University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh UNIVERSITY OF GHANA An Archaeological Investigation of Larteh Amanfu (Amanfro). By APPIAH ALBERT LARBI (10523508) THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY (MPHIL) IN ARCHAEOLOGY DEGREE. SEPTEMBER, 2021. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DECLARATION This is to certify that, with the exception of the identified sources of references with which I have duly acknowledged, this research was entirely undertaken by me, Appiah Albert Larbi, under the supervision of Professor James Boachie-Ansah and Professor Kwabena Akurang-Parry and has not been submitted to this university or any other university for the award of a degree. Appiah Albert Larbi (10523508) …2…8…/0…9…/2…0…21… STUDENT NAME AND ID NUMBER SIGNED DATE CERTIFIED BY: 28/09/2021 Prof. James Boachie-Ansah (SUPERVISOR’S NAME) SIGNED DATE 28/09/2021 Prof. Kwabena Akurang-Parry (CO-SUPERVISOR’S NAME) SIGNED DATE i University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ABSTRACT The geographical area of Akuapem has witnessed a spate of historical, sociological and archaeological investigations in the past. However, there is a cloying silence on the discourse of archaeology in the Larteh area. Thus, the history of Larteh from an archaeological perspective is limited. This archaeological investigation was carried out at Larteh Amanfu, the ancient settlement quarter of present-day Larteh people, to throw more light on the history as well as past socio- economic and cultural lifeways of the people of Larteh. A synergic relationship was established among the archaeological data, ethno-historical account, ethnographic data, and documentary records. This provided holistic account of the lifeways of the inhabitants of the site. Additionally, the study sought to establish cultural affinities, chronology of the site, economic, political and socio-cultural transformations that had occurred at Larteh as a result of their interactions with other communities. Both the “Object-Centered Approach” and the “Object-Driven Approach” to studying material culture as espoused by Bernard L. Herman served as the theory that guided the interpretation of the finds. The study revealed that Larteh Amanfu was a multi-purpose settlement. That is, it served as both a market centre and the home of the ancestors of present-day Larteh people. Also, the study revealed that Amanfu was an organized society with structured leadership systems, and social stratification. This study highlights the subsistence strategies, religious worldview, medicinal practices, and body adornments of the occupants of the site. Furthermore, the study shed light on trade relations with the Dangme people of Krobo and Shai, as well as Larteh’s relationship with other neighboring Akuapem towns, Akyem and Akwamu. This study has revealed that the inhabitants of Larteh Amanfu obtained their food from both wild and domesticated species. The study revealed that Larteh’s interaction with other nearby towns ii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh had accounted for some changes in their political administration exemplified by Akan Chieftaincy institution at Larteh as opposed to the pre-existing Guan priestly leadership. Also, the celebration of the Odwira festival is a signifier of Larteh’s borrowing of Akan worldview, chieftaincy, and eschatology. Continuity was observed in the archaeological record. This is based on the fact that cultural materials, such as, potsherds, metals, bones, mollusc shells, and stone tools (nyame akuma and a quern) were recovered from all the three layers of the excavated trench. Similarly, most vessels forms, dominant decorative motifs, and surface treatment of the sherds (burnished, unburnished, and smudged sherds) were present in all the three layers of the excavated trench. I showed that continuity exists between the archaeological record and the ethnographic present. The continuous use of grinding stones and pottery in Larteh indicates no break with the past. Equally significant is the fact that the Larteh people still go to the forest groves at Amanfu to perform various rites during Odwira and Ohum festivals. They also farm at the Amanfu site as they had done. iii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my parents, Mr. Daniel Kwasi Appiah and Madam Lucy Asabea, as well my siblings, namely, Daniel Appiah, Emily Mankosa Appiah, Winnifred Odeisi. Appiah, Solomon Awuah Appiah, and Mark Martin Akoto Appiah. iv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ACKNOWLEGEMENTS I am indebted to all those who supported me in many ways to ensure the completion of this M.Phil thesis. First of all, glory goes to Jehovah God for seeing me through in the course of this study. I am grateful to my supervisors, Professor James Boachie-Ansah and Professor Kwabena Akurang- Parry. Both encouraged me and stimulated my interest in the subject matter of the study. I thank my parents, Mr. Daniel Kwasi Appiah and Madam Lucy Asabea. I am also grateful to my siblings for both their moral and financial support. I also offer my deepest gratitude to the chiefs and elders of both Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease who gave me rich insight into the subject matter at hand. I thank my respondents at Larteh who furnished me with information during my field research. I also appreciate faculty of the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies. I thank Dr. Fritz Biveridge (Head of Department) for allowing me to use the department’s vehicle in the course of the research. I thank Mrs. Christiana Wulty, Mrs. Maggreta Osei, Dr. (Mrs.) Gertrude Aba Mansa Eyifa Dzidzienyo, Mrs. Victoria Twum Aryee, Dr. David Akwasi Mensah Abrampah, Mr. Daniel Kumah, Mr. Edward Adum Nyarko, and Mr. Samuel Gyam, all teaching staff of the Department of Archaeology and Heritage studies, University of Ghana for their financial support which aided me to undertake my archaeological field work. My gratitude goes to Mr. Stephen Nsiah, Mr. Mark Seyram Amenyo-Xa, Mr. Isah Ishaq Ishaq, Miss Portia Ama Bansa, Mr. Julius Debrah, and Mrs. Beatrice Owusu for their financial assistance. Likewise, I am grateful to my field assistants, Mr. Gideon Agyare (Senior Laboratory Technician of the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, University of Ghana), Kelvin Asare (a colleague MPhil Student), Kenny Peter Tetteh, Caleb Nyanor, and Gerrard Ganyo who volunteered to help me during my fieldwork at Larteh Amanfu. I am also grateful to Mr. Alex Amponsah, Librarian at the Archaeology Department for v University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the help he offered me anytime I requested a book from the library. Mr. Bossman M. Murey deserved to be acknowledged for analyzing the recovered faunal remains. I am also indebted to Mr. Ernest Kwadzo Fiador and Miss Esther Nana Yaa Boateng for their support. My friends, Robert Hammond and Benjamin Siaw also deserved to be acknowledged for their care and support. vi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table of Contents DECLARATION……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………i ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ii DEDICATION……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..iv ACKNWOLEDGEMENTS…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. v TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..vii LIST OF FIGURES/ MAPS……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………xii LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………xiv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….xv CHAPTER ONE……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..1 Introduction and Background Information to the Study………………………………………………………………………1 1.0. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….1 1.1 Background to the Study………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..1 1.2. Geography of the study area………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 1.2.1. Climate of the Study Area…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..4 1.2.2. Vegetation of the Study Area…………………………………………………………………………………………………….4 1.2.3. Relief and Drainage of the Study Area………………………………………………………………….……………………5 1.2.4. Geology of the Study Area…………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 1.3 Research Problem and Justification………………………………………………………………………………………..……..6 1.4. Research Aim………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..9 1.5. Research Objectives……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……. 9 1.6. Research Questions……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……..9 1.7. Research Methodology………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……10 1.7.1Pre-Fieldwork Activities……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 10 1.7.2. Fieldwork…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………11 1.7.3. Post-Fieldwork Activities………………………………………………………………………………………………………….12 1.8. Interpretative Framework of the Research………………………………………………………………………………… 13 1.9. Challenges Encountered…………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 18 1.10. Significance of the Study…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..18 vii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.11. Organization of the Study………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 19 CHAPTER TWO………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 20 A Brief Historical Background of Larteh Akuapem and Its Coterminous Neighbours…………………………..20 2.0. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 20 2.1. The Akuapem Area……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 20 2.2. Akuapem and Its Neighbours……………………………………………………………………………………………………….21 2.2.1. Akuapem and the Dangme Shai and Krobo………………………………………………………………………………. 22 2.2.2. The People of Akuapem and the Akan (Akyem and Akwamu)…………………………………………………...24 2.3. Extant Archaeological Works in the Akuapem Area……………………………………………………………………..26 2.4. Extant Archaeological Works in Larteh……………………………………………………………………………………….. 36 CHAPTER THREE………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 40 The Ethnographic and Archaeological Research at the Study Area………………………………………………………40 3.0. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 40 3.1. The Ethnographic Research at Larteh……………………………………………………………………………………………40 3.1.1. The Origins of the People of Larteh Akuapem……………………………………………………………………………41 3.1.2. Political Organization of the Larteh People………………………………………………………………………………..48 3.1.3. Settlement Behaviour of the People of Larteh…………………………………………………………………………. 50 3.1.4. Discard Behaviour of Larteh People………………………………………………………………………………………..…53 3.1.5. Occupation and Food ways of the People of Larteh…………………………………………………………………. 54 3.1.6. Religious Practices at Larteh…………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 55 3.1.7. Costumes and Body Adornments of the People of Larteh………………………………………………………… 57 3.1.8. Festivals Celebrated by the People of Larteh……………………………………………………………………………. 60 3.1.9. Metalworking at Larteh……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 62 3.1.10. The Use of Pottery at Larteh………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 63 3.1.11. The Use of Grinding Stones at Larteh…………………………………………………………………………………….. 64 3.1.12. The Use of Smoking Pipes at Larteh……………………………………………………………………………………….. 65 3.2. Archaeological Procedures Used at Larteh Amanfu……………………………………………………………………. 66 3.2.1. Archaeological Survey at Larteh Amanfu…………………………………………………………………………………. 66 3.2.2. The Archaeological Excavation at Larteh Amanfu……………………………………………………………………. 71 viii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.2.3. Excavation Method Used at Larteh Amanfu…………………………………………………………………………. 73 3.2.4. Natural Stratigraphic Layers…………………………………………………………………………………………………. 76 3.2.5. Post-field Analysis………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….80 CHAPTER FOUR ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 83 4.0. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..83 4.1. The Finds………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….83 4.2. Analyses of Local Pottery Recovered from Larteh Amanfu……………………………………………………… 84 4.2.1. Surface Finish Characteristics (Surface Treatment and Decorative Motifs)…………………………... 85 4.2.1.1. Surface Treatment…………………………………………………………………………………………………………… .85 4.2.1.2. Decorative Motifs on Pottery Recovered from Larteh Amanfu…………………………………………. 87 4.2.2. Pottery Fabric Characteristics (Temper and Texture)………………………………………………………….. 98 4.2.3. Vessel Parts Identified at Larteh Amanfu.……………………………………………………………………….... 100 4.2.4. Vessel Forms……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 102 4.2.4.1. Jar Forms from Larteh Amanfu……………………………………………………………………………………… 102 4.2.4.1.1. Jar Form 1…………………………………………………………………………………………………..……………… 102 4.2.4.1.2. Jar Form 2…………………………………………………………………………………………………….................104 4.2.4.1.3. Jar Form 3…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 107 4.2.4.1.4. Jar Form 4………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 108 4.2.4.1.5. Jar Form 5………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 110 4.2.4.1.6. Jar Form 6………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 111 4.2.4.1.7. Jar Form 7………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 112 4.2.4.1.8. Jar Form 8…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 113 4.2.4.2. Bowl Forms from Larteh Amanfu………………………………………………………………………………….. 114 4.2.4.2.1. Bowl Form 1……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….114 4.2.4.2.1(i). Bowl Form 1 'Type Ai'……………………………………………………………………………………………. 115 4.2.4.2.1(ii). Bowl Form 1 'Type Aii'………………………………………………………………………………………….. 116 4.2.4.2.1(iii). Bowl Form 1 'Type B'…………………………………………………………………………………………….118 4.2.4.2.1(iv). Bowl Form 1 'Type C'…………………………………………………………………………………………… 119 4.2.4.2.2. Bowl Form 2…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 120 ix University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.2.3. Bowl Form 3……………………………………………………………………………………………………….… 121 4.2.4.2.4. Bowl Form 4…………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 122 4.2.4.2.5. Bowl Form 5………………………………………………………………………………………………………….124 4.2.4.2.6. Bowl Form 6…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..124 4.2.4.2.7. Bowl Form 7…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..125 4.2.4.2.8. Bowl Form 8…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..127 4.2.4.2.8(i). Bowl Form 8 'Type A'………………………………………………………………………………………….128 4.2.4.2.8(ii). Bowl Form 8 'Type B'……………………………………………………………………………….………..129 4.2.4.2.9. Bowl Form 9………………………………………………………………………………………………………….130 4.2.4.2.10. Bowl Form 10………………………………………………………………………………………………………132 4.2.4.2.11. Bowl Form 11………………………………………………………………………………………………………133 4.2.4.2.12. Bowl Form 12………………………………………………………………………………………………………133 4.2.4.3. Bases Found at Larteh Amanfu…………………………………………………………………………………134 4.2.4.3.1. Base Form 1…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..134 4.2.4.3.2. Base Form 2…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..135 4.2.4.3.3. Base Form 3…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..140 4.3. The Daubs……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 142 4.4. Terracotta Figurine………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 144 4.5. Locally Manufactured Smoking Pipes……………………………………………………………………………… 145 4.6. Foreign Smoking Pipes…………………………………………………………………………………………………… 147 4.7. Beads……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 149 4.8. Faunal Remains: Animal Bones and Molluscs…………………………………………………………………. 151 4.8.1. Animal Bones………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 151 4.8.2. Molluscs………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 154 4.9. Oil Palm Kernels………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 157 4.10. Objects of ivory……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 159 4.11. Metal Objects………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….162 4.12. Crucibles………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….165 4.13. Objects of Stones…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….166 x University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FIVE……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………1700 Discussion and Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………………………1700 5.0. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………170 5.1. Discussion of Research Findings……………………………………………………………………………………………170 5.2. Reasons for the Abandonment of the Larteh Amanfu Site…………………………………………………… 180 5.3. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….181 5.4. Recommendations…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………182 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………183 Appendix………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………200 Appendix 1……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………200 Appendix 2……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………209 Appendix 3……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………211 xi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF FIGURES/MAPS Figure 1.1. Map Showing the Location of Larteh Amanfu Site (Source:Kelvin Asare) .................................. 2 Figure 1.2. Larteh Amanfro Located on a Seventeenth-century trade routes Map (Source: Kea, 1982, p.31) .............................................................................................................................................................. 3 Figure 2.1. Latabi located on the Dutch map of 1629 (Source: Anquandah, 1982a, p.90; Kea, 1982, p.27) .................................................................................................................................................................... 37 Figure 3.1. Map of present-day Larteh and other Neighboring towns (Source: Kelvin Asare)................... 43 Figure 3.2 Picture of wattle-and-daub structures at Larteh. ...................................................................... 51 Figure 3.3 Picture of a house built with stones at Larteh ........................................................................... 52 Figure 3.4 Picture of a house built with cement and blocks at Larteh ....................................................... 53 Figure 3.5 Means of Waste Disposal at Larteh ........................................................................................... 54 Figure 3.6 Akonnedi Shrine at Larteh Ahenease ......................................................................................... 56 Figure 3.7 Akonnedi Shrine at Larteh Kubease ........................................................................................... 56 Figure 3.8 Picture of some beads................................................................................................................ 59 Figure 3.9 Picture of clay pot found in a household at Larteh .................................................................... 64 Figure 3.10 Picture of a grinding stone and a quern found in one of the household at Larteh (left) and a quern found during the reconnaissance at Larteh Amanfu (right) ............................................................. 65 Figure 3.11 Picture of Mr. Daniel Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra (Ankobeahene of Larteh Kubease) offering payers for the success of the research. ...................................................................................................... 67 Figure 3.12 Fragments of potsherds and shells .......................................................................................... 68 Figure 3.13 Fragments of shells and pottery (left) and a shell (right) ........................................................ 68 Figure 3.14 Picture of grinding stone (left) and a quern (right) .................................................................. 69 Figure 3.15 A Map showing the boundaries of Larteh Amanfu and some features and landmarks identified during the survey. .......................................................................... Error! Bookmark not defined. Figure 3.16 Destroyed mounds as a result of construction activities ......................................................... 71 Figure 3.17 Picture of the gridded trench. .................................................................................................. 74 Figure 3.18 Picture of the researcher sieving. ............................................................................................ 75 Figure 3.19 Picture of the researcher (right) with Kelvin (left) excavating ................................................. 76 Figure 3.20 Picture showing the excavated Trench .................................................................................... 78 Figure 3.21 East wall profile of the excavated trench at Larteh Amanfu………………………………………………. 79 Figure 3.22 South wall profile of the excavated trench at Larteh Amanfu……………………………………………. 80 Figure 4.1 Sherds decorated with multiple grooves (a), and Multiple incisions (b) ................................... 89 Figure 4.2 Sherds decorated with Triangular stamps (a), Comb stamps (b), and dot stamps (c). .............. 90 Figure 4.3 Sherd with perforations. ............................................................................................................ 91 Figure 4.4 Sherds decorated with single groove (a), notches (b), channeling (c), and Short linear stabs (d). .................................................................................................................................................................... 92 Figure 4.5 Sherds with multiple decorations: Sun rising motif and dot stamps (a), and Multiple grooves and notches (b). .......................................................................................................................................... 93 Figure 4.6 Sherd with multiple grooves crossing each other and short stabs ............................................ 93 Figure 4.7 Jar Form 1 ................................................................................................................................. 103 Figure 4.8 Jar Form 2. ................................................................................................................................ 105 Figure 4.9 Jar Form 2. ................................................................................................................................ 106 Figure 4.10 Jar form 3. .............................................................................................................................. 107 xii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.11 Jar form 4 ............................................................................................................................... 108 Figure 4.12 Jar form 5 ............................................................................................................................... 110 Figure 4.13 Jar Form 6 ............................................................................................................................... 111 Figure 4.14 Jar form 7. .............................................................................................................................. 112 Figure 4.15 Jar form 8 ............................................................................................................................... 113 Figure 4.16 Bowl Form 1‘Type A (i)’ .......................................................................................................... 115 Figure 4.17 Bowl form 1 ‘Type A (ii)’ ......................................................................................................... 117 Figure 4.18 Bowl form 1 ‘Type B’ .............................................................................................................. 118 Figure 4.19 Bowl form 1 ‘Type C’ .............................................................................................................. 119 Figure 4.20 Bowl Form 2 ........................................................................................................................... 120 Figure 4.21 Bowl form 3 ............................................................................................................................ 121 Figure 4.22 Bowl form 4. ........................................................................................................................... 123 Figure 4.23 Bowl form 5. ........................................................................................................................... 123 Figure 4.24 Bowl form 6. ........................................................................................................................... 124 Figure 4.25 Bowl Form 7. .......................................................................................................................... 126 Figure 4.26 Bowl Form 7 ........................................................................................................................... 127 Figure 4.27 Bowl Form 8 ‘Type A’ ............................................................................................................. 128 Figure 4.28 Bowl Form 8 ‘Type B’ ............................................................................................................. 130 Figure 4.29 Bowl Form 9 ........................................................................................................................... 131 Figure 4.30 Bowl Form 10 ......................................................................................................................... 132 Figure 4.31 Bowl Form 11 ......................................................................................................................... 133 Figure 4.32 Bowl Form 12 ......................................................................................................................... 134 Figure 4.33 Base form 1 ............................................................................................................................ 135 Figure 4.34 Base form 2 ............................................................................................................................ 136 Figure 4.35 Base form 2 ............................................................................................................................ 137 Figure 4.36 Base form 2 ............................................................................................................................ 138 Figure 4.37 Base form 2 ............................................................................................................................ 139 Figure 4.38 Base form 2. ........................................................................................................................... 140 Figure 4.39 Base form 3 ............................................................................................................................ 141 Figure 4.40 Handle found at Amanfu. ....................................................................................................... 142 Figure 4.41 Fragments of daub retrieved from the excavation at Larteh Amanfu (source: Authors’ Collections) ............................................................................................................................................... 143 Figure 4.42 Picture of Terracotta figurine................................................................................................. 145 Figure 4.43 Picture of Local Smoking Pipe. ............................................................................................... 147 Figure 4.44 Picture of foreign smoking pipes ........................................................................................... 149 Figure 4.45 Picture of a Bead retrieved during the excavation at Larteh ................................................. 150 Figure 4.46 Picture of some animal bones retrieved from Larteh Amanfu (Photo credit: Author’s collection). ................................................................................................................................................ 153 Figure 4.47 Shells found at Larteh Amanfu. (A-Oliva acuminate, B-Cardita ajar, C-Achatina achatina, D- Tivela tripla, and E-Arca senilis) ................................................................................................................ 156 Figure 4.48 Samples of remains of palm kernels retrieved from Larteh Amanfu (Source: Author’s collection). ................................................................................................................................................ 158 Figure 4.49 Picture of Decorated Ivories .................................................................................................. 161 Figure 4.50 Picture of Undecorated Ivories. ............................................................................................. 162 xiii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.51 Picture of Metals (rings) retrieved from Larteh Amanfu ....................................................... 164 Figure 4.52 Picture of Metals retrieved from Larteh Amanfu. ................................................................. 165 Figure 4.53 Crucibles ................................................................................................................................. 166 Figure 4.54 Objects of stones (Nyame akuma) ......................................................................................... 169 Figure 4.55 Objects of stones (querns) ..................................................................................................... 169 LIST OF TABLES Table 4.1 Table showing materials recovered during the Archeological Research at Larteh Amanfu ....... 84 Table 4.2 Table Showing the Distribution of Surface Colour and Surface Treatment of Potsherds Recovered From Larteh Amanfu ................................................................................................................. 87 Table 4.3 Tabular Distribution of Decorative Motifs found on Potsherds recovered from Larteh Amanfu ................................................................................................................................................................ 9894 Table 4.4 Table Showing the Distribution of the Temper and Texture of Pottery Sherds Recovered From Larteh Amanfu. ........................................................................................................................................... 99 Table 4.5 Table Showing the Various Vessel Parts Recovered From Larteh Amanfu ............................... 101 Table 4.6 Table showing the Distribution of Animal Bones ...................................................................... 152 Table 4.7 Table Showing the Distribution of Shells Found at Larteh Amanfu .......................................... 155 Table 4.8 Distribution of Palm Kernels Recovered From the Excavated Trench at Larteh Amanfu ....... 1577 xiv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BPR- Bompo River BS- Building Structure KP- Kapok Tree MD- Mound NP- Nananom Pow (forest groves) RK- Rock ST- Stream xv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND INFORMATION TO THE STUDY 1.0 Introduction This introductory chapter deals with the background to the study, discusses the setting of the area of study, highlights the aim and objectives of the study, and explains the methodology employed to accomplish the research objectives. Also, the research problem and the significance of the study are discussed in this chapter. Additionally, it delimits the scope of the study and the challenges I encountered during the research. 1.1. Background to the Study The importance of archaeology in studying the history of Ghana cannot be overlooked. Written records on Ghana hardly go beyond the arrival of the Europeans on the coast, though some Arabic documents offer insights into the precolonial period. Until recently, except for communities, such as Asante, Akwamu, and Akyem, most of the extant records do not provide detailed information on the history of states and societies in the hinterland of Ghana. This called for the need for the use of non-written records to aid in the reconstruction of the history of some Ghanaian societies. In this particular instance, our focus is on Larteh Amanfu (Amanfro)1. Larteh Amanfu, bounded by the coordinate’s longitude 0° 5’W and latitude 5° 45’N, is a ruined site along the motor road leading from Mamfe Akuapem to present-day Larteh. It is located between Benkum Senior High School and the present-day Larteh Akuapem town. Both written sources and oral traditions describe Larteh Amanfu as the “ancient settlement of present-day Larteh people” (Boakyewa, 2014, p.19; Darko, 1993, p.39; Kwamena-Poh, 1973, pp.25, 127). This 1 In this study, Larteh Amanfu or Larteh Amanfro would be used interchangeably to mean the same place. Oral accounts give the name as Amanfu, meaning ancient settlement. Historical records such as, Kwamena-Poh (1973, pp.25, 127), Ozanne (1962, p.123), and Kea (1982, p.31) give the name as Amanfro. 1 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ancient settlement was once a popular trading or market centre (Kea, 1982, p.55; Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.46; Ozanne, 1962, pp.122-123; and Wilks 1957, pp.30-31). Both oral accounts2 and documentary records show that Larteh was a major market centre for the various communities in Akuapem and served as a popular trade route connecting other neighboring Akuapem communities and the coastal states (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.46; Ozanne, 1962, pp.122-123; and Wilks 1957, p.30). Figure 1.1. Map Showing the Location of Larteh Amanfu Site (Produced by: Kelvin Asare) 2 Information obtained through interviewing Okyeame Ayensu Kwafo (one of the numerous linguists of the Chief of Larteh Ahenease) on 22/10/2020; Abusupanin Aseidu Larbi (Ohenekyerefo (Secretary) to the Chief of Larteh Ahenease) on 02/01/2021 and Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra (Ankobeahene of Larteh Kubease) on 22/10/2020. 2 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 1.2. Larteh Amanfro Located on a Seventeenth-century trade routes Map (Source: Kea, 1982, p.31) 1.2. Geography of the Study Area As stated earlier, the research area of Amanfu was the ancient settlement of the ancestors of the present-day Larteh people (Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.127). It is located in the Akuapem North Municipality. In 2010, the Akuapem North Municipality had a population of 136,483 (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014, p.16), out of which, Larteh Akuapem had 10,175 inhabitants. Males were 4,502 while females were 5,673. The town is characterized by distinct geographical features such as valleys, mountains, rocks, and dense forest. 3 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.2.1 Climate of the Study Area Larteh, like the other communities situated on the Akuapem-Togo Ranges, is in the wet semi- equatorial climatic region (Dickson 1972, and Dickson and Benneh, 1970). The annual rainfall of this climatic zone is “between 125 and 175cm and the dry seasons in this climatic zone are quite sharp” (Dickson and Benneh, 1970, p.32). The area experiences two rainfall patterns. The first rainy season occurs between May and June, with the heaviest rainfall in June; the second rainy season starts from September to October (Dickson and Benneh, 1970, p.28). Mean temperatures fall between 20ᴼC and 24ᴼC (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014, p.1). 1.2.2 Vegetation of the Study Area The area lies within the semi-deciduous forest zone (Dickson and Benneh, 1970; and Ghana Statistical Service, 2014). It should be noted that, due to continuous farming and other human activities in the area, very little of the original forest remain in the area and that of the Akuapem region as a whole (Akurang-Parry, 2016, p.72). That is, the vegetation of the area is currently characterized by partial forest with shrub and bush (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014, p.1) and other “soft woody plants” (Dickson and Benneh, 1970, p.33) as well as other grass species. The fair distribution of temperature and rainfall patterns in the area enhance the cultivation of many food and cash crops such as, Zea mays (maize), Manihot esculenta (cassava), Musa paradisiaca (plantain), Colocasia esculenta (cocoyam), Capsicum (pepper), Solanum lycopersicum (tomatoes), and Abelmoschus esculentus (okra). Theobroma cacao (cocoa), Elaeis guineensis (oil palm), are also cultivated in the area. Larteh, just like the other towns in the Akuapem area, is naturally populated with palm-oil trees (Akurang-Parry, 2016, p.71; Dickson, 1969, pp.72–74, pp.144–150). 4 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.2.3. Relief and Drainage of the Study Area Larteh Amanfu, the ancient settlement of the present-day Larteh people, also has the general characteristic features of the physical geography of Akuapem. The area of Akuapem is mountainous in nature. Thus, the topography of the study area is also mountainous. Some mountains found within the Larteh environs are Kpene and Abronkomi Ꜫkpↄ (Abronkomi Mountain). As a result of the topography of the area, there are no ‘big’ rivers though the area has many water bodies such as streams, brooks, and springs. However, the wet seasonal streams, brooks, and springs, dry-up in the dry seasons. At Larteh Amanfu, some sources of water are Kwase, Bompo, Krokyi-Bote, Asomi, Kwanan, and Asani. Present-day Larteh has water bodies including Kwaate, Abronkomi, Agyare ebi Oko (a son of one Agyare), Osaeso, Alemi, Oskante, Abonkutu, and Esite. Some of these rivers, for example, the Bompo River flows into the Ningo Lagoon (Pers. Communication with Osiahene Kofi Tweneantwi. Date: 11/06/2021). 