KWAME NKRUMAH • by ihe same auJJwr LETTERS TO YOUT H • GOLD COAST AND THE CONSTITUTION (with J. H. Price) BANKOLE TIMOTHY'S NOTEBOOK Por'trait of Nkl'llmah in kt.:nlc cloth, thc Lraditional dress of the Gold Coasl. KWAME NKRUMAH HIS RISE TO POWER By Bankole Timothy '" \ Foreword by the Honourable Kojo Botsio George Allen & Unwin Ltd RUSKIN HOUSE MUSEUM STREE T LO NDON FIRST PUBL ISHE.D IN 1 955 This book ir copyright under the Emu Convention. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism (If fluUW, as per- milud under the Copyright Acl '9' I, no par/ion mo), be reproduud by any process without WTitten ptmlirsicn. Enquiry should be rruuJe w the publiJlur © George Allen & Unwin Ltd., '955 . Prinud in Creal Britain in I I -pDiflt Baskerville type by Wil/mer Brot/lns & Co. Ltd., Birkenlltad. .. TO MY WIFE who cheerfully endured loneliness during the preparation of this book * FOREWORD " By The Honourable Kojo Botsio, Minister of StateJ Gold Coast Mr. Bankole Timothy in attempting the biogtaphy of Qur Leader, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, has done something which many of us for one reason or another have been unable to do, even under constant pressure from people to do so. At best, a biogtaphy only r.ecords the observable features of the life of its subject, but the moulding influences of char- acter anothe hidden sources of strength remain an enigma. T1hose of us who have been closely associated with Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the First Prime Minister of the Gold Coast, often wonder at his flash of insight, the constant up: surge of confidence and strength, and unusual facility in the communication of those forces to the masses. It is easy to say that this or that is the secret of Dr. Kkrumah's success but every action in our strenuous struggle has called forth unsus- pected qualities which seem to remain latent until the circum- stances demand their use. . r have known Dr. Nkrumah in the days when nobody would accuse his admirers or his friends of hero worship. r have been with him in the dire circumstances when the enly course open to us has been frank admissions of limitations and failures, but still consumed with the indomitable will to advance, history being our guide. r know him as a man, but as a man endowed with special qualities which are evident to the people not only of the Gold Coast but the politically conscious world. This man who inspires confidence in youth and soothes the amoieties of mothers; this man, who is acknowledged by our deeply spiritual people as a God-send, has already given to the people of this Continent, during his very short time in public rife, such untold benefits: confidence in themselves and eagerness to soar high. Dr. Nkrumah has put the Gold Coast on a new pedestal in world affairs and r cannot do better than quote what Prof. Charles Abrahams of New York has said : x FOREWORD T he Gold Coast has, I feel, a stake in the world far larger than represented by its population. It is an important testing ground for the coloured races. If it fa ils, there will be many who will say it could never have succeeded. It wilt be forgotten, of course, that other countries experienced their politica l, land, industrial, social and welfare revolu· lions in gradual stages, whi le this country is experiencing them all a t once. Vet I feel that the Gold Coast, despite the difficulti es and impact of change, is more happily posed to survive the challenges than many other countries. In the process, it is also set to make a demonstration to the world that there is no monopoly of talent and virtue in any race to tb e exclusion of anoth er. It is here in Accra that one of the most dramatic paragraphs in history is being written and I was proud and honoured to meet the man who is doi ng most of the wri ti ng.' Our friend George Pad more has aptly described the peacefnl Gold Coast revolu tion as the very expression of the Life and beli efs of the chief actor in the drama-Dr. Nkrumah. Ts it any wonder that the World Veterans Federation, the biggest World Organisa tion of ex·Servicemen, should bestow its 1954 World Peace Prize on him. It is the hope and prayer of my colleagues in the Cabinet. of my comrades in th e Convention People's Party, and of our compatr iots and fr iends both inside the country and out· side it, that Providence will grant him a long lease of life and strength, and guide him to achieve his mission- the libera· tion of a people from bondage. KOJO BOTSIO Accra 8.1.55. AUTHOR'S PREFACE ~ The writing of this book has given me considerable pleasure and inward distress. Since my childhood clays, I have loved reading about the Jife and work of the sons and daughters of Africa who have carved a niche not only for tbemselves but also for tbe African race. In Africa today, the inexorable laws of human progress are . in operation. The revolution now taking place has com- manded the attention of the world. But nothing has given a greater force, inspiration and cohesion to the liberation move- ment in Africa, than the achievements of the Chiefs and people of tbe Gold Coast. Much has been written about Kwame Nkrumah, the first Prime Minister of the Gold Coast, in tbe world's press, but the story of the man as he really is, of his difficulties, his good qualities, his shortcomings and his philosophy of life, has never been fully told. Hence tbe writing of tbis book. I have made it a practice when undertaking a biographical work to ask myself: 'What service- has this man rendered to his country, his fellow men and to tbe world?' I have always found this a good mental exercise. Such a consideration ras not escaped me in the preparation of this book. It is not an easy task to write tbe biography of someone while he is alive. It is even more difficult to w\"i te such a book when the person is still holding high public office, as is tbe case with the subject of this book. The awareness of these difficult- ies did not, however, deter me from seeing the.project through. I have had many opportunities of making a close and syste- matic study of Kwame Nkrumah. '<\1e have had many con- versations together; on many 0ccasions we have spoken about the things dearest to his heart, his ambitions and aspirations. I have seen him at work in his office; I have also seen 'him at home, and we have had meals together. I have seen him play- ing tbe role of Pri-me Minister as well as tbat of Party poli- tician. In the columns of the Accra 'Daily Graphic', I have commended Nkrumah's actions or policies when they deserved praise, but I have also criticised when I felt that in the public interest he desen'ed a rap on the knuckles . xii AUTHOR'S l'REFACE It is in this same spirit of impartiality and fairness thaL I have tried to portray Kwame Nkrumah in this book. Un· doub tedly, some people will disagree with a number"of th .. deductions and pronouncements made abo ut Nkrumah. But it is to be expected that in whatever way a book such as this is written, it is bound to please some people and provoke others. 1 have had very long and intimate talks with some of Nkrumah's closest friends, past and present; I have had many discussions with his political opponents; and also with his political followers. It has been my privilege to talk with those who regard Nkrumah as 'infallible'; and with those who blow him to the sky in public and scatter him to smithereens in private conversaLlons. In 194.9, someone said that Nkrumah would succeed where Dr. J. B. Danquah, the 'doyen of Gold Coast politics', would fai l, and that N krumah wou ld succeed because he was using all the tactics known to the politician. It was not in the nature of Nkrumah's political opponents to use some of these tactics. What these tactics are I shall leave to the historians of the (utu,·e. In this uook 1 alll concerned mainly with the life and achievements of Nkrulnah. An over-riding consideration which never ceased to haunt me throughout the writing of this book was the fact that future historians might pass judgment on its contents-and the fear of what that verdict would bel Because of this aware- ness, I have attempted to pOl'U'ay Nkrumah the man as dis- tinct from Nkrumah the politician or Nkrumah the actor. The presentation of the vadous chapters may show marked difference but 1 greatly trust that I have succeeded in main- taining the coherence of the book. If I have succeeded through this book in making a small contribution to the recorded literature of Africa and in pre- senting to the world in permanent form the story of the life and work of Nkrumah, then I havc not written in vain. Now I must begin a round of thanks. First to Nkrumah himself who, in spite of a very crowded life, sacrificed time to talk with me and granted me access to his library and private papers. I am forever grateful to the Registrar, District Magis- lrates, Accra, who, al vcr)' shortlloticcf prepared for my use a AUTHOR'S PREFACE xiii copy of rhe Court proceedings of Nkrumah's trial, which culminated in his imprisonment. ~ My friends, Sir Leslie M'Carthy, Kt., Mr. William F. Conton, B.A., Dip.Ed., Mr. G. Adali·Mortty and m y col· league, Mr. Daniel Badu, deserve a special word of thanks for their kindness in reading the manuscript and making valuable criticisms and suggestions. There are others to whom I am indebted. To Miss Joyce Gittens, Private Secretary to Nkrumah, Mr. Beverley Carter, a classmate of Nkrumah's while he was at Lincoln University, and many others who gave generously of their valuable time by discussing with me various aspects of the life and work of Nkrumah. The Gold Coast Information Services and Mr. A. Q. Kyiamah assisted me with photographs of Nkrumah. Mr. Christopher T. Teyegaga relieved me of much of the drudgery of writing a book by typing the manuscript. I appreciate his help. Finally, I wish to thank my mother; also Dr. Horace Mann Bond of Lincoln University, Pelmsylvanla, and Dr. H. P. Van Dusen of the Union Theological Seminary, New York, for their encouragement and sustained interest. BANKOLE TIMOTHY A cera, Gold Coast August, 1954 CONT ENT S ~ FOREWORD page ix AlITHOR)S PREFACE xi Birth and Early Life 19 II Nkrumah in America 25 III Preparation for Political Career . 36 IV Secretary of the U .G.C.C. 46 V Political Crisis 59 VI Convention People's Party 67 VII Accra Evening News 76 VIII Ghana Schools and Colleges 88 IX Positive Action 94 X Trial and Imprisonment 108 XI From Prison to Castle "5 XII America Revisited "9 XIII First Prime Minister 129 XIV Nkrumah the Ora tor 136 XV Nkrumah the Politician 166 XVI Nkrumah the Man 174 XVII Nkrumah and Racialism 183 XVIII Nkrumah's Ideal 187 XIX Nkrumah and the New Africa 191 EPLLOGUE '94 INDEX 196 I L LUSTRATIO NS facing page I. Portrait ofNkrumah in kente cloth. frontispiece 2. Nkruroah before he left for America. 22 3. Nkrumah on his release from prison, with crowd outside J ames Fort Prison, Accra. 110 4. Nkrumab's first Cabinet with the Governor, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke. ,,6 5. Nkrumah receiving from the hand of Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, Governor of the Gold Coast, the seal of the office of Prime Minister. 130 6. Nkruroah chatting with President Tubman of Liberia. 142 7. Nkrumah addressing a meeting. '70 CHAPTER Birth and Early Life When the modern history of Africa comes to be written, one name that will figure prominently in it will undoubtedly be KWAME NKRUMAH, first Prime Minister of the Gold Coast. Like many of the world's great men, he came from a poor dnd humble home, and only rose to fame after much toil, hardship and difficulty. Both of his parents were poor and illiterate, though God-fearing, hard-working and honest. His father was a village goldsmith noted not only for his good craftsmanship but equally for the wise counsel he gave to those who consulted him about their domestic affairs. His mother, Nyanibah, was a petty trader. They lived in a little village called Nkroful in Nzima, an area which was then generally known to Europeans in the Gold Coast as Apolonia. Kwame Nkrumah's father later left Nkroful and stayed at Half·Assini, a seaport in the Western Province about 260 miles from Accra and 40 miles from Ax im, and it was during this sojourn that Nyanibah gave birth to the baby boy who grew to become the first Prime Minister of the Gold Coast. At his birth, his father named him Nwia Kofi after a rela- tive. He was baptised by the Christian name of Francis and, because he was a male child born on a Saturday, he was named according to Gold Coast tradition, Kwame. The day of his birth, Saturday, September 21 , 1909, was one of great rejoicing in Nzimaland, for Nyanibah, whom some of the villagers had regarded as barren, had given birth to a male child. During her pregnancy, she had been in an unusually poor state of health, and many of her relatives and friends had been anxious and feared that she might not survive the pains of ch ildbirth. But Nyanibah was a brave woman and, contrary to expectationsl after Kwame Nkrumah's birth, she recovered rapidly. 20 KWAME NKRUMAH Besides this, the birth of K wame brought good fortune to his parents. His father' s business prospered and when Nyani- bah resumed her trading activities, she was bewildered aw the amazing way in which she encountered success after success. Some parents would have used the money fooli shly, but it was not so with Kwame Nkrumah's mother and father. Rather, they decided to supplement the monetary gifts which had been presented to them at the birth of their son with the proceeds from their work, with a view to providing Kwame with the facilities for acquiring a sound education. This meant plenty of hard work and personal sacrifice, but his parents were determined that their son should not grow up to be an illiterate. Kwame Nkrumah was Nyanibah's only child, but he has an elder half-brother John, who is a store-keeper for the United Africa Company (Unilever Brothers); he is now sta- tioned at Tarkwa (a mining town in the Gold Coast). As the young child grew up, he learnt from his parents and the Elders of Nzima, the history, traditions and customs of his people. The society in which he lived during his formative years was a God-fearing one with a very high ethical code and this made a deep and lasting impression on him. It was customary, in those days when transportation was appallingly bad in the Gold Coast, for goldsmiths to travel to the adjacent towns and villages, selling their wares, deliver- ing orders and receiving new orders for execution. Whenever his father went on trek, Kwame Nkrumah accompanied him and displayed great powers of observation. In 1915, when he was six years old, his parents, true to their word, sent him to school, to the Roman Catholic Elementary School in Half-Assini. It was at this school that Kwame Nkrumah led his first Positive Action strike. The years went by and Kwame Nkrumah paid great atten- tion to what his teachers taught him. He took part in ath- letics, and it was his favourite delight during school-break to gather his class-mates under a shady tree for informal dis- cussions. At other times, especially on Sunday afternoons after Sunday School, he wou ld take a long lvalk with his friends to the beach and there, under the coconut trees, they wou ld BIRTH AND EARLY LIFE 21 partake of a coconut feast while discussing their local current affairs. "'- Kwame Nkrumah's outstanding qualities while a pupil at the Roman Catholic Elementary School attracted the atten- tion of the Manager of the School, the Reverend Father George Fisher, a wealthy Roman Catholic priest. Father Fisher took special interest in three boys at the school, Kwame Nkrumah, Dominic C. Cobina and J. Edward (now an Inspector of Schools). - When Kwame Nkrumah passed the Standard VII exami- nation organised by the Gold Coast Board of Education he was appointed a pupil teacher in his Alma Mater. He was the youngest teacher and he was so small in stature that he had to stand on a table to teach. After a year's teaching experience, Father Fisher sent Kwa me Nkrumah, Cobina and Edward to the Teachers' Training College in Accra, which was later transferred to Achimota and is now known as the famous Achimota School. At Achimota Kwame Nkrumah met the late Dr. Kwegyir Aggrey, the Reverend A. G. Fraser, Brigadier-General Sir Gordon Guggisberg and Lord Hemingford. They were his teachers and' he gained considerable inspiration from them; he has never forgotten the impression they made on him. As a student at Achimota, he was 'an impossible chap', consequently he often received punishment at the hands of the prefects and monitors. Nonetheless, he paid great atten- tion to his lessons and went through his course successfully. He participated in school concerts; he delivered lectures and made persuasive speeches. He seized every possible oppor- tuni ty for doing these things. He also took part in sporting activities, and during athletics meetings My. A. H. R. Joseph (known to his students as 'old Pa Jo') could be heard shout- ing, 'Come on Nkrumah, run, run. ..' Later, 1vhen-Kwame Nkrumah was appointed a monitor, he discharged his duties efficiently and proved to his teachers that he was possessed of a high sense of responsibility. In short, he made good use of his position. On the successful completion of his course, Achimota invited him to join the staff, but he chose to serve the Roman Catholics who had sponsored him. He was appointed H ead 22 K WANfE NKRUi\tAH Teacher of the Elmina Catholic School during the early part of 193 1, and taught there for a year. He was then transferred to take charge of the Catholic J un ior School in Axim. While at Axim, he was unanimously elected Secretary of the African Club (a literary and social organisation), and afterwards he had the honour of being elected first General Secretary of the Nzima L iterature and Cultural Association. It was at this time that Kwame Nkrumah carried out con- siderable research into Nzima history. He was a close friend of the late S. R . Wood, who was then recognised as the 'political encyclopaedia' of the Gold Coast. From him Kwame Nkrumah learnt a lot about the poli tical history of the Gold Coast. This work was interrupted by his transfer on promotion to St. Theresa's Roman Catholic Seminary at Amisano, where he taught for >t hree years before he left to pursue further stuclies in the United States of America in 1935. During all this time he had been taking correspondence courses, and it ,Vhile at Lincoln, he became popular among the students for several reasons, the ch ief of which was his easy accessi- bility and winning way with everyone. The second reason, very important to those attending American Institutions of higher education, was that Kwame Nkrumah was just like any other student; he had better than average grades but was not the strikingly outstanding intellectual. Academically speak- ing, he was noticeable but nOl spectacular. This second reason is more importan l than meelS the eye. In most African Schools, stuelen ts are graded on the standard of the student who gains the highest marks. This system is called 'grading NKRUMAH IN AMERICA 27 on the curve'. This means that if the highest grade oqtained in a given dass is 80 per cent., then this becomes the standard for an 'A' (excellent), and all other grades follow accord- ingly. Where this system operates, the students usually have a 'gentleman's agreement' not to score too high a mark, so that the student of average ability can gain a pass. Almost invariably, however, African students at such Institutions flatly refused to enter into such an agreement. Consequently, they sometimes incurred the disfavour of many campus colleagues. Kwame Nkrumah never participated in the 'gentleman's agreement' system. He did not always appear at the very top of his class but he was not far below. He was a keen participant in campus extra-mural activities thereby adding to his store of knowledge and making new friends. He did not isolate hilllself as some African students did. H e was a good student at Lincoln; never aggressive, although he was always in the thick of any academic controversy which he encountered; he was thoughtful and more mature than his fellow African students. He was greatly respected and held in very high esteem. Another outstanding quality which made him popular during his campus days was his absolute ease and calmness during a difficult situation. Both in Pennsylvania and the neighbouring cities, he was admired by the most accomplished ladies but always managed to escape making any commitments because, as he himself said, 'my first duty is to return to Africa . and join in the struggle for its liberation from the tentades of imperialism.' In 1939, Kwame Nkrumah graduated a Bachelor of Arts and majored in philosophy. When he graduated, his class- mates voted him "most interesting". But that 'was not all . In his honour they composed a little ditty for the dass year book: 'Africa is the beloved of Nkrumah's dreams; Philosopher, thinker witl! forceful schemes. In aesthetics, politics, he's in the field; Nkrumah, "tres interessant", radiates appeal.' Life for Kwame Nkrumah in America was financially diffi- cult. He did not find it easy to pay his College fees, but the 28 KWAME NKRU MAH authorities at Lincoln were very understanding and kind towards him. H e, on the other hand, admitted his indebted· ~ ness and made great efforts to settle his College bill. In a letter '"' to Dr. George Johnson, of Lincoln University, the second paragraph was as follows: . I am sure I will be able to reduce my bill during the summer. That has been my primary motive. . . .' Again in another letter to Dr. Johnson, Kwame Nkrumah \vrote: . . . I am doing everything possible to payoff my bill with the University; you will know all the arrangements I have made to that effect when I see you again at Lincoln next month.' Kwame Nkrumah was always worried about liquidating his debts. In a letter addressed to the Dean of Lincoln University dated 17th July, 1941, he wrote inter alia: .... Well, Dean, I am still worrying about my debt to Lin· coIn. Please write and let me know how much is my account now. It must be settled. ' These letters made the lecturers at Lincoln love him all the more because they revealed two sterling qualities, namely, sincerity and determination. H e did not court popularity or long for the first place. During a students' election at Lincoln, he declined to stand for any office. The Dean of Lincoln felt that Kwame Nkrumah should not have declined because of his qualities of leadership and high sense of responsibility, and he wrote to him accordingly. Replying to the Dean's letter Kwame Nkrumah gave the following explanation as his defence: Yes, Dean, during our las t Seminary officers' election, I declined to be elected to hold any office, for I felt I could serve the Seminary students better by not holding any office. I am happy to be at the back seat anrl serve wdl. They all trust NKRUMAH IN AMERICA 29 me and I felt I could ~eep my cordial relations by just remaining that way. T he Bachelor of Arts degree did not satisfy Kwame Nkrumah's avid academic desires and so, when in 1939 Dr. George Johnson suggested that he should turn his attention to theology,. he readily agreed. His reactions to this suggestion were expressed in a letter dated May 30th, 1939 : !My dear Dr. Johnson, You will find enclosed my application for admission to the Lincoln Theological Seminary. I take the opportunity to than k you very sincerely for bringing the suggestion to my notice. Perhaps it is the hand of God directing. 