LEGON CENTRE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND DIPLOMACY (LECIAD) UNIVERSITY OF GHANA THE IMPLICATIONS OF FORUM ON CHINA-AFRICA COOPERATION (FOCAC) ON AFRICA’S REGIONAL INTEGRATION: PROGRESS OR RETROGRESS? BY DORCAS OWUSU OBIKYERE (10934886) THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON, IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LEGON DECEMBER 2022 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh i DECLARATION I, Dorcas Owusu Obikyere, do hereby declare that this dissertation is the end product of my research under the supervision of Dr. Juliana Appiah of the Legon Center of International Affairs and Diplomacy (LECIAD), at the University of Ghana towards the award of a Master of Arts (MA) in International Affairs, and that, to the best of my knowledge, it neither contains materials previously published by another person nor materials which have been accepted for the award of any other degree by this or any other university except where due acknowledgement has been made in the text. …………………………………. ……………………………………. DR. JULIANA APPIAH DORCAS OWUSU OBIKYERE (SUPERVISOR) (STUDENT) DATE …5/12/22… DATE…6/12/22… University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to Jehovah God Almighty, who has guided, protected, and kept me healthy throughout my MA program. It is also dedicated to my beloved grandmother, Mary Agyapong, who has always been a source of strength and inspiration in my life. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I want to thank my supervisor, Dr. Juliana Appiah, for her unwavering support throughout the writing of my dissertation. May God bless her. I would also like to thank Dr. Afua Boatema Yakohene, Dr. Innocent Badasu, Mr. Abu Osuman, and Mr. Jeswuni Abudu-Birresborn for the gracious way they shared their knowledge with me. Thank you for your unwavering support and prayers throughout the program, my family and friends. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iv ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS AEC - African Economic Community AfCFTA - African Continental Free Trade Area AGOA - African Growth Opportunity Act AMU - Arab Maghreb Union ASA - Africa-South America AU - African Union BRI - Belt and Road Initiative CFTA - Continental Free Trade Area COMESA - Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa DSSI - G20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative EAC - East African Community ECCAS - Economic Community of Central African States ECOWAS - Economic Community of West African States EU - European Union FOCAC - Forum on China-Africa Cooperation FTA - Free Trade Area IAD - Intergovernmental Authority on Development IMF - International Monetary Fund LECIAD - Legon Center for International Affairs and Diplomacy OAU - Organization of African Unity PRC - People’s Republic of China RECs - Regional Economic Communities RTAA - Reciprocal Trade Agreement Act University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v SADC - South African Development Community UNCTAD - United Nations Conference on Trade and Development UNECA - United Nations Economic Commission for Africa UN - United Nations University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vi TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ............................................................................................................................. I DEDICATION ................................................................................................................................ II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................... III ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ..................................................................................... IV TABLE OF CONTENTS .............................................................................................................. VI ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................. IX CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................. 1 INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Background of Study ........................................................................................................ 1 1.2 Statement of Research Problem ....................................................................................... 5 1.3 Research Questions .......................................................................................................... 6 1.4 Research Objectives ......................................................................................................... 6 1.5 Scope ................................................................................................................................ 7 1.6 The rationale of the Study ................................................................................................ 7 1.7 Theoretical Framework .................................................................................................... 8 1.8 Literature Review ........................................................................................................... 11 1.8.1 China’s Foreign Policy ........................................................................................... 11 1.8.2 China-Africa Relations ........................................................................................... 14 1.8.3 AU-Global Relations ............................................................................................... 16 1.8.4 Status of Regional Economic Integration in Africa ................................................ 18 1.9 Summary of Literature ................................................................................................... 20 1.10 Methodology .................................................................................................................. 21 1.10.1 Research Design ..................................................................................................... 21 1.10.2 Sampling Technique and Size ................................................................................. 22 1.10.4 Sources of data ........................................................................................................... 23 1.10.5 Data Collection Techniques .................................................................................... 24 1.10.6 Data Analysis .......................................................................................................... 24 1.10.6 Ethical Considerations............................................................................................... 25 1.11 Arrangement of Chapters ............................................................................................... 25 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................. 25 CHAPTER TWO .......................................................................................................................... 32 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vii THE RISE OF CHINA TO GLOBAL ACCLAIM ...................................................................... 32 2.0 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 32 2.1 Before China, How was it? ............................................................................................ 32 2.2 The Changing Landscape ............................................................................................... 35 2.3 China’s Rise ................................................................................................................... 38 2.4 The Beijing Consensus ................................................................................................... 42 2.5 China-Africa Relations ................................................................................................... 46 2.6 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 48 CHAPTER THREE ...................................................................................................................... 53 AN ANALYSIS OF FOCAC’S PLACE IN AFRICA’S REGIONAL INTEGRATION DRIVE 53 3.0 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 53 3.1 African Regional Integration .......................................................................................... 53 3.2 AU engagement with international development partners ............................................. 58 3.3 The Vision and Objectives of the FOCAC..................................................................... 60 3.4 FOCAC Dakar Declaration ............................................................................................ 60 3.5 FOCAC’s focal areas of cooperation between China, Africa and the AU ..................... 61 3.6 Integration of the Principles of the AU into the FOCAC Agreement ............................ 65 3.6.1 FOCAC and Agenda 2063 ...................................................................................... 65 3.7 FOCAC's contribution to Africa's regional integration agenda ..................................... 67 3.7.1 China-African Union Investments ........................................................................... 67 3.7.2 Construction and Infrastructural Development ...................................................... 70 3.8 FOCAC as a threat to Africa’s regional integration drive ............................................. 73 3.9 The Real Challenge ........................................................................................................ 78 3.10 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 79 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................. 80 CHAPTER FOUR ......................................................................................................................... 83 SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION ..................................................... 83 4.0 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 83 4.1 Summary of Findings .......................................................................................................... 83 4.2 Conclusions .................................................................................................................... 