University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
THE ROLE OF ETHNICITY AND RELIGION 
IN SHAPING NIGERIA'S FOREIGN 
POLICY IN THE POST COLD WAR YEARS 
BY 
BABAGANA MONGUNO 
THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED TO THE 
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEG ON, IN PARTIAL 
FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 
THE AWARD OF THE MASTER OF ARTS 
DEGREE IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS 
LEGON AUGUST, 2004 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
DECLARATION 
I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of an origin~L research 
conducted by me under the supervision of Ambassador J. Q. Cleland, and that 
no part of it has been submitted elsewhere for any other purpose. 
Amb. 1. Q. Cleland ~.~~ 
(Supervisor) (Student) 
Date. ... 2!.J~~'±:. .. Date. . ~.f!~.o/~t 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
DEDICATION 
This dissertation is dedicated to all the innocent Nigerians who lost their lives 
as a result of ethnic and religious violence. 
ii 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 
In the course of preparing this work, I have incurred a lot of debt. Everyone 
who contributed to the research effort in any way, no matter how small needs 
to be acknowledged. However, the list would undoubtedly be too long but my 
gratitude remains profound to all. 
I wish to express my sincere appreciation to the Director of LECIA, Professor 
Kofi Kumado and all the Research Fellows of LECIA. 
I am especially grateful to Ambassador J. Q Cleland whose advice, assistance 
and patience cannot be quantified. Without his support, this work would at 
best have been a mirage. 
I have also benefited immensely from the support given by Dr. Charles 
Quaker Dokuboh of the NIIA, Dr. Remi Oyewumi, Dr. Nowa Omoigui and 
Major E. V. Onumjuru. 
Finally, I am most grateful to Miss Isabella Erawoc, Miss Evelyn linkorang 
and Mr. Eric Amartey for typing the work and Miss Reema Baksmaty for a 
whole lot of support. 
iii 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 
AMC American Muslim Council 
AU African Union 
ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States 
FGN Federal Government of Nigeria 
HRW Human Rights Watch 
IGOs Inter-Governmental Organisations 
NGOs Non-Governmental Organisations 
NIIA Nigeria Institute of International Affairs 
NIPSS Nigeria Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies 
OAU Organisation of African Unity 
OlC Organisation of IslamiC Conference 
OPEC Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries 
UK United Kingdom 
UN United Nations 
USA United States of America 
WHO World Health Organisation 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
DECLARATION ii 
DEDICATION iii 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS iv 
TABLE OF CONTENTS v 
ABSTRACT vii ... 
CHAPTER ONE 
1.1 Background To The Problem ... 1 
1.2 Statement Of The Problem 3 
1.3 Objectives of the Research 4 
1.4 Hypothesis ... 5 
1.5 Rationale of the Research 5 
1.6 Review of Existing Literature 6 
1.7 Theoretical Framework 18 
1.8 Definition of Key Concepts ... 19 
1.9 Methods and Sources of Data Collection 21 
1.10 Arrangements of Chapters ... 21 
End Notes 23 
CHAPTER TWO 
2.0 An Overview of Nigerian Foreign Policy from Independence 
to the End of the Cold War... 25 
2.1 The Origins of the Foreign Ministry 25 
2.2 The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact 26 
2.3 Nigeria's Membership of the Organization of Petroleum 
Exporting Countries (OPEC). 29 
2.4 Nigeria's Decision to Join the OlC ... 33 
2.5 Other Significant Instances of Nigeria's Cold War 
Foreign Policy Decisions and their Implementation 36 
2.5.1 Nigeria's Attitude Towards North Africa and the Middle East 36 
v 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
2.5.2 Foreign Policy During the Nigeria Civil War Years 39 
2.5.3 The Formation of the ECOWAS 42 
2.5.4 Diplomatic Appointments 44 
Endnotes 46 
CHAPTER THREE 
3.0 An Evaluation of the Role of Ethnicity and Religion in 
Nigeria's Post Cold War Foreign Policy (1989 - 2003) 48 
3.1 Nigeria's Influence on the War Against Terror 48 
3.2 Islamic Militancy 58 
3.3 The Sharia Uprisings 63 
3.4 The "Miss World" Riots 64 
3.5 The Anglican Church Crisis ... 66 
3.6 The Innoculation Crisis 67 
3.7 The Niger Delta Crisis 68 
3.8 The Tiv-Jukun Riots ... 72 
Endnotes 75 
CHAPTER FOUR 
4.1 Conclusion and Recommendations 76 
4.2 Recommendations 77 
Endnotes 82 
Bibliography '" 83 
vi 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
ABSTRACT 
The end of the Cold War has brought about a new dimension in international 
politics, whereby the thinking of state actors and non-state is no longer 
guided by East-West considerations. Multi-polarity has emerged with a new 
set of global concerns which are influencing the domestic set up of many 
nation- states. Most of these concerns have tended to have ethno-religious 
undertones, consequently inspiring internal reaction. The "domestication" of 
sensitive international issues very often impacts on the foreign policy 
decision-making process, especially in a pluralistic society with conflicting 
interest groups. This has been a common feature in Nigeria'S foreign policy 
since independence. This study examines the influence of ethnicity and 
religion in shaping Nigeria's foreign policy in the post-Cold War era. The 
research has revealed that Nigeria's multi-cultural, multi-religious, multi-ethnic 
characteristic is to a very large extent, influential in her foreign policy process. 
The numerous crises in Nigeria are predominantly triggered by ethno-religious 
factors which have equally impacted on Nigeria's relations with state and non-
state actors in the international community. Some contemporary global 
issues, particularly the war against terrorism have engendered resentment 
within certain segments of the Nigeria nation. Recommendations are made to 
reverse the destabilizing role of ethnicity and religion in Nigeria's foreign 
policy process and improve the existing climate of suspicion and acrimony. 
vii 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
CHAPTER ONE 
1.0 INTRODUCTION 
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE RESEARCH PROBLEM 
Foreign policy is rarely conceptualized or implemented in isolation in any country. 