1.2.4 Geology of the Study Area Two (2) main types of rocks of pre-Cambrian age (the Togo sandy shales series and the Birimian series) are found in the Akuapem area (Kesse, 1985; Dickson & Benneh, 1970, p.7; easternregion.gov.gh). However, like other towns on the Akuapem-Togo Ranges, the geology of the study area is typical of the ‘Togo Series’. The rock of the “‘Togo Series’, consist of sedimentary rocks and their metamorphosed versions such as quartzite, schists, shale, and phyllite (Kesse, 1985; Dickson, 1969, and Dickson & Benneh, 1970, p.8). Quartzites, for example, are found in Larteh, Mampong, Tutu, Amanokrom, and overall the greater part of the Akuapem Range (Kesse, 1985; easternregion.gov.gh). Due to the presence of these rocks in present-day Larteh, stone quarrying is an important occupation in the area. 5 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.3. Research Problem and Justification As noted, limited archaeological work has been conducted at Larteh. However, there have been some important archaeological works in the Akuapem region as a whole. Some of such archaeological researches include those by Thurstan Shaw at Dawu (1961), Oliver Davies along the Akuapem-Togo Range (1976), John E. G. Sutton at Dawu (1981), Brempong Osei-Tutu at Awukugua (1987), Gertrude A. M. Eyifa at Berekuso (2010), Ruth Laryea at Aburi (2013), and Sarah Lotus Asare at Obosomase (2018). Others include those by James Boachie-Ansa at Brockman Plantation (2009) and Yaw Bredwa-Mensah (1994, 2004, 2008) at Sesemi. Unlike the above-named sites, there have been cloying silence on the discourse on the archaeology of Larteh Akuapem. There is thus a lack of information from an archaeological validation of aspects of the history of Larteh, even though Larteh has witnessed several detailed historical, and sociological investigations in the past. Some examples of such research works conducted at Larteh include David Brokensha’s A Study of Larteh, Ghana (1963), highlighting the difficulties one could face when combining teaching and fieldwork. Additionally, Brokensha (1964) described some aspects of the fifteen-year reign of Chief Akrofi of Larteh (1885-1900); Brokensha outlined the radical nature of the chief and how it provided some valuable insights into the complex political change and social processes of the state of Akuapem during the late nineteenth century. Likewise, in his 1966 groundbreaking book, Social Change at Larteh, Brokensha asserted that the introduction of Christianity and its allied social change are some factors that accounted for the change in the lifeways, including religion, marriage, and social mobility of the Larteh people. Kathleen M. Fallon (1999), discussed gendered social status and power in Larteh by highlighting the effects of gender and education on social status and power. Moreover, in 2014, Okomfo Ama Boakyewa discussed how the Akonnedi Shrine Pantheon replicates religious and ethnic pluralism enacted through the 6 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh heterogeneous synthesis of Guan-Akan ritual practice and cultural preservation and performance exemplified in Larteh (Boakyewa, 2014, p.137). She also described the full life-cycle of required rites to become a priest of the Akonnedi Shrine. According to Boakyewa (2014, p.1-2), the Akonnedi Shrine Pantheon depicts a "historically heterogeneous combination of Guan and Akan ethnic-cultural amalgamations, religious beliefs and practices of Christian and indigenous origins". The archaeological significance of Larteh was first brought to light by a geological survey conducted by Albert Ernest Kitson, a colonial operative in the 1920s (Kitson, 1929a; Davies, 1976). During the survey, Kitson found rough stone axes and nuts-breakers, probably mullers (Kitson 1929a and Davies 1976, p.138). Also, Oliver Davies, upon conducting a further field survey at Larteh found cultural materials including potsherds, bones, rubbing stones, and mollusk shells (Davies, 1976, p.138 and Darko, 1993, p.3). Furthermore, Paul Ozanne is reported to have collected “pipes and stone tools” (Davies, 1976, p.138) at Larteh. Equally, Ampem Darko in 1993, under the supervision of Osei-Tutu Brempong, undertook an archaeological survey at Larteh Amanfu where he sought to identify more archaeological sites as well as to use his recovered data to throw light on the history of the Larteh people (Darko, 1993, p.4). The survey revealed numerous archaeological features: mounds, numbering 17; a shrine, and stones that had served several purposes (Darko, 1993, pp.23-24). Upon excavating three of the seventeen identified mounds, he unearthed several archaeological data including pottery, shells, and lithics (Darko, 1993, pp.25- 26, 35). Darko (1993) concluded, based on his findings, that Larteh Amanfu was the ancient settlement of the present-day Larteh people. He also asserted that the Larteh people engaged in trading activities with the Shai people (Darko, 1993, p.40). Also, Darko used the Bompo valley to establish the limit [southern limit] of the site of Larteh Amanfu where he claimed that the Bompo valley seemed to neatly circumscribe the entire site and 7 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh that no archaeological evidence would be found beyond it (Darko, 1993, p.21). However, the Bompo valley does not in any way circumscribe the site. The valley is agreeably the southern limit of the site. This was confirmed by oral history obtained from Opanin Akwei Larbi (an 85-year-old man from the Adabiriw clan of Larteh Ahenease), Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra (one of the elders of the chief of Larteh Kubease), and Sammuel Odartey (Pers. Comm with Opanin Akwei Larbi on 20/10/2020; Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra on 11/06/2021; and Sammuel Odartey on 20/10/2020). Overall, Ampem Darko did not establish the northern, eastern and western limits of the site as exemplified by my survey and oral accounts regarding Ayebuso, Mankonto and Egyibote respectively. Again, he did not mention the materials Larteh people used in exchange for the pottery from the Shai people. Neither did he state other people with whom Larteh people traded. Undoubtedly, oral history shows that Larteh was a major market for the various communities on the Akuapem Mountains as well as a popular trade route connecting other neighbouring Akuapem communities and the coastal states3. Due to this and other reasons, there was, for example, a “dispute over Larteh” between the Akwamu and Accra in 1646 (Wilks, 1957, pp.30-31), obviously to monopolize and control trade. Based on the above preliminary surveys and researches conducted at Larteh, a full and holistic archaeological and ethnographic investigation would fill major gaps in the extant literature while new data unearthed may aid in reconstructing the history of Larteh Akuapem. It is the author’s intention to use both archaeological and ethnographic data to throw more light on the history of Larteh Amanfu and to help reconstruct the lifeways and cultural affinities of the inhabitants of the site. 3 See footnote 2. 8 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.4. Research Aim This study is aimed at using archaeology to shed light on the history as well as past socio-economic and cultural lifeways of the people of Larteh. 1.5. Research Objectives The aim of this research could be accomplished through the following objectives:  To reconstruct the lifeways of the inhabitants of Larteh using archaeological and ethnographic data to provide a deeper understanding of the relationship that existed between the people who had contact with the Larteh people and the impact of these encounters on the economic, political, and socio-cultural transformations of Larteh people.  To analyze the excavated materials to establish cultural affinities as well as the chronology of the site. 1.6. Research Questions This research was guided by these questions: a) What are the oral traditions, folklores, and memories regarding Larteh Amanfu? b) Which group of people settled on the site and what was the nature of interactions that existed at the site? c) What were the lifeways of the Larteh Amanfu people? d) What are the past material cultural manifestations of Larteh Amanfu and which other sites have material culture similar to that of the site? e) What reasons led the people of Larteh Amanfu to abandon the site and relocated to their present location? 9 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.7. Research Methodology To accomplish the research aim and objectives, an eclectic approach was adopted to derive data for the study. The following were used as my sources of information: ethnographic data, archival information, surveying, archaeological data, and photographs. These sources of data can be grouped broadly into three; pre-field work activities, fieldwork, and post-field work activities. 1.7.1. Pre-Field Work Activities Pre-field work activities refers to all the preliminary activities I undertook before embarking on the ethnographic and archaeological fieldwork at the site. These activities included literature search and securing an excavation permit. Concerning the literature search, it entailed critical review of some archaeological and non-archaeological research works conducted in the research area and its environs. This literary works were accessed from libraries on the University of Ghana campus. They included both published and unpublished literature, archaeological reports, and other coterminous works. Internet sources with relevant information were also used. Some archaeological works that were reviewed included Thurstan Shaw’s excavations in Dawu (1961); Oliver Davies’s research along the Akuapem-Togo Range (1976), John E. G. Sutton’s work at Dawu (1981), and Osei-Tutu’s (1987) archaeological works at Awukugua. Similarly, James Boachie-Ansah’s archaeological research works conducted in areas such as Kormantin No.1 in the Central Region, Brockman Plantation, Wodoku, and Ladoku (Boachie-Ansah, 2015, 2009, 2008, 2006, 2004) were reviewed. Other archaeological works reviewed include Yaw Bredwa-Mensah’s excavations at Bibease, and Fredriskgave (Bredwa-Mensah 2008, 2004, and 1994). Non-archaeological literature reviewed included those by Carl C. Reindorf (1895); David Brokensha (1966, 1964, & 1963); Kwamena-Poh (1973 and 1972); Ray Kea (1982), Michelle Gilbert (1993); Kwame A. Labi (2002); Ebenezer Ayesu (2013), Akurang-Parry (2016), among 10 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh others. Conducting these literature search aided me to familiarize myself with the study area. It also aided me to understand the political economy of the study area. The next activity undertaken during this phase was securing an excavation permit. The researcher obtained permission from the local authorities of the area and from Ghana Museums and Monuments Board, the institution mandated by law as the custodians of Ghana’s heritage. Obtaining permits from the appropriate authorities aided me to fruitfully undertake preliminary visits to the site. 1.7.2. Fieldwork Regarding this phase of the research, the activities undertaken included the collection of ethnographic data, surface surveys, and archaeological excavations. The ethnographic data were obtained from inhabitants of present-day Larteh. This is because, Larteh Amanfu is said to be the home of the ancestors of present-day Larteh people. Regarding the ethnographic work undertaken, specific attention was paid to the origin of Larteh people, their political organization, settlement behaviour, discard behaviour, occupation and food ways, religious practices, costumes and body adornments, festivals, metalworking, the use of pottery, and the use of grinding stones. The methods used to obtain the data were via interviews, observation, and photography. The ethnography conducted at Larteh aided the researcher to discover information that otherwise would not be available to the researcher. The ethnographic data also aided the researcher in the analysis and interpretation of the recovered archaeological data as well as evaluation of information from written records. Thus, the ethnography provided the researcher with the opportunity to have contextual evidence of tangible use of some cultural materials in present-day Larteh which were related to some of the excavated finds. 11 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Archaeological survey is the systematic or conscious effort to identify and record the distribution of archaeological data on a site. At Larteh Amanfu, the survey conducted was by walking on the surface of the entire site to identify archaeological materials. The survey enabled the researcher to gain understanding of the terrain of the area and also to know the dimensions of the site. The surface survey was very fruitful because it enabled the researcher to identify and mapped fifty- four mounds, three forest groves (Nananom Pow), and other landmarks in the area (figure 3.15). Excavation was the next phase of the field work activities. Excavation can be defined as the scientific and systematic processes by which cultural materials beneath the ground surface are recovered. At Larteh Amanfu, a trench measuring 2m X 5m was excavated. The excavated trench hit a sterile level of 165cm. Diverse cultural materials were retrieved from the excavation, including local pottery, object of metals, objects of ivory, locally manufactured smoking pipes, animal bones, mollusc shells, terracotta figurine, and oil palm kernels. The importance of this method was that it enabled the researcher to recover cultural materials previously used and discarded by the occupants of the site. It should be noted that this method is not without problems: it is expensive and destructive as well. In order to make up for the destructive nature, photographs were taken in order to aid in documentation. 1.7.3. Post-Field Activities. The initial stage of this phase of the research was cleaning of the recovered materials. The cleaning was done by washing some of the materials with water. Materials washed with water included local pottery, smoking pipes (both foreign and local), stone tools, beads, and objects of ivory. Metals were not washed with water. The reason was to avoid further corrosion. They were firsts cleaned mechanically and later treated using soy wax to prevent further deterioration. Conservation was done after the cleaning. Here, fragments from the same objects, especially broken potsherds 12 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh were joined together. The next stage of the post-field activities was labeling. Here provenience information was assigned to each archaeological material. The purpose was to aid in identification. Labelling was done with indelible ink. Taking of inventory was done during this stage. The inventory helped me to ascertain the total number of finds recovered from the excavations. Also, classification and analysis was done during this phase. Classification was done by grouping the recovered materials on the basis of their shared characteristics. The classification aided the researcher in the analysis and interpretation of the recovered archaeological data. The data analysis involved manual, scientific, and visual examination of the archaeological finds (potsherds, faunal remains, etc.). For example, the recovered two polished stone axes (nyame akuma) were sent for analysis at the Department of Geology, University of Ghana. The analysis of these archaeological finds shed light on the lifeways of the occupants of the site. It also aided in establishing the similarities that existed between finds from Larteh and other towns such as Dawu, Awukugua, Obosomase, as well as some Accra Plains sites of Wodoku and Ladoku. After analyzing these cultural materials, some aspects of the history of the inhabitants of the area were obtained. In sum, these multi-dimensional approaches were useful in the collection of relevant information, enabling a holistic understanding of the cultural past of the people of Larteh. 1.8. Interpretative Framework of the Research. To reconstruct and interpret the past lifeways of a given culture, archaeologists rely on past material remains left behind by communities. In their quest to understand past cultures, archaeologists have depended on other approaches associated with various disciplines (Kankpeyeng, et al 2011, p.205). This study employed material culture studies as the interpretative framework in the analysis of the archaeological materials that were recovered from the site. An interpretative framework “refers to a set of assumptions, ideas and principles that define a 13 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh particular, theoretically informed perspective and a set of appropriate practices for the process of interpretation, thus opening the data to particular interpretations” (Moisander and Valtonen, 2006, p.103). Interpretative framework thus enables a researcher “to problematize, challenge and make revised accounts of the taken-for-granted marketplace reality” (Moisander and Valtonen, 2006, p.103). The purpose for employing material culture studies as the interpretative framework in the analysis of the cultural materials that were recovered from the site was to establish the kind of activities that transpired at the site. This is because all human societies in the conduct of their daily activities, leave traces in the form of material evidence which in turn find their way into the archaeological record. Additionally, material culture studies may be defined as the analyses and interpretations of physical evidence or material culture as a means of understanding past lifeways. Analysis of these cultural materials could reveal much information about subconscious aspects of the society that underscore the use of such materials. This is because, material culture can be subjected to detailed analysis even when its accompanying social physiology is not known (Patnaik, 1995, p.59). Again, material culture can “provide information about an aspect of culture unavailable from those who created and used the objects” (Leone, 1981, p.7). Thus, artifacts are a means by which we give form to and come to an understanding of ourselves (Miller, 1994, p.397). Although objects could have different meanings to different people (Elmer and Harrison, 2016), studying material culture helps provide meaningful and interesting insights about past cultures and societies, regarding how people once lived and thought. Furthermore, applying material culture studies as the interpretative framework of this study, both the “Object-Centered Approach” and the “Object-Driven Approach” to studying material culture 14 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh as espoused by Herman (1992) was used in the analysis of the recovered archaeological data. This is because both approaches to studying material culture are crucial to understanding past societies and cultures. Regarding the “Object-Centered Approach” to studying material culture, the focus of the study is on the object itself. With this, detailed attention is paid to specific physical attributes of the object. Thus, “the ability to describe the object, by engaging it with a list of descriptive criteria by answering to a checklist of questions, such as, how, and with what materials, was the object made? What is the shape, size, texture, weight, and colour of the object? What are its design, style, and/or decorative status? What was the purpose of manufacturing such an object, and when was it made? These questions are at the forefront of this approach” (Elmer and Harrison 2016). Regarding the “Object-Driven Approach” to studying material culture, the emphasis is on understanding how objects relate to the peoples and cultures that made and used them (Elmer and Harrison, 2016). That is, ideas about contextualization and function is very paramount (Elmer and Harrison 2016). Thus, the context in which materials were retrieved is very crucial in this regard. This is because context in archaeological analysis is where meaning is located and constituted (Apoh and Gavua, 2010, p.217; Beaudry et al, 1991, p.160). Using Material Culture studies as the interpretative framework of this research helped to understand the past activities of the people who inhabited the site. This is because, “Archaeologists by using material culture can give insights in four ways. First, it provides information on sites recorded in history, both in written and oral accounts. Second, it reflects daily actions. Third, it is valuable in correcting preconceptions and distortions on ethnicity, issues of gender and class. And four, it enables a measure of the material limits on action, particularly constraints arising from 15 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh uneven distribution of resources that may impose serious actions on human choice and engender cultural change” (Asare, 2018, p.11). To this effect, Larteh Amanfu, like any site previously settled by humans has some tangible evidence in the archaeological record which informed the researcher on issues such as, trade relations, and religious worldviews, the uses of space, and identity in the past. Such evidence helped to establish the past lifeways of the people, the cultural affinity between the people of Larteh and her neighbours, and the chronology of the area. This is because, the study of material culture “is based upon the obvious fact that the existence of a man-made object is concrete evidence of the presence of a human intelligence operating at the time of fabrication (Prown, 1982, pp.1-2). In many ways, material culture studies have been applied by several scholars to reconstruct past cultural lifeways of several societies worldwide. For instance, in Ghana some works that have made use of material culture studies in their analyses included but not limited to, Wazi Apoh and Kodzo Gavua (2010), and Kodzo Gavua (2015), among others. By applying material culture studies to interpret the archaeological assemblages retrieved at the Katamansu site, Apoh and Gavua (2010) were able to throw light on past events and occurrences at the site. From the material evidence, the place served as a battle ground. The site yielded several cultural materials that were related to the 1826 battle between the Asante and the coastal states. Artefacts, such as, cartridges and iron axe-heads with cutting edges which could have been hafted on wooden shafts and used as battle axes in the war, as well as a silver whistle previously used by traditional war captains to communicate messages during battles (Apoh and Gavua, 2010, p.220), among others, all testify to the fact that the site was a battle field. Apoh and Gavua (2010) further stated that two features excavated at the Koowule units of the Katamansu site which contained 16 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh materials such as a shallow bowl measuring 24 cm in diameter, placed on top of a ring of seven large snail shells, two premolars of a cow and the carapace of a tortoise beneath the bowl, a spread of mica fragments, schnapps, and several cowry shells revealed shrine context (Apoh and Gavua, 2010, p.221). It is evident from the above example that material culture studies can be of great analytical and methodological importance for the reconstruction of past socio-economic and cultural lifeways of the people of Larteh. It should be noted that material culture studies as an interpretative framework is not without limitation. Misinterpretation or over-interpretation of data is one of its shortcomings. To mitigate these flaws, Patnaik (1995, p.64) has stated that researchers should take into account suggestions on the consideration of context and association of finds in the archaeological record, but not seeing it as evidence on the societal context of the research area. It is in this regard that I conducted both ethnography at Larteh and also adopted both the “Object-Centered Approach” and the “Object- Driven Approach” to studying material culture as espoused by Herman (1992). This is because while the Object-Centered Approach” starts with a close description of the object and works outward, the Object-Driven Approach” starts with the broader context in which objects are located and then works toward a greater understanding of the object (Elmer and Harrison, 2016). With this, the archaeological finds recovered from Larteh Amanfu were scientifically analyzed. That is, critical attention was paid to their multiple connotations, including their aesthetic and physical attributes, and social and ideological implications. This to some extent aided in mitigating some limitations of the material culture studies. In sum, Material Culture Studies was the main interpretative framework used in the analysis of the recovered cultural materials, supported by ethnographic data collected from Larteh. 17 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.9. Challenges Encountered. The first challenge encountered was land disputes. This challenge limited the researcher’s ability to get permission to excavate some chosen areas. However, due to public archaeology in the form of showing to the people some materials I recovered during the excavation as well as constantly visiting Larteh even after the archaeological excavation, some of the people have now agreed to offer me parts of their lands whenever I intend to conduct further archaeological study. Another challenge was the restriction from taking photos in some areas. This was particular in the shrines. It was because of this that pictures of some vessel forms of local pottery used in shrines could not be shown in this thesis; however, their form has been described. Again, insufficient funds to process radiocarbon dates was also another challenge. It was for this reason that the exact chronology of the site could not be established as much as could be wished. 1.10. Significance of the Study. Despite the fact that Larteh is historically a well-known area and appears on the famous Dutch map of 1692 as ‘Latabi’ (see figure 2.1; Osei-Tutu, 1992, p.9; Anquandah, 1982a, p.90; Kea, 1982, p.2, and Wilks, 1957, p.27), only a limited systematic archaeological investigation has been undertaken in the area. This study thus, reveals how archaeology can contribute to the reconstruction of the history of the people of Larteh Akuapem. The study also sheds light on the socio-economic and cultural past of the people, adds to the extant history of the people of Larteh Akuapem, and serves as useful reference material for future research in the area and the Akuapem region as a whole. 18 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.11. Organization of the Study. This study comprises five chapters. They are: The first chapter is introductory and outlines the brief history of the study area, the geographic setting of the research area, the aim and objectives of the research, and the methods used to accomplish the research objectives. The research problem as well as the scope and significance of the study are highlighted in this chapter. It also deals with the challenges I encountered during the research. Chapter Two focuses on historical background of the study area. Here, the relation that existed between Larteh and other neigbouring towns such as Krobo, Shai, Akyem, and Akwamu are discussed. Some previous archaeological researches conducted in the Larteh area and other Akuapem towns are discussed. The justification for the inclusion of this chapter is that, it provided insights into understanding the nature of relationship that existed among the inhabitants of the area and their coterminous neighbours and how these relationships had effects on the political, economic, and socio-cultural lifeways of the people of Larteh. For its part, the third chapter discusses the ethnographic and archaeological fieldwork undertaken in the study area. This section consists of both the ethnographic information obtained from present-day Larteh as well as the detailed processes and procedures used to undertake the archaeological works on the site. Chapter four deals with the analysis and interpretation of the data obtained in the course of the research. Cultural materials found during the research were analyzed in this section. This helped in the reconstruction of the ancient lifeways of the people of Larteh. The last chapter is the discussion and conclusion of the study. It also makes some recommendations for future research. 19 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER TWO. A BRIEF HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF LARTEH AKUAPEM AND ITS COTERMINOUS NEIGHBOURS 2.0 Introduction. This chapter deals with literature that inform the work. It is divided into four sections. The first section gives an overview of the Akuapem area which comprises towns including the one under study. For its part, the second section focuses on the relationship between the Akuapem area and some of her neighbours, namely Dangme people of Shai and Krobo, and the Akan of Akyem and Akwamu. This serves to explain how such relationships have had impacts on the people of Akuapem and Larteh at large. Additionally, it helps to understand the material cultural manifestation in the area. Section three reviews literature on extant archaeological research conducted in some Akuapem towns, while the fourth sections focuses on extant archaeological works undertaken at Larteh. The justification for the inclusion of this chapter is that it provides insights into understanding past research and gaps in our knowledge regarding the study area. Additionally, it provides framework for historicizing Larteh Akuapem. 2.1. The Akuapem Area. The documented history of the Akuapem State goes as far back as the beginning of the seventeenth century (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.33). Akuapem as a geographical area was known as the 'Hill Country' and its people the 'Hill People' in the eighteenth century records of European trading companies (Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.1). The area is located in the Eastern Region of modern-day Ghana. It is bordered in the north and west by Akyem, the east by Dangme and Krobo, and in the South by Ga (Accra) (Amenga-Etego, 2017, p.275; Reindorf, 1850, p.90). Akuapem towns are 20 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh located on hills. These hills form part of what has been described by geographers as the Akuapem- Togo Ranges (Kesse, 1985, p.10; Dickson and Benneh, 1970, p.12; Boateng, 1960, p.157). Seventeen towns form the Akuapem traditional state. The towns include Abiriw, Dawu, Awukugua, Adukrom, Apirede, Aseseeso, Abonse, Akropong, Amanokrom, Ahwerease, Berekuso, Mamfe, Tutu, Abotakyi, Mampong, Obosomase, and Larteh (both Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease). The division of this paramountcy are the Benkum Division (Left Wing) which is made up of the twin-town of Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease, Mamfe, Tutu, Abotakyi, Mampong, and Obosomase. The Right Wing (Nifa Division) of the state constitutes Abiriw, Dawu, Awukugua, Adukrom, Apirede, Aseseeso, and Abonse. Aburi, Ahwerease, and Berekuso form the Adonten Division (Centre), while Akropong and Amanokrom form the Gyaase (Administrative Division) of the state (Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.8; 1972, p.34). Akuapem is a heterogeneous region: it has different people who speak different languages. They are the Guans who speak Kyerepong and Larteh, and Twi-speaking groups. There are also Ewe, Ga, Krobo, and many others (Brokensha, 1972, pp.75-76). This area was once part of the dominant Akwamu Empire from 1680 to 1730, until it gained its independence in 1730 (Kwamenah-Poh, 1973, p.ix; Johnson, 1972, p.58). 2.2. Akuapem and Its Neighbours. This section discusses the nature of interactions that existed between the Akuapem and their neighbours. It focuses primarily on the Dangme Shai, Krobo, Akwamu, and Akyem. This provides in-depth information on the kind of relationship that existed between these polities and the Akuapem as well as how their interactions had influenced the lifeways of the inhabitants of the Akuapem area. 21 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.2.1. Akuapem and the Dangme Shai and Krobo. The Shai (sԑ) and the Krobo (Yilo Krobo and Manya Krobo) are a part of the eight ethnic groups of the Dangme states (Fiorgbor, Kuwornu-Adjaottor, & Nartey, 2019, p.25). Dangme-land stretches along the coast from Prampram on the west, to Ada on the east. In the north, it is bordered by the Akuapem ridge (Kuwornu-Adjaottor, Appiah & Nartey, 2019, p.62; Apronti & Kropp Dakubu, 1972). These ethnic groups are sedentary societies with fishing, farming, carving, potting, and weaving as their occupation (Fiorgbor, Kuwornu-Adjaottor, & Nartey, 2019, p.25). In the past, they were ruled by religious leaders (Fiorgbor, Kuwornu-Adjaottor, & Nartey, 2019, p.30; Akrong, 2006:202). The people of Shai and Krobo, together with the people of Osudoku, are the Dangme groups that live along the foothills of the Akwapim-Togo Range (Biveridge, 2019, p.21). Manya Klo (Krobo) and Yilô Klo (Krobo) stretch through the hills and forest north of Koforidua (Kuwornu-Adjaottor, Appiah & Nartey, 2019, p.62). They have two divisions, Manya Krobo and Yilo Krobo based respectively at Odumasi and Sra (Hilton, 1970, p.292, p.294). The Shai people, on the other hand are located approximately 55 km. north of Accra, the capital city of Ghana. Shai are mostly found in the area of Dodowa, Agomeda, Doryumu and Kodiabe (Hilton, 1970, p.292, p.294). History has it that, the people of Shai and the people of Krobo (both Manya Krobo and Yilo Krobo) once lived on the mountainous areas in present-day Shai Hills Resource Reserve and the Krobo Mountain respectively until they were forcefully evicted in July 1892 by the British Colonial Governor, William Brandford Griffith (Kuwornu-Adjaottor, Appiah & Nartey, 2019, p.63; Okai, 2016, p.56; Teyegaga, 1985; Anquandah, 1982a, p.15). This claim of ejection is supported by the 22 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh assertion of T.T. Terkpertey that the Dangme people (known in the past as La) in the past lived in one community until they were ejected (Terkpertey, 2004, p.7). Early writings of European scholars such as John Barbot's A Description of the Coast of North and South Guinea (1732), William Bosman's Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea (1705), and Henry Meredith's An Account of the Gold Coast of Guinea (1912) suggest that the Dangme contributed immensely to the commercial and socio-political affairs of the then Gold Coast (modern Ghana) in the past. This was evident from the fact that some Dangme towns served as route through which some European goods, such as glass beads, ceramics, alcoholic and non- alcoholic beverages, textiles, guns, and gunpowder were sent to some interior forest regions between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries (Biveridge, 2019, p.22). Monuments in the form of architectural ruins such as Fort Venon (Prampram), Fort Fredensborg (Ningo), and the foundations of an ancient Danish trade post at Kpone attest to this claim of early Euro-Dangme interaction (Biveridge, 2019, p.22). Oral account of both the Larteh Ahenease Chief4 and Larteh Kubease Chief5 suggest that the people of Larteh had socio-economic interactions and commercial exchanges with the Dangme people, notably the Shai and Krobo. In sum, the Shai and Krobo have had and still have symbiotic relationship with the people of Akuapem. For example, Kwamena-Poh (1973, p.3, p.52) asserts that the Krobo people once traded with the people of Akuapem. Both archaeological evidence from some Akuapem towns such as Shaw’s excavation at Dawu (1961), Osei-Tutu’s excavation at Awukugua (1987), Eyifa’s salvage archaeology at Berekuso (2010), and Asare’s archaeological works at Obosomase (2018) 4 His name is Osabarima Asiedu Okoo Ababio III. He is also the Bekumhene of the Akuapem State. Interview conducted on 10/01/2021. 5 His Name is Nana Otu Agyemfra VI. Interview conducted on 15/01/2021. 