89 4.3 Recommendations .......................................................................................................... 89 BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................................................................................................................... 91 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh viii APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................ 101 APPENDIX I .............................................................................................................................. 101 INTERVIEW GUIDE ................................................................................................................. 101 APPENDIX II ............................................................................................................................. 102 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ix ABSTRACT Established in 2000, the Forum on China Africa Relations (FOCAC) has been the major platform driving China’s international relations in Africa. FOCAC is designed to promote commerce, cultural exchanges, development, peace and security, the eradication of poverty, the building of green infrastructure, the improvement of public health, and investment engagements between China and the African Continent. The growing relationship between China and Africa has given rise to the unsettling idea that this collaboration would impede Africa's integration goal. Situated within the analytical tools of supranationalism, the study combines primary data (interviews) with secondary sources: books, book chapters, journal articles, reports and online sources in analysing the implications of FOCAC on Africa’s regional integration drive. The study found that FOCAC makes considerable investment in Africa in the areas of infrastructure and economic cooperation. While there are visible threats because of the Chinese government’s foreign policy of raw material exploitation in Africa and a stronger economic option away from the AU, the study recommends establishment, imposition, and enforcement of monetary and criminal sanctions against Chinese Officials, MNCs, citizens and other actors who do not comply with acceptable standards of operations within the scope of FOCAC and other laws guiding trade and investment within the African continent. Additionally, the Africa Union must take advantage of its admission to FOCAC to demonstrate leadership by charting the African states must follow while negotiating their bilateral accords with China, directed toward achieving the more general, far-reaching objective of a regionally integrated Africa. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of Study The economic scramble of China into the African continent is hinged on the mercantilist approach. Chinese companies backed by their government seek to invest in the Nation States with high political risks mainly to have access to natural resources and energy, secure a new consumer market for their finished products and change the political economy of the international space by challenging the concept of Western hegemony and reshaping international institutions to suit their interest (Shoham and Rosenboim, 2009). The rapid expansion of the Chinese industrial sector placed a high demand on China to source more natural resources and export markets. Thus, Africa was identified as a strategic spot to provide raw materials for China’s industrial drive to address its long- and short-term demands. The Chinese economy imports more than 20% of global fuel and mineral resources. The procurement of oil is regarded as a matter of national security in the Chinese dispensation (Wu et al., 2017). Hence, the government deploy all levels of diplomacy and state resources to meet the state’s demand for energy. The establishment of the Forum on China- Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) is to drive diplomatic and political relations to give legitimacy to the acquisition of energy and natural resources by Chinese companies. This further insulates and protects their importation of energy and other resources from the target export country to their country. As captured by Zweig & Jianhai (2005), China’s foreign policy directives mirror its domestic policy, which aims at guaranteeing a continual flow of raw materials to shore up its surging industrial and economic development process. To further sustain the flow of these raw materials, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2 China re-strategized its “Go-Out” policy to lock in resources by establishing long-term supply agreements with African states. FOCAC is a Chinese policy set to advance diplomatic relations, trade, people-to-people exchanges, development, peace and security, poverty reduction, green and infrastructure development, public health and investment engagements between China and the African Continent. The FOCAC process mirrors the five principal tenets of peaceful co-existence which establishes China’s foreign policy. The year 2000 saw the inception of the FOCAC. Since its inception, trade between both the Chinese and African economies have witnessed a surge with both economies complementing each other through the spectrum of African countries exchanging their raw materials with manufactured goods, debt relief, aid, security package etc. from china with little or no conditionalities as compared to the West (Alden et al., 2011; Alden, 2017). This trade spectrum has begged several questions in the development space. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development warns of a possible natural resource trap in cognizance of the relative phases of development. The FOCAC has set the stage for advancing relations between China and Africa and for promoting south-south relations (Aiping &Zhan, 2018). The FOCAC process is hinged on improved cooperation in the agricultural space, facilitating access to a wider market, soft loans and credit linked with infrastructure development, debt relief, exploration and effective utilization of natural resources, transportation, medical care, investment, banking, and development assistance. This has made China one of Africa’s key trading partners after the United States and France. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3 The reduction of, and gradual withdrawal of the traditional donors in financing medium-to-long- term infrastructure projects created a yawning gap which China has filled since the early 2000s. As a result, Africa becomes China’s strategic location to exert its influence on a global scale. China has demonstrated this through its foreign policy initiative of strong diplomacy. On the back of its One China policy which aims at isolating Taiwan and declining its influence in the African continent; all nation-states in the African Union recognize China except Eswatini which still recognizes Taiwan (Hoffman, 2022). Also, to exert its influence in the international space, China seeks to challenge the concept of Western hegemony and thus has built strong diplomatic ties with resource-endowed states of which the African Continent is a key player. It also appeals to developing countries through a paradigm of development where democratic values are not a prerequisite to development but gives them the room to develop their models and approaches to economic growth. This poses a big threat to the hegemonic dictates of the West in the global economic dispensation. This new political paradigm is reflected in China’s engagement with Africa through FOCAC. With China’s principle of non-interference in its interactions with developing countries, it has room to engage with undemocratic regimes to seek its national interest of resource exploitation without any pressure for regime change. A case in point is the Democratic Republic of Congo. Again, China’s Belt and Road Initiative demonstrates its use of soft power to strengthen itself economically and reshape the global balance of power (Bush, 2021). Highly indebted and least developed African countries have been relieved of debts which are government interest-free loans. The premier FOCAC conference saw the cancellation of 1.5 billion University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4 US dollars worth of debts owed by African countries (Tan‐Mullins et al., 2010; Ubi, 2014). In 2006, 2009, 2015 and 2018 summits and conferences also saw some African States being relieved of their outstanding debts to lessen the financial burden on these countries. The African Union Conference Centre and office space were established by China under the FOCAC 2006 summit process. This has contributed to deepening the integration process of African States. China is of key relevance to the social and economic development of Africa. This is evident in Chinese assistance in the human resource development of some Africans, the improvement in educational infrastructure and agriculture, knowledge transfer, improvement in the healthcare sector, and social and economic infrastructural growth among others. Africa, as a vast continent, is home to various regional integration initiatives, including those led by the African Union (AU) as well as regional blocs such as the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Community of Sahel–Saharan States (CEN–SAD), the East African Community (EAC), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) (European Commission, 2023). These regional integration efforts aim to promote economic cooperation, political stability, and social development within their respective regions. However, it is essential to acknowledge that Africa's path to seamless continental integration remains a complex and ongoing process. The study will primarily focus on the implication of FOCAC on the broader continental integration efforts spearheaded by the AU. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5 1.2 Statement of Research Problem China-Africa relations have provided benefits to both actors but have also raised concerns about their impact on the political and economic cohesion of African states. Despite the existence of strategic channels for African Union (AU) engagement as a collective entity under the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), such as the China-AU Strategic Dialogue, it is evident that several economic projects are primarily negotiated and implemented on a bilateral level, rather than at the continental level of the AU. The AU has, over the years, sought to negotiate African-China cooperation at the sub-regional level to enhance the economic benefits of the continent and deepen its regional integration agenda. However, progress in this regard has been limited. While FOCAC has contributed to Africa's economic and social development, it has also posed challenges to the continent's integration agenda. Intra-regional trade remains below 20%, with South Africa dominating trade in the region (Hartzenberg 2011). This implies that approximately 80% of Africa's trade is with external regions or states of which China's total import and export volume with Africa is 113.5 billion U.S. dollars (FOCAC, 2023).. This situation can be attributed to the high production of primary goods in Africa with limited value addition, trade barriers, low manufacturing capacity, and poor implementation of trade agreements, among other factors (OECD Economic Surveys: 2017). However, several studies (Ademola et al. 2016; Miao et al. 2020; Yalew 2019) have revealed mixed results in Sino-Africa engagements over the years. With a significant Chinese presence in the region and Africa's predominant trade pattern of exporting primary goods, Africa has increasingly imported Chinese manufactured products. This has deepened its reliance on University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6 manufactured Chinese goods and hindered intra-regional trade and integration within Africa (Ndzendze & Hoeymissen, 2018). Consequently, China's bilateral engagements with individual African nations pose a significant challenge to the continent's economic integration efforts and undermine Africa's collective industrialization aspirations. The agenda for Africa's economic integration, which should be achieved through enhanced trade and closer ties, now faces uncertainty, with China representing a formidable obstacle to Africa's regional integration. Given the challenges posed to continental integration, this study seeks to examine the implications of FOCAC within the context of Africa's regional integration by conducting a single-case analysis of FOCAC and how it potentially hampers Africa's economic integration. 1.3 Research Questions  How does the FOCAC agreement contribute to Africa’s regional integration goal?  How have the integration principles of the AU been incorporated and implemented into the FOCAC agreement?  How are African states engaging China to meet their continental integration objectives?  What threat does FOCAC pose to African integration? 1.4 Research Objectives The general objective is to see how relevant FOCAC has been in Africa’s regional integration and specifically to:  Review the FOCAC agreements and analyse their contribution to Africa’s regional integration goal University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 7  Analyze Africa’s regional integration principles and how they have been incorporated and implemented in the FOCAC agreement.  Examine how the African States are engaging China to meet their continental integration objectives.  Analyze FOCAC’s threat to Africa’s economic integration agenda. 1.5 Scope This study covers the economic engagements of China and Africa since 2005 - 2021. The subjects of analysis in this study encompass the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) agreement, various policies of the African Union (AU), and other relevant economic engagements and agreements that shape the dynamics between China and Africa (Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), African Union's Agenda 2063, African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), China-Africa Development Fund (CADFund), China-Africa Industrial Capacity Cooperation Fund). 1.6 The rationale of the Study The African Union has played a laudable role in the continent’s economic integration drive. However, a clear structural problem exists in the low commitment of African States to transfer some degree of their sovereignty which they jealously cherish to supranational bodies (Zartman,1995) though this has the power to effectively enhance their ability to negotiate, coordinate and evaluate the implementation of mutual projects and agreements for the continent’s collective gain. Thus, the results of the study of the implication of FOCAC on Africa’s regional integration may aid governments, the African Union, Regional Economic blocs or cooperation and African statesmen to address issues of African collective interest and economic co-operations. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 8 1.7 Theoretical Framework This work uses the theory of supranationalism as its theoretical framework. The theory evolved from the theories of integration. Supranationalism gained prominence in Europe after the second world war. Supranationalism refers to a governance arrangement where the Nation States of an international community cede some of their sovereignty to a decision-making body which wields more power over the individual States. In the paradigm of supranationalism, national states are bound by the decision of most cooperating States thus losing their rights to Veto. As captured by Nugent (2003), “supranationalism takes inter-state relations beyond cooperation into integration and involves some loss of national sovereignty.” Supranationalism requires a pool of sovereignty from nation-states in each community to enhance the increased agency of the given body to act on behalf of member states. Thus, supranational communities have the agency to establish international laws or normative principles to regulate the affairs of member states with the end goal of conflict prevention and economic cooperation. Inferring from this line of thought, the AU’s structure and the process involve national governments of all 55 Nation States which cede some of their sovereignty to the regional body as stipulated in its Constitutive Act. The confirmation of supranational powers by the heads of states of member states in the AU can be seen from the preamble of the AU’s Constitutive Act which says: “We, Heads of States and Government of the member states . . . [are] determined to take all necessary measures to strengthen our common institutions and provide them with the necessary University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 9 powers and resources to enable them to discharge their respective mandates effectively.” (African Union, 2000/01). The common institutions of the AU include the Pan-African Parliament, the Assembly, the Executive council, the Commission, the Peace and Security Council, the African Justice Court, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, and the African Peer Review Mechanism are established with supranational autonomy to address security, right-based, economic and governance concerns on the continent (ibid). For example, Article 4(h) of the AU’s charter, accords the AU the supranational autonomy to intervene in situations of crimes against humanity, genocides, war crimes etc. in member states. Weiler (1981) makes a distinction between two facets of supranationalism in the context of normative and decisional supranationalism in his analytical work on supranationalism in the European community. These two facets of supranationalism confer the supranational status on an international community (Fagbayibo,2008). Weiler argues that normative supranationalism constitutes “the relationships and hierarchy which exists between the EU policies and legal measures on one hand, and competing policies and legal measures of member states on the other”. In this light, the AU as an institution and on the back of its normative stipulations in its constitutive act intervened in the internal affairs of its members which had impaired sovereignty. A nation- state’s sovereignty is said to be impaired when rights-based crimes such as crimes against humanity, genocides etc. are committed (Goldman, 1994). He refers to decisional supranationalism as “relates to the institutional framework and decision- making processes by which Community policies and measures are, in the first place, initiated, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 10 debated and formulated, then promulgated and finally executed” (Weiler, 1981). Article 7 of the African Union’s Constitutive Act represents the regional body’s decisional supranationalism. The article mandates the Assembly to ratify agreements by “consensus or failing which, two-thirds majority of the member states of the Union, apart from procedural matters which require a simple majority.” Pescatore (1974) also brings to bear the three main criteria of supranationalism. These include the presence of common interests and valuation-state sales, the establishment of common power and the sovereignty of these powers. These three main criteria of supranationalism are reflective of the ideals of the AU. It is however worth noting that though the AU’s Constitutive Act has elements of normative and decisional supranationalism, the elements of normative supranationalism are yet to take shape as nonmember states have not been intentional about the actual transfer of sovereignty. Most of the criticisms levelled against supra-nationalism come from the realist school. Kenneth Waltz, Hans Morgenthau Robert Gilpin, and other realists maintain that cooperation of any kind is a fluke and cannot deliver equal and even benefits to members. The central argument realists make is that nation-states are self-seeking and would prioritize their interests over any other. Particularly the bigger states within the union, use the supra-national institutions to push forward their interests, to the detriment of the smaller states. This is a phenomenon that has been described as interest sub-contracting. Besides there is evidence in several international organisations, like the EU evidence of Britain's dismemberment, the EAC, ECOWAS and even the AU indicate the issues of polarization and backwash, which is indicative of gains and losses that is existent in University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 11 international cooperative arrangements. This further buttresses the realists' notion that big states only use these organisations for self-interest, impoverishing the poorer states more (Tadjbakhsh,, 2013). Nevertheless, the theory of Supranationalism challenges the Westphalian notion of States Sovereignty in which the Nation States were answerable to no one. It further challenges the realist’s notion of anarchy. The principal objective of the AU is to promote peace and security in the African Continent, intensify intra-Africa economic activities, and solidify regional and enhance the process of regional integration and self-reliant development and cooperation among others. This is to enable the region to play a significant role in the global economy while addressing other continental social, political, and economic developmental concerns. Recognizing the AU’s supranational mandate gives it the autonomy to drive the continent’s regional integration agenda through the FOCAC to make Sino-Africa relations more mutually beneficial through collective continental negotiation and improve the Continent’s industrial base. 1.8 Literature Review This literature review is organised under four topics: China’s foreign policy; China-Africa Relations; AU-Global Relations; and the Status of Regional Economic Integration in Africa. 