummers and singers who are performing both outside and inside. Radcliff-Brown 

(1940; 1949) cited in Mohammed (2011) referred to this as “behaviors of the privilege”. Among the 

Mapurugu, Mohammed (2011) has indicated that some of the children, more so the younger ones, 

and grandchildren might imitate some of the actions of the deceased which he described as 

“derogatory actions”. There is according to him some “joking relationship between brother-sister- in-

laws during funeral rites among the Mampurusi. The funeral performance process involves elaborate 

rituals processes that are sub – divided into several phases as dictated by Mampurugu belief systems.  

Kasena extract meaning from themselves, their body gestures, the social actions their historical 

context (Devisch, 1993), cited from Abasi (1995) when an aged person dies and funeral rites are 

under-way. Dacher (1989:75) as cited from Abasi (1995) identified 2 or 3 main stages in the funerals: 

the close kin and the so-called second burial or final funeral” rites. Abasi (1995:452) on his part spoke 

of two main phases in Kasena funeral rites - the period of the corpse and the process of 

“ancesstralization” or Burial and funeral rites. It must be noted that, these two phases have their own 

sub - divisions which are based on the age, status, and role of the individual. The entire community 

or chiefdom attends the funeral rites of a chief or land custodian in Kasena land but cannot witness 

the burial especially of the chief whose death and burial is to be kept a secret.   

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2.6 The Christian Conception of Life After Death  

Christians like almost all religions the world over have conceived of death as an inevitable occurrence 

and have always considered that all human bodies will experience it someday sometime (Genesis 

3:19). It matters not the person’s social and spiritual status in the religion. Prophets, kings, pastors, 

evangelists, the rich and the poor alike will someday experience it. It is only Jesus Christ who, even 

though died, as by Christian belief, conquered death and by his own power returned to life on earth 

(Matthew 28:2-7; Mark 16:6-7; Luke 24:6-7; John 20:1-10). Christians believe that death is the result 

of the sin of disobedience to God (Romans 3:23 and 6:23) and that it was a means of assembling 

human souls for judgement where the righteous will be rewarded while the disobedient-people who 

do not believe in God through Christ Jesus (John 3:15) will be punished (Hebrews 9:27; 2Corinthians 

5:21).  

Christians are expected to show love and compassion to any dying individual which is similar to the 

Islamic teaching that also require the person to sit by the dying person (Abu Aisha, 2002) cited from 

Mohammed (2011). According to Aisha, the Islamic funeral rites start from the point of death of the 

person. In their expression of life after death, Islamic faithful are expected to declare their faith in the 

only one true God (Allah) as last words on earth and they would be sure of entering eternal life and 

this is regardless of his previous sins and disobedience. In much the same way Christians hold the 

view that repentance (John 3:3, 5, 7; Acts 17:30-31) and strict adherents to Christian teachings in the 

Holy Bible will guarantee one’s entry into Heaven (also called the Kingdom of God, abode of God,) 

(Matthew 5:8-12, 6:9-13) and that there is no forgiveness of sin after death (Luke 15:7). At the point 

of death, confession prayer to God leads to forgiveness of sin (Bible). In slam, people close to “the 

dying person should supplicate and close his eyes there after” Mohammed (2011). Christian’s belief 

in the life of the hereafter is enshrined in the Bible.  

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 2.7 Types Of Deaths  

Kasena speak of normal death, abnormal and bad death (Abasi 1995) and (Howell 1988 unpublished) 

in her work on death and burial among the Kasena, categorized them into usual and unusual deaths. 

Deaths of the aged are a normal death and are well celebrated for living a successful life here on 

earth. In Jewish society, if one dies at an age close to or shortly after marriage it is regarded as an 

abnormal death. Other forms of abnormal deaths include dying through circumstances such as 

thunder and lightning, suicide, dying alone, dying by accident (falling from a tree, drowning, by fire) 

or in the bush, dying away from home. The death of babies is only seen as jwoori (the returning) of 

the baby. One’s death is regarded as a normal and successful one only when you live a fulfilled life 

and this is determined by leaving behind many children and grandchildren after attaining an old age.   