23 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh supported by ethno-historical narratives show that Dangme and Akuapem had viable trade relationship. For instance, archaeological research conducted by Osei-Tutu Brempong at Awukugua have revealed that trade relation occurred between the Kyerepong-Guans and the Shai people (Osei-Tutu, 2006, p.91; 1987, pp.251- 252). Likewise, Eyifa (2010) asserted that the people of Berekuso in the Akuapem region were mostly hunters and farmers, and that they traded their farm produce and game with the Ga and Adangbe people for their pottery (Eyifa, 2010, p.10, p.15). Equally important, the Ankobeahene of Larteh Kubease, Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra explained to me that Larteh in the past received from Shai, Dodowa, and Krobo items, including fish, oyster, and pottery in exchange for palm oil, and other foodstuffs from Larteh6. Based on these and other reasons, it is paramount to discuss the relation that existed between the Dangme and the people of Akuapem. This is because understanding Dangme relationship with Akuapem provided insights into understanding the material cultural manifestation in the area. 2.2.2. The People of Akuapem and the Akan (Akwamu and Akyem). Akan is used in this section to refer to the people of Akwamu and Akyem origin that had contact with Akuapem. Oral history asserts that most of the Akuapem area was first invaded by the Akan communities of Akwamu and Akim-Abuakwa origin (see Brokensha, 1972, p.75; and Kwamena- Poh, 1972, p.33). Regarding the Akyem, their presence and/or influence in the area began when the elders of Akuapem unanimously agreed that the Akyem Abuakwa led by prince Safori should remain in Akuapem after they (the Akyem and Akuapem forces) had defeated the Akwamu people. This was partly because of the inability of the Akuapem to pay adequate compensation to Akyem Abuakwa 6 Personal Communication with Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra (Ankobeahene of Larteh Kubease) on 22/10/2020. 24 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh for the military services rendered to Akuapem (Gyamerah, 2014, pp.34-35: Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.40). Indeed, Akuapem feared that the defeated Akwamu were likely to reorganize and seek reprisals (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.40). Thus, the presence of the Akyem at Akuapem was peaceful in nature in the sense that, it was the Akuapem themselves who invited the Akyem to help them fight the tyrannical tendencies of the Akwamu people (Brokensha, 1972, p.75;Gyamerah 2014; Kwamena-Poh, 1973; 1972; Reindorf 1895). The Akuapem State was thus formed in the 1730s (Brokensha, 1964, p.12; Gyamerah, 2014, p.36; Johnson, 1972, p.58; and Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.ix). Kwamena-Poh (1973, p.47) stated that at a meeting held in Abotakyi [Abotakyi is one of the seventeen towns of the Akuapem State] to form the Akuapem state, an oath to commemorate the event was sworn at the Kyenku Shrine which is located at Obosomase. This oath also served as a covenant between Akuapem and Akyem Abuakwa. It thus legitimized Akyem presence in the area. The legacies left by the Akyem people in Akuapem included the institution and adoption of the Akan form of chieftaincy system (Gyamerah, 2014; Kwamena-Poh, 1973; 1972; Wilks, 1957). The Akuapem state, prior to the arrival of the Akyem people had no form of chieftaincy system, instead the communities were ruled by Priests and Priestesses, that is, by religious leaders. Thus, the governance of the Guan communities prior to the arrival of Akyem Abuakwa overlords were theocratic in nature (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.34). Regarding the Akawmu people, it was not until the Akwamu State emerged as a coastal and imperial power in the latter half of the seventeenth century, that it gained prominent recognition by the European officers, namely the Danish, Dutch, and English trading companies operating in the Gold Coast (Wilks, 1957, p.25). Both written and oral accounts7 state that the presence of 7 Interview with Okyeame Ayensu on 22/10/2020; Abusuapanin Asiedu Larbi on 02/01/2021, and Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra on 22/10/2020. 25 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Akwamu in the Guan-speaking communities of which the Larteh area is a part was felt by the middle of the seventh century (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.36; Wilks, 1957, pp.27-28, p.31, p.38). The Akwamu presence in and invasion of Akuapem were hostile. For instance, they took part in the destruction of Abotakyi, one of the towns of Akuapem (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.37). Apart from historical evidence, archaeological research has pointed to Akwamu presence in the Akuapem area (Shaw, 1961, p.87). The interactions that existed among these groups are worth exploring because such interactions provide insights into the past relationship and the material culture manifestation in the area. 2.3. Extant Archaeological Works at the Akuapem Region The Akuapem area as discussed above lies in the Eastern Region of Ghana and comprises seventeen traditional states (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.34; and Johnson, 1972, p.61). This area is very important in recounting Ghana’s history and heritage because it has witnessed several historical and archaeological investigations in the past. As noted earlier, some scholarly archaeological works conducted in the area include Thurstan Shaw’s excavations at Dawu (1961); Oliver Davies’ archaeological research along the Akuapem-Togo Range (1976), and John Sutton’s archaeological work also at Dawu (1981). Other archaeological works in the Akuapem area include Osei-Tutu Brempong’s excavation at Awukugua (1987), Gertrude Aba Mansa Eyifa’s salvage archaeology at Berekuso (2010), Ruth Laryea’s archaeological investigations at Aburi (2013), and Sarah Lotus Asare’s archaeological work at Obosomase (2018). Mention may be made of James Boachie-Ansah’s research at Brockman Plantation (2009) and Yaw Bredwa-Mensah’s (2008, 2004, 1996, and 1994) works along the eastern portions of the Akuapem Ridge and the adjacent low-lying and gently undulating Accra Plains. Indeed, the Akuapem region has experienced some archaeological investigations in the past, it should be noted that from an 26 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh archaeological perspective, there is a dearth of information on aspects of the cultural history of Akuapem which could aid in the holistic establishment of the chronological sequence of the development in the area based on the interpretation of archaeological data. The first detailed archaeological work in the area was conducted by Thurstan Shaw in 1942 at Dawu (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.4; Shaw, 1961). Shaw's work was made possible because he had seen an earlier geological survey report conducted by the geologist, Dr. Junner, who identified several mounds in the Dawu area (Osei-Tutu, 1992, p.8; 1987, p.41; Shaw 1961, p.3). Thus, Shaw in the 1940s, excavated a mound in Dawu and provided an interpretation of the material culture of the site. Finds from the excavation included local pottery, objects made of ivory, smoking pipes, mollusc shells, stone objects, metal objects, terracotta heads, and beads (Shaw, 1961, pp.11-81). Based on his finds, he concluded that the mound was a rubbish dump (Shaw, 1961, p.85). After analyzing the local potsherds, Shaw concluded that some of the sherds typify that of the Shai of the Accra Plains. Also, Shaw opined that the mound was used from the fourteenth or fifteenth century until early nineteenth century (Shaw, 1961, p.86). Shaw's (1961) work marks the beginning of detailed archaeological works in the Akuapem region. More significantly, it brought to the fore our understanding of the history of the Kyerepong-Guans and the Akuapem at large. It should be pointed out that, Shaw (1961) mostly focused on artifacts to establish the chronology of the area but too little on the people who may have used such cultural materials (artifacts). For his part, Paul Ozanne (1962, pp.119-123), after reviewing Shaw’s (1961) work argued that Shaw’s date for the Dawu mound was not accurate. Unlike Shaw, Ozanne stated that the mound was possibly in use from the later part of sixteenth century until the late seventeenth century. To 27 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh him, the sixteenth century was a period noted for the growth and development of several societies in Ghana. As such, the Saman site in Dawu was abandoned sometime between 1677 and 1681 when the Akwamu Empire extended its territorial jurisdiction to the coterminous Accra Plains and about 80.47 kilometers inland along the banks of the Volta basin (Ozanne, 1962, p.119, p.123). He stated that the Dawu people, fearing a possible Akwamu invasion and a possible rule/domination, abandoned their homes. Also, Ozanne cited the absence of eighteenth century imported smoking pipes in the mound excavated by Shaw at Dawu as evidence indicating that the site was abandoned before this period. Also at Dawu, Oliver Davies in 1976 conducted reconnaissance surveys where he found two mounds and some artefacts like potsherds and pipes (Davies, 1976, p.98). Apart from Dawu, Oliver Davies undertook several surface surveys in some Akuapem towns, namely, Abotakyi (Davies, 1976, p.6); Aburi (Davies, 1976, p.8), Adukrom (Davies, 1976, p.20); Akropong Akuapem (Davies, 1976, pp.31-32); Larteh (Davies, 1976, p.138); Obosomase (Davies, 1976, p.171), among others. From such surveys, he found and collected several archaeological materials such as object of stones, potsherds, clay pipes, iron slag, beads, and cowries as well as varieties of faunal remains. The essence of Davies work is that it provides clues to identifying archaeological sites in the areas he surveyed. The limitation of his work is that his finds do not help much in reconstructing the lifeways of the sites where he collected the items since such finds were mostly surface collections, and some were out of context. In 1980, John Edward Giles Sutton conducted several surface surveys at Dawu-Awukugua. He identified and documented eighteen mounds and three disturbed ones out of which he excavated one mound designated as "LK1" (Sutton, 1980-1981, p.35, p.38; 1981a, p.11). Finds recovered from the excavation included pottery, faunal remains, fragment of smoking pipes, terracotta heads, 28 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh glass beads, iron objects, among others (Sutton, 1980-1981, p.39). Based on his findings, he concluded that the mound was of similar composition in general to those discovered by Shaw (Sutton, 1980-1981, p.39). Also, based on the characteristics of the pottery he recovered, he stated that they had similarities with seventeenth century pottery from Shai and the Accra plains (Sutton, 1980-1981, p.40). Sutton’s work is very important because it encourages comparative studies. Osei-Tutu Brempong in 1987, conducted an excavation at Awukugua where he sought to reconstruct the cultural history of the Kyerepong-Guans (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.i, p.3, p.242). He also sought to further test some issues, namely, whether the old settlements associated with mounds ended abruptly or declined gradually; whether the dating span indicated by previously excavated mounds is representative of the other mounds; and whether a pre-agricultural settlement preceded those of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Osei-Tutu Brempong, 1987, p.17). Finds recovered from his excavation included pottery, terracotta heads, metals, mollusc shells, smoking pipes, among others. Based on his finds, he stated that the mound was a rubbish mound (Osei- Tutu, 1987, p.246). He also stated that trade links existed between the Kyerepong-Guans and the Shai people (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.251- 252). Additionally, he averred that the evidence recovered points to a flourishing manufacturing society in the Kyerepong area in the late sixteenth century and seventeenth century (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.i, pp.242-243). Osei-Tutu's (1987) work provides comparative data that aid in providing a broader cultural history of the 'Hill Guans' [the people of Kyerepong and the people of Larteh]. That is, it gives clues to or shows the essence of cross- cultural efflorescence that compares materials from other areas (Dawu, and Shai) with those he recovered at Awukugua to aid in reconstructing the history of the Kyerepong-Guans. Furthermore, in 2005, Osei-Tutu sought to establish the social group responsible for the making/production of brass in the Akuapem area. In trying to do so, he asserted that one needs to 29 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh consider the possibility of the coexistence of the Hill Guans, Akwamu, and other sociolinguistic groups when examining the possible makers of the mounds at Akuapem (Osei-Tutu, 2005, p.58). Garrard (1980), attributes this craft making (brass work) in the Akuapem area to the influence of the Akans (Akwamu) in the area in the seventeenth century. He contends that the Akuapem area has no remarkable evidence on brass-working industry (Garrard, 1980). As such, the first brass workers at Dawu were probably Akan whose fine work was later superseded by Guans who adopted the brass-making (Garrard, 1980). He further stated that he had never come across Guan- speaking groups that were traditional brass workers. Thus, there appears to be no evidence that the Guan-speaking groups are skilled brass workers (Garrard, 1980; Osei-Tutu, 2005, p.57). From a critical standpoint, Garrard’s assertion is an overgeneralization due to the fact that he did not mention the Guan communities where he had undertaken his researches. It is therefore likely that his research may have been conducted in only a limited Guan communities in Ghana. On the other hand, scholars like Thurstan Shaw (1962, p.31; 1961, p.87) and John Sutton (1981) averred that brass-making was an independent/indigenous invention. That is, it emanated from the indigenous people (Hill-Guans) before the arrival of the Akan ethnic groups on the hill in the seventeenth century. Shaw for example asserted that early Guan settlers were crafts people skilled in manufacturing of brass (Shaw, 1962, p.311961, p.87; see also Osei-Tutu, 2005, p.57). Since the 1900s, the Plantation settlements, situated along the eastern portions of the Akuapem Ridge and the adjacent low-lying and gently undulating Accra Plains have been the subject of archaeological and historical research (Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland, 1997, p.59). In 1997, Yaw Bredwa-Mensah and Leonard. B. Crossland conducted further research at the Frederiksgave Plantation. They sought to "examine the nature of human/cultural interactions on the plantation settlements and to investigate the effects of the Danish presence on the natural and socio-cultural 30 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh environments of the Akuapem Ridge and the entire eastern Accra Plains" (Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland, 1997, p.61). They were particularly interested in examining how Africans and the Europeans interacted on Danish plantations on the Gold Coast (Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland, 1997, p.69; Bredwa-Mensah, 2004, p.204). From their research, they located two plantation sites, namely Lindman and a stone building further to the north of Frederisksgave and close to the footpath leading from Sesemi to Berekuso. These were in addition to the five already mentioned plantation sites; Frederiksgave, Forenede Broedre, Bibease, Pompo, and Daccubie noted by Henrik Jeppesen (Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland, 1997, p.61; Jeppensen, 1966). An archaeological excavation was then conducted at Frederiksgave Plantation, one of the identified Danish plantation sites. Materials retrieved from the excavation included locally- manufactured and imported ceramics, glass bottles, nails, European smoking pipes, cowrie shells, farming tools and a small bell. The excavation also revealed the foundations and floor plan of the main plantation building, and its staircase (Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland, 1997, pp.63-68). Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland stated that, the data they recovered were limited and that much excavation needed to be conducted at the Plantation to obtain comparative data that will help to explain the Danish presence and its impacts on indigenous African societies (Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland, 1997, p.68). They however suggested that the finds recovered from the site confirmed its use as a plantation (Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland, 1997, pp.63-69). The conclusion of Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland that the source of supply of the local pottery to the Plantation would have been the Dangme Shai Hills (Bredwa-Mensah and Crossland, 1997, p.68) shows that there existed interactions between the Dangme (Shai) people of the Accra Plains and people of the Akuapem Ridge as documented by Kwamena-Poh (1972, p.46). 31 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Also in 1994, Bredwa-Mensah conducted research at Bibease, an early nineteenth-century Danish plantation site. He sought to obtain archaeological data that might provide insights into slave life on the Bibease plantation (Bredwa-Mensah, 1994, p.2). Finds from the archaeological work included local pottery, smoking pipes, beads, faunal remains, beads, among others. He also identified a rubbish mound, and five baobab trees (Adansonia digitata) which may have been the boundary of the settlement (Bredwa-Mensah, 1994, p.5). He asserted that the recovered locally manufactured pottery were akin to those produced by Shai potters (Bredwa-Mensah, 1994, p.2, p.5). Additionally, he maintained that the raw materials for the stone artifacts, mostly milling equipment, came from the nearby Akuapem Mountains (Bredwa-Mensah, 1994, p.5). In sum, his work helps to understand the nature of interactions that existed among neighbouring communities in the vicinities of Larteh. Thus, Bredwa-Mensah’s (1994) research provide clues regarding the nature of interactions Akuapem had with their neighbours. Again, in 2004, Yaw Bredwa-Mensah, using a multi-purpose approach in the form of historical sources, oral information, ethnography, and archaeology, investigated “the living conditions as well as the gender and ethnic composition of the enslaved workers on the Frederiskgave Plantation site" (Bredwa-Mensah, 2004, pp.203-204). He recovered numerous archaeological materials such as local pottery, and European ceramics; imported smoking pipes; metal objects, glass beads, and glass bottles; terrestrial, marine, and freshwater molluscs, and cowry shells (Bredwa-Mensah, 2004, p.212, p.217). Based on his findings, he asserted that there is evidence of an internal exchange/trade system, at the plantation site. The claim of the existence of trade is supported by the presence of local pottery from the Densu Valley and remains of marine food resources probably from the Accra coast. The means of exchange may have either been barter or purchase using cowry shells (Bredwa-Mensah, 2004, p.224). The significance of Bredwa-Mensah’s (2004) work is that 32 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh it helps to understand the interactions that existed between Europeans and Africans (Bredwa- Mensah, 2004, p.204). It also cast light on interactions among the 'ethnically indigenous heterogeneous groups' (Bredwa-Mensah, 2004:210). In 2002, James Boachie-Ansah carried out a rescue excavation on a Danish Plantation site of Brockman with the aim of obtaining data on the lifeways of the occupants of a house on the plantation (Boachie-Ansah, 2009, p.4). A survey geared towards discovering remnants of the houses of the eight enslaved workers of the plantation was undertaken without success (Boachie- Ansah, 2009, p.5). From the research, several archaeological materials were found. They included broken bottles, sandstone grindstones, locally manufactured pottery, and shells of Achatina achatina and Diplodonta diaphana (Boachie-Ansah, 2009, pp.4-5). Other cultural materials recovered include European glazed earthenware and German porcelain, all dating to the late nineteenth century and a fragment of a china cup dated to the late ninetieth to early twentieth century. Based on his finds, he suggested that the there was evidence of occupation of the site in the late nineteenth century, probably shortly before or shortly after the emancipation of slaves on the Gold Coast. He also asserted that the finds recovered provided insights into the way of life of the inhabitants of the site (Boachie-Ansah, 2009, p.24). Artifacts found from the excavation in the form of farming tools such as a hoe, cutlass, and axe blades, to him were in consonance with that expected from a plantation site (Boachie-Ansah, 2009, p.19). Likewise, Boachie-Ansah explained that, for the Europeans resident at the Plantation to survive, they might have subsisted on indigenous food as well since "Danish ships, were reaching the coast only about once a year" (Boachie-Ansah, 2009, p.20; Winsnes, 2004, p.6). Boachie-Ansah also maintained that the recovery of local ceramic vessel with everted rims, carination, and open hemispherical bowls 33 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh similar to Akan types were an indication of Akan influence and suggested heterogeneous demography in the area during the period due to the boom in trade (Boachie-Ansah, 2009). In her salvage archaeological work conducted at Berekuso in the Eastern Region of Ghana, Eyifa (2010) was able to recover threatened cultural materials such as pottery, palm kernel, bones, molluscs, metals, local smoking pipes (Eyifa, 2010, p.8), among others. These salvaged materials provided information on the past lifeways of the inhabitants of the site. For instance, Eyifa (2010, p.15) stated that the people of ancient Berekuso were mainly hunters and farmers. She also maintained that they exchanged/traded their farm produce with the Ga and Dangme peoples for their pottery (Eyifa, 2010, p.10). She stated that most of the pottery recovered are akin to pottery produced by Dangme Shai potters. The importance of Eyifa’s work (2010) is that it provides information on the past lifeways of the people who inhabited the site and the nature of interaction that occurred between the people of ancient Berekuso and their neighbours. Additionally, in 2013 Ruth Laryea employing an eclectic approach that involved the use of both written records, ethnographic information, and archaeological data conducted an archaeological investigation of the medical activities of the Basel Mission at Aburi. She sought to understand the health care services which were provided to the inhabitants of the area and its environs during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Laryea, 2013, p.1). She recovered numerous materials such as glass bottles, beads, imported ceramics, local pottery, masonry fragments, faunal remains, coins (Laryea, 2013, pp.82-83) among others. Based on her numerous finds in the form of medicinal bottles and remains of laboratory equipment, she was able to establish that the site was once used as a medical facility (Laryea, 2013, p.153, p.161) as stipulated in the Basel missionary records. Her research emphasizes the relevance of how detailed analysis of material culture can either reject or confirm an assertion in a given written/documented record. 34 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Researching at Obosomase in 2018, Sarah Lotus Asare sought to "shed light on the settlement history as well as past socio-economic and cultural life-ways of the Obsomase people" (Asare, 2018, p.1). In doing so, she sought "to reconstruct the life-ways of the inhabitants using the archaeological data and to establish if there had been any cultural changes and/or continuities in the cultural lifeways of the inhabitants of the site" (Asare, 2018, p.3). She recovered numerous cultural materials. They include local pottery, beads, and metal objects faunal remains, among others. From her findings, she established that the site was "a multi-purpose settlement site" (Asare, 2018, p.ii). She concluded that cultural affinities existed between the people of Obosomase and other neighbouring Akuapem towns such as Dawu, and Awukugua, and other towns like the Dangbe Shai and Krobo. Apart from these archaeological works in the Akuapem area, other researchers in other disciplines, including history, political science, and sociology have conducted studies in the Akuapem area. Notable among these historical works are Michael Albert Kwamena-Poh's Government And Politics In The Akuapem State 1730-1850(1973), The Akuapem Handbook (1972) edited by David Brokensha, Ivor Wilks's The Growth of the Akwapim State: A Study in the Control of Evidence (1964), and Ebenezer Ayensu’s One State, Many Origins: Peopling Of The Akuapem State: A Re- Examination (2013). Although these works deal with the entire Akuapem state, that is, the authors discuss the history as well as the nature of the Akuapem state, they nevertheless provide some specific information on the Larteh area, an important part of the Akuapem state. Some town-specific non-archaeological research that has been conducted in some individual Akuapem towns include that by Solomon Kwame Gyamerah's (Rev.) Pre-Burial Rites In Tutu In The Akuapem Traditional Area Of Eastern Part Of Ghana (2014), and Kwabena Akurang-Parry's Transformations in Beliefs and Practices of Ecological Inviolability: Historical and 35 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Contemporary Perspectives on Mamfe Akuapem Sacred Forest in Ghana (2016) at Mamfe Akuapem. The above studies provide insights into understanding the relationship and interactions that existed between individual Akuapem towns as well as the people of Akuapem as a whole and her neighbors and how these interactions have had an impact or otherwise on the formation of the archaeological record at these areas. 2.4. Extant Archaeological Works at Larteh. The area shown as 'Latabi', on the famous Dutch map of 1629 (see figure 2.1) unquestionably is represented by the modern Larteh (Wilks, 1957, p.27). If 'Latabi', is Larteh, then the ancient settlement of the present-day Larteh people is Larteh Amanfu. Boakyewa’s work (Boakyewa, 2014, p.19) support Larteh Amanfu as the ancient settlement of the present-day Larteh people. Apart from being the ancient settlement of the Larteh people, reference is made to Larteh as a popular market centre located on a trade route connecting neighboring Akuapem communities and the coastal towns (Laryea, 2013, p.14; Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.46; Ozanne, 1962, pp.122-123; Wilks, 1957, p.30). As noted earlier, Larteh Amanfu is a ruined site along the motor road leading from Mamfe Akuapem to present-day Larteh. It is located between Benkum Senior High School and the present-day Larteh Akuapem town. 36 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 2.1. Latabi located on the Dutch map of 1629 (Source: Anquandah, 1982a, p.90; Kea, 1982, p.27) It is worth noting that the archaeological significance of Larteh was first brought to light by a geological survey conducted by Kitson in the 1920s (Kitson, 1929a; Davies, 1976). During the survey, Kitson found rough stone axes and nuts-breakers, probably mullers (Kitson, 1929a; see also Davies, 1976, p.138). Although Kitson's work was only a geologist contributing to archaeological inquiry. His report indicated what archaeological materials were likely to be found in the area when a detailed archaeological work is conducted. Also, Oliver Davies found at Larteh cultural materials such as pottery, bones, rubbing stones, and shells of Achatina achatina and a 37 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh large bivalve (Davies, 1976, p.138; see also Darko, 1993, p.3). Paul Ozanne, for his part collected pipes and stone tools (Davies, 1976:138) at Larteh. These preliminary works were basically survey. In his Archaeological Survey at Larteh Amanfu (1993), Ampem Darko sought to use the cultural materials he recovered from his archaeological work to try to reconstruct the history of Larteh Akuapem people for the period between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Darko, 1993, p.4). He recovered numerous artifactual evidence such as pottery, terracotta figurines, lithics, and faunal remains (Darko, 1993, p.23). Based on his finds, Darko asserted that Larteh traded with the people of Shai for their pottery, as evident in the numerous pottery classified by him as 'Shai wares' (Darko, 1993, p.40). However, he did not mention the commodities that were traded from Larteh to the Shai area. Based on the survey he conducted, he used the Bompo valley to establish the limit [southern limit] of the site of Larteh Amanfu. He claimed that the Bompo valley seemed to neatly circumscribe the entire site as no archaeological evidence would be found beyond it (Darko, 1993, p.21). However, the Bompo valley does not in any way circumscribe the site. The valley is agreeably the southern limit of the site. This was confirmed by ethno-historical narratives obtained from present day Larteh. Again, he failed to establish the northern, eastern and western limits of the site. My survey brought to light the northern, eastern and western limits of the site as Ayebuso, Mankonto and Egyibote respectively. It is clear from the above review that previous archaeological researches conducted at Larteh provided very little information about the chronology of the Larteh area and about the nature of interactions that existed between Larteh and her neighbors. It is in light of these limitations that I 38 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh conducted an archaeological investigation at Larteh Amanfu to reconstruct the history of Larteh by using archaeological and ethnographic data. 39 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER THREE The Ethnographic and Archaeological Research at the Study Area 3.0 Introduction This chapter presents the data collected in the course of the research. These data consist of both the ethnographic information obtained from present-day Larteh and the archaeological data obtained as a result of the detailed processes and procedures used to undertake the archaeological work on the site. This chapter is divided into two: the first part presents the ethnographic data while the second section describes the archaeological procedures used on the field which aided the researcher to recover the numerous archaeological data. The reason for the inclusion of this chapter is that, the ethnographic data obtained aided in archaeological interpretation, offered an opportunity to demonstrate where oral traditions and archaeology corroborate each other, and provided a basis for further inquiry into the history of the people of Larteh. The archaeological data provided evidence on past cultural manifestation of the site. 3.1. The Ethnographic Research at Larteh The ethnographic data sheds light on the lifeways of the people of Larteh. Ethnography can be explained as the study of contemporary people in their own setting/environment to understand their culture. Interviews, observation and taking of photographs were the means by which the ethnographic data were collected at Larteh. Observation was done by residing in the community from 1st January, 2021 to 18th January, 2021, where I participated in some of their activities so as to gain insights into the cultural practices of the people. For instance, I observed and participated in the Akwasidae Festival celebrated at Larteh on 17th January, 2021. Regarding interviews, chiefs, sub-chiefs, clan and family heads, other elderly people with knowledge about the history of Larteh 40 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh were interviewed. In all, fifty (50) people (both males and females) from both Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease were interviewed. The ethnographic research was conducted for a total period of four months; from10th June 2021 to 14th June, 2021; 1st January, 2021 to 18th January, 2021; 20th October, 2020 to 30th October, 2020, and 19th May, 2020 to 24th May, 2020. In the course of this ethnographic research, particular attention was paid to the Larteh people’s origins, political organization, settlement behaviour, discard behaviour, occupation and food ways, religious practices, costumes and body adornments, festivals, metalworking, use of pottery and grinding stones and smoking pipes. The use of ethnography aided in mitigating the challenge of material culture studies with reference to misinterpretation or over-interpretation of data. This is because the ethnographic study provided on-site/contextual evidence of tangible use of some cultural materials in present-day Larteh which was related to some of the finds recovered from the archaeological excavations. 3.1.1. The Origins of the People of Larteh Akuapem. The search for conducive environment that will facilitate the wellbeing of individuals and groups have been at the forefront of migration since time memorial. Throughout the world, peoples have moved from place to place in search of safe dwelling places (Fiorgbor, Kuwornu-Adjaottor & Nartey, 2019, p.26). The origins, migration and settlement histories of the Larteh people is no exception to the above claim. Larteh is a twin-town, made up of Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease (Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p. 127, 1972, p.34). This town was known variously as ‘Latabi,’ ‘Date,’ ‘Late’, and ‘Lete’ in the past (Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.127, p.136; 1972, p.34; Meyerowitz, 1952, pp.77-78; Ansah 1935, p.ix; Reindorf, 1850). It is one of the seventeen principal towns of the Akuapem traditional State, and the capital of the Benkum Division (Left Wing) of the state (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.34; Ansah 41 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1935, p.x, and Personal communication with Osabarima Aseidu Okoo Ababio III, Chief of Larteh Ahenease and Benkumhene of the Akuapem state). The town lies on the parallel ridge to the east on the Akonnobepow (Boakyewa 2014, p.1; Osei-Tutu, 2005; www.akuapem.com). The name Larteh is synonyms with ‘La’ (fire) ‘te’ (stone). Larteh, therefore means ‘fire-stone’ or ‘fire-grate.’ Legend has it that the founding fathers of Larteh carried with them flint stone to ignite fire. Obaapanin Akosua Obenewa corroborated the meaning of Larteh by asserting that, in the past the people of Larteh, ignited fire with stone8. Hence the name Larteh. In the same manner, Larteh tradition has it that it is not easy to overcome or assimilate the Larteh people. This view is in consonance with this ancient song of Larteh9. The song goes like this: Mԑntԑ abobi bԑkrԑ Lԑtԑ! Lԑtԑ bↄkrԑ lo! Mԑntԑ abobi bԑkrԑ Lԑtԑ! Lԑtԑ bↄkrԑ lo! Mԑntԑ abobi bԑkrԑ Lԑtԑ OOO! Lԑtԑ bↄkrԑ lo! ԑnne yo, ԑnne bԑ! ԑnne sokyi tↄko gyi! Translated as: What animal can catch/devour Larteh people? Larteh people are difficult to devour What animal can catch/devour Larteh people? Larteh people are difficult to devour 8 Obaapanin Akosua Obenewa (aka. Efutubrekudenkyembreku) is an old woman who currently lives/resides in the compound where the Konkom shrine is situated at Larteh Ahenease. Interviewed on 20/10/2020 9 This song was recited to me by Opanin Owusu Odei (Interviewed: 20/10/2020); Obaapanin Akosua Obenewa (Interviewed on 20/10/2020 Mr. Daniel K. Appiah (Interviewed: 19/05/2020), and Sammuel Odartey (Interviewed: 20/10/2020) all of Larteh Ahenease and Mrs. Dorothy Aboagye (Interviewed: 12/06/2021) and Mrs. Ama Nyarkoaa (Interviewed: 12/06/2021) all of Larteh Kubease. 42 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh What animal can catch/devour Larteh people? Larteh people are difficult to devour We go, we come! We are searching for something to eat! The above song means that it is not easy to conquer or assimilate the people of Larteh. Larteh currently shares boarder with Dodowa to the South, Abonse to the north, Mamfe to the west and Ayikuma to the east. Figure 3.1. Map of present-day Larteh and other Neighboring towns (Produced by: Kelvin Asare) 43 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The origin of Larteh, as reported by Kwamena-Poh (1973, p.127) is that: The Larteh- Kubease tradition says that their ancestors had migrated from Benin City in the mid-west region of modern Nigeria. They had travelled along the coast and settled at Afiako, a place which was on the coast of modern Togo. Not much is remembered of the movement from Afiako to the ridge, where the Kubease migrants made their first settlement at Amanfro. The Larteh Ahenease, on the other hand, trace their ancestors from the coast between Tema and Labadi. They had moved inland and settled at the eastern foot of the Akuapem hills, a place they called Mantim, in a number of small settlements in the area where Ayikuma and other nearby Shai towns are today. These settlements were thirty in all; hence their Kubease neighbors called them Akponkpoode ese (meaning ‘the collected group’) while their Twi neighbours, who had settled in the southern section of the hills, called them Late Amanuasa (Late ‘thirty towns). In her attempt to trace the history of Larteh, Eva L. E. Meyerowitz (1952, pp.77-78) asserted that Larteh Ahenease was among the thirty towns founded in the hill country of Akuapem by Fianko Adeyite, a La Boni chief who left the coast as a result of quarrels among the emigrants (La or Ga Boni people) who had arrived on the coast from Benin in the 16th century10. She stated that these emigrants founded the La Doku and Labadi (now La) upon their arrival on the coast. 