Influential domestic constituencies of all kinds - political, economic (business), 
intellectual, religious, cultural, environmental, military, among others have 
always tended to have a say in one way or the other. 
Thus, reflecting the usually poly-national, multi-religious and non-secular 
character of many modem "Third World" states, ethnicity and religion play a 
significant role in their foreign policy decisions. The heterogeneous nature of 
African "nation-states', most of which were crafted at the 1884-85 Berlin 
Conference which was without regard to internal cohesion, makes this a 
particularly significant issue on the continent. Beyond intra-state ethnic and 
religious cohesion, however, there is the issue of artificial borders which have 
divided entire nationalities into several "modern" multinational states. 
With a population of well over120 million, divided into 250 ethnic groups (some 
of which can also be found in neighbouring countries), the Nigerian population 
may be almost evenly split between Christians and Moslems, many of whom also 
concurre~tly practise traditional religions, although reliable figures are hard to 
come by, given the political sensitivities of enumeration. 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Since independence, Nigeria's foreign policy has placed Africa high in its 
priorities. Nigeria was indeed among the early agitators in the quest to create the 
QAU. In the 1970s it became intellectually fashionable to describe Nigerian 
foreign policy in terms of concentric drcles in which Africa was the centerpiece. 
More recently, however, some observers have expressed concern that in spite of 
the rhetoric, Nigeria's foreign policy is increasingly gravitating towards the 
developed world. In other words, the centerpiece may not really be Africa, but 
the United States in particular and the Western world in general. 
After shaking off an initial colonial hangover, Cold War era Nigerian foreign policy 
was dominated by an aggressive desire to assist in the total liberation of the 
African continent from colonialism and Apartheid, while remaining either non 
aligned in the East -West ideological basis or benefiting on a case by case basis 
by playing the East against the Western bloc and vice versa. 
Among other factors, Nigeria's religious and ethnic antecedents have conspired 
to impose internal and external strains in a world which often appears, perhaps 
unfairly, as if it is striving to "westernize" and "integrate", taking the Judaism and 
Christianity as the most appropriate standard. 
Nigeria's_ ___ post-Cold War years have been characterized by increasingly 
aCrimonious domestic bickering among competing ethno-religious power blocs, 
2 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
consequently affecting foreign policy issues. Indeed, Nigeria's aspirations for a 
leading role in continental and world affairs may have been frustrated by her 
inability to free herself from divisive internal dynamics and controversial external 
alliances, even though she has made far reaching contributions towards freeing 
other states from such tensions. 
1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM 
The highly volatile ethnic and religious atmosphere which characterizes the 
internal affairs of the Nigerian nation may have limited the range of freedom of 
the central government to such a degree that foreign policy decision making is 
often controversial. This is particularly so, taking into account the behaviour of 
the state in making foreign policy commitments without consultation with the 
component nationalities of the country. For example, many international treaties 
and agreements are signed without internal consultation. Very often, these 
treaties are in conflict with local customs of Nigerian nationalities who were not 
consulted before Nigeria entered into such agreements. Many human rights, 
gender and child agreements and treaties are like that. This problem may have 
eroded the influence enjoyed by Nigeria at regional, continental and global 
levels. 
This di~tion, therefore seeks to examine four basic issues with respect to 
Nigeria's foreign policy in the post Cold War years. Although superfidally 
3 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
"normal", Nigeria's increasingly precarious relations with state and non-state 
actors in the Western worfd as a result of its domestic ethno-religious policies, 
such as Sharia law, is examined. 
Nigeria's deteriorating relations with IGOs like the World Health Organisation 
(WHO) on sensitive matters related to development such as immunization politics 
are also examined. Thirdly, the effect of ethnic tensions in the oil-rich Niger Delta 
region and ethnic rivalries over "resource control", on Nigeria's relations with 
multi-national oil and gas corporations and oil importing countries are looked 
into. Fourthly, the inability of the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) to 
extricate itself and reverse the ethno-religious factor in its foreign relations is 
considered . 
1.3 OBlEcnvES OF THE RESEARCH 
i. To give an overview of Nigeria's foreign policy from independence till the 
end of the Cold War, highlighting areas where the religious and ethnic 
polarisation of the Nigerian society have played a role. 
ii. Identify the general influence of religion and ethnidty on Nigeria's post 
Cold War foreign policy, dting evidence of her dwindling regional and 
international influence as a result of these factors, while discussing the specific 
roles religion and ethnidty have played in affecting Nigeria's relations with the 
Western ~orfd in an age when the latter is preoccupied with fighting "religiously" 
motivated terror. 
4 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
iii. Proffer solutions. 
1.4 HYpOTHESIS 
This research will be guided by the assumption that ethno-religious divisions 
within the Nigerian nation-state play a significant role in foreign policy 
formulation and implementation. 
1.5 RATIONALE OF THE RESEARCH 
The end of the Cold War has brought new variables into the arena of 
international politics. Domestic issues peculiar to multinational societies have 
been eclipsed by the shadow cast on a bipolar world. Indeed, these concerns 
had always displayed a tendency to impact on the wider international community 
at a propitious moment. The dawn of unipolarity offered this opportunity for 
many a pluralistic society whose foreign policy has been influenced by conflicting 
internal interests. In the case of Nigeria, the ever increasing polarization of her 
domestic components along religious and ethnic lines has not stopped at the 
water's edge. The last fifteen years have witnessed an increase in the frequency 
of Nigeria's foreign policy dilemmas as she grappled with the attendant 
complications of a federal system. Equally frequent are the occasions when the 
central government's judgement on international matters is impaired by the 
desire not to upset sectional sensibilities or to "let sleeping dogs lie". Whenever 
the Federal Government of Nigeria has vacillated on crucial foreign policy issues 
5 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
for such reasons, there have been either costs or benefits which have impacted 
on her position and influence as a key regional and continental actor. 
This study therefore looks into ethno religious factors and their effect on 
Nigeria's relations with the international community. It attempts to provide an 
informed basis to resolve contentious issues and convert inherent problems into 
national advantages. 