'But while I am desirous of entering the Seminary next fall, may I ask you to do the best that in your power lies to give me your moral or othenvise assistance on the following lines: ( I) To assis t me, while in the Seminary, to get acquainted with American Religious Journalism. (2) To arrange for me, while in the Theological Seminary, to assist me in some of the fields, in the College d~partment, in which I am interested, e.g. Philosophy, Economics, Sociology or H istory. (3) I intend to take one or two courses a semester a t the Uni- versity of Pennsylvan ia towards the Master's degree. In conclusion may I state that I am very much appreciative of your keen interest in me, and I shall do my best to merit such interest. 'Trusti ng that this letter will commend itself to your ser ious consideration. I expect to hear from you very soon. Very sincerely yours, (Sgd.) FRANCIS N. NKRUMAH.' Kwame Nkrumah not only received assistance regarding the three requests contained' in the above letter, but all of those desir""es .materialised. But it should be pointed out that he did not sit with folded arms relying entirely on the assist- ance of Dr. Johnson. He made great efforts towards the realisa- tion of his ambition. This is clear from the following letter which he wrote to Dr. Johnson on June 30, 1939: 30 KWAME NKRUMAH c/o A. K. ] adegba, 57 W.127th Street, New York City, June 30, 1939. 'My dear Dr. Johnson, H ere's a hurried letter to let you know my whereabouts. 1 meant to enter Columbia University during its summer session and take some courses in philosophy, but my financial condition was such that I had to put that off till some other time. 'Meanwhile, I am busy reading any philosophical books I can possibly lay my hands on. I have already read through j oad's Guide to Philosophy and I have just finished Durant's Story of Philosophy. I am now reading Kant's Critique of Pure Reason (it is really a hard nut to crack) and I am supple- menting it with the latest book of Dr. Freud, Moses and Monotheism. I find the writings of Kant, Hegel, Descartes, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Spinoza, complicatingly interesting. The ethics of Ibsen and Tolstoy have captivated me. Rightly was it said that law, medicine and the arts are the arms and legs of learning, but philosophy is the brain. 'All the books, although difficult, afford interesting reading. And I hope to have a wide philosophical baCkground, so as to be able to assist you to the best of my ability. ''''hat must be done, must be well done. 'You will find enclosed my application to the Graduate School of the University of Pennsylvania. I intend to take a course in philosophy each Semester in addition to my Semi- nary courses at Lincoln, And whenever time allows, I shall take collateral courses in Journalism. 'You may please get the transcri pt of studies (Tom Dean Miller and send it together with the enclosed application to the Dean of the Graduate School of the University of Pennsylvania. 'Extend my warmest greetings to Mrs. Johnson. May I remain, Sincerely yours, F. NWIA-KoFI NKRuMAH. P.S. I will appreciate any other books you may suggest to me for further readings.' 0' NKRUMAH IN AMERICA 31 All these letters have a common thread running through them and that is Kwame Nkrumah's avidity for learning, and the hold efforts he made to overcome the odds against him and the sethacks which impecuniousness put in his way. He entered Lincoln Theological Seminary and graduated Bachelor of Sacred Theology. He was a devoted student and · gained more than the average marks in all his theological examinations. In June, 1939, he was awarded a scholarship of 100 dollars by the Presbyter of W ashington, D.C. He received the ne\vs with great humility and quickly 'VTote a letter of appreciation to the R everend Alfred E. Banows, D.D. While he was at .Lincoln Theological Seminary Kwame N krumah undertook an intensive socia-religious survey of the Negroes in Philadelphia. In order to obtain the material for his report, he visited over 600 Negro homes. He made similar surveys in German Town and in Reading, Pery:lsylvania, but, arduous though they were to him these surveys Il'ere pleasur. ahle tasks because of his keen interest in social science. During this period, too, Kwame Nkrumah started to preach. The Rev. Mr. R ankin, pastor-in-charge of the McDowell Pres- byterian Church, Philadelphia, gave him several preaching appointments at his church. From Lincoln University Kwame Nkrumah entered the Graduate School of Pennsylvania University, where he took an M.A. degree in philosophy as well as the M.Sc. degree in education. Al though he had a very crowded academic pro- gramme there, he still continued to accept preaching appointments. He loved preaching and in a letter dated August 6, 1942, he wrote: . Almost every one of my Sundays has been devoted to preaching either in Philadelphia, New York or Washington. The work is hard but the thr ill of accomplishment is worth the effort.' Until he left his native Gold Coast for further studi es in the United States of Ameri ca, Kwame Nkrumah had been a practising Roman Catholic. Later events, however, led those who knew him to believe that although he remained a Christian . he had in fact become an undenominational one. 32 KWAME NKRUMAH At a Press Conference held in Accra on February 13, 1950, he made tbis declaration: "I am a Marxian Socialist and an undenominational Christian ....' " ./ In the early part of 1943, a Memorial Service was held at Salisbury, N.C. A procession wended its way after the service to Aggrey's tomb in order to do him homage. It so happened that the Gold Coast custom of libation was observed and Kwame Nkrumah, who had then obtained the degree of Bachelor of Sacred Theology, took part in the ceremony. A report of the Aggrey Memorial Service later appeared in 'The African Interpreter', the official organ of the African students' Association in America, of which Kwame Nkrumah was a co·founder. As a result of tbis report, Dr. George Johnson, who was tbe Dean of Lincoln Theological Seminary, wrote a stern letter to Kwame Nkrumah in which he expressed his utter surprise at his ex·student's participation in what Dr. Johnson regarded as a non·Christian rite. In reply to Dr. Johnson's criticisms, Kwame Nkrumah wrote to him as follows, in a letter dated April 24, 1943 : ' ... With regard to your remarks on the Aggrey Memorial Service which took place at Salisbury, N.C., may I say tbat a letter of explanation will not do me justice. I am, therefore, trying to find time to visit you at Lincoln in order to talk at length over the issue. 'You seem to have misunderstood me partially and you are right at that if all your reasons are culled from tbe report in 'The African Interpreter.' 'May I say, however, that to meet Christ on the highway of Christian ethics and princi pies by way of Christian salva- tion, and tUrn back, is a spiritual impossibility. The burden of my life is to live in such a way that I may become a living symbol of all tbat is best both in Christianity and in tbe laws, customs and beliefs of my people. I am a Christian and will ever remain so but never a blind Christian.' While at the Graduate School of the University of Penn· sylvania, Kwame Nkrumah put his organising ability to prac- tical uses. He was instrumental in establishing at tbe Univer- sity of Pennsylvania, an Institute of African Languages and - NKRUMAH IN AMERICA 33 Culture. He gave unstintedly of his time in helping to build this Institute on solid foundations. But that was not all. At ....... Pennsylvania University, he started translating into reality, slowly but progressively, his dream of organising all Africans in the United States so that they might be able, on returning home, to serve Mother Africa. This meant intensive work and in Sepetmber, 1942, the first General Conference of Africans in America was held. By this time, Kwame Nkrumah was preoccupied with politics. He delivered many open-air speeches. His theme was always the sufferings of his kith and kin in Africa and the ultimate overthrow and extinction of Im- perialism. It is therefore not surprising that he did not find time to complete the thesis he had staTted for the Ph.D. degree . • Another African student by the name of Shore was his lieutenant in his political activities and in his plam for bringing Africans in America together. At this time K wame Nkrumab dreamed of a West African Federation, and, together with Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria and Durosi mi . Johnson of Sierra Leone, they planned on returning home to start intensified political agitation in the Gold Coast, Nigeria and Sierra Leone. Kwame Nkrumah, Dr. Azikiwe and Dui'osimi Johnson (now a Professor at the University of Liberia) were to be the moving spirits in each country respectively. The African Students Association in America flourished and went from strength to strength, while the Association magazine, 'The African Interpreter,' contained many analytical and fiery articles about Mother Africa. Among other Gold Coast students in America with whom Kwame Nkrumah discussed his plans were Ako Adjei and K. A. B. Jones-Quartey. Since all three of them were deeply interested in journalism. 'The African Interpreter' was well produced by journalistic standards. During the years when Kwame Nkrumah was away from Lincoln and pursuing further studies at Pennsylvani~ Univer- sity, he cherished in his heart a profound affection and gratitude for Lincoln University, which had fashioned his academic career. Neither did he forget the lecturers at Lincoln who had been kjnd to him during his campus days. The following extracts from his letters are eloquent testimony. In c 34 KWAME NKRUMAH a letter dated August 6, 1942, to Dr. Johnson of Lincoln University, he wrote : '. .. My thoughts have been continually with Lincoln. My stay there was one of complete enjoyment. It is with deepest appreciation that I think back on what you and Lincoln ha ve done for me. I stand, therefore, at your service in the hope that I may repay some small elements of what you and Lincoln have given me. . . : In another letter, addressed to the Dean of Lincoln, Kwame Nkrumah wrote : . I shall always remember you as the man who helped me to find myself. Whatever happens, I cannot and dare not dis· regard or betray your trust in me. I realise fully well my obligations to Lincoln and to you in particular. This is my common denomina tor in deciding on what step I may take . . . . ' Kwame Nkrumah's burning desire to repay some of the kindnesses which Lincoln had bestowed upon him was ful· filled in 1943, when he accepted the post of Lecturer in Political Science at Lincoln University. Here again he had the opportunity of discussing with Afriqm students the prob· lems of Africa. Apart from his 'academic work, he accepted innumerable invitations to speak at public meetings about Colonialism, with special reference to Africa. The plight of the Negroes in the deep South of America filled him with a grea ter determination than ever 'to let his people go'. It was his unabated desire to serve his people and his country, and to put at the disposal of his less·favoured fellow Africans, the lessons learnt from his personal struggles, the knowledge and experience which h e had acquired during his sojourn in America. His sufferings and hardships in America, enabled him to realise fully what Carlyle meant when he wrote : 'Who never ate his bread in sorrow, Who never spent the midnight hours Weeping and waiting for the morrow- He knows you not, ye heavenly powers: -' NKRUMAH IN AMERICA 35 He also knew by experience the _t ruth of Oscar Wilde's statement in his De Pmf1kndis, when he wrote that 'out of SOITOW have the worlds been built_ _ -' 'I'he sufferings and hardships of Kwame Nkrumah-did not embitter him; rather, they inspired him_ N~ver once did he regret his sad experi- ences, for he realised that by _doing that he would be impeding his own development. The resultant effect of all these suffer- ings led him to embrace the philosophy of 'service before self'. It became the guiding principle of hi. life; for he was convinced that the best life worth living was one of service to mankind. That was what led him to give up his 1ecture- ship at Lincoln University, a career which was pregnant with immense possibilities, and made him decide to dedicate his whole life to the liberation of Mother Africa. M-ica called I Kwame Nkrumah therefore decided to return home; but his friend and colleague at Lincoln, Ako Adjei, had suggested that before doing so he should study law. The suggestion seemed wise and attractive to Kwame Nkrumah, not from the viewpoint of materialism but from the academic angle; he viewed the acquisition of a knowledge of law as another weapon in the battle of liberation. His friends and colleagues in America tried to persuade him not to leave for M-ica; they surveyed all the opportunities that lay before him should he decide to stay in America. But no argument could shake him. He was firm and resolute in his decision to return and serve his people. And so, towards the latter part of May, 1945, Kwame NKrumah left America for London to study law and afterwards to return home. He left America but they still remembered him there. Could they ever forget the brilliant orator from Africa? He had left a monument in America-the African Students Asso- ciation, which still flourishes with admirable exuberance. He left America having realised his long-cherished ambition of acquiring higher ~ducation, and with the satisfaction that he . had made good use of his opportunity in spite of financial setbacks. CHA.PTER III Preparation for Political Career On June 10, 1945, Kwame Nkrumah arrived in London to study law before returning home to take part in the struggle for Africa's liberation. His impressions were very different from those he had of America. There were no skyscrapers; but there was plenty of gaiety and activity. He did not find the immense opportunities which existed in America for Negroes. Africans, and people of African descent, found life in London less intolerable, at least superficially. From the psychological viewpoint, Kwame Nkrumah regarded the Colour Bar in Britain as being hypocritical and clandestine; it seemed to him that the natives of Britain operated the Colour Bar system with greater subtlety and suavity than in America. In other words, he came to the conclusion that whereas in America the Colour Bar is actively enforced through segregation, in Britain Negroes could be invited everywhere but were really wanted nowhere . . Thus, Kwame Nkrumah realised as he had never done before that it was not only in Africa and America that Africans were oppressed but also in Britain, which poses to the world as the champion of Human Rights and Civil Liberties. His visits to Liverpool, Hull, Southampton and Manchester brought him into closer contact with the problems of the Africans in Britain. Everywhere the African was in chains; an enslaved underling. This state of affairs caused great per· plexity in Kwame Nkrumah's mind. He therefore decided to prepare himself all the more thoroughly, because the battle for the liberation of Africa was one of gigantic dimensions. Kwame Nkrumah's dream of becoming a lawyer never materialised. There ',>,,rere two reasons for this. First, he did not have the money to pursue the course, and secondly, he was grossly preoccupied with political activities in London. He lived on a bare pittance and in very poor lodgings. The unpre· tentious cafes around the Camden Town to Tottenham Court PREPARATION FOR POLITICA L CAREER 37 Road area of London were his lecture halls. While si pping a cup of tea and eating a roll (on very many occasions that com- prised allrus meals for the day), be would gather a number of Africans-students, seamen, etc.-about him and engage them in a discussion on the future of Africa and Africans. These discussions would ],ast for several hours, with Kwame Nkrumah leading the debate on the methods which ought to be adopted in the struggle to liberate Mother Africa. Kwame Nkrumah enrolled at the London School of Eco- nomics as a post-graduate student preparing for the Ph.D. of London University. Professor Ayer of University College, London, and the late Professor Harold J. Laski (Professor of Political Science) supervised his research work. At the same time, however, he had made friends with people like George Padmore (the West Indian journalist and author), T. R . Makonnen, Wallace Johnson, Peter Abrahams, J. T aylor, etc., and these friendships intensified his political activities. Colonial affairs occupied the greater part of his time. He made many speeches and in the very year in which. he arrived in London (1945), he was elected Vice-President of the West African Students' Union. This Union was an organisation to reckon with; the membership included the future leaders of West Africa. Some of them were studying law, others medi- cine, economics, engineering, art, etc., in preparation for service to Africa. Various memoranda were sent to the Secre- tary of State for the Colonies fro';' the W est African Students' Union condemning certain iniquitous practices in West Africa and demanding immediate remedial action. Kwame Nkrumah felt really at home in this organisation, for it was a movement after his own heart. He gained considerable experience in organ isation, and found an opportunity of putting into practice his knowledge of political scien"ce which he had acquired in America. There was, at that time, another dynamic movement, The Pan-African Federation, whose name gave an insight into its aims and objects. The Pan-African Federation published a magazine known as 'PAN-AFRICA'. The intellectual stan- dard of this publication was high; the articles were informa- tive. constructive and provocative. The magazine catered for the whole of the continent of Africa, and brought into the 38 KWAME N,KRUMA H limelight the strategy and activities pursued by the Coloniai Powers to keep Africans and Africa in a perpetual sta te of poverty, disease and exploitation . Con tributors to the maga- zine included George Padfu.ore, Peter Abrahams, T. R . Makonnen, Dr. S. D. Cudjoe, W allace J ohnson and Kwame Nkrumah. The fierce polemics of these writers turned away the thoughts of many Africans from an unhappy past to a future of limitless progress and the exercise of the God-given right to govern themselves. In October, 1945, the fifth International Conference of the Pan-African Congress was held in Manchester, with Kwame Nkrumah and T. R. Makonnen as its join t Organ ising Secre- taries. The Conference was historic in two respects. I t brought together no less than two hundred delegates from Africa, the ' ,Vest Indies and America, and since they represented the Nationalist and Trade Union Movements, the Conference was afforded the opportunity of getting first-hand information abou t the existing state of affairs in those territories. Conse- quently, many important decisions relating to African nationalism, and the annihilation of Imperialism in Africa and the West Indies, were made. The proceedings of the Conference were conducted under the joint chairmanship of a British Guianese, Dr. P. Milliard, and Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois, who gave birth to Pan-African ism. One of the major decisions taken at this Conference was the setting up of a Secretariat in London which would co-ordinate all the nationalist movements in Africa and formulate plans for the federation of the '~'est African Colonies, as well as the atta inment of self-government. Kwame Nkrumah and ' ¥allace Johnson figured prominently in the new organisation, which was known as the ' '''est African National Secretaria t. It "was their job to steer the wheels of self-government for West Africa and once again Kwame Nkrumah's organising ability was an asset. The Headquarters of the '~'est African National Secretariat were situated in Gray's Inn Road, London, ·W.C.1. Labour Members of Parliament like Reginald Sorensen and Fenner Brockway were sympathisers of the new organisat ion and gave it moral support. ~'ithin a short time it had spread its infl uence not only in London but throughout Africa and the "Vest Indies. The Secretariat sponsored public meetings PREPARATION FOR POLITICAL CAREER 39 in various parts of Britain, and at these meetings the speakers left no stone unturned in an attempt to acquaint the British public with the existing undesirable state of affairs in the Colonies. This was the time when Kwame Nkrumah relaxed in his efforts towards the preparation of his thesis for the Ph.D., and became a full-time political worker and journalist. He wrote many penetrating articles, in all of which it was abundantly clear that he was looking forward to a better deal for Africans in their own country. Never once in his writings did he doubt that the cause of the African was a just one and that in the long run right would triumph over might. He exploited to the full all the avenues for poltical propaganda in the struggle against Imperiiiism. Public speeches, newspaper articles, pamphleteering, and innumerable memoranda to the Secre- tary of State for the Colonies were some of the media which he used. He believed that education was the key to progress in Africa and, as he himself argued, 'only knowledge can counteract ignorance: H e therefore pursued what he con- sidered to be his educative task with all earnesmess, sinceri ty and political sagacity. As a political journalist, Kwame Nkrumah is a person to reckon with; one may disagree with his views but one cannot ignore him; he has an incisive pen an~ention addressed the following telegram on February 29 to the Secretary of State for the Colonies: 'Secr~tary of State Colonies, London, After permitting peaceful demonstration of unarmed ex-Ser- vicemen- Police without provocation fired on them several killed many wounded, Police and political officers unable to protect life and property. Civil authorities unable to control situation appealed to certain civilians who are officers of the United Gold Coast Convention to restore order. Main shops in commercial areas looted. UAC central store burned down. People demand Self-government immediately. Recall Gover- nor. Send Commission supervise formation Constituent Assembly. Urgent. Kwame Nkrumah General Secretary United Gold Coast Convention Salt pond Gold Coast.' Copies of this telegram were sent by Kwame Nkrumah to the following Organisations and individuals: Secretary General UNO, Lake Success, New York. Reginald Sorensen, House of Commons, London. Gallacher M.P., House of Commons, London. 'The New Africa,' 94, Gray's Inn Road, London, W.c.!. Pan African News Agency, 22, Cranleigh House, Cranleigh Street, London, N.W.!. 'Pan Africa,' 58, Oxford Street, Manchester. Editor, 'WASU Magazine,' I , South Villas. London. N.w.!. 'Associated Negro Press,' Chicago. 'New York Times,' New York. 