10 It should be noted that, Meyerowitz stated that “the original home of the La or Ga Boni people according to Late [Larteh] tradition were not Benin City, but somewhere between the White and Red Volta, a part of the Mossi territory, north of the Northern Territories of Gold Coast[now Ghana] (Meyerowitz 1952, pp.77-78). It is no surprising that Osabarima Aseidu Okoo Ababio III made mention of Ntwumuru and the coast as some areas where the Larteh people migrated from before settling permanently at Larteh. The presence of some Guans and Larteh people at some parts of present-day Savannah and Oti regions as well as some parts of Accra attest to this claim. Therefore, these assertions/claims inherently diffuse any idea of the external origin of the Guans of which Larteh is part. 44 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Also on his part, Carl C. Reindorf, tracing the migration history of the Larteh people explained that Late [Larteh], like the people of Anum, Nkonya and even the Bowure people in Krepe, emigrated from the coast (Reindorf 1895, p.10). Some elements in the above migration history of Larteh reported by the above scholars were attested to by the ethno-historical narratives obtained through the interviews I conducted at Larteh. For example, my interviews with Osabarima Aseidu Okoo Ababio III, Okyeame Ayensu, AbusuaPanin Aseidu Larbi, and Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra, corroborated the claim that Larteh people migrated from the coast to their present location. On his part, Osabarima Asiedu Okoo Ababio III averred that Larteh people migrated from the Ntwumuru area in northern part of Ghana, moved and settled along the coast of Accra and further moved through the Shai hills area before settling at their present location11. He made mention of Enyine Kumi Bredu as among the leaders who led the Larteh Ahenease people during their migration. Abusuapanin Asiedu Larbi (Secretary to the chief of Larteh Ahenease) recounted that upon settling at present-day Larteh, the Ahenease town was grouped into sections, such as Aboase, Mantimase, Pobeԑ, Awerede Mantim of which each comprises of at least five brↄno/quarters12. Additionally, Obaapanin Akosua Obenewa stated that the Aboase section which comprises of five brↄno/quarters13 of the Larteh Ahenease people was the first place Larteh Ahenease people settled on the hilltop before the expansion of the town. Furthermore, oral history recounted to me by Opanin Bempo Bekoe and Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra, all of the Ankobea family of Larteh Kubease, support the claim that Larteh people 11 Interview with Osabarima Asiedu Okoo Ababio III on 10/01/2021 12 Interview with Abusuapanin Asiedu Larbi (Secretary of the chief of Larteh Ahenease) on 01/01/2021 13 These five brↄno of Aboase are Abodwode, Adomfode, Anukode, Akramede and Agyankpode. Interview with Obaapanin Akosua Obenewaa on 20/10/2020. 45 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh migrated from the coastal areas and passed through the area of Shai, then to Larteh Amanfu, and then to their present location. They made mention of Okreme Gyamkpo as the leader who led the Larteh Kubease people to their present location. This account for the Agyamkpode brↄno or lineage quarters at Larteh Kubease. They pointed to the Abↄde brↄno as their (Larteh Kubease people) initial point of settlement upon their migration from Larteh Amanfu14. However, unlike the perspective of Michael Kwamena-Poh (1973, p.127) that “the Larteh Kubease people settled at Amanfro [Amanfu] and the Larteh Ahenease people at Mantim”, information obtained from both towns of Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease point to Amanfu as their ancient settlement, an indication that the ancestors of both towns once lived at Larteh Amanfu. For example, in one of my interviews with Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra, he stated that: ná yԑte Amanfu ansana yԑreba Kubease ha, wei nti yԑwↄ brↄno bi wↄ Larteh Kubease ha yԑfrԑ no Abↄde15. This translates as: We previously lived at Amanfu before migrating to Kubease. And that, we have a place called “Abↄde”, which was our initial point of settlement upon our migration from Larteh Amanfu. Also, Abusuapanin Asiedu Larbi and Okyeame Ayensu of Larteh Ahenease all explained that the Larteh Ahenease people settled at Amanfu in the course of their migration before settling at present-day Larteh16. 14 Interviewe with Opanin Bempo Bekoe and Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyenfra, on 11/06/2021 15 Interviewed: 22/10/2020. 16 Interview with Abusuapanin Aseidu Larb and Okyeame Ayensu on 01/01/2021 and 22/10/2020 respectively 46 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh It can be inferred from the above migration histories of both towns that the people of Larteh might have been a single group before migrating from their ‘aboriginal home’17. This claim is supported by an Ahenease origin song recited by Teacher Okyeame Darko on the occasion of All-Guan Delegates Conference held at Larteh on December 6, 1981 which was culled by Kwame Ampene. The song is translated as: From Ntwumuru in the north, we came to Senya on the coast. We separated and moved to a place called Domfoe at the northern edge of the Akonnobepow near Abonse for shelter. After a sojourn, we made settlements in the Adangme plains at Ebia, Sekete and Ekpu (now extinct). Then we fraternized with a section of the La people before we moved on to Konyon (i.e. Akonoso) which is modern Ayikuma. From there we climbed the (Akuapem) Mountain and founded Larteh. And we moved no more! (Ampene, 2007, p.46; Boakyewa, 2014, p.21) Again, it should be noted that because the migration history of Larteh was not an event but a gradual process, not all the people who presently live at present-day Larteh had their descendants in Larteh Amanfu. That is, some people in present-day Larteh migrated to the town after the Larteh Amanfu inhabitants had moved to their present location at the hill top. Example of such people are those who belong to the Akankyanne brↄno or quarters and the Esentre brↄno or quarters all in Larteh Kubease. They trace their ancestry to the Fante and Asante respectively18. The above 17 See foot note 10. 18 Interview with Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra and Opanin Bempoe Bekoe from Larteh Kubease, on 13/06/2021. Interview with Owusu Odei from Adabiri borᴐn/quarters at Ahehnease on 20/10/2020; and interview with Abusuapanin Aseidu Larbi, on 01/01/2021. 47 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh discussion on the origin and migration of the people of Larteh has shown that the migration history of the people of Larteh is a complex phenomenon of varied nature and character (Falola and Usman, 2009, p.1). 3.1.2. Political Organization of the Larteh People. As earlier indicated, Larteh is a town which comprises Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease. Larteh, like other towns in Akuapem, was ruled by priests known as Adԑdifo /Asofo (Boakyewa 2014, p.3; Labi 2002, p.1, & Personal Communication with Obaapanin Akosua Obenewa and Opanin Kwabena Mante). Narrating the history of Larteh, Obaapanin Akosua Obenewa alias Efutubrekudenkyembreku stated that: kan no, ná kurowmú [Larteh] yi nyinaa yԑ kwae. Ná Ohene nni ha. Ná ԑyԑ Adԑdifo na wohwԑ kurow yi so. Ná wↄfrԑ baako Adԑdi Asante. Ná Adԑdi Asante fii Asore brↄno mu. Afei nso, ná Kwasi sofo, Kwasi Dente ne Ofei Kwadwo nyinaa yԑ Konkom Asofo". This translates as: Present-day Larteh was a forested area in the past. There was no chief and that priests were the leaders of the town. One of such priests was Adԑdi Asante who was from Asore brↄno /quarters at Larteh Ahenease. Kwasi Osofo (Kwasi the priest), Kwasi Dente, and Ofei Kwadwo were all Adԑdifo/priest/Asofo of the Konkom shrine. These adԑdifo/priests performed both religious and political roles. Such roles included settling disputes among members of the clan quarters (brↄno). 48 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Today, both Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease are ruled by chiefs and not by priests as it was in the past. This chieftaincy form of governance was introduced to the area by the people of Akyem Abuakwa in the 1730s. It came about when elders of Akuapem unanimously agreed that the Akyem Abuakwa led by prince Safori should live in Akuapem after they (the Akyem and Akuapem forces) had defeated the Akwamu people. This was partly because of the inability of the Akuapem to commensurate the services of the Akyem Abuakwa warlords (Gyamerah, 2014, pp.34-35; Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.40; Reindorf, 1850, p.95). The fear that the defeated Akwamu may reorganize themselves and attack them again was also a factor that influenced the decision of the Akuapem (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.40). As a result, a meeting was held in Abotakyi, one of the seventeen towns of the Akuapem State, to recognize the Akyem Abuakwa overlords. An oath to enshrine the event was sworn at the Kyenku shrine located at Obosomase (Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.47; Reindorf, 1850, p.95). This oath also served as a covenant between the Akuapem people and the Akyem people. It is for this reason that people of Akyem Abuakwa decent still occupies the paramount seat of the Akuapem State (Osei-Tutu 1992, p.9). Thus, the Akan chieftaincy institution as currently practised in Akuapem including Larteh was among the legacies of the people of Akyem Abukwa origin (Gyamerah, 2014; McCaskie 2011, p.170; Kwamenah-Poh, 1973; 1972 & Wilks, 1957). Presently, the chief at Larteh Ahenease is called Osabarima Aseidu Okoo Ababio III. He is also the Benkumhene (Commander of the Left Wing) of the Akuapem Divisional Council whereas at Larteh Kubease, the chief is called Nana Otu Agyemfra VI. That is to say that the chiefs are the political heads of their respective towns. Below the chiefs are sub-cheifs such as the Krontihene (Prime Minister), Gyasehene (Chief of the royal household), Asafohene (Commander-in-chief) as 49 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh well as Ankobeahene (Minister of the Interior). In addition to these people, linguists and queenmother form part of the chiefs' cabinet at both towns of Larteh. It should be stated that priests and priestesses continue to function in the administration of the town despite the existence of the chieftaincy institution. Larteh Akuapem is thus a place where two cultures meet as the Akan chieftaincy and the Guan culture of priestly leadership cultures had fused. Also, the patrilineal system of inheritance is still practised in Larteh. 3.1.3. Settlement Behaviour of the People of Larteh. Each of the Larteh towns (Ahenase and Kubease) is made up of several brↄno/ settlement quarters. At Ahenease, the brↄno are thirty, hence the saying Larteh amanuasa (thirty towns of Larteh), while at Kubease, the brↄno are fourteen19. A brↄno/settlement quarter comprises of people with the same lineage. Each brↄno is headed by the Abusuapanin (family head). At Larteh, the brↄno are arranged in a linear pattern. That is, the settlement pattern of Larteh is linear with houses lining the road that passes through the community. One distinct characteristics of each brᴐno in Larteh is that each has its own god. The importance of arranging or organizing the towns into brᴐno/ settlement quarters is that it helps individuals to trace their lineages (Brokennsh, 1972, p.79). The architectural styles in Larteh consist of buildings constructed with stones, and contemporary structures built with cement blocks. Currently, there are wattle-and-daub structures in the town. Almost all the houses are roofed with zinc roofing sheets. There are both single storey and multiple storied buildings in the town. Most of the houses are in enclosed compounds, commonly referred to as compound houses in the Ghanaian setting. It can also be observed at Larteh that stones had 19 Interview with Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra and Opanin Bempoe Bekoe on 11/06/2021. 50 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh been used as foundations of buildings in the distant past. This shows how Larteh people had use stones which were readily available to them. Below are examples of architectural styles at Larteh (figures 3.2; 3.3; and 3.4). A police station and a post office serve the two communities of Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease. Figure 3.2 Picture of wattle-and-daub structures at Larteh. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 51 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.3 Picture of a house built with stones at Larteh. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 52 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.4 Picture of a house built with cement and blocks at Larteh. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 3.1.4. Discard Behaviour of Larteh People The people of Larteh do not lither their community with waste. Instead, the community have common refuse dumps and waste bins where refuse are been discarded. The dumps are at the outskirst of the town. This arrangement has ensured that there is no indiscriminate disposal of waste in the town. In fact, the archaeological mounds identified at Larteh Amanfu were similar to the refuse dumps in the modern Larteh townships. This, however does not suggest in any way that the numerous mounds found during the reconnaissance survey at Larteh Amanfu were middens. Regarding how they bury their dead, the belief of individuals determine how they are buried. That is, the beliefs of the community influence burial rites. At Larteh, Christians, Muslims and indigenous religious practitioners have different cemeteries. 53 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.5 Means of Waste Disposal at Larteh. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 3.1.5. Occupation and Food ways of the People of Larteh. The predominant occupation in Larteh is farming. People engage in the cultivation of crops, such as, Zea mays (maize), Musa paradisiaca (plantain), Colocasia esculenta (cocoyam) and Manihot esculenta (cassava). Vegetables cultivated include Capsicum (pepper), Solanum lycopersicum (tomatoes), and Abelmoschus esculentus (okra). The people also cultivate cash crops such as Theobroma cacao (cocoa). Elaeis guineensis (oil palm) is also cultivated in the area. It is from this oil palm tree that palm oil, palm weevil larvae (akↄkono), palm wine, and local gin (akpԑteshie)) are obtained. The people of Larteh also collect wild fruits such as Citrus X sinensis (orange), Carica papaya (pawpaw) and Mangifera indica (mango) when they are in abundance. Some inhabitants of the area are engaged in rearing of animals such as Ovis aries (sheep), Capra aegagrus hircus (goat), and Gallus gallus (chicken). Apart from farming, other occupations in the area include petty trading in the form of selling cosmetics, non-alcoholic beverages, etc. Some also engage in the making of pestle (wↄmba) for pounding fufu; palm oil production, and palmwine tapping. 54 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh My informants maintained that yam is significant part of their diet and ritual. For example, mashed yam (ԑtↄ) are sprinkled and fed to the ancestors during the Ohum festival. Also, rice has become an important part of their diet. Adult males engage in hunting of animals such as grasscutter, antelope, and deer. Achatina acatina are also collected for food. Some people at Larteh also engage in stone quarrying. 3.1.6. Religious Practices at Larteh. Larteh is a polytheistic town. This is evidenced by the existence of African Traditional Religion, Christianity and Islam in the town. Presently, Larteh has numerous Christian denominations, including Protestant and Pentecostal churches as well as mosque. The town had an early reputation as a strong fetish-town (Brokensha, 1966, p.10). J.K. Ansah, author of The Centenary History of the Larteh Presbyterian Church 1853-1953, commenting on the practice of indigenous religion at Larteh, asserted that no other town in Akuapem professes fetishism more than Larteh (Ansah 1955, p.xii). Popular among the gods worshipped in Larteh include Akonnedi. Some of my informants stated that Akonnedi is the ‘national’ god of Larteh20. This is evident from the existence of two Akonnedi Shrines in the Larteh town, one at Larteh Ahenease and one at Larteh Kubease (see figures 3.6, and 3.7). Apart from the clan gods, there are also individual gods in the town. 20Interview with Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra on 22/10/2020, and Mr. Kwame Abreadu (Okyeame/linguist to the ↄsofo of the Akonnedi shrine at Larteh Kubease on 13/06/2021. 55 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.6 Akonnedi Shrine at Larteh Ahenease. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). Figure 3.7 Akonnedi Shrine at Larteh Kubease. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). Ethnographic information revealed that the people of Larteh, both Ahenease and Kubease, perform rituals during the celebration of their festivals in one of the forest groves (Nananom Pow) located at the Larteh Amanfu site. The rituals performed in the forest grove at Amanfu shows that the 56 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh inhabitants of present-day Larteh have ties with this ancient settlement. This supports the claim that Amanfu was the ancient settlement of the Larteh people. The ethnographic data further illustrated that some people in Larteh are polytheistic; they engage in either indigenous religious practices with Christianity or Islam. It should be stated that, despite the existence of diverse religions in the town, there has not been religious induced conflict in the area. Holiness, cleanliness, and purity are an important aspects of the indigenous religious practices of the people of Larteh. For this reason, when a prominent individual dies in the community there is the performance of a ritual known as dwira serving as to cleansing of the community. Burial with grave goods is done for notable personalities, such as, chiefs and priests/priestesses. 3.1.7. Costumes and Body Adornments of the People of Larteh Presently, there is no garment that can be used to identify a Larteh person from people of other ethnic affiliations. However, oral tradition recounted by my informants intimated that the earliest known costume worn by the Larteh people was known as Obofu. It was made from the bark of a certain tree21. This is confirmed by Reindorf’s claim that when Safori, a Prince of Akyem Abuakwa demanded that the Akuapem pay him after helping them to defeat the Akwamu, the Akuapem people including Larteh, were poor to the extent that they had no gold-dust, money, or even cloth to wear, that they used Obofu, the bark of a soften tree as clothing (Reindorf, 1895, p.95). However, present-day Larteh people adorn themselves with different types of clothes made from print fabrics. For instance, elderly women at Larteh mostly wear kaba and slit during occasions, church attendance, and other community gatherings. Elderly men, mostly Abusuapanin or clan heads, linguists, and chiefs adorn themselves with the kente fabric and some beads during important 21 Mr. Daniel K. Appiah (Interviewed on 19/05/2020); Opanin Bempo Bekoe (Interviwed on 11/06/2021). 57 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh occasions. My interview with Mrs Adwo Aboagye, an 87- year old woman at Larteh Kubease and Mrs. Akosua Odoso, a 75 year old woman from Larteh Ahenease showed that most women, both the elderly and young wear waist beads. Equally, beads are also worn by priests and priestesses on their wrists and ankles. The beads worn by the priestesses and priests are different in the sense that such beads are said to contain some supernatural powers22 which act as a décor to ward off evil spirit and also as professional identification (Labi 2002, p.5; Personal Communication with Okyeame Ayensu, Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra, Opanin Bempo Bekoe and Mr. Kwame Abreadu). It should be clarified that of the beads, mostly called ahwenepa (precious beads) worn by the chiefs are distinct from those worn by the commoners. Beads are worn on the waist, ankle, and or the wrist. Like pottery, beads are not manufactured at Larteh. My respondents explained that Larteh people have made use of beads since time memorial and continue to adorn themselves with beads in this era as well. The source of these beads, according to my informants are from the Krobo area23. 22 Interview with Mr. Kofi Abreadu (linguist to the priest of the Akonnedi shrine at Larteh Kubease. Date, 13/06/2021. 23 Interview with Opanin Bempo Bekoe, and Mrs Adwo Aboagye on 21/05/2020. Interview with Mrs. Akosua Odoso on 23/05/2020. 58 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.8 Picture of some beads. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). Also, priest and priestesses paint their bodies with hyirew, a type of white clay. This body art or painting features prominently during the worship of deities (Labi 2002, p.5; Personal Communication with Kwame Abreadu, (Okyeame/linguist to the Ↄsofo of the Akonnedi shrine at Larteh Kubease). With regards to the use of objects made of ivory at the area, my respondents were not sure about where the ivory came from and how it was fashioned into ivory items. However, some of them stated that most of the objects of ivory their ancestors obtained were used for adorning their bodies, either used as wrist bangles or as a comb for hair grooming. Some of my respondents upon seeing the objects of ivory I found during the excavation through public archaeology or community engagement in Larteh pointed to the comb-like ivory (see figure 4.50: f) recovered from the excavations at Larteh Amanfu as being used for grooming beard. On the other hand, the object of ivory fashioned in a circular manner (see figure 4.49: b-f; and figure 4.50: a-e), according to my 59 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh respondents were used as wrist bangles. Regarding the source of these ivory objects, some informants claimed that these objects were obtained as a result of commercial exchanges with other peoples. They pointed to the Akyem, Akwamu, and other towns along the coast as the source. 3.1.8. Festivals Celebrated by the People of Larteh. Festival is defined here as an event celebrated by a given community to commemorate their past. Thus, festivals are important in the lives of most Ghanaians. Festivals celebrated by the people of Larteh include the Ohum (Twi) or Bba (Guan) and the Odwira festivals, and Adae. The Ohum (Twi) or Bba (Guan) festival is the main festival celebrated by the people of Larteh. It is usually celebrated one month after the Odwira festival has been celebrated.24 The purpose of celebrating this festival is to thank the gods for protecting them and for a successful harvest. It is also to cleanse the community and is a means to supplicate the ancestors. Prior to the celebration of the festival, there is banning of noise25. Some activities undertaken during the celebration of this festival include ritual cleansing and purification of the community in the form of offering prayers to the ancestors and communal drinking (Asafosa Nom Da). The various Asafo Companies (warriors) meet, and drink palm wine to strengthen unity. Mourning of the deceased in the past years takes place at this time. Entertaining activities such as playing of football and oware games take place during the celebration of this festival. Another festival celebrated by the people of Larteh is the Odwira festival. The word ‘Odwira’ is an Akan word which means “purification”. This festival is mostly celebrated six weeks after observing Adae usually between the months of August and October. In many ways like the Ohum 24 Interview with Opanin Bempo Bekoe, on 17/01/2021. 25 Apart from the literature which have been duly acknowledged, information about some of the activities done during the celebration of both the Odwira and Ohum festivals at Larteh, were recounted to me by Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra and Opanin Bempo Bekoe on 11/ 06/2012); and Abusuapanin Aseidu Larbi on 01/01/2021. 60 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh festival, the purpose of celebrating Odwira is to cleanse and purify the community, and to thank the gods and the ancestors for their protection. The celebration of the Odwira festival reminds the Akuapem people about the 1826 defeat of the Asante by the combined forces of the Akuapem, Akyem, some coastal states, the English, and the Danes. During the war, the Asante war god called Odwira Apafram and the stool regalia associated with the celebration of the Odwira festival, among other things, were captured from the Asante and became part of the Okuapemhenes regalia (Boamah 2019, p.34; Labi, 2002, p.3, and personal Communication with respondents26). Like the celebration of the Ohum festival, there is also banning of noise prior to the celebration of the Odwira festival. The celebration of Odwira at Larteh is a week-long occasion involving several activities. Such activities include ritual cleansing of the community by offering prayers to the gods and ancestors of the town. Chiefly stools, particularly the nkongua tuntum or the black stools of the past Larteh chiefs are ritually cleansed. Mourning of the deceased of the previous years also take place during this time. Like the Ohum festival, entertainment activities like playing football are among the activities done during the celebration of the Odwira festival. Communal labour which involves cleaning the Larteh town is done during the celebration of the Odwira festival. To climax the celebration, there is a grand durbar where the chiefs together with their subjects discuss the development projects of the town. It is evident from the above that both the Ohum and Odwira festivals constitute rites of purification, remembrance, thanksgiving, and development (Ayesu, 2013, p.35). Apart from the entertainment aspects of the festivals, they serve as education for the people by transmitting indigenous knowledge and values. They also serve as a means of bonding. This is 26 These informants are Osabarima Aseidu Okoo Ababio III (Interviewed on 10/01/2021), Opanini Kawabena Mante(Interviewed on 12/06/2021), Opanin Bempo Bekoe (Interviwed on 11/ 06/2012); and Abusuapanin Aseidu Larbi on 01/01/2021). 61 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh because Larteh people, living in other places return home during festivals. This in turn strengthens the individual’s sense of identity and belongingness. 3.1.9. Metalworking at Larteh. Blacksmithing in the Larteh language is Obirew, and the blacksmith is called adԑ Obirew. At Larteh Kubease, my informants27 attested to the existence of a blacksmith in the town in the preceding years, but at the time of this research there was none in the area. They informed me that a certain man from Mamfe Akuapem visits their town to sell his iron implements. There is a blacksmith at Larteh Ahenease. He claimed that it was his late father, Paa Kwadwo Obirew who trained him to become a blacksmith. The mode of learning such vocation was through apprenticeship. The blacksmith at Larteh Ahenease is also a farmer and usually works at the smithing shop after returning from his farm. He stated that the craft of blacksmithing involved the performance of certain rituals at his forge with a fowl. This is to ward off evil spirits against his work. Females in their menstrual periods are not permitted in his shop because of the common belief that such individuals carry bad luck which is likely to cause breakages of tools or retard the smithing process. One of my respondents28 appeared to be knowledgeable about iron smelting. Strangely, he did not say much about the existence of a metalworking industry at Larteh Amanfu, the ancient settlement of the people of Larteh. Exegetical analysis and interpretation of this ethno-historical narrative shows that the information given to me was just a ‘feedback’. Regarding the existence of gold smith in the town, my interviewees stated that there were gold smiths at both Larteh Ahenease and Larteh Kubease. However, such occupation do not currently 27 Interview with Mr. David Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra and Opanin Bempo Bekoe on 11/ 06/2021; Mrs. Dorothy Aboagye on 12/06/2021; and Mrs. Ama Nyarkoaa on 12/06/2021). 28 Mr. Bempo Bekoe 62 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh exists. Reason for the collapse of this craft in the later part of the twentieth century, from my interviewees were low patronage of such service because only a few citizens of the town possess objects made of gold, brass or even copper. As such, these people abandoned such occupation and engaged in farming. 3.1.10. The Use of Pottery at Larteh. A person who manufactures pots is called alↄ sↄ in the Larteh language. However, the ethnographic information obtained at Larteh revealed that the people of Larteh do not manufacture pottery, though pots are among the important household items of the people of Larteh. My informants stated that there is no potter in the town and that the people of Larteh obtained their pots from the Dangme people of Krobo and Shai. The researcher observed that pots were used in most shrines at Larteh. It was also observed that, most houses prefer to cook medicinal herbs in clay pots. Also, my informants stated that some of the pots were used for storing water. Some of the pots found at Larteh were hemispherically shaped. The predominant pottery found in the shrines I visited were pottery known in the local parlance as asanka (grinding pots); they were used for grinding herbs for medical treatment. It should be noted that I was not allowed to take photographs of the pottery found in the shrines. 63 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.9 Picture of clay pot found in a household at Larteh. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 3.1.11. The Use of Grinding Stone at Larteh. Per my observation during the collection of the ethnographic data at Larteh, some households have grinding stones and several querns. My interviewees indicated that these grinding stone and querns served multiple functions or purposes. They explained that grinding stones were used in grinding or processing herbal medicine, and vegetables, in particular pepper and tomatoes. The grinding stones and querns were made from quartz which is abundant in Larteh. 64 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.10 Picture of a grinding stone and a quern found in one of the household at Larteh (left) and a quern found during the reconnaissance at Larteh Amanfu (right). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 3.1.12. The Use of Smoking Pipes at Larteh. Ethno-historical information obtained on the use of smoking pipes at Larteh was that the people of Amanfu used such pipes. However, tobacco was not planted at Larteh. My interviewees stated that tobacco was obtained from the coastal people who obtained these tobacco from the Europeans on the coast. Apart from the use of the smoking pipes to smoke tobacco, ethnographic evidence revealed that the pipes were used to smoke other herbs which were considered to be medicinal. Those who used the smoking pipes, both the locally made and foreign made were the affluent people. However, according to my informants, bamboo-made smoking pipes were used by people who could not afford the conventional smoking pipes. Regarding the source of these smoking pipes, my informants averred that they were not products from the Larteh nexus, but were obtained from other communities along the coast as a result of trade relations. 65 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.2. Archaeological Procedures Used at Larteh Amanfu. Archaeology can be explained as the scientific and systematic study of past human society by examining the materials they left behind which are retrieved through excavation and through surface collections. At Larteh Amanfu, the archaeological methods used to uncover the archaeological data were ground survey and excavation. 3.2.1. Archaeological Survey at Larteh Amanfu. The first phase of the archaeological research conducted at Larteh Amanfu was ground survey. Archaeological survey involves the methodical attempt to find, identify, and record the distribution of archaeological data on the ground in tandem with their natural environment (Fagan and DeCorse, 2005, p.169). That is, archaeological survey is a technique employed by archaeologists to obtain data from archaeological sites without excavating (Sharer and Ashmore, 2010, p.86). This technique is less destructive juxtaposed with archeological excavation (Sharer and Ashmore, 2010, p.87). The survey conducted at Larteh Amanfu was done to assess the archaeological potential of the site. It also helped me to gain insights into the terrain and the site dimension. The process, thus, produced “data about the form, that is, size and internal arrangement of the site” (Sharer and Ashmore, 2010, p.87). The survey also aided me in the selection of where to excavate. The archaeological survey at Larteh Amanfu was undertaken on foot. That is, the survey was done “by going out on foot and looking at the ground surface” (David, 2006, p.9) for evidence of archaeological materials. This technique or method of survey is what has generally been described as “pedestrian survey, field-walking or walk-over survey” (David, 2006, p.9). 66 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In conducting the survey, I was assisted by a five-member crew29 from the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies and two (2) indigenes30 from Larteh. The inclusion of the indigenes was based on the fact that ground reconnaissance can be greatly aided by the cooperation and assistance of indigenous inhabitants, who may serve as guides and help to identify the sites (Sharer and Ashmore 1993, p.197). It was also to furnish them with knowledge about archaeological practices. The reconnaissance was done after the traditional authorities had granted the researcher permission and also poured libation for the success of the research. Figure 3.11 Picture of Mr. Daniel Kofi Gyamfi Agyemfra (Ankobeahene of Larteh Kubease) offering prayers for the success of the research. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). Numerous archaeological materials, such as, fragments of local ceramics (pottery), molluscs grinding stone, and querns were found in the course of the survey. Though not all the surface finds 29 The five member-crew are Gideon Agyare (Senior Laboratory Technician, Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies), Kelvin Asare (Mphil student), Kenny Peter Tetteh (national service person), Caleb Nyanor (national service person) and Gerald Ganyo (level 400 student of Archaeology and Heritage Studies). 30 The two indigenes of the town were Opanin Yaw Aboagye (the man the researcher conducted the excavation on his land) and Sammuel Odatey. 67 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh were collected. Instead, photographs were taken and in some cases the GPS coordinates of some of the archaeological materials were recorded. The GPS coordinates of some of the surface finds were taken because surface scatter can provide clues to future researchers about the archaeological potential of the site. Some pictures of some materials found during the reconnaissance survey are shown below (figures 3.12; 3.13; and 3.14). Figure 3.12 Fragments of potsherds and shells. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). Figure 3.13 Fragments of shells and pottery (left) and a shell (right). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 68 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.14 Picture of grinding stone (left) and a quern (right). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). Also, during the survey numerous archaeological features such as mounds numbering fifty-four (54); Nananom Pow (Forest groves) numbering three (3); and other landmarks were identified (figure 3.15). Some of the identified mounds, such as, MD32, MD33, MD34, MD35, MD49, and MD53 (fig. 3.15) were partially destroyed as a result of construction and farming activities in the area. The purpose of mapping these identified archaeological features and landmarks at Amanfu in the course of the ground survey was because mapping of archaeological feature is part of site surveying (Fagan and DeCorse, 2005, p.90). Mapping in archaeological research aids the researcher to graphically present archaeological features found on the surface of the site. Again, through the survey and collection of oral traditions, the researcher was able to establish that Ayebusu, Bompo valley, Mankonto and Egyibote are respectively the northern, southern, eastern and western boundaries of the site. The survey thus aided the researcher to establish the site boundaries. 69 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.15 A Map showing the boundaries of Larteh Amanfu and some features and landmarks identified during the survey. (Produced by: Kelvin Asare). 70 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Moreover, in the course of the survey, with the help of the indigenes from the town, I made concerted efforts to identify the various quarters of the ancient settlement. That is, the local informants showed me the parts of the land that were inhabited by ancestors of some of the clans at present-day Larteh. Through the survey, I observed that several archaeological features were been destroyed as a result of construction activities (figure 3.16). Similarly, farming activities are posing threat to the archaeological materials on the site. Figure 3.16 Destroyed mounds as a result of construction activities. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 3.2.2. The Archaeological Excavation at Larteh Amanfu The method of excavating only one or two areas within a broader or an entire site and then assuming that the rest are of the same date and general form has been noted by scholars to be extremely dangerous (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.17 & Ucko, et al. 1978, p.112). The reason is that, there is the possibility of much variety within a single site. It was partly for this reason that 71 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh reconnaissance survey was conducted to collect some cultural materials (shells and pottery) from the surface so as to aid in comparison with the excavated materials. Archaeological excavation may be explained as the systematic process by which cultural materials buried beneath the ground surface are recovered or unearthed. To Martha Joukowsky, excavation “is the method of removing objects and uncovering stationary features that have been concealed by later deposits: it involves the removal of levels in reverse order to the way they were laid down, gradually revealing each successive stage in the history of the site” (Joukowsky, 1980, p.159). Excavation helps to reveal the “three-dimensional record of an archaeological site in which the various artifacts, structures, and other finds are placed in their correct provenance and context in time and space” (Fagan and DeCorse, 2005, p.209). With the above perspectives in mind, the excavation was done to derive adequate material that aided in reconstructing the history of Larteh. This is because, excavation is one of the main methods used by archaeologist to discover the past. Without it, only a handful of the human past will be recovered and studied (Champion, 1980, p.43). Excavation is also the only source that provides data/evidence where the documents are silent or missing (Baker, 1993, pp.13-14). In sum, excavation helps to retrieve cultural materials which in turn helps in the reconstruction of past lifeways of a given society. At Larteh Amanfu, a trench of 2m X 5m was excavated. The excavated trench (05°56'36.0"N, 000°04'53.1"W) is located at the north eastern section of the Larteh Amanfu site. From MD11 to the excavated trench is 15.7m, and from the excavated trench to Nananom Pow 1 (NP1) is 57m long (see figure 3.15). At the north-eastern section of the excavated trench is located a newly built structure (house), designated as Building Structure (BS) in this study. From that structure to the 72 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh excavated trench is 7.2m long (see figure 3.15). The excavated trench, reached a sterile depth of 165cm. below ground surface. At this level, no cultural materials were found. The area selected for the excavation was chosen because numerous artefacts littered on the area and its immediate surroundings. For this reason, diverse and enormous cultural materials were recovered from the excavated trench. These recovered materials provided insights into the lifeways of the inhabitants of the area. 3.2.3. Excavation Method Used At Larteh Amanfu. Despite the fact that archaeological excavation is one of the principal means by which cultural materials buried beneath the ground surface can be recovered or unearthed, this data recovery technique is a destructive process as well as an unrepeatable experiment (Baker, 1993, p.13; Baker, 1982, p.12). The excavation technique used at the site was digging by stratigraphic levels or by natural layers of the earth. Excavating by stratigraphic/natural levels involves removing the earth’s strata according to their human or geologic deposition (Joukowsky, 1980, p.171). The importance of excavating by natural layers is that it helps to determine the vertical provenience (Asare, 2018, p.63). It also helps to expose the chronological order of a site (Fagan and DeCorse, 2005, p.10). With the aid of tools such as pegs, compass, measuring tapes, twine and ranging poles, the researcher was able to lay the trench for the excavation. 73 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.17 Picture of the gridded trench. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). Pick axe, hand picks and trowels were used to dig through the soil. Brushes were used to expose materials; and dustpans and head pans were used for collecting soil from the trench which was poured into a sieve with a mesh of 1/4 mm. The sieving helped in the retrieval of tiny cultural materials that might otherwise have been lost during the excavation. 74 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.18 Picture of the researcher sieving. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 75 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.19 Picture of the researcher (right) with Kelvin Asare (left) excavating. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). The recovered materials were sorted and bagged according to the industry (pottery, lithic or ivory) they belong to. The bags were labelled with appropriate provenience information such as the name of the site, date of excavation, and stratigraphic level. 3.2.4. Natural Stratigraphic Layers The excavation revealed three cultural layers (figures 3.20; 3.21; and 3.22). A variety of materials were retrieved from the excavated trench (see table 4.1). The soil colours were determined using the Munsell Colour Chart. The surface of the trench was characterized by numerous rootlets. Cultural materials such as potsherds and mollusc shells were scattered on the surface where the trench was laid. 76 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The soil colour of layer 1 of the excavated trench comprised black humus soil (2/1 10YR). The soil was mixed with charred charcoal. Also, numerous rootlets were present in this layer. The texture of the soil within this layer was loose. The soil was loose to the extent that it easily gave way at the slightest touch of a trowel. This layer went down to a depth of 79cm at its deepest section. Materials retrieved from this layer included local pottery, polished stone axe, oil palm kernel, bones, shells, metals, and local smoking pipes. Layer 2 was characterized by very dark brown soil (2/2 10YR). At this layer, tiny specks of charcoal as well as some gravels were found. Compared to soil within layer 3, soil within this layer was relatively smooth. Cultural materials such as mollusc shells, bones, oil palm kernel, pottery, metals, ivory objects, fragments of local smoking pipes, a terracotta figurine, fragments of daub, locally manufactured pottery, and polished stone axe were retrieved from this layer. This layer ended at a depth of 101 cm below ground level. The last layer, that is, layer three was characterized by a dark brown soil (3/3 10YR). The texture of the soil was coarse. There were chunk of gravels and stones within this layer. Materials recovered from this layer included pottery, objects of ivory, European smoking pipes, a bead, crucibles, and fragments of daub. The excavation ended at a depth of 165cm. This was the sterile of the excavated trench. No cultural materials were found at the sterile. Instead, it was characterized with several gravels and stones. It is worth noting that the quantities of cultural materials declined as lower levels/layers were reached. For instance, at layer one (1), 4,374 materials were retrieved, layer two (2) produced 3,539 materials while layer three (3) produced 1,397 materials (see table 4.1). Finds recovered from the various layers of the excavated trench demonstrates a high level of uniformity. Cultural materials such as pottery, bones, shells, and metals were present in all the three layers of the excavated trench. 77 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.20 Picture showing the excavated Trench. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 78 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.21. East Wall profile of the excavated trench at Larteh Amanfu. (Produced by Edward Nyarko, 2021). 79 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.22. South Wall profile of the excavated trench at Larteh Amanfu. (Produced by: Eward Nyarko, 2021). 3.2.5. Post Field Analysis Post-field analysis may be explained as all practices and methods used to process archaeological data after they have been brought from the field so as to ensure the preservation and longevity of these cultural materials. Post-field is very necessary because it helps the researcher to get enough provenance/information on the excavated data. This provenance enables the researcher to analyze and interpret the excavated materials. The post-field processes undertaken by the researcher included the cleaning, conservation, and labelling and classification of the recovered archaeological data. 80 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Cleaning was the initial stage of the post-field processing I embarked upon. It was done either by washing or brushing of the excavated find depending on the kind of material in question. Archaeological materials recovered from Amanfu were cleaned with the exception of the crucibles. The potsherds were cleaned with water. This was done by dipping a soft toothbrush into a bowl of water and gently brushing dirt off the material. The purpose was to remove the matrix around them so that the physical attributes such as the decorations, colour, paste characteristics, etc. can be seen. Also, some bones were cleaned by washing whiles fragile bones were cleaned by brushing without the use of water. The cleaning of the materials were done layer by layer and that the finds, already separated into various categories (such as pottery, bones, shells, stone tools, etc) on the field were washed according to the respective group they belong. This implies that potsherds for example, were washed separately from bones. After cleaning the finds, they were sun-dried under a shade. The purpose was to ensure that the materials were not affected by excessive sun exposure. Regarding the cleaning of the metals, they were cleaned first by using two types of sandpaper (220 grit and 500 grit) to grind the surface of the metal in other to get rid of corrosion so as to reveal a smooth metal surface. The 220 grit sandpaper was first used to grind the surface after which a finer sand paper (500 grit) was used to remove the remaining corrosion. To desalinate the metals, they were boiled in water. This action dispossesses the metal of all oxides within it, and thus prevents further rusting. The surface of the metals were then coated with wax. Coating the surface of metals with wax “is a conservation mechanism which ensures that the pores and surfaces of the metals are covered with wax to prevent oxidation” (Asare, 2018). Conservation was then done after the cleaning. During this stage, fragments from the same objects, especially pottery that were broken were mended together. That is, smashed objects or materials were glued together. 81 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Labelling was then done after the conservation of the materials. This was done by assigning individual provenience to each artifact for easy identification. The information placed as labels on the finds included the site name, year of excavation, trench number, and the layer from which the finds were recovered. The labelling of the materials was done with indelible ink. The relevance associated with labelling is that it aids in inter stratigraphic analyses by allowing the grouping together of similar finds from different layers, while at the same time facilitating the establishment of continuity or change in the distribution of finds across layers. Also, the labelling was done to ensure that provenance was not lost. The final stage was taking of inventory and classification. Inventory is the method of counting and recording the quantity of artefacts within each industry [ceramics, lithic, or metal industries, etc.] (Sharer and Ashmore, 1993, p.286). This process entails the detailed list of every artefact recovered. This was done by collecting all the cultural materials recovered from the Larteh Amanfu site and generating a complete list of the collections based on the locations from which they were retrieved. This information helped the researcher to gain an idea of the total number of materials recovered from the archaeological work. Likewise, materials obtained were grouped based on their shared characteristics to aid in analyses and interpretation. 82 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FOUR DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION 4.0 Introduction This chapter presents a detailed description and analysis of all the finds recovered during the archaeological work at Larteh Amanfu. The analysis is necessary because the numerous archaeological objects recovered at the Larteh Amanfu site entails major database for archaeological inference. Encoded or embedded in these archaeological materials are wealth of enormous information on the activities carried out by the people who acquired, used and discarded these objects. The analysis speak to the objectives of the study and illuminate the research questions that inform this study. 4.1. The Finds. A total of 9,392 finds were recovered from the archaeological research conducted at Larteh Amanfu. Out of the total number of the finds, surface collections comprised eighty-two (82) materials representing 0.87% of the total finds. The surface collections constituted sixteen (16) mollusc shells, sixty-five (65) locally manufactured pottery, and one (1) stone tool (quern). The excavated trench produced 9,310 (99.13%) cultural materials. These cultural materials included twenty-one (21) objects of ivory, twenty-nine (29) metals, one (1) terracotta figurine, eight (8) locally made smoking pipes, two (2) foreign smoking pipes, one (1) bead, two hundred and fifty (250) oil palm kernel, nine-hundred and fifty (950) bones, 2,396 mollusc shells, 5,590 locally manufactured pottery, 47 fragments of daub, four fragments of crucibles and three (3) stone tools. Layer one, layer two, and layer three respectively produced 4,374, 3,539, and 1,397 finds. Table 4.1 below shows the distribution of the finds recovered. 83 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Types of Surface Total Total cultural Layer 1 Layer 2 Layer 3 Collections number percentage materials Local 65 2512 2271 807 5655 ceramics 60.21 Smoking - 7 1 - 8 pipe(local) 0.09 Smoking pipe - - - 2 2 0.02 (foreign) Terracotta - - 1 - 1 figurine 0.01 Stone tools 1 1 1 1 4 0.04 Bones - 320 510 120 950 10.11 Shells 16 1271 705 420 2412 25.68 Ivory - - 11 10 21 0.22 Palm kernel - 250 8 - 258 2.75 Metals - 13 7 9 29 0.31 Crucibles - - - 4 4 0.04 Daub - - 23 24 47 0.50 Beads - - 1 - 1 0.01 TOTAL 82 4374 3539 1397 9392 100% Percentage 0.87% 46.57% 37.68% 14.87% Table 4.1 Table showing materials recovered during the Archeological Research at Larteh Amanfu 4.2. Analysis of Local Pottery Recovered from Larteh Amanfu. Pottery is defined here as vessels made from clay and used for different purposes such as for cooking and storage. I use indigenous/local pottery to describe pottery manufactured in Ghana, but not necessarily at the Larteh Amanfu site. Local pottery, numbering 5,655 formed the chunk of the cultural materials recovered from the archaeological work conducted at Larteh Amanfu (see Table 4.1). None of these pottery recovered from the excavation was a complete pot. Pottery analysis is 84 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh very crucial because it can provide insights into understanding the past lifeways of a given society. The pottery recovered from the site were analyzed based on the following: surface finish characteristics, pottery fabric characteristics, vessel parts, and vessel form or typology. Measured on its longest axis, out of the 5,655 sherds recovered, four thousand six hundred and fifty-eight (4,658), eight hundred and ninety-seven (897), ninety-six (96), and four (4) fall within 0-5cm, 5- 10cm, 10-15cm, and 15-20cm respectively. 4.2.1. Surface Finish Characteristic (Surface treatment and Decorative Motifs) 4.2.1.1. Surface Treatment Surface Treatment can be explained as the way the surface of a vessel is treated, covered or glazed. At Larteh Amanfu, the identified surface treatment of the recovered potsherds were burnished sherds, unburnished sherds, red-slipped sherds, and smudged sherds. Burnishing can be explained as polishing a pot by rubbing its surface with a smooth object (Ellis 2011, p.239; Joukowsky, 1980, p.380). Burnished pots thus have smooth surfaces. At Larteh Amanfu, burnished pots were predominant and they numbered 4,016 (71.02%) of the total sherds. Out of the total number of the burnished pots, 581 (10.27%) were decorated with various motifs whiles the remaining 3,435 (60.75%) were undecorated. Unburnished pots on the other hand are pots whose surface have not been polished. A total of 139 (2.46%) unburnished potsherds were recovered from the site. Of these unburnished sherds, 51 (0.01%) were decorated whiles 88 (2.45%) were undecorated. Slipping of a sherd means the application of a slip (a liquid made up of fine clay suspended in water) on pottery/clay vessels (Joukowsky, 1980, p.375). Slipping can be done either by brushing 85 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the liquid on the leather-hard vessel or by dipping the vessel into a liquid solution (slip) (Joukowsky, 1980, p.375). Potsherds with red-slipped surface treatment numbered 1,298 (22.95%) of the entire sherds recovered from the site. From the number of the red-slipped-pots, 265 (4.69%) had various decorative motifs whiles the remainder 1,033 (18.26%) were undecorated. Smudging can be defined as the process of darkening the surface of vessels by either intentionally adding fresh leaves or grass into fire during the firing of the pot (Fiador, 2017, p.71; Bredwa- Mensah, 1996, p.54). It should be noted that the use of pots on hearth for cooking and sometimes bush burning leads to the smudging of vessels and their parts (Fiador, 2017, p.71). The presence of soot on sherds is among the numerous indicators of identifying smudged sherds. At Larteh Amanfu, a total of 202 (3.57%) sherds were smudged. From the total number of smudged sherds, 20 (0.35%) were decorated whereas 182 (3.22%) were undecorated. Four main colours, namely very dark brown, brown, black, and grey constituting 1,297 (22.94%), 752 (13.3%), 3387 (59.89%), and 219 (3.87%) respectively characterized the sherds recovered from Larteh Amanfu. Table 4.2 shows the distribution of the colour and surface treatment of the recovered sherds from Larteh Amanfu. 86 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Total Surface Colour Surface Treatment Sherds Burnished Unburnished Red-Slipped Smudged 5655 Layers 14 21 29 1 11 39 1 - 3 11 - - 511 352 1473 176 212 1808 15 26 81 319 10 41 490 281 1460 40 262 1260 24 47 125 459 8 86 282 98 425 2 96 328 11 15 56 244 2 55 1297 752 3387 219 581 3435 51 88 265 1033 20 182 4016 139 1298 202 22. 13.3 59.8 3.87 71.02% 2.46% 22.95% 3.57% 94 % 9% % % Table 4.2 Table Showing the Distribution of Surface Colour and Surface Treatment of Potsherds Recovered From Larteh Amanfu 4.2.1.2. Decorative Motifs on Local Pottery Recovered from Larteh Amanfu Out of the total 5,655 potsherds recovered from Larteh Amanfu, only 917 (16.22%) were decorated with different motifs. Out of this number of decorated sherds, rims, body, necks, and bases accounted for five hundred and forty-two (542), two hundred and fifty-six (256), eighty-one (81), 87 % Total Layer 3 Layer 2 Layer 1 Surface Collections Very Dark Brown Brown Black Grey decorated undecorated Decorated Undecorated Decorated undecorated decorated undecorated University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh and thirty-eight (38) respectively (see Table 4.5). From this number of decorated sherds recovered, Layer 2, Layer 1, Layer 3 and the surface collections yielded/produced 419 (7.41%), 318 (5.62%), 165 (2.92%) and 15 (0.27%) respectively (Table 4.3). The decorations identified on the sherds were found on the exterior, interior or both the interior and exterior surfaces of some of the sherds. These decorative motifs included, grooves, incisions, comb stamps, dot stamps, channeling, punctation, notches, among others, and they were aligned in horizontal, vertical, oblique, curvilinear, or criss-cross patterns. The predominant decorative motifs were grooves (44.166%). Groove motif is achieved by dragging or pulling a blunt, round-edged object over the surface of a newly made vessel to create single or multiple lines on the surface of the vessel (Boachie-Ansah 2014, p.28; Bredwa-Mensah 1996, p.54).Out of the total 405 (44.166%) sherds decorated with grooves, 306 (33.370%) were decorated with multiple grooves (figure 4.1: a) while 99 (10.796%) were decorated with single grooves (figure 4.4: a). The pattern of alignment of these grooves were horizontal, vertical and/or oblique. Grooves occurred on rim lips, on the inner and exterior parts of rims, shoulders, and body sherds. Sherds with these decorations were recovered from all the layers of the excavated trench. Incision, a decorative motif achieved by dragging or pulling a sharp tool/object over the surface of a newly created vessel to create single or multiple lines on the surface of the vessel were also found on some sherds recovered from Larteh Amanfu. These motifs numbered 34 (3.708%) of the entire decorated sherds. Multiple incisions (figure 4.1: b) and single incision accounted for 33 (3.599%) and 1 (0.109) respectively of the total decorated sherds. These motifs were aligned in horizontal, vertical, and sometimes in criss-cross pattern. Comb Stamps (figure 4.2: b) numbering 51 (5.562%), triangular stamps (figure 4.2: a) and dot stamps (figure 4.2: c) were also motifs found on potsherds recovered from the site. Other decorative motifs included notches (figure 4.4: b), 88 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh channeling (figure 4.4: c), and short linear stabs (figure 4.4: d). In some cases, some of the sherds had perforations (figure 4.3). Figure 4.1 Sherds decorated with multiple grooves (a), and Multiple incisions (b). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 89 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.2 Sherds decorated with Triangular stamps (a), Comb stamps (b), and dot stamps (c). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 90 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.3 Sherd with perforations. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 91 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.4 Sherds decorated with single groove (a), notches (b), channeling (c), and Short linear stabs (d). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). In some instances, two, three or four decorative motifs could be identified on the same sherd. The combined decorations included, sun rising motif and dot stamps (figure 4.5: a), notches and multiple grooves (figure 4.5: b), multiple grooves crossing each other and short stabs (figure 4.6), 92 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh among others. Table 4.3 shows the different decorative motifs found on potsherds at Larteh Amanfu. Figure 4.5 Sherds with multiple decorations: Sun rising motif and dot stamps (a), and Multiple grooves and notches (b). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). Figure 4.6 Sherd with multiple grooves crossing each other and short stabs. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 93 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Layers Decorative Total Percentage Motifs Single groove 4 32 36 27 99 10.796 Multiple 10 95 146 55 306 33.370 groove Single incision 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 Multiple 0 13 8 12 33 3.599 incisions Short linear 0 6 6 6 18 1.963 stabs Notches 0 2 7 2 11 1.200 Comb stamps 0 12 32 7 51 5.562 Wavy line 0 1 2 0 3 0.327 design Wavy line design, comb stamps and 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 short linear stabs Dot stamps 1 36 28 10 75 8.179 Channeling 0 4 1 4 9 0.981 Single groove, triangular 0 1 0 0 1 0.109 stamps and notches Single groove and comb 0 11 2 2 15 1.636 stamps Single groove 0 0 13 3 16 1.745 and dot stamps Single groove and single 0 0 2 0 2 0.218 incision 94 Surface Collections Layer 1 Layer 2 Layer 3 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Single groove and multiple 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 incisions Single incision and multiple 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 grooves Single Groove, 0 1 0 1 2 0.218 Punctate Single Groove, Punctate and 0 2 0 0 2 0.218 notches Sun motif, dot stamps and 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 multiple grooves Multiple grooves and 0 1 1 0 2 0.218 Punctate Multiple grooves and 0 5 2 1 8 0.872 multiple incisions Multiple grooves and 0 5 2 1 8 0.872 perforation Multiple grooves, 0 9 25 0 34 3.708 notches and dot stamps Multiple grooves and 0 2 27 6 35 3.817 comb stamps Multiple grooves and 0 34 40 11 85 9.269 dot stamps Multiple grooves and 0 3 3 2 8 0.872 short linear stabs 95 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Single incision and short 0 1 0 0 1 0.109 linear Incisions and 0 1 0 3 4 0.436 dot stamps Multiple grooves and 0 2 0 0 2 0.218 Channeling Notches, triangular stamps, groove 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 and comb stamps Multiple grooves, short stabs, dot 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 stamps and notches Short stabs 0 1 0 0 1 0.109 and notches Multiple 0 1 2 0 3 0.327 Perforations Notches and 0 3 0 0 3 0.327 punctate Notches, triangular 0 3 0 0 3 0.327 stamps, and Single groove Notches and Multiple 0 21 12 7 40 4.362 grooves Notches and multiple 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 incisions Multiple grooves Multiple 0 1 0 0 1 0.109 incision and Comb Stamps 96 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Punctate 0 7 1 1 9 0.981 Multiple Grooves and 0 1 0 0 1 0.109 appliqué Notches and 0 0 0 1 1 0.109 channeling Multiple Grooves crossing each 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 other, and short stabs Multiple incisions and 0 0 0 1 1 0.109 channeling Single groove, dot stamps and 0 0 0 1 1 0.109 multiple incisions. Notches and 0 0 3 1 4 0.436 single groove Multiple grooves, comb stamps and 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 Single incision and short stabs Multiple Grooves, short linear stabs, 0 0 3 0 3 0.327 and comb stamps Multiple Grooves, Multiple 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 Incisions and dot stamps Multiple Grooves and 0 1 2 0 2 0.327 triangular stamps 97 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Punctate, short stabs, triangular 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 stamps, and M. Grooves. Punctate, short linear stabs 0 0 1 0 1 0.109 and Multiple grooves Total 15 318 419 165 917 100% Table 4.3 Tabular Distribution of Decorative Motifs found on Potsherds recovered from Larteh Amanfu. 4.2.2. Pottery fabric Characteristics (Temper and Texture) The fabric of a pottery can simply be described as what the pottery/ clay vessel was made of. That is, the paste-the characteristics of the clay from which the pottery was made (Orton and Hughes, 2013) and the temper-non-plastic materials which were added to the clay before it was kneaded (Skibo et al, 1989, p.28; Shepard 1965, p.25; Rye 1981, p.31; Rice, 1987, pp.31-78, p.408; & uwlax.edu) are what constitute the fabric of a pottery. Tempering elements could include mica, grog, laterites/gravels, among others. These tempering elements inhibit shrinkage and cracking during drying and firing of pottery. Tempers are thus added in manufacturing of clay vessels to enhance their quality. Temper may be natural (such as geological minerals like mica, hornblende, etc.) or artificial (such as grog-crushed potsherds which are deliberately added as inclusion in the manufacturing of pot, among others). At Larteh Amanfu, most of the sherds recovered were well- fired thereby making the sherds very hard. Out of the entire 5,655 recovered potsherds, only 2,048 (36.216%) had hornblende-a blackish shiny mineral (Boachie-Ansah 2008, p.22), grog, and gravels/laterite as constituent or inclusion of their paste. Some sherds also had hornblende as constituent or inclusion of their paste as well as specks of mica on their exterior surface. 98 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Total Sherds Surface Temper Elements Identified Texture 5655 1 64 4 4 1 - 10 48 2464 538 48 9 28 687 2203 68 242 43 9 34 191 772 35 79 27 - 4 89 5503 152 863 122 20 66 977 15.261% 2.157% 0.354% 1.167% 17.277% % 97.32% 2.69% 100% 36.216% Table 4.4 Table Showing the Distribution of the Temper and Texture of Pottery Sherds Recovered From Larteh Amanfu. 99 Totals Layer 3 Layer 2 Layer 1 Surface Layers Collections Coarse / Rough Smooth Hornblende Grog Gravels / Laterite Hornblende And Mica Mica University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.3. Vessel Parts Identified At Larteh Amanfu. The potsherds recovered from the archaeological work at Larteh Amanfu were grouped into various vessel parts for manageable and easy classification and analysis. These vessel parts were rims, neck, body sherds, bases and handle(s). The predominant vessel parts recovered were the body sherds. The body sherds numbered 4,486, constituting 79.33% of the total sherds recovered. Of these 4,486 body sherds, 256 (4.53%) were decorated with diverse motifs while 4,230 (74.80%) were undecorated. The rim sherds recovered were 1,008 and constituted 17.82% of the total sherds recovered. Out of this number of rims, 539 (9.53%) were decorated whiles 469 (8.29%) were undecorated. Necks constituted 113 (1.998%) of the entire recovered sherds. Necks with various decorations numbered 81 (1.43%) while the remainder 32 (0.57%) were not decorated. Bases accounted for 47(0.83%) of the total recovered sherds. Bases with decorations were 38 (0.67%) while the remaining 9 (0.16%) of the base were undecorated. Only a single handle (figure 54) was recovered from the excavation and it constituted 0.02% of the entire sherds recovered. This handle was without decoration. The table below shows the distribution of the various vessel parts recovered from Larteh Amanfu. 100 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Rims Necks Body Base Handle Totals 2 3 1 - 12 47 - - - - 65 1.5% 220 225 13 4 75 1963 10 1 - 1 2,512 44.42% 247 189 43 16 105 1644 24 3 - - 2,271 40.16% 73 49 24 12 64 576 4 5 - - 807 14.27% 542 466 81 32 256 4230 38 9 - 1 5,655 100% Grand Total of 1008 113 4486 47 1 5,655 Vessel Parts % 17.82% 1.998% 79.33% 0.83% 0.02% 100% Table 4.5 Table Showing the Various Vessel Parts Recovered From Larteh Amanfu 101 Surface TOTALS Layer 3 Layer 2 Layer 1 LAYERS Collections Decorated Undecorated Decorated Undecorated Decorated Undecorated Decorated Undecorated Decorated Undecorated Total Number Percentage (%) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4. Vessel Forms A vessel is defined as any ceramic container used for purposes such as cooking and storage. In reconstructing the various vessel forms, the rim sherds were the ones used. The rim sherds with neck, and body attachments proved very valuable. Thus, 729 out of the 1,008 rim sherds recovered at Amanfu were used to reconstruct the various vessel forms. The remaining 279 were not used because they were rims with only lips without neck and body attachments. For this reason, it became cumbersome to use such rims for the reconstruction of the various vessel forms. Out of the total 729 rim sherds, 238 constituting 32.65% of the entire vessel form were classified into eight jar forms while 491 representing 67.35% of the entire vessel form were classified into twelve (12) bowl forms. 4.2.4.1. Jar forms from Larteh Amanfu. Jars are defined as vessel forms whose total height are greater than the rim diameter (Boachie- Ansah, 2008, p.33; 2000, p.10 & Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.68). A total of eight jar forms were identified from the pottery recovered from Larteh Amanfu. All the jar vessels had everted rims. 4.2.4.1.1. Jar Form 1 Vessels of this jar type were characterized by everted rims that curve gently at both the exterior and interior to join the neck (figure 4.7). The rim-lip of this vessel form is rounded. The thickness of rim-lip ranged from 42mm to 85mm while the body thickness ranged between 0.47cm and 1.58cm. Rim diameter of this vessel form measures between 5cm and 23cm. This jar form constitutes 7.14% of all the jar forms recovered from the excavation and 2.33% of the entire vessel forms. This vessel form was represented in all layers of the excavated trench. Layer 1, layer 2, and layer 3 produced five (5), eight (8), and four (4) sherds respectively of this vessel form. Jars of this 102 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh form were both burnished and unburnished. Four (4) sherds of this vessel type were red-slipped. One (1), two (2), and seven (7) sherds of this jar form had mica, mica and hornblende, and hornblende as inclusions in their paste respectively. Six sherds were covered with soot. The decorative motifs on these jar forms included multiple grooves aligned in horizontal and oblique patterns, two horizontal rows of dot stamps and single groove. Some of these dot stamps were sub- rectangular in shape. Other motifs found on some sherds of this vessel form were multiple grooves and comb stamps. Similar Jars as Jar Form 1 have been recovered from Wodoku (Boachie-Ansah, 2004, p.220, fig.3 h-g). Also, Boachie-Ansah’s Jar Form Two of Wodoku Ware I (Boachie 2008, p.34,37, fig.12g) and Jar Form 2 of Wodoku Ware II (Boachie-Ansah 2008, p.60, 68 fig.25e-f), are similar to this Jar Form. Figure 4.7 Jar Form 1 103 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.1.2. Jar form 2. This jar form, represented by 162 sherds and constituted 68.07% of the jar forms and 22.22% of the total vessel forms. It was characterized by vessels with everted rims that curved smoothly at the exterior but sharply in the interior to join the neck. Vessels of this form were had rounded rim lips (Figures 4.8, and 4.9). Rim lip ranged between 49mm and 83mm. Rim diameter ranges from 9cm to 30cm. Body thickness of this vessel form measured between 0.44cm and 1.22cm. Vessels of this form were represented in all the three layers of the excavated trench. Both burnished and unburnished sherds were present in this vessel form. Seventeen (17) sherds of this form were red- slipped. Six of the sherds of this vessel form had specks of mica on their exterior surfaces. Seventy- one (71) sherds had hornblende as inclusion of their paste. Twenty-two (22) sherds had soot on their surfaces, an indication that they were used for cooking. Decorations on sherds of this jar form consisted of grooves (both single and multiple grooves) aligned in either horizontal or oblique pattern, short linear stabs aligned in vertical pattern, multiple incisions some in criss-cross pattern and others horizontally aligned, and rows (one, two or three) of horizontal dot stamps. Some of the stamps were sub-triangular in shape. Other motifs found on sherds of this jar form were punctates, multiple grooves and single row of dot stamps in horizontal pattern, triangular stamps, multiple grooves, comb stamps, multiple grooves and short linear stabs, as well as sherds decorated with single incision. These motifs were found on the exterior, interior, or both the exterior and interior of the sherds and could be found on the lips (mostly single groove), rims, and body of the sherds. This vessel form is similar to some vessel types identified by Shaw at Dawu (Shaw, 1961, PLATE XXVII, A(xix)b), Osei-Tutu’s Jar form A, Type ‘a’ at Awukugua (Osei-Tutu 1987, p.78, p.282, fig.4Ai) Boachie-Ansah at Kormantin No.1 in Central Region of Ghana and Wodoku (Boachie- 104 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ansah, 2015, p.40 & p.75 fig.2b; 2004, p.220 fig.3i-j) as well as Boachie-Ansah’s Wodoku Ware 1 Jar Form 3 (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, 34,37, fig.i-j), and Wodoku Ware II Jar form 3 (Boachie- Ansah 2008, p.60, 68 fig25g). Likewise, Lotus Asare’s Jar Form 2 recovered from Obosomase in the Eastern Region of Ghana (Asare, 2018, p.83-84, fig. 5.11) is similar to this jar form. Figure 4.8 Jar Form 2. 105 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.9 Jar Form 2. 4.2.4.1.3. Jar Form 3 Like Jar Form 2, Jar Form 3 (figure 4.10) was a vessel with everted rim with a long neck which curved smoothly at the exterior but sharply in the interior to join the neck. It differs from Jar Form 2 (see figures 4.8, and 4.9) in the sense that there are multiple wavy grooves on the exterior and interior of the rim just below the lip. Rim diameter ranged from 8cm to 28cm. Body thickness of this vessel form measured between 48mm and 87mm. Rim lip measured between 48mm and 87mm. Vessels of this form were represented in all the three layers of the excavated trench and constituted 13 (5.46%) of all the jar forms and 1.78% of the entire vessel forms. Both burnished 106 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh and unburnished sherds were represented in this vessel form. Two sherds of this vessel form were red-slipped, whiles six (6) sherds were covered with soot, an indication that they were probably used for cooking. Specks of mica were present on the surface of two (2) sherds of this vessel form. Two sherds of this jar form had hornblende and mica in its paste and three (3) of the sherds of this vessel form had hornblende as part of its inclusion. Decorative motifs found on the sherds of this vessel form included multiple grooves aligned in horizontal pattern, single incision aligned in horizontal pattern, multiple grooves and applique, single groove and dot stamps (in a single horizontal row), single row of dot stamps and multiple grooves as well as single groove. These motifs were found on the exterior, interior, or both the exterior and interior of the sherds and could be found on the lips, rims, and body of the sherds. Figure 4.10 Jar form 3. 