1.6 REVIEW OF EXImNG LITERATURE 
The following works were reviewed: 
1. Michael Clarke and Brian White (eds), Understanding Foreign Policy: The 
Foreign Policy System Approach 
2. Larry Diamond, Juan J. Unz and Seymour Martin Upset (eds), Politics in 
Developing Countries: Comparing Experiences with Democracy, 
3. Francis M. Deng, Sadikiel Kimaro et al: Sovereignty as Responsibility: Conflict 
Management in.Africa. 
4. Martin C. Needler. Understanding Foreign Policy 
5. Agyemang Attah-Poku, African Ethnidty 
6. Donald Rothchild, Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and 
Incentives for Cooperation, 
7. Ade Adefuye, Culture and Foreign Policy: The Nigerian Example 
8. K. J. HosIti, International Politics: A Framework for AnalYSis 
In an a~mpt to analyse foreign policy, Brian White has suggested that it is 
almost impossible to conceive or implement foreign policy free from the influence 
6 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
of domestic concerns. While agreeing with William Wallace's assertion that 
foreign policy is the aspect of politics which links the nation state to its 
international environment, White adds that foreign policy is also identifiable with 
the most dangerous and sensitive areas of governmental activity. However, he 
disagrees with the widely held argument that foreign policy can and should be 
shielded from the dynamics of domestic politics. According to him, the separation 
of foreign and domestiC politics has become increasingly difficult due to the 
changes in the conduct of international relations since the Second World War. 
Today, affairs between states are not strictly foreign or domestic but cover a 
wide variety of issues, many being non security matters. However, most of these 
issues affect domestic interests as much as foreign policy concerns. According to 
him, "Typically these issues have foreign and domestic dimensions and there is 
often an overlap between the twO".l White's work is very informative but does 
not delve into the highly sensitive issues of religion and ethnicity. 
Michael Clarke takes a view similar to White in discussing the foreign policy 
system. Foreign policy decision-making, he contends is not straightforward. 
"Any study of a state's foreign policy over a given period quickly reveals that 
rather than a series of clear decisions, there is a continuing and confusing 'flow 
of action', made up of a mixture of political decisions, non-political decisions, 
bureau~tic procedures, continuations of previous policy, and sheer accident". 2 
7 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Clarke tries to buttress his point by referring to Tolstoy who did not believe that 
Although Clarke acknowledges the role of the "authorized decision - maker 
within the state, he warns that "we should realize that the idea of decision-
making does not only refer to the making of conscious choices, but also to a 
range of personal, organizational, institutional and environmental factors which 
also help account for the flow of events".4 Thus, he questions the Rational 
Choice Model and the absolute influence of key decision-makers in the face of 
pressures and demands from within the internal environment, as well as the 
external environment. 
In his study, Clarke has encapsulated the dynamics of foreign policy formulation 
within a state and the factors which are likely to influence eventual deciSions. 
However, he does not discuss any specific factor in detail. 
David AlienS draws our attention to the role of non-state actors in the foreign 
policy system. He alludes to the exertion of pressure on a target government by 
a foreign government via a surrogate or an intermediary in the domestic 
environ~~t. He emphasizes that "..... even the most powerful and relatively 
autonomous of states are vulnerable to 'penetration' of one sort or another from 
8 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Clarke tries to buttress his point by referring to Tolstoy who did not believe that 
Although Clarke acknowledges the role of the "authorized decision - maker 
within the state, he warns that "we should realize that the idea of decision-
making does not only refer to the making of conscious choices, but also to a 
range of personal, organizational, institutional and environmental factors which 
also help account for the flow of events".4 Thus, he questions the Rational 
Choice Model and the absolute influence of key decision-makers in the face of 
pressures and demands from within the internal environment, as well as the 
external environment. 
In his study, Clarke has encapsulated the dynamics of foreign policy formulation 
within a state and the factors which are likely to influence eventual decisions. 
However, he does not discuss any specific factor in detail. 
David AlienS draws our attention to the role of non-state actors in the foreign 
policy system. He alludes to the exertion of pressure on a target government by 
a foreign government via a surrogate or an intermediary in the domestic 
environ~~t. He emphasizes that ....... even the most powerful and relatively 
autonomous of states are vulnerable to 'penetration' of one sort or another from 
8 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
outside." Although Allen's contention is profound, he overlooked the fact that 
non-state actors within a state can equally exert tremendous pressure on foreign 
governments to influence the policies of their states. Allen goes on to identify 
the role of religion in determining foreign policy but does not discuss the ethnic 
factor which quite often accompanies the religious factor; especially in pluralistic 
societies. 
Michael Smith's comparison of Foreign Policy Systems focuses on the 'openness' 
or 'closeness' of regimes and the problems that confront both democratic and 
authoritarian regimes in shaping their foreign policies. 6 He condudes that open 
regimes that are sensitive to the political aspirations of the society have fewer 
foreign policy problems than closed regimes, which are characterized by societal 
chaos and a threatened political order. His analysis is however too general and 
not entirely accurate. While Yahya Jammeh's regime is autocratic and the socio-
political climate in the Gambia is exceptionally peaceful, the country's foreign 
policy has not been without problems. On the other hand, the socie-political 
restlessness which characterized the Abacha regime did not strangulate its 
foreign policy process. As a result, Nigeria had quite a number of friends in the 
international community. 
In his ~se study of politics in developing countries, Larry Diamond7 alludes to 
the role of Nigeria's autonomous interest groups and aSSOCiations. According to 
9 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
outside." Although Allen's contention is profound, he overlooked the fact that 
non-state actors within a state can equally exert tremendous pressure on foreign 
governments to influence the policies of their states. Allen goes on to identify 
the role of religion in determining foreign policy but does not discuss the ethniC 
factor which quite often accompanies the religious factor; especially in pluralistic 
societies. 