1.8.1 China’s Foreign Policy The post-World War II global system witnessed the fast spread of nation-state independence and the development of international organizations like the United Nations (UN), which created avenues for state engagement, and led to the introduction of foreign policy within the international University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 12 system (Bojang, 2018). Globalization has further increased the rates of state interaction and made the formation of foreign policy a necessity for each state (Bojang, 2018). Foreign policy scholars such as Feliks Gross, Charles Hermann, George Modelski, Joseph Frankel, Padelford and Lincoln, Huge Gibson, and Deborah Gerner have described foreign policy as the decisions of a state or an actor outside its territorial boundaries toward another state(s) or actor(s) with an expected goal in mind. That includes all the decisions of a state to act, or not to act in the global system (Bojang 2018). China’s foreign policy is influenced by its rapid economic growth and its desire to become a global power which has heightened its dependence on energy resources, most especially, oil (Zeigler, 2006). Consequently, China’s foreign policy has five primary objectives that it seeks to achieve, and they include promoting economic development, providing security, addressing obstacles, diversifying access to natural resources, and reducing Taiwan’s international space (Medeiros, 2022). The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is responsible for making China’s foreign policy based on three principles which are “All-round diplomacy”, “Peace and Development”, and a “Harmonious World” (Medeiros, 2022). The “All-round diplomacy” principle of China’s current foreign policy presents a major shift from its “lean-on-one-side” foreign policy practised by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) right from its inception in 1949 to 1954 and the “semi-isolation” foreign policy from 1958 to 1970 (Dreyer, 2007). In the “all-around diplomacy” aspect of China’s foreign policy, the PRC in a quest to protect its national interest in the form of sovereignty, development, and respect, strives to adopt all modes of international relations (bilateral, multilateral, and regional) across several spheres including economics in all developed and developing nations in regions (Medeiros, 2022). China’s “One- Belt-One-Road” (BRI) initiative launched by PRC President, Xi Jinping in 2013 is a clear University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 13 indication of this. The main aim of the BRI is to economically integrate Asia, Europe, and Africa through infrastructure, trade, and investment (Hofman, 2015). In terms of “peace and development”, PRC’s foreign economic policy is guided by the principle that limiting threats such as counterterrorism, transnational disputes, and transnational challenges to China’s neighbouring countries such as Russia, East Asia, Southeast Asia, and Central Asia that would cause China to divert national resources away from economic development is key (Medeiros, 2022:51). For instance, China protected Myanmar which is China’s largest neighbour from international sanctions from the UN sanctions following its military coup in 2021 as China thought that would only exacerbate the situation in the region although several backlashes have been levelled against China for supporting such military rule and siding with the coup initiators (McLaughlin, 2021; McFarland and Scobell, 2021; Rasheed, 2021). Finally, a “harmonious world” as a guiding principle of the PRC foreign economic policy envisages nations acting in ways that regard the national sovereignty of states, permit the heterogeneity of national political systems and values, and foster national development through the fair distribution of economic gains. For instance, China has responded to the Russian attacks on Ukraine by advocating for a ceasefire, promoting peace talks, and providing humanitarian aid to Ukraine and has also desisted from condemning Russia due to the notion that condemnation would not be able to solve such a problem (Greene, 2022). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 14 1.8.2 China-Africa Relations The post-Cold War period, which witnessed the U.S., France, and the UK as the only foreign powers to have significant interests in Sub-Saharan Africa ended following China’s increasing interactions with Africa since the early 1990s leading to significant economic, political, and domestic outcomes. Pan (2018) asserts that China’s involvement with developing countries was to build an alliance strong enough to withstand Western intimidations (thereby preventing the U.S.A from becoming a global hegemon) which was a result of the sanctions imposed on China by the European Union (EU) and the US after the Tiananmen protests in June 1989 in Beijing coupled with the Western’s constant opposition to China’s human right report. Africa contributed massively toward China’s foreign policy transformation because of the domestic and external pressures on Africa to democratize especially after China assured Africa that, Western demands for democracy and human rights compliance were disguised imperialistic strategies intended to meddle in the domestic affairs of developing governments and undermine their stability and overall progress (Pan, 2018). Subsequently, China increased its investments in Africa from USD 210 million in 2000 to 3.17 billion in 2011, which further increased recently under the BRI initiative, making Africa a top recipient of its foreign aid (Cheng, 2019; Herbert, 2022). China undertook developmental projects in Africa with an estimated amount of $3 billion to address its health, water, and sanitation challenges, an instance being assisting Africa in to fight against the Ebola outbreak in 2014 in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea (Embassy news, 2014; Lin, et al. 2016). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 15 The economic/diplomatic relationship between Africa and China has been noticed in the debt relief and cancellation offers by China over the years ranging from the total cancellation of debt to the extension of debt payment and a reduction of debts. Following the outbreak of COVID-19, China has provided two different types of debt relief measures to 31 African countries, and they were the G20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI), and debt cancellation under the Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) (CARI, 2022). Moreover, increasing trade relation between China and Africa is the most significant feature of the China-Africa relationship considering China is Africa’s largest partner (Mureithi, 2022). The trade volume between China and Africa grew from $24 billion in 2004 to $32.17 billion in 2005 and finally to $254 billion in 2021 (Tull, 2009; Mureithi, 2022). This has led to the creation of institutions such as the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in 2000 and the Chinese African Chamber of commerce in Beijing. The main characteristic of this bilateral trade is the trade deficit caused by increasing Chinese exports to Africa and decreasing African exports to Asia. Nonetheless, some African countries including Rwanda, Ethiopia, and Kenya are attempting to counter the situation through innovative digital measures (Mureithi, 2022). China has increased its military relations with Africa. For instance, China opened a military hub in Djibouti in 2017 where China financed and built Africa’s largest port, a railway to Ethiopia, and the country’s first overseas naval (overseas strategic strongpoint) (Bearak, 2019). A further indication of China's dedication to preserving stability in African nations is the roughly 20 years it has spent taking part in multinational peacekeeping operations on the continent (Herbert, 2021). For instance, in 2003 the Chinese military sent engineering, transportation, and medical troops to University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 16 support the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. China dispatched its first army to the U.N. mission in Sudan in 2012 and Mali in 2013 (Herbert, 2022). Overall, China’s strategic engagement with Africa is noted by a lack of political conditionalities associated with China’s aid unlike that of the West which makes Chinese aid more beneficial to Africa than Western aid as the latter tends to focus on poverty reduction and improvement of human rights. As a result of their non-interference policy, Chinese firms are substantially risk- tolerant in giving large loans to Africa than the West. China focuses on specific sectors in Africa’s economy, particularly roads and this enables them to win tenders for oil and mining concessions (Tull, 2009; Bearak, 2019). There has been a wide range of criticism levelled against China-Africa relations as being a negative-sum game (where China is the only benefactor) and a form of exploitation of African countries by China (Hanauer and Morris, 2022; Gumede, 2021). 