4.2.4.1.4. Jar Form 4 The fourth jar form (Figure 4.11), represented by 29 sherds and constituting 12.18% of the total jar forms and 3.98% of the entire vessel forms recovered had everted rim which curved slightly sharply at the exterior and smoothly at the interior to join the neck. This vessel form has a round lip. Rim diameter measured between 13cm and 33cm. Body thickness ranged between 0.42cm and 107 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.47cm. Rim lips ranged from 43mm to 89mm. Burnished and unburnished sherds were represented in this vessel form. Smudged sherds were six (6) whereas sherds with specks of mica on their exterior numbered six (6). Sherds of this jar form with hornblende as inclusions in its paste numbered eleven (11). Decorations found on sherds of this jar form included single groove aligned in horizontal pattern mostly on the rim-lip, multiple grooves and horizontal rows of dot stamps (in a single, two or three rows), two parallel rows of oblique strokes (stabs) in horizontal pattern, three rows of dot stamps in curvilinear pattern as well as multiple grooves. These motifs were mostly found on the interior, exterior, or both the interior and exterior of the sherds. Similar vessels as Jar form 4 have been found by James Boachie-Ansah at Kormantin No. 1 in the Central Region of Ghana (Boachie-Ansah, 2015, p.40, 75 fig.2c). Figure 4.11 Jar form 4 108 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.1.5. Jar Form 5 The fifth jar form (figure 4.12), represented by 14 sherds constituted 5.88%of the total jar forms and 1.92% of the entire vessel forms recovered. This jar form was characterized by vessels with everted rim which curved sharply at both the exterior and the interior to join the neck. Additionally, this vessel form had a rounded lip. Rim diameter measured between 11cm and 28cm. Body thickness measured between 0.75cm and 1.13cm. Rim lip thickness ranged from 43mm to 96mm. Burnished and unburnished sherds were present. Smudged sherds were seven (7) whereas sherds of this jar form with hornblende as inclusion of its paste numbered eleven (11). Red-slipped sherds of this jar form numbered five (5). Decorations found on sherds of this jar form included multiple grooves, dot stamps, channeling, dot stamps and short linear stabs and sherds with multiple grooves, some in horizontal pattern, and others in oblique pattern sandwiched between two oval shapes. These decorations are on either the interior, exterior, or both the interior and exterior of the sherds usually on the rims and body of the sherds. Similar vessels as Jar form 5 have been found at Kormantin No. 1 site in the Central Region of Ghana (Boachie-Ansah, 2015, p.40, p.75, fig.2d); at Katamansu in the Greater Accra region of Ghana (Apoh, 2001, p.37, fig.5); at Obosomase, Eastern Region of Ghana (Asare 2018, pp.80-82, fig 5.8-5.10). Also, James Boachie-Ansah’s Jar Form 1 of Wodoku Ware I (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, p.33, p.37, fig.12a-f); Jar Form 1 of Wodoku Ware II (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, p.59, p.68, fig 25a- d), and Jar Form 2 of Wodoku Ware III (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, p.86, p.92, fig35c-d) are akin to Jar Form 5. 109 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.12 Jar form 5 4.2.4.1.6. Jar Form 6 The sixth jar form (figure 4.13), consisted of only one sherd and it constituted 0.42% of the total jar forms and 0.14% of the entire vessel forms recovered. It was characterized by a vessel with horizontally aligned everted rim which curved smoothly at both the exterior and the interior to join a vertically aligned straight neck with two tiny ridges on its exterior. It had a rounded lip with a rim lip thickness of 65mm, rim diameter of 27cm, and body thickness of 79mm. The sherd was burnished and decorated with multiple grooves, some aligned in horizontal pattern and others obliquely aligned on its exterior. It was recovered from Layer two of the excavated trench. 110 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.13 Jar Form 6 4.2.4.1.7. Jar Form 7 The seventh jar form (Figure 4.14), comprised of only one sherd and it constituted 0.42% of the total jar forms and 0.14% of the entire vessel forms recovered from the site. It was characterized by a horizontally aligned everted rim which curved smoothly at the exterior and sharply at the interior to join a vertically aligned straight neck. It had a rounded lip with a rim lip thickness of 51mm, rim diameter of 14cm, and body thickness of 70mm. The sherd was burnished and decorated with multiple grooves, aligned in horizontal pattern on its body. It was recovered from Layer two of the excavated trench. 111 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.14 Jar form 7. 4.2.4.1.8. Jar Form 8 Jar form 8 (Figure 4.15) was characterized by a horizontally aligned everted rim which curved sharply at both the exterior and interior to join a corrugated neck. This jar form consisted of only one sherd which constituted 0.42% of the total jar forms and 0.14% of the entire vessel forms. It had a rounded lip with a rim lip thickness, rim diameter, and body thickness of 66mm, 15cm 80mm respectively. The sherd was burnished and decorated with multiple grooves, some aligned in horizontal pattern and others in oblique pattern on its body. The decorative motifs were on the exterior of the sherd. It was recovered from Layer two of the excavated trench. 112 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.15 Jar form 8 4.2.4.2. Bowl Forms at Larteh Amanfu. Bowls refer to vessel forms whose height is equal to or lesser than the rim diameter (Boachie- Ansah 2008:33 and Osei-Tutu, 1987:68). A total of twelve bowl forms were retrieved from Larteh Amanfu. 4.2.4.2.1. Bowl Form 1 Bowls of this form were characterized by incurved rim with ledges/flanges. They are open bowls and hemispherically shaped. This bowl type is similar to Shaw’s rim type ‘K’, what he described as bowls with inturned rims, and pronounced shoulders/ledges (Shaw, 1961, p.31, PLATE XL- XLV). Paul Ozanne also found similar bowls as Bowl Form 1 at the Accra area (Ozanne, 1965, p.11, fig.4 Nos. 6, 9, 10, 14, 15). Similarly, Boachie-Ansah found bowls similar to Bowl Form 1 113 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh at Ladoku (Boachie-Ansah, 2002, p.12, fig.7: c-f), Wodoku and Ladoku (Boachie-Ansah, 2006, p.63 fig.3: j-m), and at Kormantin No.1 site in the Central Region of Ghana (Boachie-Ansah, 2015, pp.77-88, figs. 4: d-e, and 5: a). Likewise, Boachie-Ansah’s fifth bowl form of Wodoku Ware I (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, p.42, p.45 fig.14:j-m) as well as third and fourth bowl forms of Wodoku Ware II (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, pp.69-70, p.73 fig.27:k-n) are similar to Bowl Form 1. 4.2.4.2.1(i). Bowl Form 1 ‘Type A (i)’ This is a hemispherical open bowl characterized by an incurved rim and a pronounced ledge/flange which measured between 0.6cm and 1.12cm below the rim lip at a point where the rim joins the body (Figure 4.16). This bowl form has a squared lip. The end of the ledge of this bowl form is squared unlike that of Bowl Form 1 ‘Type A (ii)’ (Figure 4.17) whose ledge has a pointed end and rim diameter ranging between 8cm and 34cm. Rim lip and body thickness ranged from 49mm to 93mm and 44mm to 87mm respectively. A total of 117 sherds, representing 23.83% of the bowl forms and 16.05% of the entire vessel forms constituted this Bowl Form. All the sherds were burnished. Eight (8) of the sherds were red-slipped. Four (4) of the sherds had specks of mica on their exterior, while twelve (12) sherds of this bowl form had hornblende as inclusion in its paste. Thirty-six (36) sherds had their surfaces covered with soot, an indication that they were possibly used for cooking. Bowl vessels of this form were represented in all the three layers of the excavated trench. Thus Layer 1, Layer 2 and Layer 3 produced thirty-seven (37), forty-nine (49), and thirty- one (31) sherds respectively. One hundred and nine (109) sherds of this bowl form were decorated. The decorations on the sherds included multiple grooves, notches and single row of horizontal dots embossed in the trough/hollow which is just above the flange/ledge. The grooves were mostly on the rims and designed in horizontal patterns while the notches were designed on the ledge. Other designs included multiple grooves and punctate, multiple grooves, short linear stabs and notches 114 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh on the ledge, as well as multiple grooves designed in horizontal pattern and notches designed on the ledge. The grooves were mostly found on the rims. Multiple grooves, notches, dot stamps designed in the trough above the ledge and a single groove on the rim lip were also some motifs found on some sherds of this bowl form. The motifs were found on the exterior of the sherds. This bowl type is similar to Boachie-Ansah’s fifth bowl form of Wodoku Ware I (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, p.42, p.45 fig.14: l). Figure 4.16 Bowl Form ‘Type Ai’ 4.2.4.2.1(ii). Bowl Form 1 ‘Type A (ii)’ A total of Bowl 25 sherds representing 5.09% of the bowl forms and 3.43% of the entire vessel forms constituted this Bowl Form. It was a hemispherical open bowl characterized by an incurved rim and a pronounced ledge/flange which measured between 65mm and 92mm below the rim lip at a point where the rim joined the body (figure 4.17). This vessel form had a rounded lip, with a rim lip, rim diameter and body thickness ranging from 48mm to 77mm, 10cm to 34cm, and 34mm 115 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh to 74mm respectively. The end of the ledge of this Bowl Form is pointed compared to bowl form 1 ‘Type A (i)’ (figure 4.16). Bowl vessels of this form were present in all layers of the excavated trench with layer one (1), layer two (2), and Layer three (3) producing ten (10), ten (10), and five (5) respectively. All sherds of this vessel form were burnished. One sherd had specks of mica on its surface, while five sherds had hornblende as inclusion of their paste. Two (2) sherds of this bowl form also had both specks of mica on their exterior surface and hornblende as inclusion in their paste. Two sherds were red-slipped while eight sherds of this vessel form had their surface covered with soot, an indication that they were probably used for cooking on open-air fire. All the twenty-five sherds of this bowl form were decorated. The decorative motifs included multiple grooves, notches and rows (either single or double rows) of horizontal dots designed in the trough/hollow which is just above the flange/ledge. The grooves were mostly on the rims and designed in horizontal pattern while the notches were designed on the ledge. Some of the stamps were sub-rectangular in shape. Multiple grooves and notches, as well as multiple incisions in horizontal pattern on the rim were some motifs on some of the sherds of this vessel form. Similarly, decorations of multiple grooves and notches, with a single groove on the rim lip were also found on some sherds of this Bowl Form. The motifs were found on the exterior of the sherds. This bowl type was similar to Boachie-Ansah’s third bowl form of Wodoku Ware II (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, pp.69-70, p.73 fig.27: k). Also, this bowl form is similar to bowl form found by Boachie-Ansah at Wodoku (Boachie-Ansah, 2004, p.220 fig. 4: j). 116 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.17 Bowl form 1 ‘Type A (ii)’ 4.2.4.2.1(iii). Bowl Form 1 ‘Type B’ Bowl Form 1 ‘Type B’ (figure 4.18) was a hemispherical open bowl which was characterized by an incurved rim and a pronounced ledge/flange which turned upward and measured between 54mm and 92mm. Due to the fact that the flange/ledge turned upward, the space between the rim and the ledge formed more or less triangular shape. This bowl form had a rounded lip with rim lip measuring between 38mm and 59mm. The rim diameter ranged from 10cm to 33cm and the body thickness ranges between 50mm and 88mm. This vessel form was represented by 10 sherds and constituted 2.04% of the bowl forms and 1.37% of the entire vessel forms. All sherds of this bowl form were burnished and present in all layers of the excavated trench. Thus, layer one (1), layer two (2), and Layer three (3) produced three (3), four (4) and three (3) sherds respectively. A single sherd had specks of mica on its surface. One sherd was also red slipped. Four sherds had their exterior surfaces covered with soot, a possibility that they may have been used for cooking. All 117 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh sherds of this bowl form were decorated. The motifs included multiple grooves on the rims aligned in horizontal pattern, notches and single row of horizontal dots designed in the trough/hollow which was just above the flange/ledge. The grooves were mostly on the rims and designed in horizontal pattern while the notches were found on the ledge. Sherds decorated with multiple grooves and notches, as well as a sherd decorated with multiple grooves and notches, with a single groove on the rim lip were some decorations found on sherds of this bowl form. The motifs were usually found on the exterior of the sherd. Figure 4.18 Bowl form 1 ‘Type B’ 4.2.4.2.1(iv). Bowl form 1 ‘Type C’ Bowl Form 1 ‘Type C’ (figure 4.19) was a hemispherical open bowl which was characterized by an incurved rim with a ledge/flange which measured 74mm in thickness. This bowl form had a rounded lip. Rim lip, rim diameter and body thickness measured 41mm, 088mm, and 30cm respectively. This bowl form was represented by a single sherd which constituted 0.20% of the 118 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh bowl forms and 0.14% of the total vessel forms. The sherd was red slipped and decorated with punctates in three horizontal rows of multiple grooves on the rim, single groove on the rim lip, horizontally aligned sub-rectangular designs just above the ledge, and notches designed on some part of the ledge, and finger impressions in a rectangular format on some part of the ledge. This sherd was retrieved from layer two of the excavated trench. No motif was found in the interior of the sherd. Figure 4.19 Bowl form 1 ‘Type C’ 4.2.4.2.2. Bowl Form 2 Bowl form 2 (figure 4.20) is a bowl which was characterized by a thick and a straight rim which sits on the neck. The exterior rim lip of this vessel was pronounced and projected like a ledge. The body wall of this vessel was almost straight. This vessel form had a round broad lip. Rim lip, rim diameter and body thickness ranged between 52mm and 81mm, 12cm and 34cm and 48mm and 119 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 83mm respectively. A total of (9) burnished sherds, representing 1.83% and 1.23% respectively of the bowl forms and the total vessel forms constituted this Bowl Form. One (1) sherd had its exterior blackened with soot. Sherds of this vessel form were retrieved from all the three layers of the excavated trench. Thus, Six (6), one (1) and two (2) sherds were retrieved from Layer 1, Layer 2, and Layer 3 respectively. All the sherds were decorated. The decorations include notches designed on the protruded rim, multiple groove in horizontal pattern on the slated rim lip, multiple grooves and criss-cross incisions, multiple grooves and notches and short linear stabs on the rim lip in a horizontal pattern. Figure 4.20 Bowl Form 2 120 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.2.3. Bowl Form 3 This bowl form (figure 4.21) was an open vessel with an inverted rim. Rim diameter ranged from 13cm to 32cm. The rim lip of this bowl form was rounded and extended inward beyond the limit of the body wall. Rim lip thickness measured between 39mm and 80mm. Body thickness ranged from 38mm to 83mm. All the sherds were burnished with four (4) sherds having hornblende as inclusion of in paste while four (4) of the sherds were also darkened by soot, possibly from being used on open air fire. Decorations on these sherds consisted of dot stamps and horizontal groove on the rim lips, a single groove on the rim lips of the sherds in horizontal pattern, single groove and notches as well as multiple incisions. Sherds of this vessel form numbered nine and constituted 1.83% of the bowl forms and 1.23% of the total vessel forms. They were recovered from only layer one (n=6) and layer two (=3) of the excavated trench. Figure 4.21 Bowl form 3 121 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.2.4. Bowl Form 4 The fourth bowl form (figure 4.22) was an open hemispherical bowl characterized by an incurved rim with a rim lip, rim diameter and body thickness which ranged from 50mm to 82mm, 13cm to 33cm, and 42mm to 92mm respectively. This bowl form constituted 10.79% of the total bowl forms and 7.27% of the entire vessel forms. Two (2) sherds had specks of mica while eight (8) sherds had hornblende in their paste. Five (5) sherds had grog as inclusion in its paste. Fifty-one (51) and two (2) sherds were burnished and unburnished respectively while ten sherds of this bowl form were blackened with soot. Seven (7) sherds of this vessel form were red-slipped. This vessel form was represented in all the layers of the excavated trench. Layer one yielded eighteen (18), while Layer 2 and Layer Three produced twenty-eight (28) and seven (7) sherds of this bowl form respectively. Twelve (12) sherds of this vessel form were decorated. Decorations included multiple horizontal grooves on the body of the sherds, oblique grooves, notches, single row of horizontal dot stamps, as well as dot stamps designed in an oval shape. Similar vessels shaped like this vessel type have been found by Shaw at Dawu, (Shaw, 1961, PLATE XXXVIII J (ii)). 122 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.22 Bowl form 4. 4.2.4.2.5. Bowl Form 5 Bowl Form 5 was represented by a single sherd and recovered from layer 3. It was a neckless open vessel but without a ledge (figure 4.23). The rim lip was rounded. Body thickness, rim diameter and rim lip measured 82mm, 9cm and 61mm respectively. It constituted 0.20% and 0.14% of the total bowl forms and the entire vessel forms respectively. The sherd was undecorated and red- slipped. Figure 4.23 Bowl form 5. 123 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.2.6. Bowl Form 6 Bowl Form 6 was a hemispherical open bowl with a single groove at the exterior between the rim and the body where the rim joins the body as well as multiple grooves in the interior (figure 4.24). Rim lip of this vessel form was pointed and measured between 42mm and 68mm. Rim diameter and thickness of the body measured between 30cm and 36cm and 0.61cm and 1.10cm respectively. Sherds of this bowl form were burnished. This bowl form consisted of six (6) sherds representing 1.22% and 0.82% of the bowl forms and the entire vessel forms respectively. Layer 1, layer 2, and layer three of the excavated trench produced two, one and three sherds of this vessel form respectively. One (1), three (3), and two (2) sherds had hornblende, laterites/gravels and grog as inclusions in their respective paste characteristics. Four of the sherds were decorated with multiple grooves in the interior at the rim and a single groove at the exterior of the rim. Only a single sherd was blackened with soot, an indication that it was used for cooking on open air fire. Exterior Interior Figure 4.24 Bowl form 6. 124 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.2.7. Bowl Form 7. Bowl Form 7 was a bowl with slightly everted rim with a single groove at the exterior between the rim and the body where the rim joined the flowing body (figures 4.25 and 4.26). Rim lip of this vessel form was tapered and measured between 58mm and 97mm. Thickness of the body and rim diameter measured between 0.47cm and 1.10cm and 21cm and 35 cm respectively. The vessel consisted of twenty-nine (29) sherds making up 5.91% of the bowl forms and 3.98% of the entire vessel forms. Sherds of this bowl form were recovered from all the layers of the trench with eleven (11), twelve (12) and six (6) from layer 1, layer 2, and layer 3 respectively. One sherd had specks of mica whereas seven sherds had hornblende in their paste. Similarly, eight (8) and four sherds had laterites/gravels and grog as inclusion in their paste respectively. Four sherds were red-slipped while seven sherds were blackened with soot. Fifteen (15) sherds of this vessel form were decorated with single groove, punctates, single groove and short linear stabs and dot stamps. Other motifs identified were notches on the body and multiple grooves and single row of horizontal dot stamps. The decorations were found on either the exterior or interior, and in some cases in both the interior and exterior of the sherds. 125 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.25 Bowl Form 7. 126 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.26 Bowl Form 7 4.2.4.2.8. Bowl Form 8. Bowl Form 8 were hemispherical open bowls with slightly aligned everted rims. The rim of this bowl form bends to form a concave profile in the interior and a convex profile at the exterior. The rim lip was rounded. This vessel form appeared similar to those found at Dawu (Shaw, 1961, PLATE XLIX), Awukugua (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.285, fig.7 C(i)), and Obosomase (Asare, 2018, p.91,fig.5.18). 127 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.2.8(i). Bowl Form 8 ‘Type A’. In addition to the general characteristic of Bowl Form 8, ‘Type A’ of this Bowl Form had a protruding/projected ridge at the rim-neck joint (figure 4.27). Rim lip thickness, rim diameter and body thickness ranged between 46mm and 80mm, 17cm and 32cm, and 30mm and 89mm respectively. Fifteen (15) sherds represented this vessel form and they constituted 3.05% and 2.06% of the bowl forms and the entire vessel forms respectively. Majority of the sherds (n=12) were burnished. Only three (3) sherds were red-slipped. Four (4) sherds were darkened with soot. Thirteen (13) sherds of this vessel form were decorated and the decorations consisted of multiple incisions in horizontal pattern in the interior surface of the rim, horizontally aligned multiple grooves on the interior part of the rim and short linear stabs obliquely aligned on the rim-neck, as well as horizontally aligned multiple grooves in the interior of the rims. The sherds were recovered from all the excavated layers. That is, layer one, layer two, and layer three produced twelve, two, and one sherd(s) respectively. This vessel similar to those found by Shaw at Dawu (Shaw, 1961, PLATE XLIX, P (vii) d). Figure 4.27 Bowl Form 8 ‘Type A’ 128 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.2.8(ii). Bowl Form 8 ‘Type B’. Bowl form 8 ‘Type B’ (figure 4.28) also had the general characteristics of the Bowl Form 8. However, unlike Bowl Form 8 ‘Type A’ (figure 4.27), the interior concave profile of this vessel form was not more pronounced. The rim diameter ranged between 16cm and 37cm. Rim lip and body thickness ranged from 46mm and 72mm and 0.43cm to 1.1cm correspondingly. One hundred and ten (110) sherds, constituting 22.40% of all the bowl forms and 15.09% of the entire vessel forms were represented by this bowl form. They were recovered from all the three layers of the excavated trench with forty-eight (48), fifty (50) and twelve (12) coming from layer 1, layer 2 and layer 3 respectively. Burnished (n=107) and unburnished (n=7) sherds were identified while one was red-slipped. One sherd had specks of mica on both the exterior and interior surface of the sherd. Twenty-four of the sherds were blackened with soot. Only twenty-five out of the one hundred and ten (110) sherds of this vessel form were decorated. The decorations included single groove and short stabs in vertical patterns on rim lips. Vessel form identical to Bowl Form 8 ‘Type B’ included some bowl forms of Boachie-Ansah’s Bowl Form 1 of Wodoku Ware II (Boachie- Ansah, 2008, p.69, p.73, fig. 27:g). Similarly, Bowl Form 2 of Ware 3 of Boachie-Ansah’s Excavations at Techiman (Boachie-Ansah, 2005, pp.68-69, fig 16:d) and some bowl forms Bonoso Ware 2 recovered at Bonoso (Boachie-Ansah, 2000b, p.38, fig.12 A) are similar to to Bowl Form 8 ‘Type B’. In the same manner, vessels akin to Bowl Form 8 ‘Type B’ has been found by Osei-Tutu at Awukugua in the Eastern Region of Ghana (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.285, fig.7 C(i)). 129 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.28 Bowl Form 8 ‘Type B’ 4.2.4.2.9. Bowl Form 9 Bowl Form 9 was a hemispherically shaped open bowl with everted rim (figure 4.29). Rim lip of this bowl form was tapered. Rim lip measured between 64mm and 98mm. Body thickness and rim diameter ranges from 0.60cm to 1.14cm and 14cm to 36cm respectively. This bowl form numbered sixty-nine (69) which constituted 14.05% of the bowl forms and 9.47% of the entire vessel forms and were represented in all the three layers of the excavated trench. Layer 1, Layer 2 and Layer 3 produced thirty-six (36), thirty-one (31), and two (2) sherds of this vessel form respectively. One (1) sherd collected from the surface falls under this bowl form. All the sherds were burnished with two sherds having specks of mica on the exterior and interior surface of the sherd. Two (2), four (4) and twenty-one sherds respectively had grog, laterites and hornblende as part of their fabric. Fourteen (14) sherds had their exterior surface darkened with soot. Only seven (7) sherds of this bowl form were decorated. The decorative motifs included notches, horizontally aligned single 130 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh groove, some on the rim lip while the other sherds had such grooved motifs on their bodies. These motifs were found on the exterior surface of the sherds. This bowl form is identical to some bowl forms of recovered by Boachie-Ansah at Wodoku Ware I (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, p.39, p.45, fig. 14:a; p.69, p.73, fig. 27:d). Likewise, a similar vessel identical to Bowl Form 9 have been recovered or found by James Boachie-Ansah at Brockman Plantation (Boachie-Ansah, 2009, p.10, fig.13:c). Figure 4.29 Bowl Form 9 131 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.2.10j. Bowl Form 10 Bowl Form 10 (Figure 4.30) was a hemispherical shaped open bowl with an everted rim lip. This bowl form was deeper than Bowl Form 9. The rim lip was tapered and measured between 51mm and 79mm. The thickness of the sherd was between 50mm and 80mm. Rim diameter ranged from 12cm to 26cm. Only twelve of the sherds of this form were decorated. Such decorations included short linear stabs, rim lip notches and single groove. The sherds were all burnished. Thirty sherds were blackened with soot while seventeen sherds had hornblende as part of their paste. Sherds of this vessel form constituted 7.74% of the total bowl forms and 5.21% of the entire vessel forms, and form were represented in all the three layers. Layers 1, 2, and 3 produced thirteen (13), seventeen (17), and four (4) sherds respectively. Figure 4.30 Bowl Form 10 132 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4.2.11. Bowl Form 11 It was a neckless shallow vessel with everted rim. This bowl form was shaped like a saucer. It had a tapered rim lip (figure 4.31). Rim diameter, body thickness and rim lip respectively measured between 8cm and 12cm, 64mm and 73mm, and 47mm and 61mm. Only two sherds made up this bowl form and were retrieved from layer one (n=1) and layer 2 (n=1) of the trench. This bowl form constituted 0.41% of the bowl forms and 0.27% of the entire vessel forms. Sherds were burnished and undecorated. One sherd had hornblende as part of its paste. This Bowl Form is shaped like Boachie- Ansah’s Bowl Form of his Begho Ware (Boachie-Ansah, 2005, pp.72-73, fig. 19b). Figure 4.31 Bowl Form 11 4.2.4.2.12. Bowl Form 12 Bowl form 12 (figure 4.32) was a neckless vessel with protrusion at the exterior profile of the body wall. The vessel form was an open bowl. It was represented by a single sherd which constituted 0.20% and 0.14% of the total bowl forms and the entire vessel forms respectively. It was a burnished sherd which had hornblende as part of its paste. It was retrieved from layer 2 of the excavated trench. Rim lip, rim diameter and body thickness of the sherd was 35mm, 10cm, and 46mm respectively. 133 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.32 Bowl Form 12 4.2.4.3. Bases found at Larteh Amanfu. 4.2.4.3.1. Base Form 1 This base form, represented by nine sherds which constituted 17.02% of the total bases was a flanged base with a concave-shaped bottom (figure 4.33). They were retrieved from layer two and three of the excavated trench. Both layer two and layer three of the excavated trench produced four sherds each. All these sherds were burnished, with three of them having their exterior surfaces blackened with soot. One sherd of this base form had specks of mica at its exterior surface while five sherds of this base form had hornblende as part of their paste. 134 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.33 Base form 1 4.2.4.3.2. Base Form 2. Base Form two were pedestal bases built separately from the vessel to which they were attached (figure 4.34; 4.35; 4.36; 4.37; and 4.38). They numbered 37 and constituted 80.85% of the total base form. They were retrieved from all layers of the excavated trench. All sherds of this base form were decorated. Three sherds had specks of mica on their exterior surfaces while four sherds had specks of mica on their exterior surface and hornblende as part of their paste. In the same way, ten sherds had hornblende as part of their paste. One sherd of this base form was a hollow pedestal, decorated with oblique grooves, a cylindrical perforation, and oblique grooves lined in two directions making a chevron pattern (figure 4.36). Some sherds of this base form had a flaring foot and decorated with oblique grooves lined in two directions making a chevron pattern (figures 4.34; 135 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh and 4.35). Other decorations found on sherds of this base form included sherds decorated with grooves aligned in either oblique or horizontal pattern, a sherd with multiple horizontal groove at the exterior and short linear stabs vertically aligned in the interior. This base form is similar to those found at Wodoku by James Baochie-Ansah (2008, pp.52-53), at Dawu (Shaw, 1961) and Awukugua (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.289). Figure 4.34 Base form 2 136 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.35 Base form 2 137 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.36 Base form 2 138 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.37 Base form 2 139 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.38. Base form 2. 4.2.4.3.3. Base Form 3. Base Form 3 (figure 4.39), represented by a single sherd and retrieved from Layer One of the excavated trench was a hollow cylindrical pedestal base. It constituted 2.13% of the total base. The sherd was burnished and decorated with multiple circumferential grooves. This broken base measured 5.01cm in height and 8.2cm in width. 140 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.39 Base form 3 Also found among sherds retrieved from Larteh Amanfu was a ceramic handle (figure 54). 141 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.40 Handle found at Amanfu. 4.3. The Daubs In the simplest form, daubs are prepared clay or soil which have been used to coat “a structure of timber of wattle (poles interwoven with slender branches, withes or reeds) as a finish to the surface” (Kipfer 2000). More often, daubs are added to both sides of a wall and are used to keep 142 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh out drafts and gives a smooth finish. It should be stated that usually, the wattle (the interwoven twigs) of which the daubs are smeared onto does not survive but leaves traces on the daub. Wattle and daub technique of building was used for “house walls, ovens, hurdles, fencing and simple pottery kilns” (www.archaeologywordsmith.org). A total of forty-seven (47) fragments of daub (figure 4.41) representing 0.50% of the total 9,397 finds were recovered at the site. Twenty-three (23) of these daubs were retrieved from Layer Two of the excavated trench whiles the remaining twenty-four (24) were retrieved from Layer Three of the excavated trench. It should be noted that Shaw also found numerous daub fragments at Dawu (Shaw, 1961, p.54). Similarly, Kumah (2013, p.129) collected eight pieces of daubs at Awudua-Dada in the Western Region of Ghana. Figure 4.41 Fragments of daub retrieved from the excavation at Larteh Amanfu (source: Authors’ Collections) 143 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The presence of these daubs suggest evidence of habitation of the site. This is because wattle and daub structures were typical in the Akuapem area (Bredwa-Mensah, 2004, p.209). Isert (as cited in Bredwa-Mensah, 2004, p.209) provides additional understanding into similar dwellings that were built by Akuapem people in the late eighteenth century. "The houses of the Mountain Blacks [Akuapem] are square, being built of poles, and the walls are covered with clay. The interiors are kept very clean. The floor is washed every morning with red earth, which gives it a very nice appearance... the houses are not more than one storey high.” Although there is a change in the architectural style of the people of Larteh, there is evidence of remnants of wattle-and-daub structures in present-day Larteh Akuapem (see figure 3.2). 4.4. Terracotta Figurine A terracotta figurine measuring 6.59cm in height, 6.75cm wide and 1.57cm thick was recovered from Layer 2 of the excavated trench (figure 4.42). The figurine depicted a human face with the eyes, eyebrows, nose and mouth visible. Also the figurine appeared to have a neck. The figurine was characterized with seven short horizontal grooves sandwiched between two pair of vertical parallel rows of dots on its forehead. These motifs run from the forehead to the upper part of the nose. Notches were found on the eye brows of the object. There were also other designs in the form of short lines, some in horizontal, vertical and oblique patterns, as well as dot stamps on the figurine. The relevance of these marks on the figurine is not immediately known. The figurine was black in colour with smooth exterior surface. James Boachie-Ansah (2000a, p.68) argued that many of these figurines found on Guan sites are as a result of Akan influence in the area around the seventeenth century. This figurine and others found in the Akuapem area may have served 144 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh diverse purposes. For instance, one of its function was that they served as funerary objects (Boachie-Ansah, 2000a pp.65-85). Also, in an interview with Osiaahene (Chief maker) Kofi Dweneantwi of Larteh Ahenease, he averred that the figurine found at Larteh was probably a fertility doll. His argument was based on the fact that, most of these items are found in some shrines at Larteh, where they are given out to people who go to the shrine to seek for childbirth. Researchers such as Darko (1993), Osei-Tutu (1987, pp.97-101), Shaw (1961, p.55), and Boachie- Ansah (2008, p.89) have found terracotta figurines at Larteh Amanfu, Awukugua, Dawu, and Wodoku sites respectively. Figure 4.42 Picture of Terracotta figurine. 145 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.5. Locally Manufactured Smoking Pipes A total of eight (8) fragments of locally manufactured smoking pipes (figure 4.43: a-h) were recovered during the excavation. Out of this number, seven were recovered from Layer one while the remainder was retrieved from Layer two of the excavated trench. Out of these recovered locally manufactured smoking pipes, four (4) were fragments of bowls (figure 4.43: a-d) and four were stems. All bowl fragments of the smoking pipes had decorative motifs. The decorative motifs included a bowl with multiple grooves in horizontal pattern and criss-cross incisions (figure 4.43a), two of the bowls also had multiple grooves in horizontal pattern (figure 4.43: b-c) whiles one had a decorative motif of multiple grooves in oblique pattern (figure 4.43:d). Regarding the stems, two had decorations on them (figure 4.43: e-f) whiles the other two had no decorations (figure 4.43: g- h). One of the stem had motif of multiple incisions in an oblique pattern (figure 4.43:e) whiles the other had multiple grooves in a horizontal pattern (figure 57:f). The bore diameter of the stems of the pipes ranged between 74mm and 80mm. The length of these pipes ranged between 1.14cm and 4.61cm, with thickness ranging between 50mm and 1.91cm. It should be stated that, because the locally made smoking pipes retrieved from Larteh Amanfu were basically stems (n=4) and parts of bowls (n=4), it was not possible to assign them to a place in Paul Ozanne’s typological scheme (Ozanne, n.d). Researchers such as Shaw (1961, pp.11-20), Osei-Tutu (1987, pp.93-97), and Boachie-Ansah (2008, p.89) found several locally made smoking pipes at their respective Dawu, Awukugua, and Wodoku sites. 