Michael Smith's comparison of Foreign Policy Systems focuses on the 'openness' 
or 'closeness' of regimes and the problems that confront both democratic and 
authoritarian regimes in shaping their foreign policies. 6 He condudes that open 
regimes that are sensitive to the political aspirations of the society have fewer 
foreign policy problems than dosed regimes, which are characterized by societal 
chaos and a threatened political order. His analysis is however too general and 
not entirely accurate. While Yahya Jammeh's regime is autocratic and the socio-
political dimate in the Gambia is exceptionally peaceful, the country's foreign 
policy has not been without problems. On the other hand, the socia-political 
restlessness which characterized the Abacha regime did not strangulate its 
foreign policy process. As a result, Nigeria had quite a number of friends in the 
international community. 
In his ~se study of politics in developing countries, Larry Diamond7 alludes to 
the role of Nigeria's autonomous interest groups and associations. According to 
9 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
him, 'these autonomous interest groups and associations had established 
suffldently broad constituendes and deep roots so that they could not have been 
eliminated without a level of violent repression that no Nigerian military regime -
even that of Buhari and Idiagbon - has dared attempt". He goes on to re-echo 
the dassic pluralist argument that autonomous intermediate groups "provide the 
basis for the limitation of state power and make the society less likely to be 
dominated by a centralized power apparatus". Diamond also condudes that 
Nigeria's volatile ethnic and religious diversity has made it difficult to 
institutionalize authoritarian rule because of the indination of such groups to 
consider any regime as illegitimate from their point of view. 
Looking at Diamond's assertions on the face value, one cannot but agree with 
him. However, the same situation has equally been applied to democratic 
governments in Nigeria albeit in much subtler ways. It could also be argued that 
depending on the degree of ruthlessness or guile, authoritarian regimes can 
prevail over interest groups in Nigeria. Indeed, this was the case with Abacha 
and Babangida administrations. 
In the same study, Diamond views Nigeria's relations with the international 
environment as "primarily through the nexus of oil production". Although, this 
has ~~_ the case to a reasonable extent, he does not consider the role of other 
equally influential domestic factors such as ethnidty and religion in moulding 
10 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Nigeria's relations within the international environment; especially their link with 
the oil factor. Even though he admits the potential threat of these two elements, 
it is only in relation to Nigeria's internal situation. According to him, "one cannot 
ignore the growing inddence of religious mobilization, extremism and violence in 
Nigeria, which could become a growing outlet for popular frustration and cynical 
elite exploitation if a pluralistic democracy cannot be made to work. In a country 
that is roughly half Muslim and half Christian, with a bloody ethnic dvil war in its 
past, such religious conflict must raise profound alarm".8 Indeed recent 
developments, especially in the post-Cold War years have shown the ethno~; •. t j 
..-:r.o' -';, :.. ... 
religious factor goes beyond Nigeria'S I>oon_. ,~,,~) }~, 
\: ~~/ 
~,,;; 
Nigeria's position in the West African sub-region has been collectively discussed 
by FranciS M. Deng, Sadikiel Kimaro, Terrence Lyons, Donald Rothchild and I. 
William Zartman. 10 According to them, 'West Africa is structured, in large part, 
by Nigeria's position in the sub-region. Nigeria has been perceived by some of 
its neighbours as a threat, while simultaneously it has played the role of regional 
organizer. Political instability in Nigeria, following the cancelled elections of 1993 
and the potential for serious internal conflict may lead to a change in the 
country's regional role. As has been the case in Central Africa and the hom of 
Africa, a regional structure may fall into chaos if the core state itself is besieged 
with int~al problems. This threat will remain for West Africa until the 
governance issue in Nigeria is settled". The authors' concerns are based on 
11 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
realities which continue to pervade the Nigerian domestic environment while 
concurrently threatening to erode her sphere of influence in the immediate 
external environment. However, the authors did not focus on sources of political 
instability and their role in the larger regional situation. 
Martin Needlerll raises some issues regarding national interests which he 
contends "must have primacy in determining foreign poliCY". He stresses the 
need to sort out authentic national interests from the spurious and warns about 
the self righteousness of pressure groups. He also points out the need to 
harmonise conflicts among the different national interests, each of then genuine. 
Needler's assessment of foreign policy in a democratic society suggests other 
factors competing with the national temperament in the formulation of foreign 
policy. "It cannot be assumed that the distinctive features of national character 
will embody themselves automatically in a state's foreign policy. Policy is made 
and executed, after all, by a specially selected elite not necessarily typical of the 
society as a whole, and it is shaped not only by the wishes of the national 
population, but also by the externally imposed necessities of the situation. It is 
thus not possible to simply deduce a nation's foreign policy from the leading 
features of the national temperament". 12 
AlthOUgh_~eedler's appraisal ought to be the norm in any pluralist society, events 
in recent history have shown that it is not always workable. In more 
12 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
industrialized and older democrades like the United States and the United 
Kingdom, there is a stronger possibility that the specially selected elite can hold 
sway to a reasonable extent, operating under the protective shield of the overall 
national interest. In developing democrades, however, the role of that spedally 
selected elite is limited in large measure and quite often subordinated by the 
desire to placate sharply differing domestic interests. This is often the case with 
Nigeria. 
In his very well researched study on African Ethnidty, Agyemang Attah-Poku 
contends that ethnicity is a universal phenomenon which embraces most 
societies on earth. Although it has played an advantageous role in the past by 
enabling different ethnic entities to form a united front against foreign invaders, 
ethnidty in recent times has been the greatest source of disunity and destruction 
in Africa. 13 In the first three parts of his study, he discusses the major ethnic 
groupings on the continent, their relationship and cultural differences. In the last 
three parts, he discusses the role of ethnidty in Africa in the past, major 
paradigms and discusses some of the ethnic strifes and skinnishes. He ends his 
study by offering long lasting solutions to both hidden and open conflicts. This 
highly instructive work did not however make any attempt to discuss ways in 
which ethnicity has influenced any nation in the fonnulation and implementation 
of its fo~gn policy. 