1.8.3 AU-Global Relations The African Union (AU), originally known as the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was officially launched in July 2002 in Durban, South Africa, after the member states decided to reorient the focus of the OAU towards increased cooperation and integration of African states to boost Africa’s growth and economic development. Currently, the AU is made up of 55 member states (AU 2022). In addition to the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) in Africa, the African Union (AU) interacts with other regional integration bodies across the globe (Saad 2018). Pinfari (2019) observes that the Afro-Arab cooperation, which encompasses significant dimensions of political, economic, social, and cultural interactions is one of the AU’s oldest global University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 17 relations. The first Africa-Arab Summit, held in Cairo, Egypt, in March 1977, marked the beginning of formal relations between Africa and the Arab World. In the estimation of Nwaezeigi (2021), the second summit held in Libya in 2010 was a remarkable one as it resulted in the adoption of the Africa–Arab Partnership Strategy, Joint Africa–Arab Action Plan 2011–2016, and a declaration summarising common positions on major regional and international issues. Hitherto, five Africa-Arab summits have been held so far with the most recent one held in 2019, in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Owing to this Africa-League of Arab States (LAS) relationship, Arab bilateral and multilateral aid agencies, like the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa (BADEA), provide economic, financial, and technical assistance to African countries (Ocweija 2019). Kotsopoulos and Mattheis (2018) write that the Africa-EU (European Union) Partnership was officially launched in 2000 at the maiden Africa-EU Summit in Cairo. It is facilitated by the Joint Africa-EU strategy, adopted in 2007 at the Lisbon, Portugal summit. The EU and AU schedule periodic meetings (usually every three years) to address global challenges as well as discuss political preeminence. The partnership seeks to enhance Africa and Europe integration by bolstering economic cooperation and ensuring sustainable development, with both continents co- existing in peace, security, democracy, prosperity, solidarity, and human dignity (Haastrup et al 2021). Staeger and Gwatiwa, (20 reviews this partnership functions across myriad echelons including Heads of State summits, ministerial meetings, Commission-to-Commission meetings, and other forums for civil society, the private sector, and parliamentarians are acknowledged in the work of Madu (2020). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 18 The first Africa-South America (ASA) Summit that took place in Abuja (Nigeria) from November 26 to 29, 2006 established the Africa-South America Cooperation Forum (ASACOF). The third and most recent summit of the ASACOF was held in February 2013 in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea. Cancilleria de Colombia, (2022) provide details on the significance of the Forum, which seeks to enhance mutual security and economic, socio-cultural, trade, political, and development across the two continents. Its fundamental structures include a coordination group, ad hoc committee, senior and high officials, ministerial meetings, and the Assembly. Cancilleria de Colombia, (2022). Similarly, The African Union Commission-United States of America High-level Dialog was established in 2013, the Tokyo International Conference on African Development was inaugurated in 1993, the African-Turkey partnership was formalized in 2008, the China-Africa Cooperation Forum (FOCAC), the Africa-India partnership formed in 2008, and the Africa-Korea Forum launched in 2006 all constitute AU-Global relations that seek to achieve political, socio-cultural, economic, military, and economic development in the respective regions. As a particular instance, the African Union Commission-United States of America High-level Dialog led to the adoption of the African Growth Opportunity Act (AGOA) which is a trade initiative that allows African countries to export duty-free goods to the U.S.A (AU, 2022). 1.8.4 Status of Regional Economic Integration in Africa Regional integration involves neighbouring sovereign states within a specific geographical location that have put measures in place to create regional blocs to enhance their rate of interaction across several spheres including economic, security, political, social, and cultural issues (Vickers, 2017). To promote regional integration in Africa, the member states in the AU have been sub- University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 19 divided into five main regions namely Central, East, North, Southern, and West Africa and within each of these regions, Regional Economic Communities RECs) or blocs have been created to coordinate their affairs (Vickers, 2017). Amidst these efforts, African regional integration is often characterized as wavering. Hailu (2014) asserts that the numerous RECs (such as the Southern African Development Community-SADC) formed in Africa, have failed to live up to their expectation of enhancing the economic conditions of the member states and ensuring sustainable growth and development. This is because most of the treaties, protocols, and decisions governing these RECs have not been effectively implemented due to the impractical period stipulated for their execution, as well as poor supervision owing to inadequate resources in terms of roads, rail, ports, air transport, energy, telecommunications, and other infrastructure which has slowed down regional integration. In addition, most African states have multiple group memberships with the RECs in the region which banes members' compliance to the protocols in one or more of the RECs they are members of due to the financial burdens associated with the fulfilment of their duties in all the RECs (Hailu, 2014). Analyzing regional integration in Africa based on the five stages of regional integration outlined by the economist, Professor Bela Belassa would indicate that, Africa is gearing towards the third stage of regional integration. According to Bela Belassa (1961), the five stages of regional integration are free-to-exchange area, customs union, common market, economic union, and economic and monetary union respectively (Andrei, 2012). Free Trade Area (FTA) is achieved when tariffs and quotas between the member states are eradicated, although each country maintains its tariffs against non-members (Salter, 2017). The Customs Union which is a build-up of the FTA University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 20 ensures that the members impose a common tariff on imports against non-state members (Salter, 2017). A common market is also a build-up of the first two stages and ensures that aside from tariffs and quotas all other barriers to trade such as monopoly and unhealthy competition are removed to ensure the free movement of goods, services, labour, and capital (Salter, 2017). These are what the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) building on the already existing RECs seek to achieve (Erasmus, 2021). According to the AU, the main objectives of the CFTA are to create a single continental market for goods and services, with free movement of business persons and investments, and thus pave the way for accelerating the establishment of the Customs Union. The AfCFTA was adopted in 2012 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, and commenced in January 2021 (Pasara, 2021). Studies have however shown that AfCFTA has not yielded significant impacts due to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic (Pasara, 2021). The fourth and fifth stages of regional economic integration are attained when the countries in an economic union get a common monetary system and policies (Hailu, 2014). Quadri (2022) among other scholars and researchers has highlighted the unending efforts of Africa to reach these stages even though all their efforts have proven futile. A typical example of this is the failure of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to adopt the “eco” currency it conceived in 2003 (Quadri, 2022). 1.9 Summary of Literature The lessons learnt from reviewing lie in the abundance of scholarly materials on China’s foreign policy; China-Africa Relations; AU-Global Relations; and the Status of Regional Economic University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 21 Integration in Africa. There exists a methodological gap in delimiting the relationship between China and Africa at the level of the Africa Union. This also raises several issues and gaps such as the AU’s integration drive, development mechanism, the endogenous approach to development and the political economy of Africa’s development. The identified gaps form the basis of this research, which is to examine, the implication of FOCAC in Africa’s regional Integration context by conducting a single case analysis of FOCAC and how it poses a threat to Africa’s economic integration. 1.10 Methodology Per the objectives of the study, the study adopted a qualitative methodology. Contrary to quantitative, qualitative studies are theoretical and interpretive in approach (Brennen 2017; Creswell 2007). Qualitative studies lead to the deconstruction of complex phenomena based on human experiences and experiences (Brennen 2017). As emphasised by one author, qualitative research is not “objective data to be quantified, but meaningful relations to be interpreted.” (Kvale, 1996 Pp: 11). To complement the p position of Kvale (1996), Creswell (2013) contends that qualitative studies are mainly concerned with examining, describing, and exploring meanings attached to social phenomenon other than pre-determined yardsticks that becomes the basis of measurement (Creswell 2013). 