146 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.43 Picture of Local Smoking Pipe. 4.6. Foreign Smoking Pipes A total of two stem fragments of foreign smoking pipes (figure 4.44) were recovered during the excavation. All two pipes were retrieved from the third Layer of the trench. The pipes were not decorated. It has been argued that the bore diameter of pipe stems of [English and Dutch] smoking pipes can be used for dating purposes (Gyam 2008, p.71; Hall, 1996, p.117; Schrire etal, 1990, p.269 and Deetz, 1988, p.362; 1967, p.40). For this reason, this method of using the bore diameter of smoking pipe for the purpose of relative dating was adopted. At Larteh Amanfu, the bore 5 diameter of the stems of the two fragments of the recovered smoking pipes ranged between inch 64 147 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 7 (21mm) giving a date range of 1720-1720AD, and inch (26mm) giving a date range of 1650- 64 1680AD (Gyam 2008, p.71; Deetz, 1988, p.364; 1967, p.47; Harrington, 1978, p.64, and www.nps.gov). The smoking pipes had a thickness between 51mm and 98mm, and a length between 1.68cm and 1.75cm. The estimated dates of these pipes based on their respective stem- bore diameters do not in any way suggest the exact chronology of the site. This is because, Oswald (1975, pp.92-93) has argued that, although the stem-bore diameter of smoking pipes can give information on the possible date of a site, however a minimum of 900 stems/ stem fragments are required in order to achieve a reliable date. As such, the dates provided using the stem-bore diameter of the imported smoking pipes recovered from Larteh Amanfu cannot be used to determine the chronology of the site. The method was used because the smoking pipes were without maker’s mark or had no designs on them, which can also be a possible date determinant. The assertion that the abundance of tobacco pipes at [some] archaeological sites is attributable to the fact that they were cheap, often broken and carelessly discarded (Gyam, 2008, p.70 and Hall, 1996, p.117) is not applicable to Larteh Amanfu. This is because, at Larteh Amanfu, only two fragments of European smoking pipes were recovered. I however argue that the lifeways (such as smoking habit) of a given people account for their presence on archaeological sites. That is, the way of life of a given people have an influence in the formation of the archaeological record. 148 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.44 Picture of foreign smoking pipes. (Phot credit: Authour’s collections) 4.7. Beads At Larteh Amanfu, only a fragment of a bead (figure 4.45) was retrieved from Layer 2 of the excavated trench. The bead was cylindrically shaped. It is probably an Koli/Acoory/Aggrey bead. This is because it has a dichroic properties where the colour differs in transmitted light (Francis, 1993, p.6). That is, it shows/reveals two colours when transmitted or reflected under light. It is worth noting that some scholars have given the name of this bead as ‘Koli, Cori, Kor, Accori, Accorry, Ekuar and Aggrey,’ (Gott, 2014, p.12, and Francis, 1993, p.7). For instance, Kwasi Dankama Quarm has asserted that the Krobo/Ga called this type of bead Koli (Quarm, 1989, p.73) while J. D. Fage stated that the Fante people called this bead Kor or Kor-pa (Fage, 1981, p.208 149 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh and Francis, 1993, p.7). On his part, Peter Francis observed that this type of bead have had several names such as Cori, Accory/Akori, and Aggrey beads in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries respectively (Francis, 1993, p.6). Observation of this fragment of bead under a microscope at the laboratory of the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, Legon revealed that its mode of production was by the drawn technique because the microscopic examination revealed that there were stretches in the axis. These ‘stretches’ are what Peter Francis Jr. termed as “stretch marks” because of the bubbles that forms in the course of their production (Francis, 1993, p.7). Although only a fragment of bead was recovered, it was not without significance. For instance, at present day Larteh Akuapem, diverse individuals including chiefs, priests/priestesses, among others adorn themselves with beads. Thus, its presence provided information to understanding the lifeways of the people who inhabited the area. Figure 4.45 Picture of a Bead retrieved during the excavation at Larteh 150 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.8. Faunal Remains: Animal Bones and Molluscs. A total of 3,362 faunal remains were recovered. They represented 35.79% of the total finds. The faunal remains were animal bones (n =950) and mollusc shells (n =2,412). 4.8.1. Animal Bones. A total of nine hundred and fifty (950) bones of several animals, constituting 10.11% of the total finds was recovered from the excavations. They were retrieved from Layer One, Layer Two, and Layer Three of the excavated trench. Layer One produced three hundred and twenty (320) of the bones whiles five hundred and ten (510) of the bones were retrieved from Layer Two. One hundred and twenty (120) bones were retrieved from Layer Three and were analyzed by Mr. Bossman M. Murey, a retired Chief Technician of the Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies. The identified faunal remains belonged to Bovid, Rodentia, Insectivora, Pisces, Aves, Bos taurus, Cebus sp. Out of the total of nine hundred and fifty (950) bones recovered from the site, bones of Bovid were the most dominant with a total of four hundred and four (404), followed by Aves (n=161), Bos taurus (n=115), Rodentia (n=83), Cebus sp. (n=34), Pisces (n=29), and Insectivora (mole) (n=2). With the exception of thirty-four (34) bones of Cebus sp. recovered from Layer Two and Layer Three of the excavated trench, eighty-three (83) bones of Rodentia recovered from Layer One and Layer Two, and twenty-nine (29) bones of Pisces recovered from Layers One and Two, all other bones, Bovid (n=404); Aves (n=161); Bos taurus (n=115); and Rodentia (n=83)} were retrieved from all the three layers of the excavated trench. It should be stated that, one hundred and twenty- two (122) of the animal bones representing 12.842% of the total could not be identified because they were too fragmentary. 151 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Of the four hundred and four (404) Bovidae bones, four (4) were identified as the mandible of antelope. The remaining four hundred (400) were identified as belonging to either goat/sheep/antelope etc. The reason why these Bovidae bones were not identified to specific species, according to the expert was that the parts representing the bovid species were too fragmentary31. Twenty-three (23) out of the 161 Aves species were identified as Gallus gallus whereas the remaining one hundred and thirty-eight (138) were identified simply as birds. Out of the eighty-three (83) Rodentia species, four (4) were identified as Rattus rattus while the remaining seventy-nine (79) were identified as belonging to grass cutter. Four (4) out of the twenty-nine (29) Pisces species were identified as belonging to Eutropius niloticus (catfish) species. Other animal bones that could be identified to their specific species were those of Bos taurus (n=94), and Cebus sp.(n=34). Surface Collection - - - - - - - - - Tr. 1, Layer 1 43 1 63 51 8 14 1 - 40 320 Tr. 1, Layer 2 51 198 78 21 60 1 19 82 510 Tr. 1, Layer 3 21 43 32 - 9 - 15 - 120 TOTAL 115 404 161 29 83 2 34 122 950 Table 4.6 Table showing the Distribution of Animal Bones 31 Personal communication with Mr. Bossman M. Murey. 21/05/2021 152 UNIT/LAYER Bos taurus Bovid Aves Pisces Rodentia Insectivora Cebus sp. Unknown (Bone) TOTAL University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.46 Picture of some animal bones retrieved from Larteh Amanfu. (Photo credit: Author’s collection). It can be inferred from the analysis of the bones that the inhabitants of Larteh Amanfu exploited both wild and domesticated resources. Also, the occurrence of some of these animal species at some Akuapem sites such as Obosomase (Asare, 2018, p.156), Dawu (Shaw, 1961, p.81) Awukugua (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.11) and Aburi (Laryea, 2013, p.146) gives an indication that the people of Akuapem subsisted on both wild and domesticated animals for food. It is not very clear which of these domestic animals the people of Larteh Amanfu kept. However if the ethnographic information obtained by the researcher is used as an inference, then it may be suggested that Aves, specifically the Gallus gallus were kept by the Amanfu people. This claim is supported by rearing of Gallus gallus at modern Larteh. Bos taurus probably may have been acquired from an external source, probably from the Accra Plains (Barbot, 1732, p.215). 153 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Again, it was not a surprise that only four (4) Rattus rattus (rat) were recovered at Larteh Amanfu. This could be attributed to the fact that Larteh people do not eat this animal. Rats are however hunted and sold to people of other ethnic affiliations. The recovery of wild undomesticated species also suggest that hunting may have been an important preoccupation of the ancient settlers of the site. For instance, ethnographic information obtained at Larteh confirms that the ancient People of Amanfu engaged in hunting. To a large extent, the distribution of bones across Layer One, Layer Two, and Layer Three of the excavated trench gives an indication that the people of Amanfu may have subsisted on wild animals. 4.8.2. Molluscs Molluscs are invertebrates that have no backbone. One distinct feature of this species is that they have external shells into which the whole of the animal can be drawn. The shell may be in one piece (snails) or in two (clams) (Edmunds and Agyei-Henaku, 1978, p.12). Some of these shells were found at Amanfu. A total of 2,412 mollusc shells belonging to different species were recovered. They constituted 25.68% of the entire finds. Out of these number of shells, sixteen (16) were collected from the surface during the surface survey, whiles one thousand, two hundred and seventy-one (1,271), seven hundred and five (705), four hundred and twenty (420) were retrieved from Layer One, Layer Two, and Layer Three of the excavated trench respectively. The breakdown according to layers is presented in Table 4.7 below. 154 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Species Achatina Oliva UNIT/LAYER Arca senilis Cardita ajar Total Tivela tripla achatina Acuminate Surface - 16 - - - 16 Collections Tr. 1, Layer 1 1 , 2 48 21 1 1 - 1271 Tr. 1, Layer 2 6 87 9 7 1 1 705 Tr. 1, Layer 3 4 10 9 - 1 - 420 TOTAL 2345 55 8 3 1 2412 Table 4.7 Table Showing the Distribution of Shells Found at Larteh Amanfu Most of the shells were relatively well-preserved having retained their main distinguishing physiological attributes such as their shapes and external linear markings. This made it possible to positively identify their genera (classes) and species type. All the molluscs were categorized broadly into two genera (classes), namely Bivalvia and Gastropoda, and five specie types, namely, Oliva acuminate, Cardita ajar, Achatina achatina, Tivela tripla, and Arca senilis were identified. 155 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.47 Shells found at Larteh Amanfu. (A-Oliva acuminate, B-Cardita ajar, C-Achatina achatina, D- Tivela tripla, and E-Arca senilis). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). With the help of Mr. Bossman M. Murey. Janet Edmunds and D. Agyei-Henaku’s Sea Shells and other Molluscs found on the West African Shores and Estuaries (1978) the various genera and species of the molluscs recovered from the site were identified. Information regarding how they were utilized at Amanfu were derived from the people of Larteh Akuapem through interviews. The Tivela tripla species of the Bivalvia class, numbering two thousand, three hundred and forty- six (2,345), were the predominant shells found at Larteh Amanfu followed by Achatina achatina species (n=55) of the Gastropoda class, Arca senilis species (n=8) of the Bivalvia class, Cardita ajar species (n=3) of the Bivalvia class, and Oliva acuminate species (n=1) of the Gastropoda class. 156 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The presence of Achatina achatina species at the area is attributable to the fact that they endemic to the area. Information from the ethnographic research indicated that the people subsisted on Achatina achatina. For example, during the fieldwork I observed some of the indigenes hunting for Achatina achatina after a downpour. Thus, their presence also corroborates oral accounts obtained at Larteh that it was an important delicacy of the people. The prensence of Tivela tripla whose habitat is on sandy beaches (Edmunds and Agyei-Henaku, 1978, p.73) provide clues about Larteh’s contact with the coastal population of the Gold Coast. The assertion that there was a dispute over Larteh between the Akwamu and Accra on the coast in 1646 (Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.46; Ozanne, 1962, pp.122-123, and Wilks, 1957, p.30) probably because of the monopoly over the control of trade at Larteh corroborates Larteh’s interactions with the coastal people of Accra. Thus, the abundance of these sea shells at a non-coastal area of Larteh Amanfu shows Larteh’s interaction with some people along the coast. Also, the presence of some sea shells at some Akuapem sites such as that of Aburi (Laryea, 2013, pp.146-147), Awukugua (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.113), and Dawu (Shaw, 1961, p.82) corroborate with Akuapem oral accounts that Akuapem people had trade relations with some people along the coast. 4.9. Oil Palm Kernels A total of 258 palm kernel of Elaeis guineensis (oil palm) representing 2.746% of the total 9,397 finds were recovered. Of this number oil palm kernel, 250 were retrieved from Layer One while the remainder 8 were recovered from and Layer Two. Oil palm kernels Layer 1 Layer 2 Layer 3 Total Quantity 250 8 - 258 Table 4.8 Distribution of Palm Kernels Recovered From the Excavated Trench at Larteh Amanfu 157 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.48 Samples of remains of palm kernels retrieved from Larteh Amanfu. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). The quantity of palm kernels recovered is clear attestation that oil palm fruits complemented the dietary needs of the people who once settled on the site. Apart from oil which is derived from the palm fruits, food items and drinks such as mushrooms, palm weevil larvae (akokono), palm wine and local gin (akpeteshie) are all obtained from the palm tree. Palm tree is still planted by present- day Larteh people due to its different uses. Also, the presence of oil palm kernel at the site points to the importance of the oil palm tree on the Akuapem ridge which grows wild in the area. In fact, excellent palm wine is said to have come from the Akwapim ridge (Osei-Tutu, 1987, p.115). Ivor Wilks (1959a, p.45), citing a Dutch factor, narrates how some Dutchmen visiting the Akuapem Ridge got drunk at Nsachi in the nineteenth century. This statement shows that Akuapem of which Larteh is part, had been producing quality palm wine for centuries. Presently as one travels over 158 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the ridge, one can witness great quantities of palm wine been sold in plastic bottles and pots along the motor road at very short intervals. Also, the presence of palm oil kernels at the site confirms the role the Akuapem people of which the people of Larteh are part, played together with the people of Krobo in the supply of palm oil in the nineteenth century (Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.52). Buttressing this claim, Dickson and Benneh (1970, p.155) asserted that when palm oil was the leading export of Ghana by the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, the Akwapim ridge, together with the Krobo area, formed an important centre of production 4.10. Objects of Ivory A total of 21 fragmented ivory objects were recovered from the excavation. A total of eleven (11) were retrieved from Layer Two while the remaining ten (10) were retrieved from Layer Three of the excavated trench. Of this number, six (6) were decorated while fifteen (15) were undecorated. The decorative motifs on them included three rows of circle-and-dot-motifs in a horizontal pattern with a single row of circle-and-dot motifs in vertical pattern which joined those in horizontal pattern (n=1) (figure 4.49: a); two rows of dot stamps in horizontal pattern (n=1) (figure 4.49: b); two rows of dot stamps in horizontal pattern sandwiched between two drilled dots surrounded by a small concentric circle (see figure 4.49: c); as well as two rows of dot stamps in horizontal pattern and a single circle-and-dot motif (n=3) (figure 4.49: d-f). Ten (10) of the ivories had been carefully worked on into smooth circular shapes (figure 4.49: b-f; and figure 4.50: a-e). However, only parts of these circular shapes were recovered. The estimated internal diameter of these partially circularly worked ivory ranges from 4cm to 7cm, with thickness ranging from 3mm to 47mm, and width ranging from 51 to 95mm. One of the ivory recovered from the Larteh Amanfu site had been 159 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh carved into a comb (figure 4.50: f).This has a length of 8.2cm, a thickness of 15mm, and a width of 2.5cm. The ivory which has three rows of circle-and-dot-motifs in a horizontal pattern with a single row of circle-and-dot motifs in vertical pattern measured 3.0cm in length, a thickness of 26mm, and a width of 1.79cm. The other fragments of ivory, numbering nine (9) (figure 4.50: g- o) had a length, thickness and width ranging from 1.31cm-3.6cm, 18mm-61mm, and 59mm to 2.42cm respectively. Overall, the length, thickness, width and the diameter of those ivories in partial circles recovered from Larteh Amanfu measures between 1.31cm to 8.2cm, 15mm-47mm, 51mm-2.5cm, and 4cm to 7cm respectively. Shaw (1961, p.64, Plate XI), Stahl and Stahl (2004, p.92) and Osei-Tutu (1987, p.103, Plate 8) have also found ivory fashioned into partially circular pattern at Dawu, the Kuulo Kataa site at Banda, and Awukugua respectively. Although not similar to the comb-like ivory found at Larteh Amanfu, ivory which has been fashioned into comb has been found at areas such as the Kuulo Kataa site at Banda (Stahl and Stahl, 2004, p.92), Dawu (Shaw, 1961, p.64, Plate XII), and New Buipe (York, 1973, pp.59-61). The different shapes of these recovered ivories at Larteh Amanfu is in consonance with Cutler’s (1989, p.2; 1985, pp.25-26) assertion that ivory could be used to produce different/varieties of utilitarian and art objects (see also Stahl and Stahl, 2004, p.86). Ethnographic information collected at Larteh shows that the ivory fashioned into a form of a comb was used for beard grooming in the past. It can therefore be postulated that the ivory objects found at the research area were used as body adornment objects. It can be hypothesized at this stage that, the presence of ivory at Larteh Amanfro, Dawu, Awukugua, as well as Begho, Banda and New Buipe all in Ghana with their almost similar decorative motifs such as the circle-and-dot motifs as well as those ivories fashioned in partial 160 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh circle/bangles points to a possible inter or/and intra-regional trade. When subjected to thorough analysis, the presence of ivory on some sites in the Akuapem area as well as some sites in Ghana can give considerable insight into understanding how these objects were obtained, produced, and exchanged. Figure 4.49 Picture of Decorated Ivories. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 161 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.50 Picture of Undecorated Ivories. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 4.11. Metal Objects. A total of twenty-nine (29) metals were retrieved from the excavated trench. Out of these, thirteen (13) were retrieved from layer one, seven (7) from layer two whiles the remaining nine (9) were recovered from layer three. That is to say that the metals were recovered from all the three layers of the trench. Of these total number of metal objects, only three clearly revealed its original form after the corroded metals were mechanically treated by Mr. Gideon Agyare, a senior Laboratory technician at the Department of Archaeology and Heritages Studies, University of Ghana. These objects were identified as three rings made of copper (see figure 4.51: i, ii, iii). They were 162 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh recovered from all the three layers of the excavated trench; that is, one each from the three layers. Two of the rings were partially broken (figure 4.51: i, and ii,). The remaining one, (figure 4.51: iii) was also not a complete circle. It has a gap which seems to have been made intentionally. This ring is heavy and solid as compared to the other two rings. The average internal diameter of these rings ranged between 1.37cm and 1.78cm, with thickness between 0.16cm and 0.39cm, a width between 0.31cm and 0.38cm. The other twenty-six (26) (figure 4.52) were strips of metals made of iron. They have average length between 1.94cm and 9.1cm, thickness between 0.19cm and 0.56cm and width ranging from 0.23cm and 1.57cm. Of these twenty-six (26) strips of metals, twelve (12), Six (6), and eight (8) were recovered from layer 1, layer 2, and layer 3 respectively of the excavated trench. Researchers such as Shaw (1961, pp.57-58, Plate IV fig. 1 and 2) and Osei-Tutu (1987, pp.101-103, Plate 7) identified and recorded several objects of metals including rings at Dawu and Awukugua respectively. 163 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.51 Picture of metals (rings) retrieved from Larteh Amanfu. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 164 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.52 Picture of Metals retrieved from Larteh Amanfu. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 4.12. Crucibles Four (4) fragments of crucibles (figure 4.53), were retrieved from Layer three of the excavated trench at Larteh Amanfu. Examination of the crucibles under a microscope at the laboratory of Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, University Of Ghana, revealed a possible multipurpose use of the crucibles; either as gold, brass or copper casting crucibles or both as copper and gold casting crucibles. This claim was as result of the evidence of petrification found in the crucibles. Also petrogrepahic investigatons of the crucibles by Dr Daniel Kwayisi, a Geologist/Petrologist at the Geology Department of University of Ghana also revealed that the crucibles were made of clay and contains minerals like quartzite (see appendix 3). Ethno-historical information and ethnographic data obtained from Larteh revealed that the people engaged in smithig in the past. They particularly engaged in gold and copper smithing. However, the author cannot tell whether gold/copper smithing and brass casting was practiced at Larteh Amanfu by the 165 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh people of Larteh origin or this technology was introduced to the Larteh people by other people (Akwamu, Akyem). Figure 4.53 Crucibles. (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 4.13. Objects of Stone Stone tools were undoubtedly among the earliest implements used by human societies (Sharer and Ashmore, 2010, p.124). Stone tools can be defined as any tool made either partially or entirely out of stones. At the Larteh Amanfu site, four (4) stone tools (figures 4.54, and 4.55) were found. These stone tools include two querns (figure 4.55: c-d), and two polished stone axes (nyame akuma) (figure 4.54: a-b). Three out of the four stone tools found were retrieved from the archaeological context from layers; one, two and three, while the remaining one (figure 4.55: c) was collected from the surface during the archaeological reconnaissance at the site. The querns are made of quartzite, rock which is found at the research area. One of these querns was retrieved from layer 3 of the excavated trench (see figure 4.55: d), and the other collected from the surface (figure 4.55: c). The querns are used to grind vegetables like tomatoes, pepper and 166 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh herbs. Ethnographic information obtained at Larteh revealed that grindstones are still been used to grind foods (vegetables) and herbs, On the other hand, the Nyame Akuma (polished stone axes) were retrieved from layer one and layer 2 of the excavated trench. The stone axes recovered measures between 4.30cm and 4.55cm in length, and the thickness measures between 1.72cm and 1.84cm. These polished stone axes are characterized by ground and polished sides and slanting cutting edges. It should be noted that the nyame akuma retrieved from layer two (figure 4.54: b) has part of its beveled cutting edge broken. The occurrence of these polished stone axes in the area is certainly as a result of their secondary use for other purposes, and do not in anyway imply that the site is a Late Stone Age site such as the Kintampo Late Stone sites dated to the mid-second millennium B.C (see MacEachern, 2005; Watson 2005, p.4; Cassey, 2000; Stahl, 1985, pp.117-118; and Anquandah, 1995a). This is based on the premise that these stone tools have constantly been used by various communities in Ghana even to the present day for diverse purposes such as for polishing newly manufactured clay pots (see Ozanne, 1971, p.47). Apoh and Gavua (2010, p.223) confirm the above claim by stating that polished stone axes were found in a shrine context at Katamansu. Also, oral traditional information collected from Larteh indicate that, the Nyame akuma are used in divination32. For this reasons, these axe-heads are being searched for and sold to priests and priestesses. This is divergent from their main purpose as fossil guides for identifying Ghana’s pioneer farmers in the Neolithic or Late Stone Age period (Apoh and Gavua, 2010, p.223, and Anquandah 1982a). Petrographic analysis of the polished stone axes (nyame akuma) by Dr Daniel Kwayisi, a Geologist/Petrologist at the Geology Department of University of Ghana revealed that they contain 32 Interview with Nana Kwame, Osofo(spokesperson) for of the priest of the Akonnedi Shrine at Larteh Kubease 167 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh minerals that are characteristics of greenstones (see Appendix C). Davies (1967, p.23) argues that, unlike quartz, greenstones are or can easily be worked on to give a keen blade. Greenstone are not characteristic of rocks found at Larteh and the Akuapem area at large. For the Larteh area is underline by the Togo structural unit which is composed of an alternating series of arenaceous and argillaceous sediments that were later reworked by metamorphism and deformation into phyllites, quartzites, and schists (Adjei and Tetteh, 1997). Instead, greenstones are mostly found in the areas of Cape Three Point, Upper Volta, and Nsawam (Davies, 1967, p.200, p.207, p.310). However considering the distance between Larteh and these three areas, Nsawam is the nearest place to Larteh. From Larteh to Nsawam is 43.7km. For this reason, it is likely that these tools were obtained from the nearest area which is Nsawam. Because greenstones is not typical of the geology of the Larteh area, its presences at the area suggests a possible interaction between the people of Larteh and other towns. Shaw (1961, p.69) and Osei-Tutu (1987, p.108) found ten (10) polished stone axes and three (3) polished stone axes at their respective Dawu and Awukugua sites all in the Akuapem area. 168 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.54 Objects of stones (Nyame akuma). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). Figure 4.55 Objects of stones (querns). (Photo credit: Author’s collections). 169 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FIVE DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 5.0. Introduction. This chapter discusses the archaeological finds presented in the previous chapter. It incorporates written records, ethnographic data, and ethno-historical accounts to assess the archaeological finds. In order to holistically interprete the recovered data, both the Object-Centered Approach and Object-Driven Approach to material culture studies coupled with the ethnographic and ethno- historical accounts obtained from Larteh served as a guide to interpreting the data obtained from the field. 5.1. Discussion of Research Findings. Apart from limited studies regarding geological and archaeological surveys that had been conducted by researchers such as Kitson (1929a), Davies (1976), and Darko (1993) at Larteh, there is a paucity of archaeological work in the area. Thus, this thesis fills gaps in our knowledge. In fact, the reason why this archaeological investigation was carried out at Larteh Amanfu. The research has aided in the reconstruction of the history and past cultural and socio-economic lifeways of the Larteh people. Material remains left behind by past societies are significant in reconstructing the past lifeways of a given society. Additionally, material remains provide clues about how they were used and their ownership. Absolutely, the reliance on only archaeological data to reconstruct lifeways may be inadequate in accomplishing the objectives of the study. This explains the use of the eclectic approach involving the use of written records, oral traditions, oral histories, and ethnographic information. The ‘Object-Centered Approach’ and ‘Object-Driven 170 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Approach’ to material culture studies were applied in the analyses and interpretations of the recovered archaeological materials. In short, the diverse approaches used in undertaking this research proved very useful in accomplishing the research aim of reconstructing the history of the inhabitants of Larteh Amanfu. Thus, in many ways, the first objective of this study, which was to reconstruct the lifeways of the inhabitants of Larteh using archaeological and ethnographic data was achieved. To achieve this objective, detailed archaeological work comprising ground survey, mapping of the site, and excavation were conducted. The ground survey aided me to establish Ayebusu, Bompo valley, Mankonto and Egyibote respectively as the northern, southern, eastern and western boundaries of the site. Also, through the ground survey, several archaeological features and landmarks were identified (see figure 3.15). Numerous cultural materials that were littered on the ground surface in various parts of the site also suggest past human habitation. Some of such features identified was three forest groves (Nananom Pow). The identification of these three forest groves (Nananom Pow) at Larteh Amanfu during the reconnaissance survey provides clues to the religious worldview of the people. It shows that the inhabitants of the area had beliefs in supernatural beings. These groves continue to serve as abode of some of the deities of the present-day Larteh town. Rituals are performed in the forest groves during occasions such as Ohum and Odwira festivals. Secondly, the groves also show how the people of Larteh Amanfu were conscious of preserving nature. This is because they used religious sanctions to prevent people from encroaching or destroying these groves. My informants at present-day Larteh averred that to a large extent, animals that lived in the forest groves were not hunted because they were seen as the ‘children’ or “offsprings” of the deities whose abode is the grove. However, when these animals traverse the boundaries of the forest groves, they could be hunted as game; there was no 171 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh social sanctions against anyone who hunted animals outside the grove. This act reveals, first, how ancient Amanfu inhabitants were conscious about protecting animal species. Second, it also shows that organised form of leadership existed at Amanfu. This is because, sanctions were meted out to people who hunted in the groves. This claim was attested to by most of my respondents at present- day Larteh. They explained that inhabitants of Amanfu had leaders in the form of priest kings, who performed both religious and political functions. Likewise, the forest groves served as a place where newly acquired botanical and faunal species were quarantined, studied, nurtured and subsequently made available to the Larteh Amanfu community. My informants at present-day Larteh stated that in the past, anytime a citizen of Larteh Amanfu returned home with new plant or unknown animal species, the forest groves served as the place where these newly acquired species were left, studied and re-domesticated before given access to the community. This explains why different floral and faunal species abound in these groves. Because the groves were not easily accessed by the community members except the priest, they provided serene or conducive environment for such newly acquired species to thrive because there was no or limited human interference that inhibited the abilities of these species to survive in its new habitat. Equally important, the groves serve as a source of obtaining herbal medicine. Because these areas were being protected, valuable plants, specifically medicinal plants thrived there. The above discussion on forest groves identified at Amanfu has shown that they served diverse purposes. As such, I agree with Michael Sheridan (2009, pp.73-74) when he asserted that the ‘functionalist assumption that sacred groves exist primarily as indigenous forms of conservation is mistaken’ (see also, Chidhakwa, 2003). In this regard, the forest groves at Amanfu reveals both 172 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the spiritual, social, political and ecological ethos of the community (Akurang-Parry, 2016, p.70; Pandey, 2010, pp.2-3, & Sheridan, 2009, p.74). The recovery of terracotta figurine (see figure 4.42) gives an indication of two things. Firstly, it exemplifies Larteh’s interaction with people of Akan (Akwamu and Akyem) origin. This may have occurred when Akwamu annexed the Akuapem area or when the Akyem helped the people of Akuapem to liberate themselves from Akwamu oppression in the eighteenth century. Secondly, it gives clues about the religious beliefs of the people of Larteh. This is because, ethnographic information obtained from present-day Larteh on the use of this figurine indicates that figurines are used in most indigenous religious temples (shrines). Like the Akan belief, figurines are given out to people who go to the shrine to seek help, for example, to cure barrenness. Furthermore, the analyses of the diverse archaeological materials provided insights into aspects of the past lifeways, including subsistence strategies and the nature of interactions among the inhabitants of the site. The recovered data included pottery, metals, objects of ivory, both foreign and local smoking pipes, stone tools, bones, shells, oil palm kernels, a terracotta figurine, fragments of crucibles, and fragments of daub (see Table 4.1). The faunal (shells and bones) and floral (oil palm kernel) remains recovered provided insights into the dietary behavior/patterns of the people. The recovered faunal remains served as a source of protein to the inhabitants of the area. Some animals eaten included sheep, cattle, chicken, fish, and molluscs such as Oliva acuminate, Cardita ajar, Tivela tripla, Arca senilis, and Achatina achatina. The recovery of bones of some wild animals such as Cebus sp. (monkeys), grasscutter, and antelope suggest that hunting was an occupation practiced by some people who lived on the site. That is, hunting, provided food that supplemented the diet provided by both the domesticated animals and the marine resources. This claim of hunting as an occupation at Amanfu was supported 173 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh by the ethnographic information explained to me by my respondents that group and individual hunting was common in Larteh Amanfu. Not surprisingly, some adult males presently at Larteh engage in hunting. The discovery of only two bones of Rattus rattus support the ethnographic accounts that Larteh people abhor the eating of this specie. Furthermore, the abundance of numerous oil palm kernels scattered on the surface of the sites as well as the recovered 258 remains of this species during the excavation is an indication of both the dietary pattern of the people as well as their economic use as a commodity. This assertion of the commercial value of oil palm is attested to by the fact that, the area of Akuapem (of which Larteh is a part) together with the Krobo people exported several liters of oil palm during the nineteenth century in the Gold Coast (Johnson, 1972, pp.60-62; Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.3, pp.95-96; 1972, p.47, p.52; & Lawson and Enti, 1972, p.15). Again, the sherds, sea shells, figurine, metals, and foreign smoking pipes recovered point to a possible interaction between the people of Larteh and other communities. For instance, most of the pottery recovered from Larteh Amanfu are similar both in paste characteristics, vessel form, and surface treatment with some sherds found on some Accra Plains sites and other sites in Ghana. Such vessel forms included Jar Form 1 (see figure 4.7) which is similar to some jar forms found at Wodoku (2008, pp.34,37, fig.12g; 2008, pp.60, 68 fig.25e-f; Boachie-Ansah, 2004, p.220, fig.3 h-g); Jar form 2 (see figure 4.8 and figure 4.9) which is identical to vessels found by researchers such as Shaw at Dawu (Shaw, 1961, PLATE XXVII, fig.A(xix)b), Osei-Tutu at Awukugua (Osei- Tutu, 1987, pp.78, 282, fig.4Ai); Boachie-Ansah at Kormantin No. 1 (Boachie-Ansah, 2015, p.40 and p.75 fig.2b; 2004, p.220 fig.3i-j), and some jar forms recovered at Wodoku (Boachie 2008, pp.34,37, fig.i-j; 2008, pp.60, 68 fig25g). In the same manner, open hemispherical bowls with or without ledges found at Larteh Amanfu (see figures 4.16; 4.17; 4.18; 4.19;; 4.22; 4.23; 4.25; 4.26; 174 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh and 4.29) are also found on some Accra plains sites, specifically Ladoku (Boachie-Ansah, 2002, p.12 fig.7: c-f); Wodoku (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, pp.42, 45 fig.14:j-m; 2008, pp.69-70,73 fig.27:k- n), and Ayawaso (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, p.111), as well as at the Kormantin No.1 site (Boachie- Ansah, 2015, pp.77-88, figs. 4:d-e, and 5:a). Most sherds recovered at Amanfu possess the decorative characteristics of sherds from the Accra plains. A typical example is the sun rising motif (see figure 4.5a) found on sherd at the Larteh Amanfu site. Also, some pottery recovered at Larteh Amanfu were red-slipped or smudged. This surface treatment is akin to the surface treatment of some sherds found at the Accra plain sites of Wodoku and Ayawaso (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, p.111; and Anquandah, 1979, p.19). Likewise, the paste characteristic of most of the recovered sherds from Larteh Amanfu is similar to sherds recovered from some sites of the Accra plains. These characteristics include sherds which have hornblende, hornblende and mica, and mica as part of their paste (Boachie-Ansah, 2008, p.22, p.54, p.115; Anquandah 1979, p.15; Ozanne, 1965, pp.7, 10). The pottery recovered from Larteh Amanfu is thus a tangible evidence of Larteh’s interaction with other communities, notably the Krobo and Shai people. Equally, oral traditions collected by me at Larteh points to the areas of Krobo and Shai as the source of obtaining their pottery (see also Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.132). Also, the presence of sea shells (see figure 4.47: a-b, d-e) at Larteh, a non-coastal place suggests a possible Larteh-coastal people interactions. The account that the people of Akuapem (of which Larteh is a part) produced crops such as maize, cassava, and yam and exchanged with other coastal communities for salt and fish corroborate the claim that the inhabitants of the site had contacts with other communities (Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.131; Klingelhofer, 1972, pp.130-137). Ethno-historical account collected at Larteh corroborate this account by suggesting that Larteh people in the past traded with the people of Krobo and Shai for 175 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh pottery and sold to them their foodstuffs and oil palm. Again, the presence of two stems of foreign smoking pipes at the site suggests a possible interaction with the Europeans on the coast or with the coastal inhabitants. This claim of possible Larteh-European interactions is supported by the assertion that the Akuapem people in the past bought iron from the Europeans on the coast and sold crops such as maize to them which they used to provision the slave-ships (Kwamena-Poh, 1973, p.132). The recovered twenty-nine metals (see figures. 