'New Times,' Moscow. Sir Gerald Creasy, who was then the Governor of the Gold Coast, accused the United Gold Coast Convention of being 52 KWAME NKRUMAH / 'Communist-inspired' and to a large extent responsi ble for the disturbances. Accordingly, a removal order was issued against Kwame Nkrumah and the flve other leaders of the United Gold Coast Convention, namely, Dr. J. B, Danquah, Mr. E. AkufIo-Addo, Mr. Obetsebi Lamptey, Mr. W. Ofori Atta and Mr. Ako Adjei. Tbe removal order was made under Regula- tion 29 of the Emergency (General) Regulations, 1948, an.cl- - read thus: 'Whereas I am satisfled with respect to FRANCIS NWIA KOFLE NKRUMAH, alias F. N. KWAME NKRUMAH, tbat it is expedient for securing the public safety and the maintenance of public order to make a Removal Order against bi m under tbe provisions of Regulation 29 of the Emergency (General) Regulations, 1948 (inserted in such Regulations by the Emergency (General) (Amendment) (No. 2) Regulations, 1948). 'Now in exercise of the powers conferred upon me by the sa id Regulation 29 of the above Regulations, and in pur- suance of such Regulations, I DO HEREBY MAKE THIS ORDER, and direct that the said FRANCIS NWIA KOFLE NKRUMAH, alias F. N. KWAME NKRUMAI-I shall be apprehended and detained and that he shall be removed in ustody, as soon as may be, to such place in the Gold Coast as I shall hereafter appoint by directions under my hand. 'AND I DO HEREBY FURTHER ORDER and require that the said FRANCIS NWIA KOFIE NKRUMAH, alias F. N. KWAME NKRUMAI-I, (rom the time of his removal to the place so appointed by me, and so long as this Order continues in operation, shall at all times- (a) remain and live in, and not leave or be absent from, the the place to be appointed by me; (b) comply in all respects wi th such directions and require- Inenls as I lllay issue at any time. This Order may be cited as the Removal (F. N. K. NKRUMAI-I) Order, 1948, and shall come into operation on the 12th day of March, 194·8. GERALD CREASY Governor,' SECRETARY OF THE UNITED GOLD COAST CONVENTION 53 In accordance with the terms of the above order, Kwame Nkrumah and his colleagues were removed to various parts of the Gold Coast. Al l of these persons were searched, and the police found among Kwame Nkrumah's papers a Communist Party membership card (No. 57565), but his signature was not on it. He denied being a member of the Communist Party although while he was in London he had one or two friends who were Communists. Another important document known as 'THE CIRCLE' was also found among Kwame Nkrumah's papers. Much capital has been made out of this document by those who attribute any resentment or protest by Africans to Communist inspiration. 'THE CIRCLE' was a plan for West African Federation which Kwame Nkrumah had formulated in Britain and which he carried about with him. The significant thing about 'THE CIRCLE' is that Kwame Nkrumah had never attempted to implement the proposals contained in it before the document was seized from hi m. The following is a reproduction of the document known as 'THE CIRCLE' : NAME THE CIRCLE Morro The three S's: Service, Sacrifice, Suffering. AIM I. To maintain ourselves and The Circle a~ the the Revolutionary Vanguard of the struggle for West African Unity and National Independence. 2. To support the idea and claims of the All West African National Congress in its struggle to create and maintain a Union of African Socialist Republics. INTRODUCTION Since no movement can endure unless there is a stable organisation of trained, selected and trusted men to Inain- tain continuity and carry out its programme forward to successful conclusion, I And since the more widely the masses of the African peoples are drawn into the struggle for freedom and national independence of their country, the more necessary it is to have an organisation such as THE CIRCLE to estab- 54 KWAME NKRUr.. . rAH lish stability and thereby making it impossible and difficult for demagogues, quislings, traitors, cowards and self-seekers to lead astray any section of the masses of the African peoples. And since, in a country like West Africa with foreign, despotic and Imperialist Governments, the more necessary it is to restrict THE CIRCLE to persons who are trained and engaged in political revolution as a profession, and who have also been trained in the art of combating all manner of political intrigues and persecutions thereby making it difficult for anyone to disrupt the national liberation movement. I , therefore, accept and abide by the laws of THE CIRCLE which are as follows :- I. I will irrevocably obey and act upon the orders, com- mands, instructions and directions of the Grand Council of THE CIRCLE. 2. I will always serve, sacrifice and suffer anything for the cause for which THE CIRCLE stands, and will at all times be ready to go on any mission "that I may be called upon to perform. 3. I will always and in all circumstances help a brother member of THE CIRCLE in all things and in all difficul ties. 4. I will, except as a last resort, avoid the use 6f violence. 5. I will make it my aim and duty to foster the cause for which THE CIRCLE stands in any organisation of which I may become a member. 6. I will on the 21st day of each month fast from sunrise to sunset and will med itate daily on the cause THE CIRCLE stands for. 7. I accept the Leadership of Kwame Nkrumah. OATH OF ALLEGIANCE On my life, honour and fortunes, I solemnly pledge and swear that I shall always live up to the aims and aspirations of THE CIRCLE, and shall never under any circumstances divulge any secrets, plans or m"vements, of THE CIRCLE, nor b,0e tray a member brother of THE CIRCLE: and that if I dare divulge any secrets, plans and movements of THE CIRCLE, S:E.CRETARY OF THE UNITEJD COLD COAST CONVENTiON 55 or betray a member brother or the cause, or use the in- fluence of THE CIRCLE for my own personal interests or advertisement, I do so at my own risk and peril. DUTiES OF CIRCLE MEMBERS I. Each Circle member should join an organisation and should adopt two methods of approach: (a) Advocate and work for the demands and needs of that Organisation. (b) Infuse that Organisation with the spirit of national unity and the national independence of West Africa, and the creation and maintenance of the Union of African Socialist Republics. CIRCLE FUND Members of each branch of THE CIRCLE shall maintain a fund by voluntary contributions, suchJund to be used for furthering the cause of THE CIRCLE only, CIRCLE MEETINGS The Grand 'Council of THE CIRCLE shall meet at least once a year and shall decide general policy and give direc- tives tb tenitorial and local branches of THE CIRCLE. Mem- bers of each branch of THE CIRCLE shall meet on the 21 st day of each month, and at such other times as members may deem advisable, CIRCLE COMMUNICATiON A close liaison shall at all times be maintained between the Grand Council and the individual Tenitorial and local branches of THE CIRCLE. As far as possible all communica- tions should be done by personal contact, couriers and messengers, Letters, telegrams, telephones and cables should be used only for' making appointments. Discussion of CIRCLE matters in public places is forbidden, CIRCLE MEMBER RECOGNITION OrcUnary handshake with thumb pressure. CIRCLE COAL At such time as may be deemed advisable THE CIRCLE will come out openly as a political party embracing the whole of 56 KWAME NKRUMAH West Africa, and whose policy then shall he to maintain the Union of African Socialist Repuhlics. y Later, the leaders of the United Gold Coast Convention, including Kwame Nkrumah, were released and a Commission of Inquiry into the disturhances was appoin ted from outside the Gold Coast. The arrest and detention of the United Gold Coast Convention leaders considerahly enhanced the prestige and popularity of the Party. Members of the Commission of Inquiry were Mr. Aiken Watson (Chairman), Mr. A. Dalgleish and Dr. K. A. H . Murray. Mr. E. G. C. Hanrott of the Colonial Office in London acted as Secretary to the Commis- sion. One of the recommendations of the Commission was "the introduction of a new and more democratic constitution for the Gold Coast". This recommendation was accepted hy the Government and an all-African representative Committee was appointed by the Governor of the Gold Coast. The Chairman of this Committee was an African Puisne Judge, Sir Henley Coussey, now an Appeal J udge of the West African Appeal Court. Five prominent members of the United Gold Coast Conven· tion were appointed members of the Coussey Committee. Kwame Nkrumah felt that they would obviously not be criti- cal of the Report which the Committee would produce. He therefore condemned them at open-air political meetings. Kwame Nkrumah, at that time, had become the idol of the youth of the Gold Coast and they supported his stand in vilifying the United Gold Coast Convention members on the Coussey Committee. But the Working Committee of the United Gold Coast Convention thought otherwise and took drastic action against him by removing him from the office of General Secretary and appointing him Treasurer. This action was taken by the ''''orking Committee without any reference to the branches of the Party, and furthermore the protests against Kwame Nkrumah's removal, which were sent by the various branches, had a contemptuous reception by the 'Work- ing Committee. This resulted in intense activity by the Youth organisations who were ardent supporters of Kwame Nkrumah. The Youth Study Group of the United Gold Coast Conven- tion began a campaign aimed at discrediting the leaders of SECRETARY OF THE UNITED GOLD COAST CONVENTION 57 the Party. Public lectures were arranged and the first was held at the King George V Memorial Hall in Accra with Kwame Nkrumah as the lecturer. Admission to the lecture was by a gate fee of one shilling, and this was then a novelty in the Gold Coast. The meeting was very successful and that encouraged the youth groups to intensify their activities. Consequently, .the Youth Study Group contacted the Ashanti Youth Association in Kumasi and the Ga Youth Association in Accra for affiliation, and these groups formed the nucleus of the Catholic Youth Organisation. The Catholic You th Organisatio"n advertised for Youth and other Organisations to affiliate with them, and this appeal met with an enthusiastic response. Over fifty Youth, . Tribal, Literary and other Orga"nisations registered with the Catholic Youth Organisation within one month. After this, Kwame Nkrumah went on five weeks' holiday to Dakar and the French Guinea, where he made a close study of the political problems in the French West African Territorie·s. Between August 1948 and Easter 1949, the Catholic Youth Organisation held the political field wi th conferences, lectures and public meetings, culminating on March 6, 1949, with a meeti'ng at the West End Arena, Accra. At this meeting, Kwame Nkrumah addressed the first and largest audience of its kind in the country. Over £200 was raised by ga te fees; a fine record at that time. On September 3, 1948, at a meeting held by the Working Committee of the United Gold Coast Convention in Accra, the removal of Kwame Nkrumah from the General Secretaryship of the United Gold Coast Conven- tion was confirmed. On the same day, Kwame N krumah estab- lished a ne .... 'Tspaper knmvn as the 'Accra Evening Ne'ws'. This newspaper championed the cause of the Catholic Youth Organisation and gave it much publicity. Disagreements between Kwame Nkrumah and the leaders of the United Gold Coast Convention multiplied. In order, therefore, to be in a position in wh ich he could criticise the Report of the Coussey Committee should their recommenda- tions fall short of the aspiration of the people of the Gold Coast namely, FULL SELF - GOVERNMENT, Kwame ' krumah formed a political Party, the Convention People's Party (C. P.P.), on June 12, 1949. He intended this Party to 58 KWAME NKRUMAH be a, baby political Par ty within the Uni ted Gold Coast Con- vention, just as the Indians had the Indian National Congress Party within the Indian National Congress; but the leaders of the United Gold Coast Convention disapproved of such a move. On T hursday, June 16, 1949, the United Gold Coast Con- vention held a meeting at the Palladium. The meeting was turned into a pandemoni um be.cause the leaders criticised Kwame Nkrumah's action in forming the Convention People's Party. T he constant reference by Mr. Obetsebi Lamptey (one of the prominent members of the United Gold Coast Convention) to 'strangers causing trouble in Accra' led to much confusion and disturbance. These events widened the chasm of disagreement between Kwame Nkrumah and the Convention People's Party on the one hand and the leaders of the United Gold Coast Conven- tion on the other. It was therefore decided that an arbitra- tion would bridge the gap, and Kwame Nkru mah agreed to this suggestion and promised to abide by the laws of the United Gold Coast Convention. But at a United Gold Coast Convention meeting on August I, 1949, the younger mem- bers became enraged and prevai led on Kwame N krumah not to join the Party again. This was the final break between Kwame Nkrumah and the United Gold Coast Conven tion. From that time, he devoted all his time and energies towards the building-up of the Convention People's Party, of which he was elected Life- Chairman. C H A P TER V Political Crisis A series of political upheavals in the Gold Coast culminated in a national situation which offered Nkrumah an opportunity which may be described as his 'finest hour'. Government activities were looked upon with distrust and Gold Coast Africans developed an increasing suspicion of all Europeans in the Gold Coast. The 1946 Bums Constitution had met with a general feel- ing of disapproval and frustration. Equally grave was the growing resentment of Gold Coast Africans towards the high . prices of imported goods. There was unrest 'among the Gold Coast soldiers who had returned home after fighting in the Second World War. They demanded better conditions of living and employment. The disparity between the housing faci lities provided for Europeans and those for Africans created ill-feeling in the minds of Africans. Nii Kwabena Bonne III, a sub-chief of the Ga State, plan- ned a boycott of all imported goods, and with enthusiastic support from the Chiefs and people, it was implemented with great success; prices of imported goods were reduced. Added to th is, the Ex-Servicemen's Union, led by a Mr. Tamakloe, expressed their grievances in a petition addressed to the Governor. To add weight to the importance of the petition, - it was decided that a procession of members of the Union should march to Christiansborg Castle' and then deliver the peti tion to the Governor. On February 20, 1948, the Ex-Servicemen's Union held a meeti ng at the Palladi urn Cinema, Accra, and the speakers induded Kwame Nkrumah, Dr. J. B. Danquah and Mr. Ako Adjei. On February 27, 1948, the United Gold Coast Conven- tion convened a meeting at the same place but Nkrumah was not among the speakers. The following day witnessed an intensification of the disturbances. and the date, February 28. IThe official residence of the Go,'emor of the Gold Coast. 60 KWAME NKRU~iAH 1948, marked a new era in Gold Coast history. Looting started; the Ex-Servicemen's procession deliberately failed to follow the prescribed route; reinforcements of Police were brought to the scene; there was heavy stoning; the Police resorted to tear-smoke followed by the firing of shots. Three Ex-Servicemen were killed on the spot, and thus Christ ians- borg Crossroads became the scene of a historic shooting inci- dent. Independent of this crisis, there was rioting in the town. In Government circles, these events were likened to 'a pattern familiar in Communist disorders when the Communists are seeking to seize power. ' The United Gold Coast Convention was blamed as being responsible for these disturbances. Kwame Nkrumah and his colleagueS-in the Convention were described as Communists. On March I ,1948, Dr. J. B. Danquah caused to be published in the Gold Coast Press a manifesto addressed to the Chiefs and entitled 'The hour of liberation has struck'. Because it was felt that the United Gold Coast Convention had inspired the disturbances, the six leaders of the Convention, including Nkrumah, were arrested under a removal order. This act on the part of the Government heightened the people's resent- ment. Nkrumah and the other five leaders were later released and at the request of the Governor, Sir Gerald Creasy, the ' '''atson Commission was appoi nted to enquire into the causes of the disturbances. The Watson Commission consisted of Mr. Aiken Watson, Q.C. (Chairman), Mr. A. Dalgleish, Dr. K. A. H . Murray and Mr. E. G. G. Hamott, M.B.E., of the Colonial Office, who acted as Seo·etary. In its Report,' the Commission made the following observations about Nkrumah : 'From the internal evidence of the Minute Book of the Work- ing Committee, the Convention did not really get down to business until the arrival of Mr. Kwame Nkrumah on 16th December, 1947, and his assumption of the post of Secretary. 'Mr. Nkrumah has had a varied career. He had a very diversified education in the United States and Great Britain and in both countries appears to have taken a prominent part lReport of the Commission of Enquiry into Disturbances in the Gold Coast, 1948. Colomal No. 123. POLITICAL CRISIS 61 in all political institutions designed to promote a forward African policy. Although somewhat modest in his admissions, he appears while in Britain to have had Communist affilia- tions and to have become imbued with a Communist ideology which only political e?,pediency has blurred. In London he was identified particularly with the West African National Secretariat, a body which had for its objects the union of all West African Colonies and which still exists. It appears to be the precursor of a Union of West African Soviet Socialist Republics. 'Mr. Nkrumah appears to be a mass orator among Africans of no mean attainments. Nevertheless he appeared before us as a "humble and obedient servant of the Convention", who had subordinated his private political convictipns to those publicly expressed by his employers. From the internal evi- dence we are unable to accept this modest 'assessment of his position. As appears from the Minute Book, the warmth of his welcome is reflected in the enthusiastic invi tation from one member of the 'Working Committee to Mr. Nkrumah to "use the organisation as his own", From this it is cl ear that, for the time being at all events, he was occupying the role held by all party secretaries in totalitarian institutions, the real position of power. 'There was found among Mr. Nkrumah 's papers a docu- ment purporting to be the constitution of a secret organisation called "The Circle". Members of this body were required to swear personal loyalty to Mr. Nkrumah with disquieting threats in the event of infidelity. A copy of this constitution is printed in the Appendix. 'In a ' working programme circulated' just before the dis- turbances we have been inquiring into, Mr. Nkrumah boldly proposes a programme which is all too familiar to those who have studied the technique of countries which have fallen the victims of Communist enslavement. vVe cannot accept the naive statement of the members of the "\forking Committee that although this had been circulated, they had not read it. We are willing to believe that they do. On the other hand we feel that the ''''orking Committee, . fired by Mr. Nkrumah's enthusiasm and drive, were eager to seize political power and 62 KWAME NKRUMAH for the time being were indifferent to the means adopted to a ttain it . 'It is significant that, although from his ~vidence it must oe pla in that Mr. Nkrumah has not really departed one jot from his avowed aim for a Union of W'est African Soviet Socialist Republics, the Convention has not so far taken any steps to dissociate themselves from him. 'Mr. Kwame Nkrumah has never abandoned his aims for a Union of West African Soviet Socialist Republics and has not abandoned his foreign affiliations connected with these aims.' After the Watson Commission, which recommended constitutional changes as a result of which the Coussey Com- mittee was set up, Sir Sidney Abrahams visited the Gold Coast on a sports mission. His visit was, however, regarded by the people of the Gold Coast as a diplomatic move to divert their attention from politics. The sports mission was described as 'a sop to Cerberus'. Nkrumah made political capital out of it and wTote an editorial in the 'Accra Evening News' en- titled 'Goodbye, Sir Sidney'. This editorial expressed the general reaction of the masses towards the sports mission: 'Dear Sir Sydney, Despite our strong objection to your coming here on a sports mission at this stage of our struggle for freedom from I mperialist bondage, you have however come, and the people of this country too have demonstrated their natural resent- ment to your mission in no uncertain manner: in the Press, at meetings and elsewhere, you have been made amply aware of the feelings of the people of this country. 'The fact that the meeting at the Palladium last Thursday at which you spoke broke up abruptly in disharmony, should tell you that the people of the Gold Coast are now politically wide awake and cannot be lulled any longer by any unbecom- ing tactics of the Imperialists to divert our attention from the goa! of full Self-government this year. 'But, why? Did Churchill send round Lord Burgh!ey or other athletes to go round Britain to organise sports when the war with Germany was at its height? Perhaps you do not realise that we are in a comparable situation? The British POLITICAL CRISIS 63 fought to prevent Germany from enslaving them; we are fighting to liberate ourselves from Colonial slavery imposed on us b y British ImperialismI 'One other major point. Do you think, Sir Sydney, that people can run and play games when they are afflicted by bad sanitation and slums and have to use 'liquid mud' as drink- ing water and when the few who work are compelled to do over-work with under-payl Instead of your coming here to advise the British Government to remove the blot on her ~ Colonial administration by providing propS'r education, ample employment and better social services, or instead of advising the British GOl'ernment to grant us a new' demo- cratic Self-Governing Constiu,ltion, you have come here at this time to 'Iorganise" us for sports! ', ,ye like sports, but we want Self-government first so that we can be masters not servants in our own country. vVhen we get Self-government, you will be amazed at what we can put into the field at the next Olympic Games; and you will also be amazed at the stadiums that will glorify sporting activities in the new Ghana. 'But, first things first, Sir SyaneyI Please go back and tell Britain that we are ready for full Self·government now; any- thing short of that will be unacceptable to us. We are in earnest; our "eyes are red", and we shall not rest until we have attained full Self-government ior the people of this country, this year. . Yen \Vura Sydney, Nantsiw yiel Yours sincerely, KWAME NKRUMAH.' Dr. J. B. Danquah, 'the doyen of Gold Coast politics: did not subscribe to Nkrumah's suspicion of Sir Sidney Abrahams' sports mission. For this very reason, Nkrumah successfully carried out an intensive propaganda campaign calculated to discredit Dr. Danquah and the other leaders of the Conven- tion. Hitherto, Dr. Danquah had enjoyed an unrivalled politi- cal popularity. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, who during his stay in the Gold Coast exerted considerable infiuence on public opinion in the Gold Coast through his writings in the Press, 64 KWAME NKRUMAH once described Dr. Danquah as 'the matchless Danquah'. In condemning Nkrumah's tactics, the view has been exp.ressed that 'it was on Danquah's shoulders that Nkrumah stood to reach his great height'.' Nkrumah's tactics undoubtedly en- hanced his own popularity. He realised that the poli tical dis· turbances offered a golden opportun ity of capturing political leadership and he turned it into his 'fi nest hour', through sustained propaganda and skilful harnessing of the nation· alism which had expressed itself at the Christians borg Crossroads. As pointed out in the Watson Commission Report, there was no doubt whatsoever that with the arrival of Nkrumah as its General Secretary, the United Gold Coast Convention widened the scope of its activities as well as its influence in the country. This could not be dismissed as a coincidence because Nkrumah did introduce new propaganda methods and strategy. He saw in the new political situation which had culminated in the shooting at Christians borg Crossroads, a chance for the national Liberation Movement to make rapid strides. He had his own ideas but they were contrary to those of the Convention Leaders. Nkrumah was impatient. He wooed the dissident Ex·Servicemen to his side, persuaded them of the superiority of his plans over those of the Conven- tion leaders and impressed them favourably with the sincerity of his determination to put an end to Imperialism in the Gold Coast. These were some of the methods by which Nkrumah won the allegiance of the people. The ethics of Nkrumah's tactics has been a subject of con- troversy chiefly, though not only, among his political oppo· nents. Much argument has centred around morality in politics; in this case whether Nkrumah should have been concerned with the morality of his methods or the achieve· ment of the national aspiration of the chiefs and people of the Gold Coast. The timing of Nkrumah's resignation from the United Gold Coast Convention has been subject to much criticism. By that act and at the time it was carried out, Nkrumah, whose standing in Gold Coast society was then of an inferior status as compared with men like Dr. Danquah, Messrs. Obetsebi Lamptey, Akuffo Addo and Ako Adjei, lHNkrumah and Danquah in Ghana Politics" by E. C. Ugboma. POLITICAL CRISIS 65 emerged as a hero. Nkrumah would call this 'tactical action', but to his colleagues on the United Gold Coast Convention it was a deadly blow. A major criticism of Nkrumah's handling of the political crisis was the fact that he concealed his plans from the leaders of the Convention. Since the Convention was a United Front, it was felt that he should have submitted his plans for dis- cussion and implementation. But in Nkrumah's opinion, had he made known his plans, he would have lost the initiative through the 'delaying tactics' of the Convention leaders as opposed to his revolutionary methods. Time has supported Nkrumahs' move, for si nce that time he has been hhead of his political opponents and has grown in popularity, while the Convention has diminished lnto fragmentary political parties. Dr. Danquah has, however, expressed the opinion that if Nkrumah had not broken the United Front, the Gold Coast would have achieved its political objective earlier. But this -pronouncement is hypothetical. ' ,Vhat is important is the fact that Nkrumah took advantage of the situation and utilised the opportunity for the political advancement of the country. Returning to Sir Abrahams' sports mission, as recently as December 1953, sections of the-Gold Coast Press came out with renewed criticisms of krumah's attitude towards the mission. The newspapers added that the Sports Stadium in Accra and the participation of Gold Coast teams in the Empire Games are ali products of the sports mission. Conse- quently, the newspapers concluded that Nkrumah's suspi- cions about its motives ''''ere ,,,,ithout any foundation 'whatso- ever. It was, nonetheless, politically expedient for Nkrumah to uphold the nationalism of the people and to enable them to {Lx their eyes on tlle goal. of their political ambition, and this he did by denouncing the sports mission. Nkrumah has been described, and not only by his political opponents, as a person who cannot co-operate in any organisa- tion unless he is the leader. In support of this, his resigna- tion from the Convention and his estrangement from the ' ,Vest African Students' Union, London, have frequently been cited as evidence of his reaction when he cannot have things his own ·way. But in the case of the Convention, the leaders are B 66 KWAME NKRUMAH partly culpable for Nkrumah's action. In welcoming him to the Convention, a member of the Working Committee asked him to 'use the organisation as your own'. Nkrumah used the organisation as such and made i t the base of his ascent to poli tical fame. CHAPTER VI COllvention People's Party 'Politics is a clean and devoted service but dirty rmn can make it a dirty business1, Rev. C. K. Dovle The birth of the Convention People's Party (C.P.P.) has been regarded by some Africans in West Africa as the fulfilment of the late Dr. Aggrey's prophecy when he said that a Youth Movement would grow up that would stir the whole of Africa. In many respects the C.P.P. has indeed fulfilled the prophecy; it was founded by a young man and its membership is domi· nated by youth. Furthermore, the C.P.P. through its activities and achievemen ts has stirred African nationalists throughout Africa towards greater efforts in their struggle for liberation from foreign rule. On June 12, 1949, Kwame Nkrumah founded the C.P.P. Experience in the techniques of mass movements which he had acqui red during his student days in America contributed in great measure towards the success of the C.P.P. "Vhile he was General Secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention, from which the C.P.P. broke away, there had always been marked differences between his policy towards the Colonial struggle and the policy of the leaders of the U.G.C.C. Diver- gent views held by Nkrumah and his political employers created an awkard situation on a number of major political issues. Whether through a mastery of strategy or sheer good luck, Nkrumah's views have invariably been confirmed by subsequent events. When, for example, Nkrumah suggested the establishment of the 'Accra Evening News', the sugges· tion was disapproved by the U.G.C.C. leaders. The establish- ment of the Ghana Schools and Colleges was another example. The inauguration ceremony of the C.P.P. at the 'West End Arena, Accra, on June 12, 1949, marked the beginning of the introduction of party politics into the Gold Coast. There had lVide p. 36 " APRICJ\ AWAKES" by Rov. C. K. Dovlo,:B.D, 68 KWAME NKRU MAH previously been other political orgVest End Arena, Accra, on Sunday, November 20, 1949. I t was attended by people from all over the country-the Northern Territories, Ashanti, Trans-Volta-and almost every organisa- tion of note was represented except the U.G.C.C. and the Aborigines Rights Protection Society. These two organisa- tions turned down the invi tation to sponsor the Assembly with the C.P.P., while the Joint Provincial Council made abortive attempts to sabotage it. The Chairman at the meeting was a trade unionist, Mr. Pobee Biney; other trade unionists, namely Anthony Woode and J. C. Vandyck, also participated. Representations were made to the Ga State Council to banish Nkrumah from Accra and also to suppress the C.P.P. The Ga State Council summoned Nkrumah to a meeting at which Dr. J. B. Danquah and other U.G.C.C. leaders, ii Amaa 011ennu and Mr. W. M. Q. Halm, were also present. Nkrumah was questioned about the existing political situa- t ion in the country and was subsequently asked to call a public meeting to explain 'po$itive Action'. As a result, he wrote a little pamphlet entitled ''AThat I mean by Positive Action', which he read at the "Vest End Arena on October 23, 1949. He reported this to the Ga State Council, which exp~essed approval of the pamphlet. POSITI VE ACTION 95 On December 15, 1949, the following editorial written by Nkrumah was published on the front page of the 'Accra Evening News' : 'THE ERA OF POSITIVE ACTION DRAWS N l GH 'Following the present trend of events as went on in the _ Legislat ive Council yesterday, we can no longer hesitate to affirm that the salvation of our beloved motherland lies only in the hands of the people. 'Day in, day out, ,"e have been crying and agitating against this out·dated system of rule that has seethed the spirit of the nation for the past two years, but today, now that the oppor- tunity has come that we too should taste the fruits of freedom, our own men have let us down. 'Shall we continue to wait for another hundred years in want, poverty and disease? Shall we wait again_ to trust our hopes of salvation to men who will in the long run leave us . destitute to brave die storms alone? 'Shall the blood of our beloved brethren who were shot at the Christiansborg Crossroads in February last year be shed in vain? 'Shall those of our fellow brothers who are suffering martyr- dom for the freedom of our country suffer in vain? These are the questions that confront us today in our present struggle to free this nation from the grip of Colonial misrule and misgovernment. 'These are the questions to which Kwame Nkrumah is summoning us to the West End Sports Arena today, our common goal. Too long have we left the destiny of our country to be toyed with. We shall no longer wait for freedom to ·'come" to us, we shall march forward to demand our right ow·selves. 'We too are determined to take our rightful place ·in the march of nations; Vie shall no more continue to march under the harness of Imperialism; we must get back our fatherland from enslavement hy foreigners. The session of the Legislative Council has ended but we bave been left 'ivhere we v\Tere. We have been denied our right again. "Ve have been left again in a very restive mood· by our own people singing the tune of Imperialists. 96 KWAME NKRUMAH 'When then shall our sorrows, sufferings, lamentations and woes come to an end? Unless we brace up our loins now and march forward indomitably to demand our inherent rights, we are doomed for another century of years to all manner of unnecessary suffering. 'Gird Up your loins, therefore, brave sons and daugh ters of Ghana, and march forward in your thousands to the Arena today to hear the trumpet that sounds the coming end of the politics of words. Ghana shall be freel' On the same day, Nkrumah was the principal speaker at a . meeting of the C.P.P. held at the West End Arena, Accra. Here are extracts from his speech : 'Get ready, people of the Gold Coast, the era of Positive Action rapidly draws nigh. The Coussey Committee has failed to grant the people of this country Full Self-government for the country; the Legislative Council has failed to demand Self-government for the country; the Chiefs' Territorial Councils have failed to demand Self-government for the · country; and the British Government has tactfully refused to grant the country its true and legitimate demand for Self- government. 'The people of the Gold Coast now emphatically refuse to remain any longer under Colonial status; they demand Dominion Status Now. 'What the people of this country demand now is the calling of a CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY through a General Elec- tion to determine a Full Self-government Constitution for the country. 'The people of this country will be waiting patiently for tWo weeks from today, December 15, 1949, during whi_ch period the British Government might announce, tlrrough the Governor, the acceptance of the principle of a Constituent Assembly; otherwise, P.A. may be declared anytime aftel' the said two weeks. 'People of the Gold Coast get ready, be prepared; save and spend wisely and wait for the day should it come. 'As regards the stooges and traitors as well as the black- legs and strikebreakers, leave them alone. They shall go to work and come back to meet us at home, but when the stock- taking thus comes they shall account for their deeds. POSITIVE ACTION 97 'REMEMBER THE STRIKE IS ON THE BASIS OF PERFECT NON- VIOLENCE. THERE SHALL BE NO LOOTING OR BURNING OF HOUSES OR RIOTING OR DAMAGE OR DISTURBANCES OF At:IY SORT. NON-VIOLENQE IS OUR CREED. 'Men of Ghana, this is the finest hour to be alive to join in the struggle for the redemption of our Fatherland discredited by Imperialism: Between January 4 and January 8; 1950, negotiations were initiated by the Colonial Secretary, R. H. Saloway, and 'carried on between himself, Nkrumah and other members of the C.P.P. On January 7, the Trades Union Congress strike started, and on Sunday, J anuary 8, at the West End Arena, Acra, Kwame Nkrumah declared Positive Action in the following words: . - 'In our present vigorous struggle for Self-government, noth- .ing strikes so much terror into the hearts of the Imperialists and their agents than the term Positive Action. This is especi- ally so because of their fear of the masses responding to the call to apply this final form of resistance in case the British Government failed to grant us our freedom consequent on the publi cation of the Coussey Committee Report. 'The term Positive Action has been erroneously and mali- ciously publicised, no doubt by the Imperialists and their concealed agent-provocateurs and stooges. These political renegades, enemies of the Convention People's Party and for that matter of Ghana's freedom, have diabolically publicised that the C.P.P's programme of positive action means riot, looting and disturbances, in a word, violence. Accordingly, some citizens of Accra, including myself, were invited to a meeting of the Ga Native Authority and the Ga State Council on Thursday, October 20, at I p.m. "to discuss", as the invita- tion stated, "the unfortunate lawless elements in the country and any possible solution." 'At that meeting, I had the unique opportunity of explain- inS" what Positive Action means, to the satisfaction of the Ga Native Authority and the Ga State Council, and the meeting concluded with a recommendation by them that I should call a meeting to explain to the members of the Convention o 98 KWAl\'IE NKRUMAH People's Party, as I did to them, what I mean by Positive Action in order to disabuse the'minds of those who are going about misi3terpreting the Positive Action Programme of the Convention People's Party. 'Before I proceed to my proper topic, I must take this opportunity to dispel the wild rumour that the Ga Manche said at the meeting that the Convention People's Party should be suppressed and that I should be deported from Accra. Nothing of the sort was ever suggested by the Ga Manche even though some of the speakers tried to convey sucb an idea, but the Ga Manche promptly over-ruled that. . Nkrumah also protested strongly against the interpretation which correspondents of some foreign newspapers had put on the political crises in the country. He denied that the local African Chiefs had demanded from him an undertaking not to arouse the feelings of the public on the publication of the Coussey Report on Constitutional Changes. On the contrary, Nkrumah explained, tl1e Chiefs and people were unanimous in their demand for ' Self-government and he emphasised that tl1e Chiefs and people were standing together and agitating together for the liberation of their country from foreign rule. Nkrumah, who is very intolerant of Press criticism, referred again to what he regarded as misrepresentations in some foreign newspapers, and in his characteristic style when addressing the masses in an open-air political meeting, he observed: 'Party members, imagine the wicked misrepresentation, chicanery, falsehood, the untruths, the lies and deception, in such news. This is the way our struggle is being misrewe- sented to the outside world; but the truth shall ultimately prevail. 'It is a comforting fact to observe that we have cleared tl1e major obstacle to the realisation of our national goal in that ideologically the people of this country and their Chiefs have accepted the idea of Self-government even now. ' ,Vith tl1at major ideological victory acbieved, what is left now is chiefly a question of strategy and the intensity and earnestness of our demand. The British' Government and the people of Britain , with the exception of die-hard Imperialists, acknowledge the legitimacy of our demand for Self-government. H owever, it POSITIVE ACTfON 99 is and must be by our own exertion and pressure that the British Government can relinquish its ailtJlOrity and hand over the control of affairs, that is the Government, to the people of th is country and their Chiefs. 'There are two ways to achieve Self-government: either by armed revolution and violent overthrow of the existing regime, or by constitutional and legitimate non-violent methods. In other words : either by armed might or by moral pressure. For instance, Britain prevented the two German attempts to enslave her by armed might, while India liquidated . British Imperialism there by moral pressure. vITe believe that we can achieve Self-government even now by constitutional means withou t resort to any violence. 'We live by experience and by intelligent adaptation to our environment. From our knowledge of the history of man, from our knowledge of Colonial liberation movements, Free- dom or Self-government has never been handed over to any _C olonial country on a si lver platter. The United States, India, Burma, Ceylon and other erstwhile Colonial territories have had to wage a bitter and vigorous struggle to attain their free- dom. H ence the decision by the Convention People's Party to adopt a programme of non-violent Positive Action to attain Self-government for the people of this country and their Chiefs. 'We have talked too much and pined too long over our disabilities-political, social and economic; and it is now time that we embarked on constitutional positive steps to achieve posi tive results. ' IVe must remember that because of the educational backwardness of the Colonial countries, the majority of the people of this countll' cannot read. There is only one thing they can understand and that is Action. 'By Positive Action we mean the adoption of all legitimate and constitutional means by which we can cripple the forces of Imperialism in this country. The 'weapons of Positive Action are : ( I) Legitimate political agitation; (2) Newspaper and educational campaigns; and (3) as a last resort, the con- stitutional appli cation of strikes, boycotts and non-eo-opera- tion based on the principle of absolute non-violence. 'We have been unduly criticised by our political opponents who say that it is wrong for us to tell the Imperialists that we 100 K'¥'AME NKRUMA H shall resort to non-violent strikes and boycotts as a last resort, if need be, to attain our freedom. Their contention is that we - should have kept this secret and spring a surprise on the Government. As for us, our faith in justice and fair play forbids us to adopt such sneaky methods_ 'In the fi rst place, we like to use open methods and to be fair and above board in our dealings. ' 'lie have nothing to hide from the British Government. Secondly, and what is more important, if the C.P.P. is a democratic organisfltion, then the members must be taken into its confidence and their approval secured for such an important policy, and they must be given · the opportunity to prepare for any eventuality. Even in the case of a declaration of war, notice is first given. 'Mr. C. V. H. Rao, in his book entitled "Civil Disobedience Movement in India", has this to say: , "Constitutional agi tation without effective sanction behind it of organised national determination to win freedom is gen- erally lost on a country like Britain, which can appreciate _ only force or its moral equivalent. ... An important con- tributory factor to the satisfactory settlement of '! disputed issue is the extent and the nature of the moral force and public sym pathy generated by the righteousness of the cause for which the suffering is undergone and the extent of the moral reaction it has produced on the party against which it is directed." 'The passive sympathy of the masses must be converted into active participation in the struggle for freedom; there must also be created a widespread political consciousness and a sense of national self-respect. These can only be achieved when the mass of the people understand the issue. These are not the days when people follow leaders blindly. 'As already explained, Positive Action has already begun, by our political education, by our newspaper agitation .and platform speeches and also by the establishment of the Ghana Schools and Colleges as well as the fearless and legitimate activities of the C.P.P. 'But as regards the final stage of Positive Action, namely, Nation-wide Non-violent Sit-down-at-home Strikes, Boycotts and Non-co-operation, we shall not call them into play until all the avenues of our political endeavo\1rs of attaining Self- POSITIVE ACTION 101 government have been closed. They will constitute the last resort. Accordingly, we shall first carefully study the Report of the Coussey Committee. If we find it favourable, we shall accept it and sing alleluya. But if we find it otherwise, we shall first put fonvard our own suggestions and proposals and upon refusal to comply with them we shall invoke Posi- tive Action straight away on the lines indicated above. ',\IVhat we all want is Self-government so that we can govern ourselves in our own country. We have the natural, legitimate and inalienable right to decide for ourselves the sort of government we want and we cannot be forced against our will in accepting or perpetuating anything that will be detri- mental to the true interests of the people of this country and their Chiefs. 'Therefore, whilst we are anxiously awaiting the Report of the Coussey Constitution Committee, I implore you all in the name of the Party to be calm and resolute. Let us advance . fearlessly and courageously armed with the Party's programme of Positive Action based on the principle of absolute non- violence. 'Long live the Convention People's Party. Long live the fonvard march of the people of this country. Long liye the new Ghana that is to be.' On Sunday, January 15, arrests started in Accra. Mr. Kojo Botsio, then the General Secretary of the C.P.P., and Mr. Dzenkle Dzewu, then the Financial Secretary, were arrested. Their premises were searched and many Party and private papers, as well as books, were removed. The arrests in ACQ'a culminated with that of Nkrumah on Saturday, J anuary 21. In fact, almost all the C.P.P. leaders in Accra were rounded lip by the Police; manY4\Ie are in a critical state in our politica l field. Members of this Council have been exposed to all sorts of indignities. On the political platform and in .some of the newspapers there was political nonsense to the effect that the Chiefs will be made to flln aI~~ their sandal ehlillL I hese grasshopper leaders who tell us that they are fightin.. g forSeJf:governmentfi)rtheChLefsan-U- people of this country now tell ~at th~Chiefs will ruil. and leave their sandals benmd". "Ve all WQllt Self-government, ( but we do not want Self-government in a State in 'Nhich all of us shall be slaves. 