 2.8 Kasena Traditional Conception of Life After Death  

In the Kasena traditional conception of life after death is regarded as a rebirth into the ancestral world 

and is marked by the performance of series of rituals without which the dead cannot reach the kwa 

(fathers or ancestors) in churu (ancestral world) Abasi (1995: p.451). It amounts to embarking on a 

journey and the destination is churu (ancestral world) and upon your death, the burial and funeral 

rituals only serve to prepare you for that journey and to propel you smoothly for a safe arrival in the 

churu (ancestral world). The dead require drinking water in order to start the journey with a healthy 

and strong soul. They are also offered gifts that will be used as he embarks on the journey. These 

gifts include: Cowries (in modern times money), food as they are needed for the journey and on 

arrival at churu (ancestral world). Success in the journey to the churu (ancestral world) depends on 

the performance of rituals. Various African stories abound about the origin of death but they all lead 

to the conclusion that man was not the creator of death and that it leads to a point of going and not 

returning to the world of the living but to the land of the ancestors where one would continue to live.  

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2.9 Burial And Funeral Rituls For Abnormal And Bad Deaths  

It must be noted that the Kasena people have categorized death into Normal, Abnormal and bad deaths 

Abasi (1995) and Howell (1988 unpublished) referred to them as unusual deaths. Oseku-Afful, (1997: 

P.37), also revealed the two types of deaths in ‘Fantsi Land’. The particularities of burial rites and 

place of burial varies from death to death depending upon whether the death is good (normal), or bad 

(abnormal). According to Howell (1988 unpublished), one of the unusual deaths in Kasena traditional 

society is “dying away from home” which could be near the home, for example at the back yard of 

the house, far from home as in Accra and in a girlfriend’s home.   

Oseku-Afful (1997:37), gave examples of bad deaths in ‘Fantsi land’ as suicide, motor accident, 

drowning, falling from a height, war and during child birth. In the first instance, the body is buried 

there and a symbolic burial is done again at home. The body is carried to the house and normal burial 

is performed after a cleansing ritual is conducted on the body when the death is at a short distance 

away from home. It is considered a disgrace to the entire community when one dies in the home of 

his in-laws or his girlfriend and depending on the distances may either be buried there and a second 

burial is done in his own home or the body is carried home and a onetime burial is conducted (Howell, 

1988 unpublished). Goody (1959) delved into ritual practices that exhibit commonalities between the 

Lo-Dagaaba of North Western Ghana and those of medieval Europe in the 10th   and 11th centuries 

AD. He found that infant deaths among the Lo-Dagaaba and the death of witches, thieves, murderers 

etc. constitute socially unapproved deaths such that, their bodies must be buried in such a manner 

that they would not be able to return to human world by any means. There are separate rituals for 

such deaths distinct from those considered to be normal deaths. They are usually buried in places far 

removed from normal place of burial. Some of these deaths are considered to be offends against 

human society such that they do not deserve honorable burial and funeral rites. The graves for such 

offenders are normally located by watercourses, on an anthill, cross roads, the bush and in some 

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societies like the Ibo of Eastern Nigeria; they are buried in the sacred grove called the “evil forest”. 

It is to indicate that, those are the places they belong and not among normal humans in their places 

of habitation. These kinds of burials are the same between Lo-Dagaaba and Medieval Europe of the 

10th and 11th Centuries but Abasi (1995) had also found the same practices among Traditional Kasena 

of Northern Ghana in their cultural practice regarding funeral and burial rites. Dying by suicide, in 

the bush, at labor or during pregnancy, of a Mongol, a leper and by suffering a strange or incurable 

disease (elephantiasis) is an offence and their burial must reflect an attempt to punish the disease and 

to ensure that they do not return to the human world again.  