13 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Donald Rotchild15 acknowledges existence of widespread conflicts between states 
and ethnic groups but insists that such occurrences can be avoided or at least 
managed. In a broad study, he contends that while ethnicity is usually 
accompanied by untold destruction, it also has the potential of a creatiVe force 
which can bestow material and psychological needs in a pluralistic society. 
Rothchild dwells extensively on the push and pull factors between the state and 
its grappling ethnic groups. He concurs with the statemate that "provided that an 
overarching sense of shared future exists among diverse ethniC and other 
interests, state and ethnic leaders may be able to live with a certain amount of 
uncertainty and even join forces to solve common problems". 
Rothchild offers various alternatives in the quest to eliminate the diviSive aspects 
of ethnidty. One of such is decentralisation and federalism. Citing recent 
examples such as those in Senegal, Zambia, Ghana, Niger and Mozambique, he 
illustrates the possibilities for broad partidpation and influence in local politics 
and administration. He buttresses his point by referring to the fact that 
federalism "has won acceptance in Nigeria and in certain cirdes in Ethiopia and 
South Africa".IS 
His study, however, is limited only to internal dynamics with regard to the ethnic 
factor. A~. analysis of the role of the various ethnic components in influendng the 
overall national interest in the international environment is lacking in this work. 
14 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Ade Adefuye16 discusses Nigeria's wlture and foreign policy from the First 
Republic to the Babangida administration. He examines the effects of wlture on 
foreign policy formulation and implementation and points out that the diversity of 
culture no doubt influenced Nigeria's domestic as well as foreign policy. His study 
focussed mainly on sensitive issues of the Cold War years such as the anti-
apartheid movement which Nigeria championed. Other areas diSQIssed include 
Nigeria's commitment to the OAU and Frontline states. Although the study is 
based on the effects of Nigeria's cultural heterogeneity on her external polities, it 
does not dwell extensively on areas of domestic friction and their implications on 
foreign policy, especially in the post Cold War years. However, this undoubtedly 
informative work draws the condusion that "since foreign policy reflects the 
domestic reality, culture has invariably been an important element in Nigeria's 
conduct of external relations". 
R. A. Akindele and Segun Johnson's analysis of public involvement and shaping 
of Nigeria's foreign policy takes a look at the practicality of all embracing 
conferences in the foreign policy process.17 The All Nigeria Peoples Conferences 
of 1961 and 1986 are used as case studies although on a broad level. Specific 
areas of controversy such as religion and ettmicity are not mentioned with regard 
to foreig~_ policy, although the authors acknowledge that "many citizens are less 
interested and involved in external affairs than in the politics of domestic 
15 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
problems. This should however, not be used to justify excluding them from 
involvement and partiCipation in the shaping and making of foreign poliCY". 
K. J. Holsti,17 in a very illuminating study of international politics, discusses the 
relationship of public opinion to a government's external objectives and 
diplomatic behaviour. He opines that it is difficult to generalize on this subject 
because "the characteristics of political systems in the world today vary so 
immensely - from primitive, patriarchal or religious oligarchies to modern 
industrial democracies and totalitarian dictatorship". 18 He disputes the 
hypothesis that alludes to foreign policy goals and diplomatic behaviour as 
necessarily a response to domestic opinions. He also rejects the notion that 
public feelings are neglected or considered unimportant in the foreign policy 
business. He however points out the fact that many government offidals have 
"claimed frankly that their decision could not be influenced by fickle public 
attitudes.19 In the same vein, he states that there are instances where "offidals 
yielded to public pressures despite their own preferred policies".20 
Hoisti focuses primarily on societies where the public has free access to 
information from abroad and there is a great awareness of the external 
environment. He states further that even in highly literate societies the majority 
of the people continue to show lack of interest and apathy in international 
affairs. He condudes that more research needs to be carried out in this area, 
especially in non-Western countries. There is, therefore, a need to fill some of 
16 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
problems. This should however, not be used to justify excluding them from 
involvement and participation in the shaping and making of foreign policy". 
K. J. Holsti,17 in a very illuminating study of international politics, discusses the 
relationship of public opinion to a government's external objectives and 
diplomatic behaviour. He opines that it is difficult to generalize on this subject 
because "the characteristics of political systems in the world today vary so 
immensely - from primitive, patriarchal or religious oligarchies to modern 
industrial democraCies and totalitarian dictatorship". 18 He disputes the 
hypothesis that alludes to foreign policy goals and diplomatic behaviour as 
necessarily a response to domestic opinions. He also rejects the notion that 
public feelings are neglected or considered unimportant in the foreign policy 
business. He however points out the fact that many government officials have 
"claimed frankly that their decision could not be influenced by fickle public 
attitudes.19 In the same vein, he states that there are instances where "offidals 
yielded to public pressures despite their own preferred policies".20 
Holsti focuses primarily on sodeties where the public has free access to 
information from abroad and there is a great awareness of the external 
environment. He states further that even in highly literate societies the majority 
of the people continue to show lack of interest and apathy in international 
affairs. He condudes that more research needs to be carried out in this area , 
especially in non-Western countries. There is, therefore, a need to fill some of 
16 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
these gaps in Holsti's study with regard to non-Western countries such as Nigeria 
especially in more recent years. 
27 
The assessment of contemporary international politics by Samuel P. Huntington . 
"The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order", Huntington dwells 
extensively on the new shifts of interests among nations. With the end of the 
Cold War, he concludes that several structural changes have emerged. In part 
one of his work, his findings are that for the first time in history, global politics is 
both multi-polar and multi-civilizational while non Western states are no longer 
influenced by westemisation. 
Part two of his book looks at the shifting balance of power among civilizations. 
The influence of the West is declining while Asian civilizations are expanding. 
Islam, he contends, is exploding demographically with destabilizing 
consequences for Muslim countries and their neighbours.28 
Part three deals with cultural affinities between states and the attempts being 
made by countries to group themselves around the lead or core states of their 
dvilization. 
In part four, he assesses the increasing conflict between the West and other 
civilizatioo.s, especially Islam. He also focuses on local conflicts between Muslims 
and non-Muslims and their consequences. 