'The J oint Provincial Council met on Tuesday and yester- day, and, as a result of interviews held with some of the political leaders in this country, a resolution was passed deploring the presen t state of affairs. The Council was of the opinion that fro m the present state of affairs the liberty of the subject in this country has been and continues to be in danger. The Chiefs at Dodowa empowered me and my col- 104 KWAME NKRUMAH leagues to present their motion before this council. Your Excellency, I beg to move: Speeches supporting Sir Tsibu Darku's motion were made by Nana Kwame Gyebi Ababio, Nii Amaa Ollennu, Dr. J. B. Danquah, Mr. E. O. Asafu-Adjaye, Nene Azzu Mate Kole, Dr. T. B. Asafu-Adjaye, Nana Amanfi III, C.B.E., Mr. B. D. Addai and the Colonial Secretary, R. H . Saloway. Positive Action was declared because Nkrumah and his colleagues of the C.P.P. felt that the recommendations of the Coussey Report fell shor t of the poli tical aspirations of the . Chiefs and people of the Gold Coast. The 'Accra Evening News', the mouthpiece of the C.P.P., had kept up a constant campaign demanding Self-government in· 1949. When, there- fore, the C.P.P. obtained a majority of seats in the first General Election in February, 1951, and took part in the Government, Nkrumah's political opponents kept asking, "Where's the Self-government now which you promised the . people?' They knew, of course, that 'Self-government now' was primarily a political slogan, and no one really doubted that he wanted Self-government for the Gold Coast as much as anybody else. In their newspapers and on political platforms, these opponents of Nkrumah kept taunting him with the same question. Incensed by this, Nkrumah, at a rally of the C.P.P. at the Subin Valley, Kumasi, threw down a cllallenge; a chal- lenge that went unanswered by Dr. J. B. Danquah, NIr. Kobina Sekyi, Nii Amaa Olennu or any other of his political opponents. In diplomatic circles it was considered that Nkrumah's speecll was a tactical mistake. The following is the speech which Nkrumah delivered at Kumasi on January 4, 1951 : 'The chief strategic objective of the Convention People's Party has always been full Self-government Now and this still remains our fundamental objective. vVe have never denied this fact and both the Governor and the Secretary of State know that we shall never compromise on our present demand for full Dominion Status. 'Our party embarked upon vigorous national liberation on POSITIVE ACfION 105 June 12, 1949, with the slogan 'SeU-government Now'. When this constitution was forced upon us how did we react? Our party decided at once to call upon the Government to agree, even in principle, to a Constituent Assembly so as to give the people of the country the opportun ity of accepting, amending or rejecting the Constitution. 'The party took up this course because we felt that that was the only democratic way of giving the country the right to the final say on the Constitutional proposals drafted by nominated persons in whom the country had little or no confidence. 'In order to make our proposition clear to the Government I took the initiative of convening an All Ghana (Gold Coast) People's Representati ve Assembly on November 20, 1949, at which tl1e Convention People's Party and other organisations were represented, excepting the leaders of the United Gold Coast Convention, the present leaders of the National Demo- cratic Party and the various Territorial Councils which refused to honour our invitations. 'The Ghana People's Representative Assembly adopted a number of resolutions embodying our vie'ws on the Consti- tution. ,.ye then submitted these proposals to the Governor {or u'ansmission to thl'! Secretary of State for tl1e Colonies. 'Our proposals were rejected. It was, therefore, up to the people of this country, minus the reactionary and compla- cent bourgeoisie, to take the next move and this we decided to do by embarking upon "positive action". The events asso- ciated with "positive action" are well-knmvn to you all. 'The Imperialists struck at us/ but in spite of victimisations, intimidations and imprisonments, the people rallied round the party in even greater numbers, and at the critical moment decisively won for the party the general election. " 'Vas it right to participate in the general election? It is our opinion that it was correct tactics to adopt under the circumstances. Had we not entered the contest and won by a majority representation in the Assembly and accepted Minis- terial positions, the enemies of our party, the Danquahs, the Ollennus and the Obetsebi-Lampteys, the Akufo Addos, the Ako Ad jeis and the Kobina Kessies would have flooded the Assembly and that would ha.ve been the end of the struggle for us, the people of this country, whom these poli tical acro- 106 KWAME NKRUMAH bats are now trying to confuse and seduce by lying propaganda. 'What do they want of me? Can it be that they now want Self-government immediately today? Are they prepared for "positive action" now? 'Let us suppose that after a demand has been made in the form of a motion in the Assembly for Self-government now, and it is unanimously adopted by the Assembly, the British Government rejects it, will the U.G.C.C., N.D.P., and the Territorial Councils join in staging another "positive action" in answer .to the use of the veto? Again I ask: are they pre- pared to take part now in "positive action" for Self-government- in 1951? In this connection I will now throw a challenge to the U.G_C_G. and all other political opponents. 'We of the Convention People's Party have made it plain that we are working according to plan but ·we are neverthe- less prepared to re-adjust or even change our tactics and strategy if our detractors and opponents accept the challenge to join us in declaring "positive action" for Self-government_ now. 'My colleagues and I are prepared to resign from the Government immediately if the so-called Opposition Panies, factions, groups and caucuses come out of the conspiratorial dens and join me and my part)' in staging "positive action" for full Self-government now. 'To implement this challenge we invite Dr. Danquah, Obetsebi-Lamptey and the Executive of the United Gold Coast Convention; Mr. Ollennu, Mr. Bossman and the Execu- tive of the National Democratic Part)'; the Chiefs of the Asanteman Council; Nana Ofori Atta, President of the Joint Provincial Council and Chiefs of that Council; Mr_ Kobina Sekyi and the Executive of the Aborigines Rights Protection Society, all of them, to communicate with the General Secre- tary of the party within 14 da)'s from today, the date line being midnight of October 14, 1951, whether or not they are pre- pared to meet the representatives of the CoP_Po in conference to plan a nation-wide campaign of "positive action" if the British Government rejects a motion for Self-government no'\\', 'If they accept our challenge, I propose that we issue an ultimatum, the day after our signatures are appended to an instrument signifying complete agreement on a line of action POSITIVE ACTION 107 for immediate and complete Self-government, to His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, on the condition that if this demand is rejected we shall launch, under our collective leadership, a nation-wide campaign of "positive action". 'This is, in substance, my challenge to those who now slander us and try to discredit us as compromisers and signa- tories of non·existent s.ecret pacts on a question which our party has been the only one which was and is still prepared to stake life and liberty.' CHAPTER X Trial and Imprisonment From the time when Nkrurnah seve>;,ed connections with the Uni ted Gold Coast Conventon and formed his own political party, he became a constant worry to the then British Govern· ment of the Gold Coast. High officials in the Gold Coast Police Force as well as in the Political Administration made' a very close study of his movements and activities. Ways and means were sough t to keep him quiet. He was regard~os!live danger and the proMe'lp with which these officials were faced was how to prevent tlie Gold Coast being plunged into Nkrumahism. In their minds, they had no doubts that Nkrumah 's political party was determined to launch a sustained campaign of Positive Action-strikes; boycott .and civil disobedience. Nkrumah was equally aware that the authori ties were after him, and that should he make the slightest slip the legal boys at the Gold Coast Crown Law Office would jump at him. But this awareness did not dismay him. He had made up his mind that come what may he would go through with his plans. The Gold Coast Police once chased him through the ' country, but without success. At the time, Nkrumah was staying with friends, some of whom 'were civil servants 'who did not mind risking their jobs by harbouring him. This sort of hide·and·seek lasted until the day when Police Charge Sheet No. 459 charged him with 'inciting others to take part in an illegal sU'ike contrary to Section 6(2) of the Conspiracy and Protection of Property (T rade Dispu tes) Ordi· nance, 1941 (No. 12 of 1941).' The particulars of the offences stated that on the 8th day of J anuary, 1950, Nkrumah and - others did at the 'West End Arena, Accra, incite divers persons there present 'to take part in an illegal strike, by advocating by speech that they should participate in Positive Action, which term means and includes strikes not in furtherance of a trade dispute, but which have as their object coercion of the Government of the Gold Coast.' TRIAL AND IMPRlSONMENT 109 Nkrumah was defended by Mr. C. S. Rewcastie, an English Q.C. The presiding Magisu'ate was Mr. L. C. Lingley, now Mr. Justice Lingley, Puisne Judge of the Supreme Court of the Gold Coast. One of the Crown wi tnesses at the trial was the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Reginald Saloway, now Sir Regi· nald, who later became the first Minister of Defence and External Affairs in the Gold Coast Cabinet. He told the Court that he wrote a letter to Nkrumah inviting him to call and see him. He said that at their meeting he told Nkrumah that he had read from the Press that the C.P.P. planned to ·"launch Positive Action, and warned him that such a cam· paign was 'unconstitutional'. He added that violence would result and also hardship to the Gold Coast community, includ· ing innocent people. Sir Reginald said that he therefore asked Nkru mah to reconsider his decision and told him that should violence ensue, he wou ld be held responsible, and that if there were dead bodies about, that would also be on Nkrumah's conscience. Sir Reginald explained that at the interview Nkrumah promised to put his (Sir Reginald's) 'views before the Executive Committee of his party, whereupon he told Nkrumah that there was a 'constitutional method' by which Nkrumah and his party could make their views felt. Sir Reginald refen'ed to the Select Committee; but Nkrumah replied that these statutory bodies, the Legislative Council and the Territorial bodies, were.unrepresentative and that he (Nkrumah) could not make his voice felt, and that the only way, therefore, he could make the British Government give the Gold Coast Dominion Status was to launch a campaign of- Positive Action. Sir Reginald said that this interview was followed by an exchange of letters between himself and '----Nkrumah, and that on the morning of January 5, 1950, Nkrumah, accompanied by Mr. T. Hu tton·Mills,' Mr. vII. M. Q. Halm, Mr. A. R. Dennis and Major Lillie·Costello.' called on him at the Secretariat. At this second meeting he repeated what he had said at the previous interview with Nkrumah and stressed once more that Positive Action ,vas unconstitutional. According to Sir Reginald's evidence, after the deputation had left, he received a telephone call from INow Gold Coast Deputy Commissioner in London. 'Retired Director of Information Services, Gold Coast Government. 110 KWAME NKRUMA H Nkrumah saying that the Executive Committee of the C.P.P. had agreed to reconsider their decision. Sir Reginald said that on January 8, 1950, Kojo Botsio called at his house and handed him a letter from Nkrumah. Nkrumah elected to give evidence on oath. He told the Court that on J une 12, 1949, he spoke at a meeting at the Accra "Vest End Arena, and that the purpose of the meeting was to launch the C.P.P. H e said that they were agitating for Self·government within the British Commonwealth of Nations and that they wanted some constitutional reform to achieve that end. He explained to the Court that they drew up',~ a memorandum saying that they agreed with local govern· ment reforms but not central government reforms. Nkrumah said that the idea of a constituent assembly arose out of a meeting of the Representative Assembly, and that at that meeting it was decided to ask the Governmen t to call a constituent assembly to express the wishes of all the peoples of the Gold Coast. He also told the Court that he was present at a meeting on December 15, together with other leading members of the C.P.P., and that hc was the principal speaker. At that meeting a decision 'was taken to grant the Government two weeks to agree to the proposal, but he denied that he had ever said 'otherwise Positive Action would be declared'. He recalled the interview he had had with Sir Reginald Saloway, who had said that he felt Positive Action would result in violence as Gold Coast people were not like Hindus' who could fast, but ,Vould get upset when hungry. Nkrumah said that he had disagreed that Positive Action meant violence and that the prograinme of his party was based on absolute non· violence. He said that Positive Action was called off on • J anuary 21, 1950, and that, according to the newspapers, the-,./"" Trade Union Congress was threatening to strike, but that the strike was not in operation when he called for a round·table conference. Nkrumah explained that he wanted to avert the strike and that neither his party nor he himself took any part in the deliberations which led to the decision of the T. V.C. to strike. He also said that he had nothing to do with the strike of meteorological workers. lSir Reginald worked in the Indian Civil Service before coming to the Gold Coast. TRIAL AND IMPRISONMENT III Nkrumah said he remembered that on December 15 he said that Positive Action might be declared any time after 14 days if the Government did not accept the principle of a consti- tuent assembly, He explained that that did not mean that his party would put Positive Action into operation if the Govern- [ ment did not accept their principle of a constituent assembly, He admitted that on the 16th December he spoke at Cape Coast on 'The Imminence of Positive Action', He described himself as a disciple of the late Mahatma Gandhi and said that the non-violence concept of Positive Action was based ~n Gandhi 's methods, Nkrumah also said that he did not know of any occasion on whicll Gandhi or his followers used violence and he added that he did not consider it his responsibility if people over whom he' had no control indulged in violence_ Ho admitted that by Positive Action he meant the 'constitu- tional application of strikes', 'They should follow proper methods; sit down at home and follow absolute non-violence.' / In delivering his judgment, the learned Magistrate sen- tenced Nkrumah to twelve months' imprisonment with hard labour. It was a red-letter day in the history of the Gold Coast. The news was splashed throughout the country and Nkrumah was sent to James Fort Prison in Accra. 'With him in gaol were his colleagues Kojo Botsio, Bankole -Awoonor-Renner and others. 'While he was in prison, members of the C.P.P. would pass by the street in which the prison stands, singing to the tune of 'John Brown's Body' tlllS ditty: 'Kwame's body lies a-mouldering in James For t Prison But his work goes prospering-anI' These words were true, for while Nkrumah and his lieutenant Kojo Botsio were mending fishing-nets in James Fort Prison, Komia Agbeli Gbedemah kept the fire of the C,P,P. burning. It is also to Gbedemah's credit that during Nkrumah's con- finement he did not seek to take the leadership away from him, but did everything possible to stabilise the organisation of the party. Though in gaol, Nkrumah still wrote editorials for his par ty newspaper, the 'Accra Evening News'. He used a toilet- 112 KWAME NKRUMAH roll as his copy pad. Being in prison also afforded him the opportunity of making fresh plans for the C.P .P. in consulta·- tion with Kojo Botsio. All sorts of stories were being circu- lated about Nkrumah. Some of them were extremely fan tastic; for example, i t was said in one paper that Nkrumah left the prison every night in the form of a white cat and paid regular ' visits to his prospective constituen ts. The weeks and months passed by and on the eve of Kojo Botsio's release from prison, Nkrumah wrote him the follow- ing letter: 'My dear Kojo, I have nothi ng more to say other than the long dis- cussions we have had about so many things. You alone of all my associates in the struggle understand the struggle. 'You go from me for a while; my heart is indeed heavy but I am comforted by the fact that you go forth to intensify the movement. You have sacrificed so much, but you know why. As you go forth, leadership of the party is almost in your hands. Lead and guide. You are conversant wi th the theoretical foundations. Endeavour to keep all the forces together. 'I can't over-emphasise the leadership principle. As you go forth you have nothing to fear. Always act wisely and courageously. Find time to go and see your father. 'Extend my warmest greetings to all ; you know how best to express them. . . 'Love, service. sacrifice and suffering. Yours KWAME.' On receipt of this letter. Kojo Botsio. while still in J ames Fort Prison. sent the following reply to Nkrumah : 'My dear. Kwame, Many thanks for your inspiring farewell message. You can imagine my feelings as I leave you this morn ing to re-enter the su·uggle. Since 1945 when we met in London, we have been together. and I fervently hope that tlus present physical separation will not be long. TRIAL AND IMPRISONMENT 113 As ever, you can depend on me for my loyalty and devo- tion to you and the cause at all times and under all circum- stances. God willing, we shall succeed at no distant date. r shall observe all the directions. May you come out soon to find things after your heart's desire_ 'Adieu. Yours KOJ0.' Nkrumah remained in prison while Botsio resumed activi- v' ties connected with the C.P.P. Nkrumah did not, however, spend his full time in gaol. The Coussey Committee Report was implemented and the first General Election in the Gold Coast was held. Although still in gaol, Nkrumah stood as a candidate in Accra and won by an overwhelming majority. As a result of the C.P.P.'s great victory at the Election, the party made representations to the Governor, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, requesting him to release Nkrumah so that he might resume his leadership of the C.P.P., as well as sit in the Legislative Assembly. The Governor announced on February 12 that sentences passed on Nkrumah and his other party members had been remitted 'as an act of grace on the eve of the inauguration of the new Constitution.' Outside James Fort Prison on that day there were scenes of great excitement. At 1.0 p.m. Nkrumah and four of his fellow prisoners, Blankson Lartey, H . S. T . Provencal, Jerton Quarshie, and Bankole Awoonor-Renner, were released. Two others. 'also obtained their release from Cape Coast and Sekondi Prisons. The crowd outside the prison, made up of derks, market women, who smeared their faces with white signifying victory, school-children and Pressmen, thickened, and by the time appointed for Nkrumah's release, it had assumed enormous proportions. Suddenly, eight mounted police came out of the prison; then faintly coming from the prison entrance, one heard the words of a C.P.P . song. The waiting crowd took it up. A deafening noise 'rent the air and, waving their hands with excitement, the o -owd surged forward. Nkrumah had appeared. Wearing a green open-necked shirt, he was carried high on the shoulders of his supporters. His car was sur- H 114 KWAl\ffi NKRUMAH rounded by party members and admirers, who shook him frantically by the hand. Nkrumah was calm and collected, although he smiled occasionally. His car moved amidst the unrestrained excitement of the crowd to the C.P.P. Head- qua~ters at Kimberley Avenue. On the day followi ng his release from prison, i.e., February 13, 1951, Nkrumah gave his first world Press conference, for members of the United Kingdom and world Press who were then visiting the Gold Coast in order to cover the General Election. At this conference, defining his own attitude towards Great Britain as well as that of his party, he said: ',,- 'I would like to make it absolutely clear that I am a friend of Britain. I desire for the Gold Coast Dominion Status within the Commowealth. We shall remain within the British Commonwealth of Nations. I am not even thinking of a republic, I am a Marxian Socialist and an undenomina- tional Christian. I am not a Communist and have never been one. I come out of gaol and into the Assembly without the slightest feeling of bitterness to Britain. I stand for no dis- crimination against an, race or individual, but I am unalter- ably opposed to Imperialism in any form.' Nkrumah described the new Constitution as 'bogus and fraudulent' because, as he explained, the expatriate Perma- nent Secretaries would be in charge of the most important aspects of policy and would be outside African control. He lamented the fact that the African Ministers would have 'portfolios but no power'. However, he felt that it was to the country's advantage to make a 'trial' of the Constitution and thereby prove its contradictions. CHAPTER XI From Prison to Castle Overnight, Nkrumah, from being a prisoner at James Fort Prison, Accra, found himself at Christiansborg Castle in audience with the Governor, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, being . given the mandate to form and lead the Government. The transition was sudden; Nkrumah himself never dreamt of such a rapid reversal of his status. From the itinerant political agitator 1vho ,vent about "vith one suit and "whose entire.. material possessions would not even fill one suitcase, Nkrumah was faced with the great responsibility of shouldering the administration of the Government of the Gold Coast. His immediate reaction was one of mixed feelings. Happi- ness at the fact that his efforts had not been in vain, bu t apprehension at the magnitude of his new task. Nkrumah had previously described the Coussey Constitution as 'bogus and fraudulent'. There was naturally much speculation whether or not he would accept office in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution which he had publicly denounced. These anxieties were quickly assuaged by Nkrumah's statement after his release from prison, when he emphasised that the C.P.P. was entering the Legislative Assembly not as an enemy but as a friend of Britain. He declared that his party would accept Cabinet office, that it would not co-operate with other political parties, but that it was ready to co-operate with the Governor in appointing Ministers to represent the orthern Territories and the Territorial Councils. While saying that it was to the advantage of the Gold Coast to give the new Constitution 'a trial' he was, however, strongly critical of the fact that the Permanent Secretaries (i.e., the European ex-officio members) would be in charge of the most important aspects of policy and would be outside political control. Nkrumah desa-ibed the Constitution as, in this respect, 'bogus ~d fraudulent'. He complained that the African Ministers would have port- " 116 KWAME NKRUMAH folios but no power, and added that 'much must depend on whether the Permanent Secretaries co-operate with the Ministers, and on the attitude of the Governor'. Nkrumah made it quite clear that the C.P.P. was keen on industrialisation and would demand a five-year plan with pro- gressive steps. He also declared that he would put up a strong fight for free and compulsory education, and he called for a gradual replacement of British officials by Africans in the local administration and added: 'We need teachers, scientists and technicians. W·e need them from abroad and we will explore Great Britain for them firs t.' The names of members of the Cabinet submitted by the Governor included Kwame Nkrumah, Archie Casely-H"yford, K_ A. Gbedemah, Kojo Botsio, Thomas Hutton-Mills, Ansah Koi, E. O. Asafu-Adjaye and J. A. Braimah. These nameS were approved by the Assembly, and in addition there were three ex-officio Ministers. A sense of awareness of his new responsibilities dawned on Nkrumah, and in h is first speech in the Assembly he said: 'Honourable Members, we have just been sworn in as members of this new Legislative Assembly and I wish -w point out that the Gold Coast at the moment faces a very critical epoch in our history. .. .' As Leader of Government Business, Nkrumah had stalwarts like Dr. J. B. Danquah, Dr. K. A. Busia and Mr. William Ofori Aua to contend wi th in the Opposition. Nkrumah's political opponents felt that his acceptance of office would have a sobering effect on the extremist elements in the C.P.P. and would give them a sense of responsibili ty. Commenting on Nkrumah's acceptance of office, Dr. Danquah said: 'Above all, it is a great opportunity for testing Mr. Nkrumah's ability for statesmanship.' - Nkrumah had an answer to these criticisms. At a C.P.P. meeting held at Ghana Hill, Sekondi, on April 30, 1951, he told his audience: 'Don't allow political acrobats to bamboozle you. Dr. Danquah and his followers are only trying to p,\Ie repudiate the evil doctrines of tribal Chauvinism. racial prejudice and national hatred. We -repudiate these evil ideas because. in creating that brother- hood to wh ich we asp ire. we hope to make a reality. within the bounds of our own small country, of all the grandiose ideolo- gies which are su pposed to form the intangible bonds holding together the British Com monwealth of Nations in which we hope to remain. We repudiate racial prejudice and national hatred, because we do not wish to be a disgrace to these high ideals. 