Sociologically, Goody (1959), explained that these differences exist rather in a single cultural entity 

and not between cultures and reflect the stratification of these categories of death and even the 

individuals during their life time. For instance, a Mongol (a person with Down syndrome), a leper, 

and a deformed child cannot assume a position of authority in most traditional societies of Ghana 

(Opoku, 2009 cited in Journal of Religious Studies Vol.3 2009). It should also be noted that Christians 

don’t allow infants and the excommunicated to be buried in the church yard or church owned 

cemeteries because they are considered to be sinful. Lunatics and Mongols  

(thought to be demon possessed) are not buried in the church yard or church cemetery, Goody (1959). 

He added that victims of suicide, homicides are threats to the survival of the ethnic group. Their 

actions amount to disobedience against the sixth of God’s commandments “thou shall not kill, 

(Exodus 20:3-17).” For these same reasons, the Romans would bury such people rather than the usual 

cremation. The parricide, a patrilineal society would undignifies the worst sinner by putting a cock 

into the sack containing the body, a cock- as a sign of impurity (Goody 1959).  

Mohammed (2011) indicated that the Manpurugu have the same kind of grave for all categories of 

corpse, unlike those of the Lo-Dagaaba, where grave and grave sites vary from corpse to corpse 

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depending on their social status. For normal deaths, Capt. R.S Rattery (1932) described “the grave 

as oblong”.  

In terms of positioning of the body in the grave, it is indicated that the body is carried in a mat to the 

grave place on the ground and removed. It is then placed in the grave on its right hand side facing the 

East (male) and on the left facing the West (female) (Rattray, 1932; Abasi, 1995). The Interpretation 

is that men rise to work at rise and women to cook at sunset (in the East and West, Respectively).  

In terms of clothing the corpse for the burial, the Manpurusi bury with Goat skin (Rattery, 1932) and 

the Kasena men According to Abasi (1995) are buried with gare-bwora (a smock), jɔgɔ (a pant made 

in the form of a triangle) and yu-puga (a headgear). For the women, a piece of cloth made of locally 

weaved smock is used to cover them. Some, according to Abasi (1995) latter removed these clothes 

before burial and others will bury with them.  

The Manpurusi give what they call “food for the road” Mohammed (2011) but the Kasena according 

to Abasi (1995) give water, food items, kola, tobacco so that the dead would not lack material needs 

and begin to ask for help while on the journey to churu (land of the ancestors). The believe in life 

after death is reflected in the way the corpse is treated, the way burial is carried out and in the worship 

of ancestral spirits after the burial and final funeral rites have been performed. The act of becoming 

an ancestor after meeting qualification requirements in their earthly life time helps in the society 

(Abasi, 1995).  

Even when one’s life meets all the moral standards thus making them qualify for life of the “here 

after”, he still has to be “seen off” or his way prepared for him to safely reach his “fathers” (kwa) and 

this is through performance of all the rites of passage beginning from naming and ends in the final 

funeral rites. Without the performance of the culturally defined burial and funeral rites, the soul of 

the departed would linger endlessly on earth and may torment the children and family members with 

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series of misfortunes (Ibrahim 2004:90-91; Abasi 1995; Goody 1959). The sociological explanation 

for the offer of food and other items to the dead has slight variation but the general significance is the 

same at all times. The Lo-Dagaaba, for instance, believe there are rivers on the way to the ancestral 

land for which reason the dead would have to pay for the ferry to carry them across, Goody (1959). 

Taylor (1997) has shown that there are significant commonalities in the belief concerning life after 

death and the immortality of the human soul. Goody (1959) wanted to emphasize that, the Lo-

Dagaaba were suffering psychologically from the thought that there would be retribution in the next 

world; they are certainly no more so than most of us because we all emphasize on the importance of 

reward and punishment in the system but this is inherent in all thoughts of future life including life 

here on earth and after death. It is only a reflection of social control which extends to the supernatural 

and the uncertainties that characterize death. The fear then sets in when we consider that death will 

not put an end to the idea of rewards (for conformity to the norms and, value and socio-moral rules) 

and punishment  

(for wrong doing or for deviant behavior or disobedience to the norms and values). Mohammed 

(2011) spoke of three (3) categories of sanctions. The first is by “the living over the living” and the 

second is by the “dead over the living. The third and last is a sanction of the “dead by the dead and 

by supernatural beings” seen as more powerful than the soul of the dead. Among LoDagaaba, there 

are issues about the Ferry man’s punishment to the thieves, witches, debtors, murderers, etc. The 

manner in which burial and funeral rituals are carried out determine the severity of some of the 

punishment of the dead by the dead and by the supernatural Goody (1959).  