17 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
these gaps in Holsti's study with regard to non-Western countries such as Nigeria 
especially in more recent years. 
.:21·),'.1>: ::,:' 
The assessment of contemporary international politics by Samuel P. Huntington ' ...: .-
"The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order', Huntington dwells 
extensively on the new shifts of interests among nations. With the end of the 
Cold War, he concludes that several structural changes have emerged. In part 
one of his work, his findings are that for the first time in history, global politics is 
both multi-polar and multi-civilizational while non Western states are no longer 
influenced by westernisation. 
Part two of his book looks at the shifting balance of power among civilizations. 
The influence of the West is declining while Asian Civilizations are expanding. 
Islam, he contends, is exploding demographically with destabilizing 
consequences for Muslim countries and their neighbours.28 
Part three deals with cultural affinities between states and the attempts being 
made by countries to group themselves around the lead or core states of their 
civilization. 
In part four, he assesses the increasing conflict between the West and other 
civilizatio[ls, especially Islam. He also focuses on local conflicts between Muslims 
and non-Muslims and their consequences. 
17 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
The final part of the work (part five) stresses the importance of Western 
civilization, particularly America accepting and cooperating to maintain the multi-
civilizational character of global poIitics.29 
1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 
This study is based on the pluralist theory which contends that "the state is not 
a unitary actor. It is composed of competing individuals, interest groups, and 
bureaucrades. To the pluralist, the state cannot therefore be viewed as a unitary 
actor because to do so misses the multiplidty of actors comprising the entity 
termed 'the State' 11,.21 This line of thought is in congruence with the basic 
pluralist notion that non-state actors have an important role to play in 
international politics. Although the realist assumption insists that factors such as 
ethnidty, religion and race are inescapable human phenomena, the state is a 
rational actor which has the ultimate dedsion at its disposal in spite of the 
fragmented nature of its entities. 
The pluralist theory has always been appropriate in the Nigerian context. 
Although for most of its post independence years, the country has been 
subjected to military dictatorship, it has, by virtue of its diversity had to operate 
within ~.~ confines of representational governance. It has been suggested that 
"representative government would therefore be a microcosm of the larger 
18 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
The final part of the work (part five) stresses the importance of Western 
civilization, particularly America accepting and cooperating to maintain the multi-
civilizational character of global poIitics.29 
1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 
This study is based on the pluralist theory which contends that "the state is not 
a unitary actor. It is composed of competing individuals, interest groups, and 
bureaucracies. To the pluralist, the state cannot therefore be viewed as a unitary 
actor because to do so misses the multiplidty of actors comprising the entity 
termed 'the State' ,n.21 This line of thought is in congruence with the basic 
pluralist notion that non-state actors have an important role to play in 
international politics. Although the realist assumption insists that factors such as 
ethnicity, religion and race are inescapable human phenomena, the state is a 
rational actor which has the ultimate decision at its disposal in spite of the 
fragmented nature of its entities. 
The pluralist theory has always been appropriate in the Nigerian context. 
Although for most of its post independence years, the country has been 
subjected to military dictatorship, it has, by virtue of its diversity had to operate 
within ~~ confines of representational governance. It has been suggested that 
"representative government would therefore be a microcosm of the larger 
18 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
society, containing memberS drawn from all groups and sections in society, in 
tenns of social dass, gender, religion, ethnidty, age and so forth, and in 
numbers that are proportioned to their strength in society at large".22 This means 
that "only people who are drawn from a particular group can genuinely articulate 
its interests". It is also suggested that people are merely conditioned by their 
backgrounds and are incapable of or unwilling to understand the views of people 
different from themselves" 23 This dissertation would therefore be guided by the 
pluralist theory. 
1.8 DEFINmON OF KEY CONCEPTS 
i) Ethnidty: The tenn 'ethnidty' is generally applied to cultural, 
linguistic and SOCial types. According to Andrew Heywood, 'ethnicity' 
unlike 'race', does not refer to genetic differences amongst humankind 
which supposedly distinguish people from one another on biological 
grounds like skin, hair colour, physique, physiognomy and the like.24 
Nevertheless, both ethnic and racial cleavages have had equal 
significance in international affairs. Ethnicity has also been defined as a 
subjective perception of common origins, historical memories, ties, and 
aspirations, it refers to people who are linked by a consciousness of a 
spedal identity, who jointly seek to maximise their corporate political, 
_~_. economic, and sodal interests. As a sense of peoplehood, it has its 
foundation in combined remembrances of past experience and in 
19 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
society, containing members drawn from all groups and sections in society, in 
tenns of social dass, gender, religion, ethnidty, age and so forth, and in 
numbers that are proportioned to their strength in society at large".22 This means 
that "only people who are drawn from a particular group can genuinely articulate 
its interests". It is also suggested that people are merely conditioned by their 
backgrounds and are incapable of or unwilling to understand the views of people 
different from themselves" 23 This dissertation would therefore be guided by the 
pluralist theory. 
1.8 DEFINmON OF KEY CONCEPTS 
i) Ethnicity: The tenn 'ethnidty' is generally applied to cultural, 
linguistic and SOCial types. According to Andrew Heywood, 'ethnicity' 
unlike 'race', does not refer to genetic differences amongst humankind 
which supposedly distinguish people from one another on biological 
grounds like skin, hair colour, physique, physiognomy and the Iike.24 
Nevertheless, both ethnic and racial cleavages have had equal 
Significance in international affairs. Ethnicity has also been defined as a 
subjective perception of common origins, historical memories, ties, and 
aspirations, it refers to people who are linked by a consciousness of a 
spedal identity, who jointly seek to maximise their corporate political, 
____ economic, and social interests. As a sense of peoplehood, it has its 
foundation in combined remembrances of past experience and in 
19 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
common inspirations, values, nonns and expectations. The validity of 
these beliefs is less significant to an overarching sense of affinity than 
25 
is the people's ability to symbolize their doseness to each other.