'Her Majesty. Queen Elizabeth the Second, has just been crowned-barely one month ago--the memory is still fresh in our minds; the Queen herself has not forgotten the emotions called forth as she first fel t the weight of the Crown upon her head; the decorations in London streets are hardly down; the millions of words written about the Coronation and its meaning will endure for centuries; the prayers from millions of li ps are still fresh; the vows of dedication to duty which the Queen made are a symbol of the duties devolving on the Commonweal th. And so, we repudiate the evil doctrines which we know are promulgated and accepted elsewhere as the truth. 'To Britain this is the supreme testing moment in her African relations. ' ·\fhen we turn our eyes to the sorry events in South. Central and East Africa, when we hear the dismal 158 KWAME NKRUMAH news abou t Kenya and Central African Federation, we are cheered by the more cordial relationship that exists between us and Britain. W e are now asking her to allow that relation- ship to ripen into golden bonds ~f freedom, equality and fraternity, by complying without delay with our request for Self-government. We are sure that the British Government will demonstrate its goodwill towards the people of the Gold Coast by granti ng us the Self-government which we now so earnestly desire. We enjoin the people of Britain and all political parties to give our request their ardent support. 'The Self-government which we demand, therefore, is the means by which we shall create the climax in which our people can develop tlleir a ttributes and express their potenti- alities to the full. As long as we remain subject to an alien power, too much of our energies is diverted from constructive enterprise. Oppressive forces breed frustration. Imperialism . and Colonialism are a two-fold evil. This theme is expressed in the truism that "no nation which oppresses another can· itself be free'. Thus we see that this evil not only wounds the people which is subject, but the dominant nation pays the price in a warping of their finer sensibilities through arro- gance and greed. Imperialism and Colonialism are a barrier to a true fi endship. For the shor t time since we Africans have had a bigger say in our own affairs, the improved relations between us and the British have been most remarkable. T oday there exists the basis of real friendship between us and His Ex.cellency the Governor, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, and the ex-officio Ministers of Defence and External Affairs, of Finance and of Justice. I want to pay tribute to these men for their valuable co-operation in helping us to make a success of our political advance. (H earl Hearl) I feel that they have done this, firstly because, as officers in the British Colonial Service, it is their duty to guide th e subj ect territory in the atta inment of Self-government in accordance with the ex- pressed aim of British Colonial policy and, secondly, because 1~,re have, by our effor ts in ·managing our own affairs, gained !!heir respect, and they are conscious of the justice of our aspirations. 'Let me recall the words of the great Casely-H ayford, which he spoke in 1925 : NKRUMAH THE ORATOR 159 '''It must be recognised that co·operation is the greatest word of the century. With co-operation we can command _ peace, goodwill and concord. ' '''ithou t: chaos, confusion and ruin. But there can really be no co.operation between inferiors and superiors. Try as they may, there must come a time when the elements of superiority will seek to dictate, and the inferior ones will resent such dictation. It logically fo llows, therefore, that unless an honest effort is made to raise the inferior up to the prestige of the superior, and the latter ca n suffer it, all our talk of co·operation is so much empty gas. " 'Unless, theFefore, our claim to independence is met now, the amicable relations ~vhich at present exist between us and the British may become strained. Our Chiefs and,people will brook no delay. But I feel confident that our claim, because .of the reasons I have already given, will be accepted and our amity towards Britain will be deepened by our new association. 'The strands of history have brought our two countries together. vVe have provided mu ch material benefit to the British people, and they in turn have taught us many good things. We want to continue to learn from them the best they can give us, and we hope that they will find in us qualities worthy of emulation. (Hearl Hearl) In our daily lives, we may lack those material comforts regarded as essential by the tandards of the modern world, because so much of our wealth is still locked up in our land; · but we have the gifts of laughter and joy, a love of music, a lack of malice, an absence of the desire for vengeance for our wrongs; all things of intrinsic worth in a world sick of injustice, revenge, fear and want. '''vVe feel that there is much the world can learn from those of us who belong to what we might term the pre·technological societies. These are values which we must not sao'ifice un- heedi ngly in pursu it of material progress. That is why we say that Self·government is not an end in itself. ~"Ve have to work hard to evolve new patterns, new social customs, new atti tudes to life, so that while we seek the material, cultural and economic advancement of our country, wllil e we raise our people's standard of life, we shall not 160 KWAME NKRUMAH sacrifice their fundamental happiness. That, I should say, Mr. Speaker, has been the greatest tragedy of 'Western society since the industrial revolution. 'In harnessing the forces of nature, man has become the slave of the machine, and of his own greed. If we repeat these mistakes and suffer the consequences which have overtaken those that made them, we shall have no excuse. Tllis is a field of exploration for the young men and women now in our schools and colleges, for our sociologists and economists, for our doctors and our social welfare workers, for our engineers and town planners, for our scientists and our philosophers.' 'Mr. Speaker, when we politicians have long since passed away and been forgotten, it is upon their shoulders that will fall the responsibility of evolving new forms of social institu- tions, new econonUc instruments to help build in our rich and fertile country a society where men and women may live. in peace, where hate, strife, envy and greed shall have no place. (Hearl H earl) . 'Mr. Speaker, but we can only meet the challenge of our age as a free people. Hence the demand for our freedom, for only free men can shape the destinies of their future. 'Mr. Speaker, Honourable Members, we have great tasks before us. I say, with all seriousness, that it is rarely that human beings have such an opportunity for service to their fellows. 'Mr. Speaker, for my part, I can only re-echg the words of a great man: "Man's greatest possession is life, and since it is given him to live but once, he must so live as not to be besmeared with the shame of a cowardly existence and trivial past, so live that dying he might say: all my life and all my strength were given to the finest cause in the world- the liberation of mankind." (Hearl Hearl ) 'Mr. Speaker, "Now God be thank'd. Who has match'd us with His HourI'" We have read in the-speeches reproduced in the preceding pages, examples of N krumah's oratory when speaking as a political agitator and as Head of a responsible Government. The following speech shows Nkrumah in the role of a States- man. This speech was delivered on United Nations Day 1953 NKRUMAH THE ORATOR 161 to the United Nations Students' Association of the University College of the Gold Coast: ',"Iadam Chairman, Fellow Students. 'In ~peak.ing on the subject of the place of students in the present Gold Coast, I am afraid I may be causing some lack of balance in the composition of the lectures which you are to hear this morning. There is little in this title to remind me that my talk forms part of a programme for the celebra- tion of United Nations Day, and there is no word in it which 1 can use as a sign-post indicating that I am required to define the role of students in the Gold Coast to the world outside. This is what I am interested in, however, and I pray that I may be permitted to twist the title into a shape in which it wi ll be possible for me to make known to you my views on . the place of educated people in the Gold Coast of tomorrow. . 'To describe your present function, you would call your- 'selves students of the Gold Coas t. Presumably you have corne here from various parts of the country: Aburi. Kumasi, Akro- pong, Ace-a, Ax im. Half Assini. Keta and so on, and pre- sumably I am talking to people mainly from the University College, the Kumasi College of Technology, and from the Teacbers' Training Colleges of the country. I must admit that I do not set myself up to be an authority on the prin- ciples of education and all I can offer you is my views on the kind of person we require as the product of education. To do this I must define my terms. 'What I mean when I talk about a student is not simply a person who is studying in order to qualify himself for an occupation. It is not simply a person devoting himself to some branch of learni ng. It is not simply a person who is under instruction at a university or other place of higher edu- cation or technical training. 'Nothing is so simple; this is far more complex. I have in mind "a person who is of studious habi ts, who having availed hinu;elf of the best teaching. the best books and the best way of life ava ilable to him, sets himself the task of using these advantages in the public interest. " In a country like ours, it is so easy for the student to become a careerist, where new and remunerative careers beckon on all sides. It is so easy 162 KWAME NKRUMAH to become exclusively the pedant, where organised and scien- tific knowledge of our en vironment is so limited. It would be easy to become a braggart, where the whole scope of modem science remains to be applied to the life our fathers knew, with all its hardships and shortcomings. For, in the world of modem learning, we have centuries of philosophy, art and science to master for our people, if we would lead them to take that place in world affairs which I am encouraged to believe they should occupy. 'If we can see clearly that the individualism of the careerist and the intellectual arrogance of the pedant could lead to confusion in a society such as ours, where still so £e"\\t have the benefit of modern education, yet there is a definite place for the student whom I admire, that is, the man of studious habits and independent turn of mind who wants to look into the principles underlying the many theories that are set before. him and who seeks in them, not only the good of the com~ munity, but also the satisfaction of man's higher needs. 'If he is to be a student all his life, it is because he prefers to refuse to accept the ethics of a tabloid Press, and prefers to worry out his solutions for himself. Is he a student? Or is he the beau ideal of an educated man? To judge by the experi- ence I have had of the modern Gold Coast, he would be a paragon. For it is my experience that the student here, even more than in other countries, fails on the brink of becoming an educated man when he ceases to be a student. "Vhen we have so far still to go, it seems a terrible waste of effort. Not merely on the part of the students themselves, but also on the part of the admirable institutions and their staffs which have taught you, and on the part of the Government, whose funds . have so freely gone into the revenues of the educa tional bodies. 'It is especially the task of educated men and women to see through the confusion Qf the hurrying life around them, and to set moral and intellectual standards which the less fortu- nate can respect. I t is for them to see the dangers of corrup- tion in their midst and to point them out. And it is for them to endeavonr to keep abreast of Gold Coast and world affairs, so tha t they can assist our people to ada pt themselves to the changing times. Our educated men will be less concerned NKRUMAH THE ORATOR 163 with assessing the place of students in the present Gold Coast (the openings and the opportunities are clear enough). They will be more concerned in assessing how the needs of the ti mes press fresh claims upon their services, and in preparing themse! ves and others to meet those needs. 'The greatest need is to appreciate the ra te of movement in our society. You may realise how great, for instance, have been the educational advances. If you do not, ask your parents to tell you what opportunities they had, compared with you. So, too, in the field of social services, in the columns 'of our revenue and expenditure estimates, and in the political and constitutional sphere, great changes have occurred, and the rate of change is so rapid that we must see that our minds are attu ned to the process. All over Africa th ere is this stir- ring of the eolitical consciousness. In our time 'we are seeing Africans taking a leading place in world affairs. Subjea as 'are all men to the blandishmen ts of the theorists, of every 'school, to the lure of the r iches and the first glimpses of power, our people as they come forward into the front of the stage are liable to be blinded by the glar~ of the footlights. The pattern of dominance for this con tinent is beginning to lose its clarity, and the ideas of liberty which have been be- queathed to us by modern education are gaining strength. While we must respond to the demands of the si tuation in our country, "we must also do everything in our power to see that the world responds to the changes in our situation. vVe can only achieve this recognition if we can convince and gain the respect of the world's leaders of thought on their own ground. This is one of the challenges to our educated population to wh ich 1 wou ld draw your attention. ' [ don't intend to speak much, but let me remind you that our resources in manpm"ler for such great tasks are exceed- ingly limited. "Ve require every educated man and woman to pull his weight in public life. You aYe the conductors of our "Gold Coast Bus Service". vVe cannot encourage you to sit in the back seat with your feet up and smoking cigars. If you are to be lawyers and doctors, it doesn't mean that you should abstain from public life. It is essential that you should be prepared to lend your services in such a manner to the co mmunity. The truly educated man retains a measure of 164 KWAME NKRUMAH in tell ectual humility. He is prepared to sweat and pore over a problem before he solves it. H e is incolTuptible. He sees through the shams, so frequent in modern life. H e takes his princi ples from the great teachers of H ebrew, Greek and Roman philosophers, from the social, political and economic philosophers of our modern times. But even then, he does not forget tbe traditions, the humour and the strength of the people who have given birth to him: the ordinary common men and women of the Gold Coast. And he is never ashamed to seek the aid and accept the services of other men of good· wi ll who are prepared to lend a hand. 'There is a matter which I would like to discuss-a matter appropriate to United Nations Day, when our minds are naturally turned to in ternational relations. 'There appears to be confusion in the minds of some people, not only in the Gold Coast but also in countries abroad, regarding where I and my Party stand in the presene struggle between the Eastern and Western Democracies. That · there should be confusion at al l an this point is due partly, perha~, to an incomplete study of our past actions, but it is also the result of malicious attacks by those, both at home and abroad, who seek to discredit the work we have done and are doing. 'I n order that there shall be no future doubt, let me say that we regard our country as being wedded to the demoQ,a~. cies that are friendly to us. To those who are familiar with our development plans this should be patently obvious. T here is, however, a point which may need clarification. 'We have withheld from joining in certain international associations because as a country we are not yet free. In my judgment, this is not the ti me for us to involve ourselves in international disputes. The need of the moment is to build a nation and a national consciousness. It is toward that end that al l our thoughts, resources, and energies must be directed. In this we are not unlike other nations which in their time struggled similarly for independence. I and my Party are well aware of the realities of our time. As "we 'would not have British mas· ters, so we would not have Russian masters, or any other masters for that matter. It is not our inten tion to substitute one Tm perialism for another. We want to be free and inde· NKRUMAH THE ORATOR 165 pendent in the management of our own affairs. The men and women of the Gold Coast understand freedom and what it means and in what it controls. They are not fooled by false prophets. 