Belief in life after death and the detailed performance of funeral rituals, and customs is prevalent in 

all societies and come about as a result of contradictory views about eternity of social system and the 

morality of its individual members. People, be it here on earth while alive in the performance of their 

funeral and burial rites and in the hereafter are not treated in like manner and this is because of the 

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differences in social life-character, behavior, conduct, morality, and obedience to social death for 

Nukunya (2003) is based on the traditional world view and socialization, for which religion believes, 

it is only the physical body that is affected but the soul goes to the land of the sprit, to join the already 

departed soul. In that land of the spirit, the dead are able to watch over the affairs of the earthly world 

punishing offenders and rewarding those who conform to acceptable ways and put up exemplary 

behaviors”. The fact that qualification to become an ancestor, helps regulate behavior and maintain 

social control. Glascok and Braden, (1981) supported this idea when they asserted that death is just 

one phase of “a series of stages” which allows opportunity for “communication with the living” and 

that death is just “a transition” which takes time and involve the help of surviving relations. This help 

comes in the form of “series of steps” through the journey and these steps are funeral rituals. 

According to them, the funeral, the funeral process involves providing items for a smooth and 

successful journey. They survivors often perceive the dead as physically present with them on earth 

despite their invisibility (Collins Murray Parks, 1997) that therefore makes it imperative for them to 

honor the dead with performance of series of rituals. The essential role of funerals as a means of 

social control has found expression in Abotchie (1997) when he said “to the southern Ewes, the belief 

is held that the ghost or the soul of the dead person lingers near his mortal remains until the final rites 

have been performed, and either cannot or will depart to the land of the dead before the rites”. The 

dead should have in their earthly life time done honor to their family members by strict conformity 

and adherence to the life values and norms of the community. He must have shown due abhorrence 

to the mortal crimes defined by the culture of the community. Even in death, some Ewe societies 

have room for symbolic cleansing of the dead of all the disobedience shown to their society. Abotchie, 

(1997) spoke of the ritual cleansing of the body when he said: “The body of the dead person is 

removed from the death chamber to an enclosure within the compound where a pit is dug and the 

body laid across it for cleansing”. This assertion by Abotchie (1997) of the southern Ewes is 

reaffirmed by Rattray (1932) findings about the manpurugu. According to Rattray, (1932), when a 

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man is about to die they hold him and give him water to drink. When he is dead, the body is bathed 

twice. The first one is known as “bad water bathing”. While the second one is described as “good 

water bathing”. This is not different from what Abasi (1995) found about the Kasena of Northern 

Ghana where a person is not allowed to die alone and must at his point of death be given water 

followed by the bathing for burial. Samuel Ayimboras (2002) found that among the Frafra of Upper 

East Region of Ghana, funerals have two phases- the “Wet and dry” (fresh and final funeral rites) 

which is similar to what Abasi (1995) wrote about the Kasena. “Wet” or Fresh funeral h occurs 

between the point of death and burial and perhaps shortly after the burial. ‘Dry’ period is when the 

funeral is entering its last stage of ritual performance.  

  

  

  

  

  

  

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CHAPTER THREE  

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 

3.1 The Period Of Study  

The period for data collection lasted three (3) months. The first month was spent on searching for 

materials relevant to the study and this took the researcher to the Navrongo Roman Catholic Museum. 

The Roman Catholic Library located in the minor Basilica, Navrongo. This allowed me to complete 

the literature review within the second week of the second month. Also completed was the 

background of the study area. For this, I had to visit the Kasena-Nankana Municipal and Kasena-

Nankana West District assemblies for relevant information.  