Ethnidty, as used in this dissertation means the different cultural, 
linguistic and social groups that are found within nation states such as 
Nigeria. 
ii) Religion: Religion is defined as the belief in a superhuman controlling 
power, espedally in a personal God or gods entitled to obedience or 
worship. 26 In this study, the word 'religion' will embrace both 
monotheism and polytheism (the worship of a single deity and multiple 
deities). It will also cover animist and traditional fonns of worship as 
found in other parts of the world, especially in Africa. 
iii) Pluralism: The tenn "Pluralism" is used to designate theories that 
strongly emphasize the importance of human association other than 
the state. In political sdence and Law, pluralist work stresses the role 
played in political life by assodations, organizations and groups that 
were relatively independent of the state and one another. Pluralists 
contend that diversity is not only a fact but also desirable. 
20 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
1.9 SOURCES OF DATA COLLECTION 
There has not been existing literature on this study because it is very recent. 
This has made it necessary to source for relevant data from informed individuals 
who participated actively in Nigeria's foreign policy process in the aftermath of 
the Cold War. Other sources include library research and interviews with 
individuals who worked in relevant governmental and non-governmental 
institutions in Nigeria. Further materials were acquired from the NIIA, ECOWAS, 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Abuja, NIPSS, and AU and the UN. 
The secondary sources of data are obtained through scholarfy works on Ethnicity 
and Religion in International Politics, including books, journals and other forms of 
documentation . 
1.10 ARRANGEMENT OF CHAPTERS 
Chapter One consists of the research design. This includes the background to 
the problem, hypothesiS, rationale, literature review, theoretical framework, 
definition of key concepts, sources of data and arrangement of chapters. 
Chapter Two provides an overview of Nigeria's foreign policy from 
independence until the end of the Cold War. 
21 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
1.9 SOURCES OF DATA COLLECTION 
There has not been existing literature on this study because it is very recent. 
This has made it necessary to source for relevant data from infonned individuals 
who participated actively in Nigeria's foreign policy process in the aftennath of 
the Cold War. Other sources indude library research and interviews with 
individuals who worked in relevant governmental and non-governmental 
institutions in Nigeria. Further materials were acquired from the NIIA, ECOWAS, 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Abuja, NIPSS, and AU and the UN. 
The secondary sources of data are obtained through scholarly works on Ethnicity 
and Religion in International Politics, induding books, journals and other fonns of 
documentation. 
1.10 ARRANGEMENT OF CHAPTERS 
Chapter One consists of the research design. This includes the background to 
the problem, hypothesiS, rationale, literature review, theoretical framework, 
definition of key concepts, sources of data and arrangement of chapters. 
Chapter Two provides an overview of Nigeria's foreign policy from 
independence until the end of the Cold War. 
21 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Chapter Three examines the role of ethnicity and religion in Nigeria's foreign 
policy in the post-Cold War era (1989 - 2003) and proffer solutions. 
Chapter Four consists of the condusion and recommendations. 
22 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Chapter Three examines the role of ethnicity and religion in Nigeria's foreign 
policy in the post-Cold War era (1989 - 2003) and proffer solutions. 
Chapter Four conSists of the condusion and recommendations. 
22 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Chapter Three examines the role of ethnicity and religion in Nigeria's foreign 
policy in the post-Cold War era (1989 - 2003) and proffer solutions. 
Chapter Four consists of the condusion and recommendations. 
22 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
End Notes 
1. Michael Clarke and Brian White (eds), Understanding Foreign Policy: The Foreign Policy 
System Approach, New York: Edward Elgar publisher, 1989, p. 5-6. 
2. Ibid, p. 27 
3. Ibid 
4. Ibid, p. 28 
5. Ibid, p. 61 
6. Ibid, p. 193 -194 
7. Lany Diamond, Juan J. Linz and Seymour Martin Upset (eds), Politics in Developing Countries: 
Comparing Experiences with Democracy, New York: lynne Reinner Publishers, 1990, p. 386. 
8. Ibid, p. 404 
9. Francis M. Deng, Sadikiel Kimaro et al: Sovereignty as Responsibility: Conflict Management in 
Africa., New York: Brookings Institutions Publishers, p1996, p. 143. 
10. Martin C. Needler. Understanding Foreign Policy, Colorado: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc, 
1996, p. 12 
11. Ibid, p. 22 - 23. 
12. Agyemang Attah-Poku, African Ethnicity, Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1998, 
p.45. 
13. Adam przeworki, Democracy and the Market, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, 
p.33. 
14. Donald Rothchild, Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and Incentives for 
Cooperation, New York: Brookings Institutions Press, 1997. 
15. Ade Adefuye, Culture and Foreign POlicy' The NiOerian Example 1992, p. 179. 
1~. R: A. Akindele and Segun Johnson, "Public Involvement and Particioation in the Shapjng of 
N~ena's F~iOn policy· RefJectjons on the All-Nigeria peoples Conferences of 1961 and 1986 " A 
JOint Essay In "The Structure and Process ... NITA and Vantage Publishers Limited, 1989. 
17. K. J. Hoslti, International Politics: A Framework for Analysis, New York: Prentice-Hall Inc, 
1995, p. 260. 
18. Ibid, 
19. Ibid, p. 261. 
23 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
End Notes 
1. Michael Clarke and Brian White (eds), Understanding Foreign Policy: The Foreign Policy 
System Approach, New York: Edward Elgar publisher, 1989, p. 5-6. 
2. Ibid, p. 27 
3. Ibid 
4. Ibid, p. 28 
5. Ibid, p. 61 
6. Ibid, p. 193 -194 
7. Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz and Seymour Martin Upset (eds), Politics in Developing CountrieS: 
Comparing Experiences with Democracy, New York: Lynne Reinner Publishers, 1990, p. 386. 
8. Ibid, p. 404 
9. Francis M. Deng, Sadikiel Kimaro et al: Sovereignty as Responsibility: Conflict Management in 
Africa., New York: Brookings Institutions Publishers, p1996, p. 143. 