'FinaUy, let me say that we look forward to the day when this country will assume its rightful place as a free, inde- pendent and equal member of the famil y of dem.ocratic nations. Unlike Dr. Malan, who calls the United Nations Organisationa "cancer", and who seeks to hide his crimes in isolated seclusion, I am eager for the time when we Shall enjoy , full rights and responsibilities as a partner in the Common- wealth, and a member of the United Nations. For the moment, however, our aim is complete nationhood. To that end, I dedicate myself, my Party and everything at my command.' C H APTE R XV Nkrumah the Politician «The struggle of the Colonial peoples for self~government was endorsed in the Charter of the United Nations and it "vas necessary in the interest of world peace and security. For there can be no lasting peace in th~ world while some peoples are free and others still enslaved." Dr. Ralph Bunche. To assess the work of Nkrumah as a politician, one should examine his activities and achievements against the back- ground of the history of Gold Coast politics. Long before . Nkrumah, who was relatively unknown in Gold Coast public life until he returned from America and London, came on- the scene, the Chiefs and people of the Gold Coast had been making attempts. towards achieving Self-government for the Gold Coast with.in the British Commonwealth. The Anglo-Fanti Treaty, the Bond of 1844, gave the British judicial control over the Gold Coast, and the Chiefs also promised to do a~vay 1jvith human sacrifices. There has been much disagreement over the legal interpretation of this Bond. None the less, January 30, 1868, the date on which the Fanti Confederation was formed, began a new era in Gold Coast politics. The Anglo·Dutch exchange of the territory situated W'est and East of the Sweet River, near Elmina, resulted in a bombardment of Komenda. This was because the Komendas declined to accept the Dutch flag, which was brought by the Dutch man-of-war Metalen Kmis, and in- tended to be planted in the town of Komenda. The other tribes also protested against the exchange of territory. The Chiefs of Assin, Denkera, "\Tassaw, Mankesim, Abura and Gomoa met together to consider wha t should be done abou t the matter. They disapproved of the Dutch occupation of any towns which formed part of the British Protectorate. This Council of Chiefs resulted in the formation of the Fanti Con- federation. which included the Anomabus. NKRUMAH THE POLITICIA N 167 Mr. Usher, the then British Administrator, was incensed by the attitude of the Chiefs and people, since he had been collaborating with the Dutch Governor, Colonel Boers, regarding the exchange of territory. Then followed the Dutch-Komenda war. On October 16, 18.1 1, the intelligentsia of the Fanti Confederation fornlUlated a soheme for improv- mg the social life of the people, defence matters, and methods of achieving Self-government. The scheme for defence was actuated by the recommendation in the Parli amentary Report of 1865 that British forces should be withdrawn from the Gold Coast, just at the time when there were threats of invasion from the Ashantis. Thus, the Fantis became united by the Mankesim Constitution into a powerful force for social administration, economic development, and defence. Later, Self-government became the principle objective of . the Fanti Confederation. The British Lieutenant-Governor it Cape Coast at that time, Mr. Charles Spencer Salmon, was alarmed at the aspirations of the Gold Coast Chiefs and people 'to construct an independent, modern, civilised state on the 'si ng a meeling- dressed in wh ile suit, ges ti cula ting with his hands, with a palm shade behind him, and under the shade sea t sonw of the listeners NKRUMAH THE POLITICIAN 171 tions inevitably arise. Are Nkrumah's techniques perfidious? Is he more of a diplomat than hi s colleagues? Does he excel his opponents and forerunners in popular appeal? It is jteresting to note that, comparatively speaking, Nkrumah has always had around him less educated men as his loyal political lieutenants than other political leaders. This has been described as one of Nkrumah's weaknesses as a politi- cian: he has been likened to the dying type of political 'boss' who is so utterly loyal to his 'friends and lieutenants' that even when they transgress and err wantonly, to the extent ·of bringing discredit to his party and his cause, he continues to keep them in positions of trust. A number of prominent Gold Coast politicians, past and present, have been charged with insincerity and inconsist- ency. Their failure has been attributed fundamentally to these causes. But Nkrumah has been described as 'a sincere 'leader'; that is to say, he has never \vavered in his cause and his activities have not contradicted his declared political objective for the people whom he leads. Opinions, however, differ on this point, and some people condemn Nkrumah's tactics. Some of his political opponents have preferred to face poli tical defeat ra ther than em ploy some of his tactics. Yet, but for these very tactics, Nkrumah would not have achieved so much in so short a time, Whenever his political opponents accuse him of making politics, which some say is a dirty game, dirtier, Nkrumah repli es : 'pol itics is not a dirty game; it is a clean game and can be kept clean if played properly.' As a politician , Nkru mah's strength lies in his popular appeal, his powerful oratory, and his methods of renderi ng his poli tical opponents unpopular, which are both direct and, mostly, indirect. krumah's hold on the masses is strong; he can switch their emotions, like a radio set, to whatever pitch he desires at any given time. H e has also made profitable use of the gullibility of the masses and never relaxes his intensive propaganda campaign for his party. As Elspeth Huxley puts it in her recent book, Four Guineas, 'as yet, Africa has no technique for curbing people like Nkrumah; he has the ball at his feet.' But there is one thi ng to Nkrumah's credit: as a politician, he is hard-working; he travels extensively and, since politics 172 KWAME NKRUMAH for him is his life's passion, it is not altogether surpnsmg that he has succeeded where his political opponents, who carryon a busy legal practice side by side with politics, have failed. Nkrumah's politics could be summed up briefly ~ the hackneyed phrase: 'yours is not to reason why; yours but to do and die.' This phrase is often repeated by his followers, especially in times of crisis, when there has been a threat to the unity of his party and doubt about the wisdom of his measures. There is no doubt at all that Nkrumah's success has, to a large extent, been due to the co-operation of the unsophisticated masses; their gullibility, their hero-worship' and their capacity for following blindly. H e has denigrated the intellectual superio;-ity of his 'hourgeoise' political oppo- nents by propaganda to the effect that these politicians had no time for the masses and were not seeking their welfare but were after personal gains. When he has found any of his political opponents becoming popular, Nkrumah has never' been at a loss for a counteracting propaganda technique. At a time when the Ghana Congress Party showed signs of gain- ing some strength in Cape Coast, ana a number of people were showing increasing respect for the scholarship of the Chairman of the party, Dr. K. A. Busia,' Nkrumah visited Cape Coast and a t a C.P.P. rally said: 'People talk a lot about Dr. Busia, Dr. Busia. Who is Busia? He is not even good enough to undo my shoes. They say Busia is a learned man . . Am I not an M.A.?' And the o-owd responded, 'You are.' 'Am I not an M.Sc.?' Nkrumah further asked, and the crowd responded in louder tones : 'You are.' There was a dramatic pause and then he sa id: 'People talk about Dr. Busia. Am I not an LL.D.?' And with overwhelming applause, the crowd shouted: 'You areI ' Nkrumah's political techn,ique has been described by some people as diplomacy, while others call it treachery. T here are people who accuse him of using threats and intimidation in silencing his political opponents and those within his party who ventured to challenge his leadership. Undoubtedly, Nkrumah's position as Life Chairman of his party has to a great extent made his political leadership secure. His youth- lDr. Bwia islHead of the Department of Sociology in the University College of the Gold Coast. NKRUMAH THE POLITICJAN 173 ful zest and abili ty to assuage the fears of his followers has contributed to his success as a p-olitician. No other Gold Coast politician has wielded so much power as.Nkrumah and, at present, there is rio active politician on We Gold Coast who can wrest that power from him easily. Nkrumah's organising ability, his compelling oratory and his technique with the masses, aided by the propaganda cam- paign of his party newspaper-the 'Ghana Evening News'- are formidable factors to contend with. He is the first Gold Coast politician who has succeeded in establishing a real political party on a national level. His method of yielding to popular opinion and afterwards reversing his vie"ws, and imposing them on the country, is really bewildering. To quote an instance, Nkrumah advised Gold Coast farmers not to use cutting-out methods to eradi- cate the swollen-shoot disease. Later, he told them that 'cutting-out' was the only method which would save the cocoa .industry from extinction. But previous to saying this, he had organised the propaganda secretaries throughout the country to carry out an intensive campaign in support of cutting·out. The object of this was to appease the farmers and counteract any attempts by his politi cal opponents to make political capital out of the issue. As a poli tician, therefore, he has been able to maintain his balance and keep himself and his party in power. This, of course, has not been easy. There were many difficulties and setbacks on the way. The emergence of the National Libera- tion Movement - principally an Ashanti revolt against Nkrumah's policy-is the toughest problem he has ever had in his political career. CHAPTER XV I Nkr!Lmah the Man What is the secret of Kwame Nkrumah's outstanding success? H ow did he achieve his phenomenal rise to world renown? For him there was no primrose path to national distinction. He earned his place the hard way and in the most critical period of the history of the Gold Coast. Since that time, Nkrumah has matured in judgment and experience. He has never looked back with regret. Rather, with each rising sun, he has piloted the Gold Coast people further towards the attainment of their political aspirations. Nkrumah has proved himself eminently fitted to wear the mantle of leadership. In this sense, he is the African born to lead his country. On meeting Nkrumah one realises instinctively that he is a talented man. This impression is gained from his facial appearance as well as from the kindness and warmtll of humanity which radiates from his personality and his con- tagious laugh. I t is no wonder then that the masses believe that Nkrumah is the leader who can achieve Self-government for the Gold Coast, and, moreover, that he is the man 'who can initiate measures to improve their lot. By nature very hard-working and blessed with a strong constitution, he has reserves of energy so immense that he lives on a minimum of food and sleep. To accompany him on a tour is aI'ways an exhausting experience for his colleagues. Fortunately for Nkrumah he can sleep anywhere and at any time. even on two hard chairs for a quarter of an hour. His day begins at about 4 a.m., when he wakes up and works in his library until 6.30 a.m. Then he takes his bath, dresses, and si ts dO'wn to a so-atch breakfast. "'\I\Thile having his breakfast, Nkrumah starts to read the day's newspapers but, being easily accessible, a raro thing for a man holding very high office in public life, he is usually interrupted to attend to callers wishing to see him, NKRUMAH THE MAN 175 At about 7.45 each morning he goes to the Secretariat of the Convention People's Party, where he attends to party affairs and interviews members. From there he proceeds to thr;: Prime Minister's office, where he attends to State matters, receiving visitors from overseas or presiding over conferences. He remains in the Ministry until about one o'clock, when he returns to his Party Headquarters, where again he finds much work waiting for him. As leader of his party he has to give instructions to his party officials as w;ell as grant inter- views to officials from various branches of the party scattered - throughout the counn-y. Nkrumah gets so absorbed in his work that he forgets to take his lunch. When working at the Party H eadquarters during lunch·hour, he can usually be seen eating roasted groundnuts while attending to correspondence, and for two .or three days this more or less constitutes his mid-day meal. fnvariably, his Private Secretary at the Minisn-y, Miss J oyce Gittens, a West Indian, telephones Nkrumah's home and aSks his cook to send his lunch to the party Headquarters; but Nkrumah generally discards the food, except on the occa- sions when his Secretary has considered it necessary to use strong persuasion to make him take it. From the Party Headquarters, he may return to the Ministry, dash to fulfil an official engagement, or hold a Cabinet meeting. Again, in the late afternoon, he may have to address a mass rally of his Party in Accra or in the country. I t is characteristic that krumah, who normally attends the Ministry dressed in a well-cut Western-style suit, changes into kente cloth or Northern T~rri tories smock 'when he has to speak at a political meeting in the afternoon. This idio- syncrasy is not withou t its psychological advantages. Nkrumah, on his return to the Gold Coast after his long sojourn in the United States and Britain, brought a new conception of leadereship to the Gold Coast. Hitherto, it had been considered almost a social crime or infra dig. for a Gold Coaster who had received higher education overseas to mix wi th the common people on returning home. Nkrumah destroyed this social snobbery by mOVing among the ordinary people. eating and sleeping with them. Some say this is because he came from a poor and humble home, and knows 176 KWAME NKRUMA H by experience the humiliation of poverty. Whatever may be the correct explanation, this ability of Nkrumah's to 'walk with Kings nor lose the common touch' has enhanced his popularity considerably. The ordinary men and women in the Gold Coast villages were greatly impressed by having a man who had travelled overseas and returned with great knowledge eating and sleep· ing with them. 'This must be a great man: they said. Even as Prime Minister, when Nkrumah travels to the villages and hamlets, he generally shuns the Government Rest-houses and the bungalows of high.ranking Government officials, and - chooses to pu t up with an ordinary poor villager. This has in- spired the masses with great confidence in h is leadership. He, on the other hand, by living with the ordinary people, has been able to gain first·hand information about their ways of life, their sufferings and their needs. One day, -shortly after Nkrumah had been released from prison, he called on a man who had contributed to the success of the Convention People's Party, while he, Nkrumah, was in gaol. T he house in which the man was living was rather dilapidated. A;; Nkrumah, accompanied by KomIa Gbedemah, Kojo Botsio, and DzenlUe Dzewu, stooped to enter the room, the man said: 'Take care, please don ' t bump your heads; this house is tight.' 'Oh', retorted Nkrumah, 'don't mind us, we are all gaol birds.' This and many other similar stories could be retold in support of Nkrumah's ability to mix with the masses and to make them feel qui te at home with him. Another trait of Nkrumah's which has inspired his fol- lowers wi th respect and confidence in him is his ability to joke during difficulties. During a political crisis, Nkrumah can remain as calm as Mr. Clement Attlee, of whom it was once reported that, at a time of crisis during his premiership, he asked: 'What's the latest score in the Test Match against Australia/' During the sitting of the Korsah Commission, which was appointed to investigate the cause of the resignation of Mr. J. A. Braimah, former Minister of Communicat ions and Works, and the allegations of bribery and coITuption con- NKRUMAH THE MAN 1'77 nected therev. . ith, in spite of the many rumours "vhich were circulating in the Gold Coast about Nkrumah and his Ministerial coUeagues, on the morning on which he was sum- moned to give evidence before the Commission, he took out a group photograph taken during his student days at Achi- mota, and pointing out himself to his Private Secretary he chuckled: 'Look, that's mel' 'You?' his Secretary replied in a surprised tone. 'Yes, yes, that was what I looked like when I was at Achimota,' replied Nkrumah in - his characteristic staccato style. He then put his right hand to his forehead and laughed heartily because his Secretary could not easily make him out. Added to his sense of hllmour and capacity to enjoy a joke_ at his own expense, Nkrumah's innate gifts of organisation and leadership, his skill as a negotiator and diplomat, have . considerably added to his popularity. He has been described i'ly one of his dose associates in the party as 'a miraculous organiser who could be relied upon to make Napoleonic batta- lions even out of a Falstaff's army.' Even Nkrumah's political opponents would agree that his organising ability and diplomacy have played no small part in bringing to successful completion the negotiations and parleys with the British Government over the Gold Coast's independence; and a high-ranking British Civil Servant in the Gold Coast, who sawall the events from the inside, has expressed his personal opinion that, but for Nkrumah, the Gold Coast would still have been 'in the very initial stages towards the achievement of Self-government'. Some people say Nkrumall is a mystic, but this is not true. This view has emanated from a habit of Nkrumah's which he has persisted in since he came into power. "Vhen faced with a big issue requiring an ilnportant decision, he retreats to a quiet village by himself to ponder over the problem before he finally takes a decision. At SUdl a time, Nkrumah gener- ally refuses to see callers. His tastes are simple. He does not smoke. The reason, however, is not that he does not approve of smoking. In fact, he has tried it, but If does not mean that other races are excluded from it. No. It only means that Africans shall and mwt govern themselves in their own countries wi thout imperialist and foreign impositions, but that people of other races can remain on African soil, carry on their legitimate avocations and live on teems of peace, friendship and equality with Africans on their own soil." Kwame Nkrumah .On Nkrumah's own admission, he has been influenced by the lives of Mahatma Gandhi and Matcus Gatvey. This is interest- ing, since there ate contradictions in the philosophies of Gandhi and Gatvey. Gandhi was a believer in non-violence and achieved a lot for India through this method. Matcus Garvey, on the other hand, was an agitator and leader of the back-to-Africa movement. 'Whereas Gandhi preached the doctrine of peace and co-operation, Gatvey advocated racial segregation with his slogan, 'Africa for the Africans'. It is very difficult to describe Nkrumah's atti tude toWatdl racialism. His pronouncements on this subject have been con- tradictory; his actions have on occasions been contraty '<) his declated principles. Nkrumah must have been impressed by Gandhi's sincerity of purpose and belief in his cause. Gatvey's racial conscious- ness, his hatred for the white races, and the way in which he stimulated the racial pride of Africans had no less an appeal for Nkrumah. Nkrumah once said, 'Gatvey gave me the idea that the black man can prove tha t he can govern himself only by establishing a government of his own in Africa: Garvey was an extremist and so is Nkrumah; this likeness may have been responsible for Nkrumah's admiration for Gatvey and his work. Garvey's philosophy of racial segregation was later superseded by a new philosophy of racial co-operation ex- pou~ded by Dr. Aggrey, a distinguished son of the Gold 184 KWAME NKRUMAH Coast and of Africa. Aggrey spoke of the Black and White Keys co·operating to produce harmony. This new philosophy led Nkrumah to put a fresh interpretation on Garvey's con- cept of 'Africa for the Africans'. From racial ostracism, he came to adopt racial co-operation. W hi le Nkru mah was pursuing his studies in the United States of America, he saw the condition of the American Negroes, especially in the Deep South. He was well acquainted with the segregation laws op~rative in America and he experienced the indignity and frustration of racialism. His contact with, and participation in, the sufferings imposed - on Negroes by the horrors of racialism, deepened his abhor- rence of Colonialism and the supremacy of the white races in the admin istration of Africa. Because of their deplorable situation under racial segregation in America, American- educated Africans have been known to lose their heads at the. slightest patron ising by Whites. When Nkrumah left America and went to Britain for fur· ther studies, the change in racial attitudes staggered him. He observed that there was a marked difference from what he had experienced in America, though he did not subscribe to the opinion that the colour bar was absent in Britain. While this change did not weaken Nkrumah's fiery agitation for the end of Colonial Rule in Africa, it enabled him to view the Colonial problem with in a new perspective. In London, he made friends with Europeans, some of whom gave generously of their time and money in helping the struggle against Colonialism. The remembrance of the friendship of such Europeans and the help which he received at their hands may have contri· buted largely to Nkrumah's new racial philosophy. When he returned to the Gold Coast and s tarted h is political career, he preached racialism and created in the minds of his followers racial antagonism towards the British in the Gold Coast. His speeches at political meetings contained racial invective which stirred infl ammable racial feelings between Europeans and Africans. But this, according to Nkrumah, was merely a technique for coalescing the nationalism of his people, in readiness for the overthrow of Colonialism in the Gold Coast and the whole of West Africa. This is Stlpporte~ by NKRU?o.ofAH AND RACIALISM 185 Nkrumah's statement on his release from prison when he said : 'W e are definitely not anti-British. We are against racialism. We are fighting against a system and not races; the system is Imperialism.' With Nkrumah's rise to power carne a change in his attitude to racialism. When questioned on the attitude of his party towards Britain, and his own political philosophy, Nkrumah said: '1 am a friend of Britain. I desire for the Gold Coast Dominion status within the Com"mon't",realth. We shall remain 't.vith in the . British Commonwealth of Nations. I am not even thinking of a republic. I am a Marxian Socialist and an undenomina· tional Christian. I am not a Communist and have never been one. I come out of gaol and into the Assembly without the slightest feeling of bitterness to Britain. I stand for no dis- crimination against any race or individual, but I am unal ter.: ably opposed to Imperialism in any form.' Yet, in spite of this declaration, in a message to C.P.P. mem- bers of the Legislative Assembly, Nkrumah said: 'There must be no fraternisa tion between our Party members in the Executive Council and the European Officials, except on purely official relations; for what Imperialists failed to achieve by strong-arm methods they hope to bring off by cock· tail parties.' Such cOflb'adictions in Nkrumah's statements on racialism make it difficult to give an accurate picture of his racial outlook. These contradict ions have been ci ted against Nkrumah as evidence of mental confusion on the question. T he view has also been expressed that political maturity has caused the changes in Nkrumah's racial philosophy. Another opinion is that Nkrumah's obvious dislike of Europeans, as demonstrated in his speeches during his days as an agitator, was an act put on to achieve his ends, Since he has been in power, Nkrumah has been very friendly towards Europeans. In fact, he has been accused by some of his followers of being 'too fr iendly' with Europeans. During a chat wi th Nkrumah at the Gold Coast Legislative - 186 KWAME NKRUMAH Assembly Building, I questioned him about his changed behaviour towards Europeans, and he replied: 'I am trying to bring abou t a new social regime between Europeans and Africans in the Gold Coast.' Nkrumah's changed attitude of friendliness towards Euro- peans has its advantages and disadvantages. An awareness of the fact that the majority of the senior African Civil Servants in the Gold Coast Civil Service disapprove of the policy and methods of his party, and that consequently he has to rely on the European Civil Servants for the implementation of his policy, has drawn him closer to Europeans. Nkrumah tends to "- lose sight of the fact that although some senior African Civil Servants may abhor his political ideology yet, as Civil Servants, they can still carry out the policy of his Government, while at the same time holding to their personal political convictions. Although Nkrumah definitely disapproves of racial strife and discrimination in Malan's South Africa, East and Central . Africa and in the United States of America, there is no doubt that his experience as Prime Minister has enabled him to see the problem within a new perspective. Nkrumah now sub- scribes to the view that the solution to racialism does not lie in violence, but in peaceful co-operation among the European and African races. However, he also believes that such co· operation can only come about through the emergence of the African Territories from Colonial status into Self-governing States; that only thus can a true racial partnership, and not one of unequals as in Central Africa, be successfully formed. Perhaps Nkrumah's attitude towards racialism may best be summed up in his own words: 'Africans are ready to live on terms of friendship and equali ty with other races in Africa. The New African does not fight against race, or colour, or creed, but against any system which exploits and degrades. I believe that true internationalism is rooted in ·the national independence of all countries.' Nkrumah believes that when the European and African races really get to understand each other, tllen they will dis- cover their common