4.51 and 4.52) from the excavation attests to this claim. It is no surprise that the archaeological data recovered from Larteh Amanfu shows that the inhabitants of the area had contact with the ‘outside world’ or other communities. Indeed, Kea (1982, p.12) shows that the period of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries characterized a period of intensive trade on the Gold Coast and this led to intensive interaction among different ethnic groups. Larteh’s interaction and trade with other towns suggest that Larteh Amanfu had some form of leadership or the settlement was an organised, possibly an urban centre. This is because, ethno- historical narratives obtained at Larteh point to the fact that Larteh Amanfu had a para-military organisation. This was not a standing army as compared to modern day military practice. Instead, this para-military organization was made up of men who guarded Larteh Amanfu traders who commuted on the trade routes that linked Larteh and other neighbouring towns. For example, Obaapanin Akosua Obenewaa, one of my respondents stated that Larteh army (men) guarded or escorted traders that used the route that connects Larteh and Abonse and other routes that connect the Dodowa area. The presence of some materials on the site suggest a sedentary lifestyle. Such materials include daubs and grinding stones. Undoubtedly, these materials provide clues to a sedentary life style at Larteh Amanfu because the existence of non-transportable tools such as massive grinding stones 176 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh and remains of house structures in the form of daubs suggest sedentism. At Larteh Amanfu, forty- seven fragments of daubs were recovered from the excavated trench. Oral traditions collected at Larteh stipulated that wattle-and-daub structures were the earliest form of architectural styles in the area. Present-day Larteh still have relics of wattle-and-daub structures (see figure 3.2). In the same manner, the retrieval of querns during the excavation and identification of grinding stones during the ground reconnaissance were an indicative of the exploitation of herbs and grains by the inhabitants of the site. The ethnographic data obtained from Larteh corroborated the view that the inhabitants of the site used grinding stones. Indeed, most households at present-day Larteh continue to use grinding stones to grind both vegetables and herbal medicine. Also, cultural materials such as the bead recovered from the site revealed that the people adorn themselves. The tradition of an individual (chief, priests, priestess, linguists, and other individuals) adorning him/herself with bead is still practised at Larteh currently. The presence of smoking pipes at the site gives a clue about the smoking habits of the people who occupied the area. It is well to note that I observed an individual who was smoking, using a foreign smoking pipe at Larteh. The objects made of ivory (see figures 4.49; and 4.50) that were discovered reveal three things. First, it is likely that elephants were present in the Larteh area in the past. Second, the presence of ivory showed that the people adorn themselves with these objects. The presence of objects of ivory in circular design (see figure 4.49: b-f; and figure 4.50: a-e) which were probably used as bangles attest to this claim. The recovery of ivory fashioned into a comb-like material (see figure 4.50: f) which according to my informants at Larteh was used for beard grooming also attests to the fact that the people of Amanfu were knowledgeable about body adornment. Third, the recovered ivory also reveal that Larteh Amanfu was a class structured town. This is because, ivory was a scarce commodity and that only a few inhabitants could have afforded or made use of it. For this reason, 177 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh whoever had or used these objects may have been an important personality or affluent individual. Exegetical analysis and interpretation of the ethno-historical account obtained at Larteh revealed that not all inhabitants of Amanfu could afford and used ivory objects and that only the affluent could afforded and used objects made of ivory. One of my informants, Opanin Odei Larbi stated that, just like present-day Larteh, ancient Larteh Amanfu was class structured. He stated that, apart from the Priest Kings, there were other individuals at Amanfu who were very influential because of their wealth. As such these affluent and wealthy individuals at Amanfu could purchase ‘expensive’ commodities such as things made from ivory and other items of foreign (European) origin. The objective of establishing the chronology of the site was partially achieved. This is based on the fact that the researcher could not afford to pay for radiocarbon dates although thirteen charcoal samples were collected. However, by means of adopting the analogy of using bore diameter of kaolin smoking pipes to establish relative chronology of a site (see Gyam 2008, p.71; Hall 1996, p.117; Schrire etal 1990, p.269, and Deetz, 1988, p.362; 1967, p.40), I was able to hypothesize that the site dates between the 17th and 18th century based on the dates (see paragraph 4. 6) of the smoking pipes which were recovered from the third layer of the excavated trench. Correspondingly, the available written records point to Larteh Amanfu as a prominent market during the seventeenth century (Kea, 1982, p.54; Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.46; Ozanne, 1962, pp.122-123, and Wilks 1957, pp.30-31). The recovered materials from the excavation points to the fact that the area was continuously inhabited until it was abandoned. There was thus a high level of uniformity in the archaeological finds recovered. This is because, cultural materials such as pottery, metals, bones, shells and stone 178 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh tools which constituted 96.35% of the total finds were recovered from all layers of the excavated trench. Similarly, the most dominant decorative motifs; multiple grooves (33.370%), single groove (10.796%), multiple groove and dot stamps (9.269%), dot stamps (8.179%), comb stamps (5.62%) and notches and multiple grooves (4.362%) all constituting 71.538% of the entire decorative motifs on the recovered potsherds at Larteh Amanfu were also represented in all the three layers of the excavated trench. Equally, potsherds covered with soot were found in all the layers of the excavated trench. These evidence suggests that there was continuity in the archaeological record. Also, I argue that there was a standardization of such artifacts that was accepted by the community at large. In sum, there is to a large extent, homogeneity of the materials recovered in the cultural layers. The current body of knowledge; written records, ethnographic data, and ethno-historical accounts point to the site of Larteh Amanfu as the settlement of the ancestors of present-day Larteh people as well as a popular market centre. The numerous archaeological and ethnographic data, documentary source as well as ethno-historical accounts attest to this claim. This is evident from the high concentration of cultural materials, especially those related to domestic activities at the site. These remains include fragments of daubs recovered from the excavation, grinding stone found during the ground survey, one quern recovered from the excavation and one collected during the reconnaissance, as well as the numerous potsherds and mollusc shells recovered. These evidence also corroborate Ray Kea’s (1982, p.34) account that Larteh Amanfro, just like other towns in the forest zone of Ghana was an urban center. Similarly, linguistic and oral traditions point to Larteh Amanfu as the ancient settlement of the Larteh people as well as a popular market center in the past (Kea, 1982, p.54; Kwamena-Poh, 1972, p.46; Ozanne, 1962, pp.122-123, and 179 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Wilks 1957, pp.30-31). The word “Amanfu” is translated to mean “ancient place/settlement”. This means that Larteh Amanfu was indeed the ancient home/settlement of the Larteh people. 5.2. Reasons for the Abandonment of the Larteh Amanfu Site. It should be stated that it is difficult to ascertain from the archaeological record alone, reason(s) for the abandonment of sites. Some general reasons for site abandonment include fear of enemies, food shortage, the search for basic human needs such as water source, outbreak of diseases, among others. Although my informants could not pinpoint the exact date the inhabitants of Larteh Amanfu migrated from Amanfu to present-day Larteh, two main reasons were given for the abandonment of the Larteh Amanfu settlement. First, was for security reasons. The inhabitants of Amanfu moved to the hilltop of present-day Larteh for security reasons. In fact, information obtained through interview shows that they moved from the area, which is a valley to the present-day town which is hilly so that they could avoid the perennial invasions of their enemy, specifically the people of Akwamu. The second reason for the abandonment of the site was the search for perennial water source. This was because, the water bodies at Amanfu dry-up during the dry seasons. Darko (1983, p.39) stated that the Pompo River at Amanfu was dried-up during his survey in February 1993. My informants averred that, during such seasons, their ancestors would moved around in search of water. It was during one of such “wandering” or “voyage” that they discovered that numerous water bodies abound at present-day Larteh. Presently at Larteh Akuapem, in addition to mechanized bore holes, water bodies such as Esite, Abrounkumi, and Kwaate continue to serve as water sources throughout the year without drying-up. It was for this and the first reason that led the people of Larteh to settle at their present location 180 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.3. Conclusion The analyses of the archaeologically recovered data at Larteh Amanfu, the study of historical documents, and ethno-historical data have revealed that Larteh Amanfu was the ancient settlement of the people of present-day Larteh and a popular trading centre in the seventeenth century. That is, the site was a multi-purpose settlement. The relevance of this study lies in the depth of perspectives it provides on the lifeways of the inhabitants of the resarch area. This study has shed light on the subsistence strategies, trade, dietary patterns, socio-cultural and political transformations, religious practices and the interactions that existed between inhabitants of the study area and other groups. It is my hope that this study will inspire academics to explore the study area. Similarly, the research has to a large extent revealed the complex interaction that existed between the inhabitants of Amanfu and their natural habitats. This is evident in how they engaged the environment to suit their living conditions. For example, hunting exemplified by the remains of bones of wild animals recovered from the site, as well as using of some of the readily available stones as querns attest to this claim. The research has revealed that Larteh Amanfu was a class structured society. Ethno-historical accounts obtained at present-day Larteh corroborate this assertion. Apart from the evidence supporting Amanfu as the earlier settlement of the Larteh people, the research revealed that inhabitants of present day Larteh people still have contact with the site of Larteh Amanfu. They farm at Larteh Amanfu. Ritual performances are done at the three identified forest groves (Nananom Pow) at Larteh Amanfu during festival celebrations. Because the site of Larteh Amanfu is a large site and only a section of it was excavated, appeal is made to researchers (archaeologists) interested in Larteh history that further archaeological excavation may be carried out in areas of the site which have not been excavated. This will 181 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh probably help to unearth diverse cultural materials which will contribute to the reconstruction of the history of the people of Larteh Akuapem. 5.4. Recommendations. It was observed during the study that there is urgent need to rescue cultural materials at the Larteh Amanfu site and also to create awareness about the heritage potential this site possesses, and its contribution to tourism development at Larteh. This is because, there is indiscriminate destruction of archaeological materials due to construction activities. Apart from this proposed rescue mission, public archaeology should be done so as to educate the people on the need to preserve this heritage. This can be done by showcasing the materials recovered to the community by printing them on banners to be hanged at advantageous places in the town. This will help in educating the people about the history of the Larteh people. Similarly, I propose that a community museum should be built in the town. This will help in the exhibition of both the archaeologically recovered data as well as some artistic works and historical relics of Larteh. Also, a radiocarbon date should be processed so as to know the exact chronology of the area. Although the researcher was able to situate the chronology of the site between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries based on the use of dating using stem bore diameter of kaolin smoking pipes as well as the available written documents, it is however important for future researchers to date the site to be able to situate Larteh’s chronology in the broader Akuapem historiography. 182 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh REFERENCES Adjei, A.O., Tetteh, G.M. (1997). Deformational phases of the Togo series, Ho-NyiveHonuta area, Ghana. Ghana Mining Journal. 3(1 & 2), 1–9. Akrong, A. (2006). Religion and Traditional Leadership in Ghana. In I. K. Odotei, & Albert. K. Awedoba (Eds.), Chieftaincy in Ghana. Culture, Governance and Development (pp. 213- 230). Accra: Sub-Saharan Publishers. Akurang-Parry, K. (2016). 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Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns (pp. 261–273). London: Routledge. Stahl, A. B. (1994). Innovation, Diffusion, and Culture Contact:The Holocene Archaeology of Ghana. Journal of World Prehistory, 8(1),51–112. Stahl, A. B. & Stahl, P. (2004). Ivory Production and Consumption in Ghana in the Early Second Millennium AD. Antiquity. 78. 86-101. doi:10.1017/S0003598X00092954. Sutton, J., E., G. (1981a). New Work at Dawu-Southern Ghana. Nyame Akuma, 18, 11-33 Sutton, J., E., G. (1980-1981). Dawu 1942 and 1980.A Contribution to the History of Akwapim, c.1560-1680. Archaeology in Ghana, 2, 33-47. Sutton, J.E.G, (1980). Nyanawase: History in the Soil! (PhD Thesis). Calgary University Terkpertey, T. T. (n.d). Dangme Blebo Nô . Odumase Krobo: Universal Printing Press. Translated by J. E. T. Kuwornu-Adjaottor. Teyegaga, B.D. (1985). Dipo Custom and the Christian Faith: The Nature of a People is in Their Traditions, Culture, Religion, and Customs. Accra: J'piter Printing Press Limited. Ucko, P. J., Tringham, R., and Dimbleby, G. W. (Eds.). (1978). Man, Settlement and Urbanism. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Watson, D.J. (2005). Under the Rocks: Reconsidering the Origin of the Kintampo Tradition and the Development of Food Production in the Savanna-Forest/Forest of West Africa. Journal of African Archaeology, 3(1), 3-55. 198 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Wilks, I. (1964). Akwamu 1640-1750: A Study of the Rise and fall of a West African Empire. Norway: Department of History, Norwegian University of Science and Technology Wilks, I. (1957). The Rise of the Akwamu Empire, 1650-1710. Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana, 3(2), 25–62. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41405705 Wilks, I. (1959a). Akwamu 1650-1750: A Study of the Rise and fall of a West African Empire. (Unpublished Manuscript). University Of Ghana,Legon Winsnes, S. A. (1992). Wulff Joseph Wulff, 1809-1842: A Biographical Essay. Part 1 of A Danish Jew in Africa: Wulff Joseph Wulff, Biography and Letters, 1836-1842 being partly, a translation of Da Guinea Var Dansk, Wulff Joseph Wulff's Letters by S. A. Winsnes, and partly an essay written by S. A Winsnes. York, R. N. (1973). Excavations at New Buipe. West African Journal of Archaeology. 3,1-89. Internet Sources/ Webpages Akwapim North. Retrieved from http://www.easternregion.gov.gh/index.php/akwapim-north/ Artifacts As Time Makers. Retrieved from https://www.nps.gov/archeology/afori/howfig_mar4.htm Ministry of Food and Agriculture, Akuapem North District. Retrieved from http://mofa.gov.gh/site/sports/district-directorates/eastern-region/216-akuapem-north The Larteh Story. Retrieved from http://www.akuapem.com/gpage4.html www.archaeologywordsmith.org 199 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh APPENDIX Appendix 1 FAUNAL ANALYSIS SITE: LAARP-2021 RECORDER: B.M. Murey DATE: MAY 2021 ELEMENT/ GENUS/SPECIES DESCRIPTION Tr. 1 1 Boneshaft 14 3 14 1 Bos taurus - cattle 4 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Astragulus 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebral spine 2 2 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Phalange 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Teeth - premolar 6 5 1 6 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Calcaneum 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ulna – proximal 1 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Femur – distal 2 1 1 1 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibia – distal 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibia – proximal 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Metacarpal – distal 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebra 3 1 3 3 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ribs 3 2 3 3 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Scapula 4 3 1 4 4 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Magnum 2 1 1 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ 4 3 Tr. 1 1 Ribs 34 1 34 3 Bovid – goat/sheep/antelope etc 4 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Humerus - distal 4 4 4 4 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Metatarsal - distal 2 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibia – proximal 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Clavicle 5 5 5 5 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Phalanges 8 1 5 3 8 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Astragulus 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ 200 UNIT LAYER COUNT GNAW MARKS MNI BURNT CHARRED BUTCHERY MARKS WHOLE FRAGMENTS TOTAL University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Calcaneum 5 5 5 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibia – distal epiphysis 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebral spine 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Lower jaw 4 4 4 4 Bovid – all antelope ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Teeth - premolar 5 4 1 5 Bovid – goat/sheep/antelope etc ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tooth - molar 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Skull fragments 14 14 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ 4 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Scapula 2 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ 9 1 FAUNAL ANALYSIS SITE: LAARP-2021 RECORDER: B.M. Murey DATE: MAY 2021 ELEMENT/ GENUS/SPECIES DESCRIPTION Tr. 1 1 Femur 1 1 1 Bovid – goat/sheep/antelope etc ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Innominate 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Boneshaft 69 5 6 69 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ 9 72 Tr. 1 1 Skull 4 4 4 Pisces –cat fish- Eutropius niloticus ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Fin spine 1 1 1 Pisces - fish ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Basipterigium 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tooth - canine 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ 8 Tr. 1 1 Mandible 1 1 1 Aves – chicken- Gallus gallus ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Skull 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebra 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tarso-metatarsus 4 4 2 2 4 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibio-tarsus - distal 1 1 1 Aves – bird 201 UNIT LAYER COUNT GNAW MARKS MNI BURNT CHARRED BUTCHERY MARKS WHOLE FRAGMENTS TOTAL University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ulna 3 3 3 3 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Boneshaft 14 1 14 ‘’ ’’ 4 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Humerus 4 4 4 4 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Radius 6 6 6 6 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Coracoid 2 2 1 1 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Clavicle 2 2 1 1 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Sternal ribs 12 1 12 ‘’ ’’ 2 51 Tr. 1 1 Femur– proximal 2 2 2 Rodentia - grasscutter ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebra 4 4 4 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ribs 4 4 4 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Scapula 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Scapula 1 1 1 Rodentia – rat – Rattus rattus ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Lower jaw 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ 14 FAUNAL ANALYSIS SITE: LAARP-2021 RECORDER: B.M. Murey DATE: MAY 2021 ELEMENT/ GENUS/SPECIES DESCRIPTION Tr. 1 1 Lower jaw 1 1 1 Insectivora - mole Tr. 1 1 Nondiagnostic 40 40 40 Unknown Tr. 1 2 Femur - distal 1 1 1 1 Bos taurus - cattle ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tarsals – distal 1 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Innominate 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ 202 UNIT LAYER COUNT GNAW MARKS MNI BURNT CHARRED BUTCHERY MARKS WHOLE FRAGMENTS TOTAL University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Scapula 9 9 9 9 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebra 4 3 1 4 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebral spine 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Boneshaft 15 1 15 15 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Clavicle 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ribs 11 1 11 11 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Teeth 7 2 5 7 ‘’ ’’ ’’ 51 Tr. 1 2 Vertebra 11 4 7 11 Bovid – goat/sheep/antelope etc ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebral spine 5 1 5 5 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ribs 57 1 1 6 57 57 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Phalanges 3 1 2 3 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Innominate 2 1 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Skull 11 11 11 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Lower jaw 7 1 6 7 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Teeth (2 molars, 4 6 6 6 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ premolars) ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Scapula 12 2 1 11 12 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Boneshaft 63 1 3 63 63 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibia – proximal 2 1 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ 179 FAUNAL ANALYSIS SITE: LAARP-2021 RECORDER: B.M. Murey DATE: MAY 2021 ELEMENT/ GENUS/SPECIES DESCRIPTION Tr. 1 2 Ulna – proximal 3 3 1 2 3 Bovid – goat/sheep/antelope etc ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Femur – distal 3 1 3 3 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Humerus 2 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibia– distal 3 3 3 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Metacarpal 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Metatarsals - 3 1 2 3 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Navicula-cuboid 2 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Clavicle 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ 203 UNIT LAYER COUNT GNAW MARKS MNI BURNT CHARRED BUTCHERY MARKS WHOLE FRAGMENTS TOTAL University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 19 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Nondiagnostic 8 1 8 82 Unknown 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebra 2 2 2 2 Pisces – fish ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Skull - fragment 1 1 12 ‘’ ’’ 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Dentary 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Propercular 2 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Fin spine 2 2 2 Pisces-cat fish- Eutropius niloticus ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Dorsal ray 2 2 2 Pisces - fish 21 Tr. 1 2 Vertebral spine 1 1 1 Aves – bird ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebra 2 1 1 2 Aves – chicken - Gallus gallus ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Skull 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Caudal vertebra 1 1 1 Aves – bird ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Coracoid 2 2 1 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibio-tarsus 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tarso-metatarsus 1 10 7 3 10 ‘’ ’’ 0 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ulna 1 12 3 1 12 ‘’ ’’ 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Radius 5 5 1 5 5 Aves – bird ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Boneshaft 2 2 27 ‘’ ’’ 7 7 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Clavicle 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Sternal ribs 7 5 2 7 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Procoracoid 7 5 2 7 ‘’ ’’ 78 204 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh FAUNAL ANALYSIS SITE: LAARP-2021 RECORDER: B.M. Murey DATE: MAY 2021 ELEMENT/ GENUS/SPECIES DESCRIPTION Tr. 1 2 Lower jaw 1 1 1 Insectivora – mole Tr. 1 2 Lower jaw 2 2 2 2 Rodentia – rat – Rattus rattus ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ribs 28 2 28 28 Rodentia – grasscutter ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebral spine 5 1 5 5 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebra 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Innominate 5 5 2 3 5 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibia 5 2 3 5 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Femur 7 4 3 7 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Humerus 2 1 1 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Skull fragment 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Scapula 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ 60 Tr. 1 2 Tooth - canine 1 1 1 Cebus sp. – monkey ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Lower jaw 2 2 2 2 “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Boneshaft 12 12 12 “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Scapula 1 1 1 1 “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Innominate 1 1 1 “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebral spine 1 1 1 “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tibia - proximal 1 1 1 1 “ ” ” 19 205 UNIT LAYER COUNT GNAW MARKS MNI BURNT CHARRED BUTCHERY MARKS WHOLE FRAGMENTS TOTAL University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh FAUNAL ANALYSIS SITE: LAARP-2021 RECORDER: B.M. Murey DATE: MAY 2021 ELEMENT/ GENUS/SPECIES DESCRIPTION Tr. 1 3 Boneshaft 11 1 11 11 Bos taurus – cattle ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Clavicle 1 1 1 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ribs 9 1 9 9 ‘’ ’’ ’’ 21 Tr. 1 2 Vertebra 11 3 8 11 Bovid – goat/sheep/antelope etc ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Vertebral spine 7 1 7 7 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Ribs 20 1 1 9 20 20 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Lower jaw 5 1 4 5 ‘’ ’’ ’’ ’’ ’’ 43 Tr. 1 3 Vertebra 12 3 9 12 Aves – chicken - Gallus gallus ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Skull 2 2 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Tarso-metatarsus 12 1 7 3 12 Aves – bird 2 ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Radius 6 6 1 5 6 Aves – bird 32 Tr. 1 3 Ribs 5 5 5 5 Rodentia – grasscutter ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Femur 4 3 1 4 ‘’ ’’ 9 Tr. 1 3 Tooth - canine 1 1 1 Cebus sp. – monkey ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Lower jaw 2 2 2 2 “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Boneshaft 10 10 10 “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ Scapula 2 2 2 2 “ ” ” 15 206 UNIT LAYER COUNT GNAW MARKS MNI BURNT CHARRED BUTCHERY MARKS WHOLE FRAGMENTS TOTAL University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh SHELL ANALYSIS SITE: LAARP-2021 RECORDER: B. M. Murey DATE: May 2021 ELEMENT/ GENUS/SPECIES HABITAT COMMENTS DESCRIPTION Shell 16 Achatina achatina On dense forest floors Collected for food Tr. 1 1 Shell 1 Arca senilis In lagoon and estuaries Collected for food ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ 1 Cardita ajar In cracks of rocks ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ 21 Achatina achatina On dense forest floors Collected for food ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ 1,248 Tivela tripla On sandy beaches “ ” ” Tr. 1 2 Shell 9 Achatina achatina On dense forest floors Collected for food ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ 1 Oliva acuminate Below low tide level “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ 7 Arca senilis In lagoon and estuaries “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ 1 Cardita ajar In cracks on rocks ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ 687 Tivela tripla On sandy beaches Collected for food Tr. 1 3 Shell 1 Cardita ajar In cracks on rocks Collected for food ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ 9 Achatina achatina On dense forest floors “ ” ” ‘’ ’’ ‘’ ‘’ 410 Tivela tripla On sandy beaches “ ” ” 207 Surfaces collections UNIT LAYER COUNT University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh SUMMARY OF FAUNAL ANALYSIS LAARP – 2021 - LARTEH AMANFU Surface - - - - - - - - 16 - - - - collection Tr. 1, Layer 1 4 3 16433 51 8 14 1 - 1,248 21 1 1 1 11 1 - 40- Tr. 1, Layer 2 5 1 198 78 21 60 1 19 687 9 7 1 1 82 87 Tr. 1, Layer 3 2 1 43 32 - 9 - 15 410 9 - 1 - - TOTAL 115 404 161 29 83 2 34 2345 55 8 3 1 122 Bone Total = 950 Shell Total =2,412 Bossman M. MUREY May 9, 2021 208 UNIT/LAYER Bos Taurus Bovid Aves Pisces Rodentia Insectivora Cebus sp. Tivela tripla Achatina achatina a Arca senilis Cardita ajar Oliva acuminate Unknown (Bone) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh APPENDIX 2. PETROGRAPHIC INVESTIGATONS/ANALYSIS. DATE: 13/09/2021 By: Dr Daniel Kwayisi (a Geologist/Petrologist at Department of Geology, University of Ghana). SAMPLE TYPE: POLISHED STONE AXES Thess rocks are fine to medium-grained. The are composed chlorite, sercite and epidote with minor occurrence of opaque minerals. Weak prefered orientation is shown by altered ferromanesian minerals which are now chloritic and epidotic. Sericite which may be from altered plagioclase are seen. From the petrographic investigatons, the polished stone axess contain minerals that are characteristics of greenstones. These greenstones may be coming from areas outside of the Larteh community. The Larteh area is underline by the Togo structural unit. The Togo structural unit is composed of an alternating series of arenaceous and argillaceous sediments that were later reworked by metamorphism and deformation into phyllites, quartzites, and schists (Adjei and Tetteh, 1997). 209 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 1: a Chlorite-epidote schist (XPL), b. PPL of figure 1a, c. Epidote-sericite schist (XPL), and d. PPL of figure 1c. Amp = amphibole, Chl = chlorite, Ep = epidote, Opq = opaque mineral, and Ser = sericite (after Whitney and Evans, 2010). 210 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh APPENDIX 3. PETROGRAPHIC INVESTIGATONS/ANALYSIS. DATE: 13/09/2021 By: Dr Daniel Kwayisi (a Geologist/Petrologist at Department of Geology, University of Ghana). SAMPLE TYPE: CRUCIBLES Figure 2: a. Crucible composed of clay and quartz (XPL), and b. PPL of figure 2a. Qz = Quartz (after Whitney and Evans, 2010). QUALIFICATION OF GEOLOGIST Dr Daniel Kwayisi is a geologist/petrologist and has about ten (10) years’ experience in geological field work, petrographic analysis and mineral exploration. Dr Kwayisi has carried out extensive research into the Precambrian geology of Ghana and actively involved in base mental and industrial mineral exploration from a prospecting to a consulting role. Daniel has been involved in several projects including the study of the architecture of the Buem Structural Unit: Implications for the tectonic evolution of the Pan-African Dahomeyide Orogen, West Africa, consultancy services to undertake exploration work to prove viability of areas in Asawinso, Western Region, 211 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh for small scale miners under the auspices of Terrapangaea Resources Management Ltd. (Geologist). Dr Kwayisi has also previously consulted for Grem consult, Consika Ltd and Dulosolar Ghana Limited as a geologist. Daniel has expertise in the geological field mapping, petrological, geochemical, and statistical analyses of rocks and interpretation. He is a member of the Young Earth Scientists Network, Ghana Institution of Geoscientists, American Association of Petroleum Geologists, American Geophysical Union, European Geoscience Union, and the Geological Society of Africa. 212