The researcher’s own experience as a native of the area where he was born and bred helped in this 

regard. This is because I have observed, participated and curiously asked questions regarding funeral 

and other traditional activities of the area and this has helped a great deal in writing the background 

of the Kasena society which is under study. I have in fact attended some funeral rites since childhood 

and even during the period of the study, I have had the opportunity of witnessing and keenly 

observing burial and final funeral rites, something I initially did not anticipate would happened. Some 

of the burial rites were done traditionally and others were by the Christians with whom the deceased 

or their relatives worshiped.  

As part of the preliminary or background work, the researcher visited Abulu, Kanania, all in the 

Chiana Traditional area and participated in various burial and final funeral rites conducted separately 

by Christians and traditionalists. I have also found the unpublished work by Augustine  

Kazaresam – titled “Bayaaro”. Another work I found was an unpublished work written by Prof.  

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Allison M. Howell of the Akrofi-Christaller institute of theology, mission and culture. She titled it 

“Kasena Death and Burial” written in 1988. These documentary materials found for the study were 

carefully read and form part of the literature review.  

3.2 Research Design  

As indicated in chapter one, the study employed the qualitative research design as a methodology. It 

was necessary to adopt the qualitative method since I could not tell beforehand what I would find yet 

there was the desire to generate a data that is rich in details and encompassing the opinions embedded 

in the context (Maxwell, 1996). It was all the more important to use the qualitative method because 

a quantitative method would have given data that is shallow and based largely on prior knowledge 

and predetermined answers of the researcher. This would ignore hidden but factual details of the 

issues under investigation. A quantitative method would have also generated data with a higher 

degree of inconsistencies thus making conclusions quite confusing. Secondary sources of data will 

also be employed. For example, some notable unpublished works and archives would be consulted 

for information. Processes followed in the traditional funeral rites of the Kasena people of Northern 

Ghana. This was aided by the use of an interview guide and unstructured observation. The 

unstructured observation and interviews helped obtain information, especially during funeral ritual 

activities and the funeral processes of the Christians.  

Also used was a guide for the focus group discussions.   

3.3 Fieldwork  

The fieldwork covered a period between the last two weeks of July, 2017. It was during this field 

work that primary data was collected in 3 major communities of the Kasena Nankana West District; 

Kayoro, Katiu-Saa, and Chiana traditional areas. They were chosen for the primary data collection 

because Christian religious denominations abound everywhere in those communities. These churches 

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include but not limited to the:  Roman Catholic church, Good News Bible Church, Presbyterian 

Church of Ghana, Fountain Gate Chapel International, Calvary Charismatic Centre, the Church of 

Pentecost, Church of the Lord Mission, etc.  

3.4 Sampling Method  

The sampling method used was only one because according to Simons (2009:34) cited in Obeng 

(2010:14), if the study is to gain insight into a particular social phenomenon, the sampling method is 

often purposive. More so because, the information needed to achieve the objectives of the study are 

not evenly spread among traditionalists and members of the Christian fraternity. Although everyone, 

Christians and traditionalists attend funerals, practical activities at the funeral are carried out by 

identifiable categories of people and not random selection from the public. For this reason, the 

sampling could not follow the canon of probability, the canon of probability according to Bryman 

(2001 cited in Obeng 2010: p.15) will make the researcher interact with people who are well informed 

about the subject under investigation, Kumekpor, (1999: p.138) explained that; “where it is known 

that certain individual units, by their very characteristics will provide more and better information 

on a particular subject than randomly selected units then such units are purposefully picked up for 

the study. The selection does not involve intricate procedures of random sampling. It simply involves 

picking units on the basis of their known characteristics”  

In keeping with the principle explained above, the sampling method was purposive. I interacted with 

a total of 75 respondents through focused group discussions, and in-depth interviews.  The clan heads 

or community elders were twenty-four (24) in all. Eleven (11) from Chiana-Kanania, seven (7) from 

Katiu-Saa, and six from Kayoro. There were also a total of fourteen (14) elderly women selected 

across the three (3) major areas (Chiana-Kanania, 7; Katiu-Saa, 4; Kayoro, 3). The undertakers 

summed up to fifteen (15) while church leaders were twenty-three (23).    

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The Kasena are a culturally homogeneous society, and as such have the same elements of culture and 

customary procedures, some of the participants were as