humanity, and that way lies the annihila- tion of the evils of racialism. CHAPTER XVIII Nkrumah's Ideal « And across the parapet I see the mother of West African unity and independence. her body smeared with the blood of her sons and daughters in their struggles to set her free from tbe shackles of imperialism. And I hear and see springing up cities of Ghana becoming the metropolises of science, art, industry, philosophy and learning. And I hear mortals resound the echo and the rejoinder: seek ye first the political kingdom and all things will be added unto it." Kwame .Nkrumab . December 19, I948. '. Nkrumah's main political ambitions are firstly, the achieve- ment of Self·government for the Gold Coast, and secondly, the establishment of a West African federation. It is interesting to note that, strongly though they appeal to him, neither of these two ideas originated with Nkrumah, Self·government for the Gold Coast had been discussed by Gold Coast poli- ticians even before he was born. Efforts to achieve it had been made over a long period, though what was achieved before the Nhumah era fell short of the ideal. The idea of ,~, est African federation was mooted in 1915 but, because of the First vVorld War, it was not put forward as a poli tical aim until 1920. The author of the idea was the late Mr. J. E. Casely-Hayford, alias 'the Moses of West Africa' . He did a great amount of pioneering work in promoting West African unity. Another who su pported it was Professor Adeoye Deniga, a Nigerian, who wrote and pu blished a pamphlet on 'The Need for a WestA£rican Federation'. In his presidential address during the third session of the National Congress of British '~'est Africa, held in Bathurst, Gambia, in December 1925, the late Mr. Casely.Hayford said: 'The federation of the four British vl' est African Colonies is now well within the scope of practical politics. From the latest utterances of British W'est African Governors and the highest 188 KWAME NKRUMA H Ministers of the Crown in Colonies circles, it is evident that there must come soon closer co-operation as to policy and action between the several Colonies. . . ." Those who have made a serious study of the problem of federation are aware of the thorny issues involved. Even the leaders of the National Congress of British West Africa, like the late Mr. Casely-Hayford, Mr. T. Hutton·Mills, Dr. Savage and Dr. Bankole Bright, did not a ttempt to work out the details of implementing the idea of a West African federation. The original idea was limited to the British West African countries. Nkrumah has widened its scope to include the French West African TelTitories and the Republic of Liberia. He has given no definite indication of the type of federation he would desire for West Africa, and he has not gone much further than the National Congress of British West Africa in making it a reality. Nkrumah's interest in West African federation is primarily for defence purposes. He would like to see West Africa as a unit ready to defend itself against any possible aggression. The strong affinity between ''''est Africans, the geographical location of the Ghana Empire, whicll embraced the French West African Territories, and the furthering of common interests, are factors often quoted by Nkrumah to support his federation ideal. A close examination of Nkrumah's state- ments on West African federation clearly shows that what he has in mind is a type of federation under which the various West AfTican countries would lose their iden tity and become administrative provinces legally subordinated to a sovereignty. In short, Nkrumah's dream is a picture of him- self as leader of the whole of 'West Africa. In December 1953. Nkrumah convened a 'West African Nationalist Conference in Kumasi, Gold Coast. Representa- tives who attended included Dr. Nnamdi Akikiwe, Mrs. Ransome-Kuti, and I-I. O. Davies from Nigeria; Mr. George Pad more, Assistant Secretary of State, Liberia, and Professor Roland Dempster from Liberia ; and others from other "Vest African conn tries. During this Conference, a West African 1" West African Leadership " by Magnus Sampson, p. 82. NKRUMAH'S mEAL 189 Nationalists Congress was inaugurated. It was agreed that the Congress should be such as to embrace all sections of Africans and people of African descent. The membership of the Con- gress, the Conference decided, should be of political parties and organisations throughout West Africa, and individuals should be invited as fraternal members or observers. It was also agreed that annual conferences of the Congress should be held in the different British and French Territories. The speeches and discussions at the Conference centred around political considerations. No definite conclusions "ivere arrived ·at. This Conference was followed by a period of inactivity and prolonged silence. From that time Nkrumah said, and did, nothing about West African federation until during his first Press conference after the 1954 General Election, when he .sprang a surprise by stating that a "Vest African Congress Secretariat would be established in Accra, and that the Con· gress would alTange annual conferences. This announcement caused some stir within Government circles in Accra. Some people, however, regarded it as another of Nkrumah's acts to bolster up his political prestige. Because of the responsibilities which have devolved upon him in steering the ship of State, he has postponed activities connected with the proposed "Vest African federation until the Gold Coast achieves Self·government within the British Commonwealth. There are some "Vest African political leaders who are opposed to Nkrumah's methods, and they will not accept his - leadership. Nkrumah on the other hand will not be interested in the federa tion movement if he is not at the head of affairs. The authors of the idea of "Vest African federation conceived a geographical and politi cal federation. Nkrumah would like to bring about a political as well as economic federation of West Africa; but because of the geographical impediments, and the diversity of languages, cultures, and systems of govern· . ment, it is hardly possible that he will be able to bring about anything more than a federation of ideas in ' ,Vest Africa. The achievement of Nkrumah's other iithin the British Commonwealth, has almost become a fa.it a.ccompli. He has 190 KVlAME NKRUMAH put in plenty of hard work and made many sacrifices towards its realisation. Yet, although Nkrumah's con tribution to political development in the Gold Coast has been great, he merely took up where others had left off, and on occasions he has paid unstinted tribute to all Gold Coast political leaders, past an present, who helped in the struggle for Gold Coast liberation. ' . CHAP,TER XIX Nkrumah and the New Africa 'j When a people who have acquiesced unde~ a foreign rule suddenly wake up to the indignities of such a rule and begin to assert their national and inherent right to be free, then they have reached that stage of their political development when no amount of oppressive laws and intimidation can keep them down." Kwame Nkrumah Today a new African world is coming into being. Africa is not .engaged in a power struggle. The quest is for equality and i'ndependence, and the rebellion is against injustice, poverty, disease and the other concomitant evils of Colonialism. Nkrumah's influence on the entire continent of Africa is far.reaching, It has inspired hope in some quarters and it has provoked resentment in others. Amidst the ugliness and brutality of violent racial and political strife in North, South, Central and East Africa, Nkru(Ilah set out to lead a bloodless reval u tion in the Gold Coast, 'which has now become a beacon of light and hope to the millions of Africans in Africa and peoples of African descent everywhere, It is an example worthy of emulation; it is an example which has won for the Gold Coast many admirers and friends outside the continent of Africa. One of the anomalies of modern history is the emergence of Portugal as a Colonial Po,,;er. The various Powers which have ruled Africa for centuries put into practice their respective concepts of Colonialism. The past is too grim to be recounted; its dreadful shadows still haunt Africans; its su fferings are still endured. British Colonial policy showed a progressive change of heart. The Brit ish considered it wise to accede to the claims of India to independence, Ceylon and Pakistan too achieved Self· government. Thus, the British Government provided the wm·.ld wi th concrete evidence of the sincerity of its declared 192 KWAME NKRUMAH Colonial policy; to lead the Colonies in a gradnal consti tu- tional evolution towards self-determination. There was no change of heart wi th the French. They stuck to their policy of making all their Colonial subjects French. Assimilation! The Belgians concentrated on economic pro· gress, but denied political advance. The Portuguese con· tinued with their imposition of an industrial colour bar and slavery. The British policy was undoubtedly the most pro- gressi ve and humane. The achievements of India and Ceylon inspired Nkrumah to make a bid for Gold Coast independence. The British- accepted Nkrumah's challenge and began to work out a suicide for Colonialism in the Gold Coast; it was the begin- ning of the withdrawal of the British. They were determined not to repeat the mistakes they had made in India. A bold experiment was begun; it was the most rapid and spectacular. in British Colonial history. It took the Gold Coast frye years to achieve what it took India fifty years. A voice from South Africa warned the British that they were going too fast with the experiment in the Gold Coast. It was the voice of Dr. Daniel Malan. He described Nkrumah's elevation to the office of Prime Minister as 'a ridiculous experiment' and a 'disastrous step for Africa'. Then he posed this question to Britain: 'How can illiterate people with so little civilisation govern themselves?' But he did not stop at asking the question; he answered it himself: 'It can'.t be donel' Nkrumah answered back: 'Who told you so?' The policy of Nkrumah's party, Self-government in the fullest sense for the Gold Coast, was intolerable to Dr. Malan. Britain's acquiescence angered him even more. H is fear was that the Gold Coast experiment would necessarily affect all other African territories in Africa. This situation, ill Dr. Malan's opinion, offered a grave threat to tl,e prestige of the white man in Africa and presaged the expulsion of all white men from practically everywhere between the Union of South Africa and the Sahara. Nkrumah's declaration that the Gold Coast desired Self- government wi thin the Commonwealth startled Dr. Malan, who envisaged a rapid g>'owth of the membership of the Commonwealth, with the possible eventual admission of th e NKRUMAH AND THE NEW AFRICA 193 Gold Coast, Nigeria, the West Indies, Uganda, and Nyasaland. T he admission or rejection of the Gold Coast as a member of the Commonwealth does not worry Nkrumah. It would be a test-case for future relations between Africa and the British Commonwealth. Nkrumah has made it quite clear that in the ideological struggle which is going on the Gold Coast would kowtow neither to the East nor to the VlTest, bu t that she would endeavour to maintain a balance between the two. Nkrumah believes in a Third Force'. It is not unlikely that the only possible objection to the -admission of the Gold Coast as a member of the British Com- 1110nwealch would come from Dr. Malan. Nkrumah wai ts to see what Britain will do in such circumstances. He is aware of the growing importance of the Gold Coast in international affairs. Africa is a source of raw materials; large quantities of baux ite are in Nkrumah's Gold Coast. Besides, AErica is of ·strategic importance today. What is more important is the tremendous influence which Nkrumah wields throughout the continent of Africa. He is Er ica's hope. His achievements have exposed the false theory regarding the incapability of the African. None the less, Nkrumah is aware of the spiritual upheavals in Africa-the clash of ideologies, the struggle for white supremacy in East and South Afri ca, and the determination of Africans to make their contribution to the maintenance of 'world peace. N EPIL OGUE Across the years I From the days when Africans and people of African descent were destined to a long spell of slave labour and were regarded only as hewers of wood and drawers of wa ter, we have now happily come to the present time when the African is coming into his own. Recall Richard Wright's 'Native Son'.-Turn over the pages of Peter Abrahams' 'Mine's Boy' or Alan Patons' 'Cry the', Beloved Country'. In these books we read of the sufferings and segregation laws imposed on the Negroes of America and the Africans in Malan's South Africa. Think again of John Brown who died in an attempt to save the Negroes of America. Some people at that time regarded his action as madness. But slavery was abolished and history proved him right. These are changing times. In America, segregation laws are being relaxed even if gradually and belatedly. In East Africa, we read of racial strife. In South Africa, apartheid goes on while Malan and his apostles warn Great Britain that she is moving too fast in leading a country like the Gold Coast towards Self·govern ment. But the people of West Africa are not dismayed. They believe that South Africa can be changed. They vow that it must be changed and that the responsibility for changing it is twofold. First, it rests on the success of the Gold Coast experi. ment, and secondly on the peace-loving nations of the world whose concept of democracy and humanity transcends race, colour 'and oppression. Abraham Lincoln went from a log cabin to the White House. Kwame Nkrumah, who rose from obscurity, went from gaol to become the first Prime Minister of the Gold Coast. Through tlle hard work, sacrifice and courage of Gold Coast nationalists like the late Casely.H ayford, the late John Sarbah, the late Attoh·Ahuma, the late Dr. Nanka·Bruce and, coming to om time, Mr. Kobina Sekyi, Dr. J B. Danquall (the doyen of Gold Coast politics), Mr. George Grant, Sir Arku Korsah, Mr. William Ofori Atta, Nii Amaa Ollennu, Mr. Akuffo·Addo, Dr. K. A. Busia, Kwame Nkrumah and his EPILOGUE '95 C.P.P. supporters, the Gold Coast has proveci to the world that given the chance, the African can govern himself. In view of the recent Ashanti rejection of Nkrumah's leadership, detractors have asked: can the Gold Coast govern herself with dignity and restraint? By his academic attainments, the late Dr. Aggrey of Africa instilled into Africans the avidity to acquire higher education. Through their agitation, unflagging zeal and unshaken belief in their cause, these Gold Coast nationalists have helped Africans throughout the continent of Africa to regain faith , . in themselves, to lose their inferiority complex and to fight bloodlessly for their God-given right of FREEDOM. Dr. Aggrey during his lifetime spoke interminably about his philosophy of the WHITE and BLACK keys co-operating to produce harmony. Kwame Nkrumah is trying to put Aggrey's philosophy into practice by building a Gold Coast -where peoples of .different races can work and live together without racial strife. Today, the Gold Coast is a country in which there are, in theory, no more European masters but European civil servants assiduously calTying out the policies initiated by an All-African Cabinet and receiving their just due. Kwame Nkrumah is neither a mystic nor a genius, bu t through the help of his supporters he has brought to fruition his own labours and those of his forerunners. I N D EX Aborigines' Rights Protection Society, Churchill, Sir Winston, 62, 83 106, 140, 167 Clifford. Constitution, 154 Abrahams, Peter, 37, 38 Colonialism, 40-41, 49, 91, ... )51, 158, Abrahams, Sir Sydney, 62, 63, 65 IBth 191. Accra Evening News, 57, 67, 76-87, Communist affiliation, 6 I, 69 88, III Constituent Assembly, 96, 105 Africanisation, 134 Convention People's Party, 67-75, 81, African Morning Post, 22 98, lOS, 128, 176, 181 African National Times, 50 Coussey Committee, 62, 96, 101, 113 African Sentinel, 22 Coussey Constitution, I IS, 132, 154 Aggrey, Dr. Kwegyir, 136, 140, ,82-83 Coussey Report, 102 Aggrey Memorial College, 89 Coussey, Sir Henley, 56 Ako Adjei, 33, 50, 52, 59, 64, '79 Cudjoe, Dr. S. D., 38 Akuffo~Addo, E., 50, 52, 64 Cro ....' 11 Law Office, 108 Alexander the Great, 40 Anglo-Panti Treaty, 166 Daily Echo, 179 Anlo Youth Association, 75 Daily Mail, 78 Arden-Clarke,. Sir Charles, 113, 115, Daily Telegraph, 78 126, 158 Dalgleish, A'I 56, 60 Armitage, Sir R., 12:0 Danquah, Dr. J, B., 42, 50, 52, 59, 60, Asafu~Adjaye, E. 0., 104, 119, 132 65.70,77. 86, 94, 104, 106, 117, Ip9 Asanteman Council, 148 d~Graft~Johnson, Dr. J . C., 73 Ayer, Professor, 37 Dennis, A, R., 109 Azikiwe, Dr. Nnamdi, 22, 33, 63, IBB Dove, Frans ·W.) 168 Azzu Mate Kole, Nene, 104 DuBois, Dr. W. E. B., 38 Dzenkle Dzewu, 49, 71, 101 Baako, Kofi, 7B Education Scheme, 132 Barrow, Re\', Alfred E., 3 I Blay, R. S., 23 Empire Day, 79 &Suman, Willie, O. 48 Bond, Dr, Horace Mann, 119,120,122 E.... .. -servicemen's Union, 59, 64 Bouio, Kojo, 45, 49, 76, 7B, 10 I, I 1 I, I12 Fanti Confederation, 167 Braimah,J. A., 131, 176 P., Fislicr, Rev. Fr. George, 21 Branigan, 119 Foot, Dingle. Q.C., 50 Bribery, 134 Brockway, Fenner, 3B Fourah Bay College, 45 Fraser) Rev. A. G., 2 I Bunche, Dr. Ralph, 122 Burns, Sir Alan, 124 Freud,3 0 Ga Manche, 98 Casely~Hayford, Ardlie, I 17 Gancilli, Mahatma, I I I , 183 Casely-Hayford, J. E., 168, 170, 181, Oa State Council, 97 187,188 Gbedemah, K, A., 49, 76, '77, 83, 84, Catholic Youlh Association, 57 III, 129, 176 Chapman, Daniel, 120 Garvey, Marcus, 183 Chief Aboso Mensah, 23 Ghana, 81, 84, 139, 152) 155, 188 Christiansborg Crossroads, 64, 101 Ghana Congress Party, 74, 131, 171 INDEX '97 Chana Evening New's, 86, 173 National H ealth Scheme, 132 Ghana National College, 8g, go Nii Amaa Ollennu, 94. 104, 106 Ghana Nationalist Party, 74- Nii Kwabena Bonne Ill,.59 Gittens, J oyce, 175. 177 Nzima,98 Grant, George, 50, 169 Nkrumab, K warne, infancy 19-20, his Griffiths, J ames, ' 49 father 19-20, mother 19, 20, 178; schooldays 20-21 ; teacher 22; higher Halm, W. M. Q.,94, 107 education 23ff; financial difficulties Hanrott, E. G. C., 56, 60 27-28; law student 36j Ph.D. 37, 39 ; Harold Nicholson, 120 Pan-African activities 37-38; publi- Hemingford, Lord, 2 t cations 40ff; Secretary of D.G.C.C. Hayford, Rev. J oseph, 167 46ff; THE CIRCLE 53ff; removal Hodgkin, Thomas, 68 from office 57; Conununist party card 53; attack on Si r Sidney Ibsen, 30 Abrahams 62-63; his tactics 64-65; Imperialism, 42, 64, 79, 88, 158, 185 C.P.P. 67ff; party newspaper 76ff; I ndia, 84, 150, 151 positive action, 20, 94, ' 071 im- India National Congress, 58 prisonment 108; Leader of Govern- ment Business 115; LL.D. J23, 172; J ames Fort Prison, I I I first Premier 129ff; Life Chairman J ebb, Sir Gladwyn, 121, 124 172; personal habits 175ft'; political 'J ones, Creech, 149 ambition J87ff. J ohnson, Durosimi, 33 Nzima Literature and Cultural Associa- Johnson, Rev. G., 23, 28-30, 37. tion,22 J ohnson, "Vallace, 22, 38 J oint Provincial Council, 103, 148 Ofori Atta, Nana Sir, 169 J ones-Quartey, K. A. B., 33 Ofori Atta, ,"V., 50, 52, 89, 117 J oseph, A. H. R ., 2 I Olympic Games, 63 Kant, 30 Padmore, George, 38 Koi, Dr. Ansah, 129, 133 Pan..;..&ica,5 1 Korsah, Commission, 134. 176 Pan-Africanism, 38 Kurankyi-Taylor, Dr. E., 73 Pan-African Congress, 38 Pan-African Federation, 37 Lrunptey, Obetscbi, 50, 52, 58, 64, 75 Positive Action, 20, 97, 99, 101, 103, Laski, Prof. Harold ]., 37 111 , 14 1. . Liberia, 136, 137 Lillie-Costello, Major, 109 Lincoln University, 23, 25, 26, 35, 43 Quist, Sir Emmanuel, Kt. 130 Li ngley, lVlr. J ustice L. C., 109 Lyttelton, Oliver, 150 R enner, Dr. Bankole, 73., Ill , 11 3 Renner, Mrs. Olasibi, 71 Makonnen, T. R., 37, 38 Rewcastle, C. S., J09 Malan, Dr .• 129, 165, 186, 192, 193 Rhodes, Cecil, 24 Mankesim Constitution, 167 Monrovia, 143 Saloway, Sir Reginald, 97, 109 ~'lorgao, Miss Alice, 77 Sarbah,john Mensah, 167, 170, 181 Morning Telegrapb, 84 Sekyi, Kobina, 104, 106 Murray, Dr. K. A. H., 56, 60 Seretse Khama, 127 ~!uslim Association Party, 71, 74 Self-government, 63, 71, 80, 82, ga, 99, 109, 159, 177, 179 Nanka-Bl'uce, Dr., 72 Sorensen, Reginald, 38, 51 Natio~al Democratic Party, 72,74,106 South Africa, 150 Ig8 INDEX Spinoza,3 University of Pennsylvania, 3<>-3 2 0 St. Augustine', College, 90 Statute of Westminster, 151 Volta Scheme, 127, 134 Swollen 8 l1oot, 173 Watson, Aiken, 56, 60 Watson Commission, 62, 154 THE CIRCLE, 53-55, 61 West African Appeal Court, 56 Togoland Congress, 75 West African Federation, 53. 142, tSI, Tolstoy, 30 18,. J8g Toussaint, 139 West African National Congress, 53, Trade Union Congress, 148, 154 140, 154, 168. Tsibu, Darku, Sir, 102 West African Students' Union, 65 Tubman, President, 126, 143 West End Arena, 96, J08, II I Wood, S. R., 22, IG8 Union of African Socialist Republics, World Affairs Counci l, 122 56,61,62 United Gold Coast Convention, 42 , 45. Youth Conference, 169 50,56,57,58,65.67-75.88, 106 Young Commission, 135 GEORGE AL LE N & UNWIN L TO London: 40 Museum Street, w.e.! Auckland: Haddon Hall, City Road Sydney, N.S. W .: Bradbury House, 55 York Street Cape Town: 58-60 Long Street Bombaj: 15 Graham Road, Ballard Estate, Bombay r Calculta: 17 ChittaranJan Auenue, Calcutta [3 New Delhi: 13-14 Ajmere Gate .&tensWn~ New Delhi 1 Karachi: Haroon Chambers~ South Napier Road, K ar(U;/ii 2 Toronto: 91 Wellington Street Wut Sat) Paulo: Avenida 9 de Jullw 11388-Ap·51 THE NEW WEST AFRICA Edited by Basil Davidson and Adenekan Ademola A factual, critical and constructive account of the very important political and social changes now going forward in Nigeria and the Gold Coast. Written by experienced observers of West African affairs and acknowledged experts in their respective fields, it offers a unique contribution to an understanding of the West African drive for independence and self-government. It discusses recent events against a background of West African history, assesses the achievements of the new African parties and governments in Nigeria a nd the Gold Coast, examines the politica}~ economic and development problems of these countries, and relates these both to British responsibility and to the situation in other parts of Africa. It offers, finally, a critical and constructive basis for an evolving British policy designed to ensure these Colonies the full reality and substance of self-government and independence. Deroy 8vo. r 5s. net A HISTORY OF THE GOLD COAST By W. E. Ward The history of the country now known as the Gold Coast is traced from a period before the arrival of the first Portuguese e.xplorers to the present day. T he author, who has spent many years in the country, makes use not only of the work of recent anthropologists, but also of his own researches into the unwritten historical traditions of Gold Coast tribes. The book describes the early history of the Gold Coast peoples, the rivalries of Portuguese, Dutch, British and others for the trade in gold and slaves, the rise of Ashanti and other native states, and the gradual consolidation of British authority. It concludes with a description of recent political and economic developments. 2nd impression Demy 8vo. 25s. net GEORGE AL LE N & UNW I N LTD