1.10.1 Research Design Research designs are the master plans within which the entire research and its methodologies are situated (Zikmund & Babin, 2007). According to Creswell (2013), research designs are crafted to suit the philosophies of the researchers, the research questions, the objectives, the problem University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 22 statement and the overall rationale of the study. The suitable research design is a case study. A case study is a special and intensive study of a single group, incident, and community (Harrison & Callen, 2013). The case study fits very well in understanding FOCAC and African integration because it engages multiple data sources that explore and explains the phenomenon under study. 1.10.2 Sampling Technique and Size According to Boateng (2014), the sampling methodology encompasses the methodologies employed to effectively choose a sample from the population being studied. Lindelof and Taylor (2017) claim that employing a sampling method aids academics and researchers in ascertaining the appropriate sample size for a study and in justifying the selection of participants under investigation. Lindlof and Taylor (2017) assert that researchers can benefit significantly from employing a sample strategy, as it effectively minimises the probability of losing valuable time and resources. Considering the nature of the inquiry, the methodology of purposive sampling will be employed. Green and Thorogood (2014) argue that the utilisation of purposive sampling allows researchers to selectively choose respondents or participants that exhibit a diverse array of behaviours, knowledge, or experiences that are pertinent to gaining a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomena under investigation. In contrast to convenience sampling, which allows for the selection of respondents based on their availability, purposive sampling involves intentionally selecting respondents who possess specific characteristics or expert knowledge relevant to the study's objective (Kumekpor, 2002; Wimmer & Dominick, 2006). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 23 A sample refers to a subset of individuals within the population being investigated (Banerjee et al., 2007; Sekeran, 2000). In the qualitative study conducted by Smith et al. (2009), participants were selected from a range of three to sixteen individuals. In contrast, a more recent study conducted by Mason (2010) revealed that achieving saturation can be accomplished with a sample size ranging from 5 to 50. In accordance with the specified criteria, a total of four individuals were selected as respondents or participants for the present research. The utilisation of a sample size within a specific range facilitated the formation of cross-case generalisations, preventing the researcher from being overwhelmed by excessive data. Moreover, this approach enabled the identification of individual participants within the sample, rather than treating them as indistinguishable entities within a larger collective (Robinson & Smith, 2010). The study selected 4 participants from three distinct groups: individuals affiliated with the 2 Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration (MFA&RI), and 2 lecturers from the University of Ghana. 1.10.4 Sources of data The sources of data for this research are two – primary and secondary data sources. Primary data are that information collected from the field which happens to be in its original character. Kothari mentions that there are several methods of collecting primary data and these include the observation method, interview method and questionnaires, among others (Kothari, 2004). Experts on the subject of FOCAC and integration on the African continent from Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration (MFA&RI), and lecturers at the University of Ghana were contacted to collect primary data. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 24 Secondary data were also employed in this study which involved already existing literature sourced from books, journal, articles, official reports of the FOCAC, China and Africa (Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), African Union's Agenda 2063, African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), China-Africa Development Fund (CADFund), China-Africa Industrial Capacity Cooperation Fund). and other publications by scholars in the field of politics and integration were retrieved from the internet as well as the Legon Centre for International Affairs and Diplomacy (LECIAD) library and the Balme Library. 1.10.5 Data Collection Techniques The researchers utilised semi-structured interviews as a means of gathering data from the chosen participants. Semi-structured interviews involve the researcher providing a general framework of subject areas to be addressed but allowing the participants' responses to shape the trajectory of the interview. The utilisation of a semi-structured interview methodology offers a framework that enables the acquisition of precise and comparable qualitative data, which may then be subjected to analysis (Stuckey, 2013). The data collection process involved utilising an interview guide that consisted of a series of structured open-ended questions. The duration of each interview ranged from 30 to 45 minutes. 1.10.6 Data Analysis In this study, thematic analysis was employed as a tool for analysing data. Thematic analysis is “an interpretive process where data is systematically searched to identify patterns within the data to provide an illuminating description of the phenomenon” (Firth 2011, pg.3) For the interview, the audio was transcribed into text to make the identification of themes and codes easier. The University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 25 researcher then read through the transcribed text thoroughly and took note of key issues raised by the interview participants. Reoccurring themes and patterns were identified. 1.10.6 Ethical Considerations According to Wallace and Sheldon (2015), ethics is argued to be procedural elements regarding merits and integrity, justice, beneficence, and respect with an emphasis on truly informed consent to mitigate against any form of risk in doing research. This ethical consideration was implemented through the consent of the respondents who noted the purpose of the study and the option to remain anonymous to mitigate against risk throughout the research. Moreso, information from participants were duly protected confidentially. 1.11 Arrangement of Chapters This study is structured into four main chapters. Chapter one: constitutes the Introduction Chapter two: is a discussion on China-African Relations; Chapter three: An analysis of FOCAC’s place in Africa’s Regional Integration drive; Chapter four is: a summary of findings, conclusion, and recommendations. REFERENCES Aboagye, F. 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University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh https://african.business/2021/11/trade-investment/what-can-africa-expect-from-focac-2021/ https://african.business/2021/11/trade-investment/what-can-africa-expect-from-focac-2021/ 31 Zartman, W. (ed) (1995): Collapsed States, the Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority, Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner. Zeigler, C. E. (2006). The Energy Factor in China’s Foreign Policy. Journal of Chinese Political Science. Retrieved on 3/08/22. Zweig, D., & Jianhai, B. (2005). China's Global Hunt for Energy. Foreign Affairs, 84(5), 25. DOI: 10.2307/20031703 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 32 CHAPTER TWO THE RISE OF CHINA TO GLOBAL ACCLAIM 2.0 Introduction This chapter recounts the rise of China immediately after the severities of the Cold War to global acclaim, becoming the chosen international development partner to the developing world. The chapter begins with the major events such as World War II, the establishment of the Bretton Woods institutions and the heralding of US global hegemony, the Chinese emergence, and its foreign and economic policies. The chapter concludes with China’s international cooperation with the developing world. 2.1 Before China, How was it? Before the outbreak of World War II, that is, in the late 19th century and early 20th century, international monetary affairs were poorly coordinated. As the world's financial centre, London was crucial to the servicing of international debts due to the widespread use of the gold standard in international commerce. The "gold standard" was temporarily abandoned as World War II loomed, but it was revised and returned to the international economic system about mid-decade of the 1920s. It ultimately failed in the early 1930s (Sargent, 2013). The Great Depression, an economic crisis that lasted from 1929 to 1941 and is now remembered as the biggest and longest economic crisis ever faced worldwide because of its effects on international commerce, was primarily to blame for the demise of the gold standard (Segal, 2022). In part, the presence of high tariffs within the global economic system contributed to the large drop in global commerce. In 1934, President Franklin D. Roosevelt of the United States passed the University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 33 Reciprocal Trade Agreement Act (RTAA), which gave the President the legal basis to negotiate reciprocal, bilateral trade agreements with other countries and liberalize American trade policy around the world, leading to the reduction of the problem of unnecessary tariffs across the global economic community (Hiscox, 1999). The further decline of international trade because of the start of the second World War, as well as the growing need for sustainable international regimes to expedite and coordinate economic stability and growth, prevent competitive devaluations and advance exchange rate stability, cut short this bold quest initiated by the United States of America as a solution in revitalizing the global economy at the time (Federal Reserve History, 2013). From 1942 to 1944, several multilateral and bilateral meetings of "allied financial professionals" took place to settle on a unified plan to improve and enhance the global economy (U.S. Department of State Archive, 2009). The leaders of the "Allies" released the "Joint Statement by Experts on the Establishment of an International Monetary Fund" on April 21, 1944, which served as the foundation for the Bretton Woods agreement on July 1, 1944. (U.S. Department of State Archive, 2009). The Bretton Woods agreement was reached at a summit in 1944 in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, attended by representatives from all 44 countries that had fought on the Allies' side during World War 2. (Amadeo, 2022). The popular gold standard of the period was replaced with the U.S. dollar as the worldwide currency. By granting the United States the only authority to create new dollars, the new international monetary system helped cement the United States' position as the world's preeminent power. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 34 The 730 delegates from the 44 allied nations decided to establish two new organizations collectively referred to as the "Bretton Woods Institutions" after crucial talks and several significant ideas, notably by the central planners such as John Maynard Keynes and Harry Dexter White (Federal Reserve History, 2013). The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (formerly known as the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, or IBRD) were two of the Bretton Woods Institutions (Federal Reserve History, 2013). In 1984, the United States enacted the Marshall Plan, a four-year strategy developed by then- Secretary of State George C. Marshall to rebuild cities and infrastructure severely damaged during World War II, increase international trade, eliminate trade barriers, and stop the spread of communism in Europe as an extension of the Bretton Woods Institutions. The Soviet Union saw these U.S. initiatives as threatening because of the harm they did to the Soviet Union's efforts to expand communism across Eastern and Central Europe (Nau, 2011). The United States of America, as the world's preeminent superpower, and its allies launched an ideological war with the Soviet Union to stop its European expansionist ideology and the spread of dictatorship and communism across Europe to promote global political stability through capitalism and democracy (Asare, 2018). Ultimately, it was this effort that sparked the onset of the Cold War. With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent end of the Cold War in 1991, Soviet influence over Eastern Europe waned substantially. Consequently, the Cold War had a significant effect on the global economy. The Washington Consensus of 1989, which reflected the influence of the U.S. Treasury, the World Bank, and the University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 35 International Monetary Fund, was embraced by a large majority of most western allies of the USA to preempt the economic crisis, and this further solidified and influenced global economic and political developments in favour of the United States considering that these organizations were created under the leadership of the United States (Eichengreen, 2002). The fact that these institutions were also adopted by many emerging economies, particularly those in Africa and Latin America to the point of being forced upon these emerging states as a prerequisite for debt relief and financial support, further solidified the United States' position as the global hegemon (Williamson, 1989). Furthermore, the United States of America's donations and assistance to underdeveloped countries through organizations like USAID have solidified the country's status as a worldwide hegemon (Schmelzer, 2014). 2.2 The Changing Landscape Changes in global development financing have been prompted by the cyclic character of international development (Ayers 2013). African government leadership has a wide range of modalities, conditions, and possibilities, including US-Africa, UK-Africa, Russia-Africa, Japan- Africa, China-Africa, Korea-Africa, and India-Africa. Other than the conventional donors, these alternatives are open to African countries. The labour markets in East and South Asia, whose affordable production methods have turned East Asia into an industrial powerhouse and caused a seismic change in its fundamental economic set-up, can be said to have disturbed the centres of world production. the beneficial industry, automotive, agricultural, and technological disruptions. Many people have referred to the transformation in East Asia as the most violent in modern economic governance (Scoones et al 2016). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 36 High expectations emerged in the post-Cold War era, which positioned the US as a global hegemon responsible for providing public goods. Many academics did hold out great hope, identifying capitalism as the perfect system. These forecasts were made under the auspices of US “superpowers” and unipolarity after communism was shown as an antiquated theory. Several hypotheses have evolved after the end of the Cold War to deify American unipolarity. International relations in the second half of the 20th century were dominated by the five decades (1948–1990) that preceded the end of the global ideological split, where the globe melted into a paroxysm of ideological violence pitting capitalism against socialism/Marxism. According to many academics, the Cold War put an end to international ideological conflicts. Francis Fukuyama (1989), whose authoritative thesis has been disturbed by the advent of new world powers or emerging powers, is frequently cited: “What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War or the passing of a particular period of postwar history, but the end of history as such: that is, the endpoint of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government. This is not to say that there will no longer be events to fill the pages of Foreign Affairs' yearly summaries of international relations, for the victory of liberalism, has occurred primarily in the realm of ideas or consciousness and is as yet incomplete in the real or material world. But there are powerful reasons for believing that it is the ideal that will govern the material world in the long”. (Fukuyama, 1989) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 37 The 1990s was an era of liberalism, ‘Americanization’, and the export and diffusion of American culture in distant lands. Backed by its security policies through its military commands and Bretton Woods institutions as its financial backbone, the American empire was on the rise (see Hall, 2003; Mabee, 2004). In addition to the hard power of security (offensive and defensive) as deployed in Afghanistan and Iraq in the 1990s and early 2000s and the backlash it received, it went on a public relations campaign to repair its image and position itself as a global hegemony in early days of the new millennium (see Nye, 2004). These nations, which are quickly industrializing and aiming for more influence on the global stage, pose a threat to traditional donors. These countries not only provide new sources of funding for developing nations, but they also put old donors under "competitive pressure," according to Woods (2008). Ayers (2013) described it as the "new scramble for Africa." “This ‘new scramble’ marks the latest chapter of imperialist engagement, with not only Western states and corporations but also those of ‘emerging economies seeking to consolidate their access to African resources and markets. The ‘new scramble for Africa’ involves therefore significant transformations related to shifts in global politico-economic power (Pp. 2).” The rise of non-Western powers and the expansion of economic and security interdependence, according to one distinct perspective on the evolving international order, are generating new pressures and constituencies in favour of liberal international order, regardless of whether the University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 38 United States is in decline or not (Acharya, 2017). Changes in the global financial architecture have provided developing nations with a better policy environment in which to grow their economies. This change symbolizes the passing of the Washington Consensus and the beginning of the Beijing Consensus in many developing nations. China's continued support and contributions to developing economies around the world through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative in Africa, the provision of loans through the Exim Bank of China to developing or emerging economies, and the FOCAC (Focus on China-Africa Cooperation) initiative have all contributed to China's rise to global hegemony. 2.3 China’s Rise China is the most powerful emerging global power, with the greatest labour force in modern industrial history, consistent economic development, and the second-highest GDP in the world behind the US at $14 trillion (Ayittey et al 2020). It is currently rated second globally in terms of defence spending and the procurement of military hardware, and its military assets are significantly expanding. The Chinese have expanded their military as part of a complex national defence strategy that aims to ensure that the Asian superpower can complete its place as the regional hegemonic power in Asia while also being adequate in economic matters. China's national security strategy includes four interconnected spheres in line with its overall development: national strategic goals, foreign policy, defence policy, strategic research, analysis, and intelligence. According to (Swaine, 1998), military participation is a major theme in each of the four policy sub-arenas. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 39 China has reason to increase its influence across the Asian peninsula as a regional power. The US has taken notice of this overstretch. Due to the presence of natural gas and oil reserves in the area, the South China Sea has become a point of contention between China and other Asian nations. According to various historical accounts, China views the region as a strategic national area and an extension of its sovereignty. Geographically separated from the region, the United States asserts that its interest in the region is to uphold international peace and security. By deploying air and naval ships, the military has already demonstrated some audacity and power. It is not out of the question to refer to the South China Sea as another theatre of a conflict between two superpowers, with oil and natural gas as the common denominator. Because China was a middle power, like any other state that was doing economically well, not much attention had been paid to it in its early stages of economic development. Few people in academia and the world of policy anticipated this all-encompassing economic eruption. When Den Xiaoping initiated the country's progressive opening up and tempered the nation's cherished corporate principles with neoliberal concepts, the reconstruction process got underway in the early 1970s. In what David Harvey refers to as "Neoliberalism with Chinese elements," corporatism's values converged with state capitalism (Harvey, 2007). To argue that the West had spearheaded capitalist expansionism in Asia and that China had greatly benefited from Western innovative management approaches in industrialisation and technology is accurate. The expansion of international commerce, Chinese protectionism, and discontent with globalization (Stiglitz, 2002) have propelled China into an economic powerhouse and a clear University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 40 contender for the title of global economic hegemon, challenging the dominance of the US and other superpowers. China's economic ideology of utilizing its national and international resources for development found declared expression in its foreign policy of peaceful ascent and development, led by its Prime Minister Jiang Zemin. The Belt and Road programs and loose development finance are the cornerstones of China's growth strategy. China uses the belt and road as a means of supplying durable infrastructures, such as roads, ports, and factories, to emerging regions. For the most part, China has found success with this strategy in various African nations. To provide and assist projects in Africa, the Chinese Investment Bank is challenging the Bretton Woods, which has long enjoyed a monopoly in this area. Instead of using the IMF, many African nations have looked for alternatives to this financial organization. Additionally, the Bretton Woods has stopped providing medium-to long-term finance to African countries that have repeatedly shown a lack of ability to manage donor funding. China's "hide and bide" era is over, and its growing ambition to become a global hegemon is on full display in the foreign policy goals and priorities laid forth at the 19th Party Congress. According to Xi Jinping's report to Congress, China has entered a "new epoch" and will be a cooperative, crucial participant that serves as a model for other emerging nations and is a big economic power (Swaine, 2018). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 41 In the early 2000s, China shifted its perspective from treating economic diplomacy as separate from foreign policy (Medeiros 2009). As stated by the World Bank, Chinese economic diplomacy "focuses on securing resources, developing export prospects, and reinforcing China's soft power to accomplish China's economic growth through trade, investment, and finance policies" (Wang, 2004 as cited in Chaziza, 2019). Asongu and Aminkeng (2018) argue that the economic rewards of exchanging ideas and cooperating have become the primary motivation for modern diplomacy. Consequently, every emerging power that wants to compete in the worldwide market must work with the governments of foreign nations to guarantee the safety of its enterprises in the future. The acquisition of natural resources and new markets for local businesses is presently dominating Chinese diplomacy. Energy security is a priority for China in its foreign policy. As a result, China has actively pursued trade opportunities abroad in both large and small countries. Cooperation in China covers a wide range of activities, from trading partners to shared financial resources. It also includes state and military diplomacy and any other policy that helps China acquire access to resources, markets, funding, technology, and skilled labour (Heath, 2016). To put China's economic diplomacy in context, President Xi Jinping has made reclaiming Beijing's purportedly lost national dignity a top priority (China Daily, 2017 as cited in Chaziza, 2019). According to this theory, diplomatic and economic goals and objectives can be mutually supportive of one another. To that end, economic diplomacy is flexible in its goals and tools, so it can be adapted to China's specific conditions (Heath, 2016). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 42 2.4 The Beijing Consensus China's development model provided the push for the creation of the Beijing consensus. While the Washington agreement has the backing of the principles that nations seeking loans and assistance from the Bretton Woods Institutions are required to adhere to, the Beijing consensus does not. In contrast to the Washington Consensus, the Beijing Consensus does not promote globally applicable norms and standards. China is committed to the peaceful coexistence of different viewpoints because of its multipolarity. The most apparent result of acknowledging this is to cast doubt on the universality of one's policy, especially in interactions with emerging nations (Robel, 2010). Instead of copying what appears to have succeeded in another country, China requires that all nations create their unique approaches, policies, and institutions. The phrase "Beijing consensus" was first used by Joshua Cooper Ramo, who wrote, "The Beijing Consensus" in 2004 with the "ambitious objective to undermine the famed notion of the Washington Consensus" (Huang, 2011). His book offered an alternative to the Washington Consensus, an economic policy for post-World War II America that prioritized free markets, economic openness, and a reformed financial system to promote growth at home and abroad (Huang, 2011). Because of the expanding energy crisis and debt problems in emerging nations, the United States followed these economic principles throughout the Cold War with dismay. China's Beijing Consensus emphasizes non-interference in domestic affairs and promotes sovereign integrity, in contrast to the United States Washington Consensus, which urges African nations to rein in their macroeconomic policy and public spending and pledges to transparency, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 43 accountability, and the holding of democratic and competitive elections (Shelton, 2012). According to Abdoulaye Wade (2008) asserts, “Africa can learn much from the Chinese model for rapid economic development. For the first time in history, China has provided direct aid, credit lines and acceptable contracts to African countries to help them build a wide range of infrastructure projects quickly. Economic progress in many African countries, including Senegal, has benefited from infrastructure improvements. I don't know how to put this nicely... As if Africa were naive enough to think it could simply offload its precious resources at discount prices to obtain a commitment for yet another stadium or state house, some donor organisations in the west dismiss trade deals between Chinese banks and African states, which produce these crucial improvements. ..... With the World Bank, I've discovered that an arrangement that would take five years to discuss, negotiate, and to sign can be completed in three months with Chinese officials. You can count on my support as a fervent believer in the rule of law and sound governance. If we can't act quickly because of bureaucracy and unnecessary red tape, then African leaders are responsible for looking for more expeditious alternatives.” (Condon, 2012 quoted in Jarso, 2018:5) The "civilizing mission" and traditional partners represented by the "Washington Consensus" were rejected by many Africans because they were seen as an imposition. The Washington Consensus is characterized by conditionality, protracted loan negotiations, and bureaucratic nature, all of which have forced certain African governments to explain their tilt away from old friends toward University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 44 China. China's readiness to supply African countries with alternative loans is a contributing factor to the continent's rising standard of living. The rising volume of trade between Africa and China is an excellent indicator of the shift in economic connections that have taken place between several African countries in recent decades. The value of trade between China and Africa increased by 700 per cent between 1995 and 2007, from $32 billion to $55 billion. Rapid expansion like this pointed to the establishment of extensive commercial ties between China and African countries (Roy, 2014 cited in Jarso, 2018). In terms of trade volume, China is now Africa's most significant partner, surpassing the United States in 2009. Over the past decade, Chinese exports to Africa have increased dramatically. In 2012, US$198.49 billion was exchanged between China and Africa, rising 19.3 per cent over 2011. New highs were reached in China's exports to Africa, China's imports from Africa, and the overall quantity of trade between China and Africa (China African Policy white paper, 2012 as cited in Jarso, 2018). China-African commerce was worth US$192 billion in 2019 but declined to US$176 billion in 2020 due to supply chain disruption caused by COVID-19. In 2020, South Africa, Angola, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo will be China's top three import sources. Many Chinese goods were sent to Nigeria, South Africa, and Egypt (China Africa Research Initiative, 2022). As was said before, the economic relationship between China and Africa has blossomed since the 1990s. For example, the value of trade between China and Africa is projected to rise to $176 billion in 2020, from just $10 billion in 2000. (2020; China-Africa Research Initiative). By 2020, C