10. Martin C. Needler. Understanding Foreign Policy, Colorado: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc, 
1996, p. 12 
11. Ibid, p. 22 - 23. 
12. Agyernang Attah-Poku, African Ethnicity, Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1998, 
p.45. 
13. Adam Przeworki, Democracy and the Market, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, 
p.33. 
14. Donald Rothchild, Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and Incentives for 
Cooperation, New York: Brookings Institutions Press, 1997. 
15. Ade Adefuye, Culture and Foreign poljcy· The Nigerian Example 1992, p. 179. 
1~. R: A. Akindele and Segun Johnson, "Public Involvement and Participation in the Shaping of 
NI~ena's FO~ign Policy· RefJectjons on the All-Nigeria peoples Conferences of 1961 and 1986 " A 
JOInt Essay In "The Structure and Process ... NIIA and Vantage Publishers Limited, 1989. 
17. K. J. Hoslti, Intemational Politics: A Framework for Analysis, New York: Prentice-Hall Inc, 
1995, p. 260. 
18. Ibid, 
19. Ibid, p. 261. 
23 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
End Notes 
1. Michael Clarke and Brian White (eds), Understanding Foreign Policy: The Foreign Policy 
System Approach, New York: Edward Elgar Publisher, 1989, p. 5-6. 
2. Ibid, p. 27 
3. Ibid 
4. Ibid, p. 28 
5. Ibid, p. 61 
6. Ibid, p. 193 -194 
7. Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz and Seymour Martin Upset (eds), Politics in Developing CountrieS: 
Comparing Experiences with Democracy, New York: Lynne Reinner Publishers, 1990, p. 386. 
8. Ibid, p. 404 
9. Francis M. Deng, Sadikiel Kimaro et al: Sovereignty as Responsibility: Conflict Management In 
Africa., New York: Brookings Institutions Publishers, p1996, p. 143. 
10. Martin C. Needler. Understanding Foreign Policy, Colorado: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc, 
1996, p. 12 
11. Ibid, p. 22 - 23. 
12. Agyemang Attah-Poku, African Ethnicity, Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1998, 
p.45. 
13. Adam Przeworki, Democracy and the Market, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, 
p.33. 
14. Donald Rothchild, Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and Incentives fOr 
Cooperation, New York: Brookings Institutions Press, 1997. 
15. Ade Adefuye, Culture and Foreign poliCY' The Nigerian Example 1992, p. 179. 
1~. R: A. Akindele and Segun Johnson, "Public Involvement and Participation in the Shaping of 
NI~ena's FO~jgn pOlicy' Reflections on the All-Nigeria peoples Conferences of 1961 and 1986 " A 
JOInt Essay In "The Structure and Process ... NITA and Vantage Publishers Limited, 1989. 
17. K. J. Hoslti, Intemational Politics: A Framework for Analysis, New York: Prentice-Hall Inc, 
1995, p. 260. 
18. Ibid, 
19. Ibid, p. 261. 
23 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
End Notes 
1. Michael Clarke and Brian White (eds), Understanding Foreign Policy: The Foreign Policy 
System Approach, New York: Edward Elgar publisher, 1989, p. 5-6. 
2. Ibid, p. 27 
3. Ibid 
4. Ibid, p. 28 
5. Ibid, p. 61 
6. Ibid, p. 193 -194 
7. Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz and Seymour Martin Lipset (eds), Politics in Developing Countries: 
Comparing Experiences with Democracy, New York: Lynne Reinner Publishers, 1990, p. 386. 
8. Ibid, p. 404 
9. Francis M. Deng, Sadikiel Kimaro et al: Sovereignty as Responsibility: Conflict Management in 
Africa., New York: Brookings Institutions Publishers, p1996, p. 143. 
10. Martin C. Needler. Understanding Foreign Policy, Colorado: Holt, Rinehart and Winston Inc, 
1996, p. 12 
11. Ibid, p. 22 - 23. 
12. Agyemang Attah-Poku, African Ethnicity, Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1998, 
p.45. 
13. Adam przeworki, Democracy and the Market; Cambridge: cambridge University Press, 1991, 
p.33. 
14. Donald Rothchild, Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and Incentives for 
Cooperation, New York: Brookings Institutions Press, 1997. 
15. Ade Adefuye, Culture and foreign policy' The Nigerian Example 1992, p. 179. 
16. R. A. Akindele and Segun Johnson, "Public Involvement and Participation in the Shaping of 
Nigeria'S Foreign Policv' RefJectjons on the All-Nigeria peoples Conferences of 1961 and 1986" A 
Joint ES$ay in "The Structure and Process ... NIIA and Vantage Publishers Limited, 1989. 
17. K. J. Hoslti, Intemational Politics: A Framework for Analysis, New York: Prentice-Hall Inc, 
1995, p. 260. 
18. Ibid, 
19. Ibid, p. 261. 
23 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
20. Ibid, 261 
21. Paul R. Viotti and Marie V. Kauppi, InternatiOnal RelatiOns Theory: Realism, Pluralism, 
Globalism. .. New Jersey: Macmillan, 1993, p. 228. 
22. Andrew Heywood, PolitiCal Ideas and Concepts: An Introduction, New Yorie: St. Martins, 
1994, p. 182. 
23. Ibid, p. 183. 
24. Ibid, p. 183 
25. Ibid, 343 
26. Donald Rothchild, op. cit., p. 24. 
27. Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash ofCivl7izatiOns and the Remaking of World Order, London: 
The Free Press and Design, 1997, p. 20 -21. 
28. Ibid. 
29. Ibid. 
24 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
2.0 AN OVERVIEW OF NIGERIA'S FOREIGN POLICY FROM 
INDEPENDENCE TO THE END OF THE COLD WAR 
2.1 THE ORIGINS OF THE FOREIGN MINISTRY 
What is today known as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nigeria (the 
governmental department charged primarily with the conception/formulation and 
implementation of foreign policy) was known as the External Affairs Department 
prior to Nigeria's attainment of independence on 1st October 1960. This 
department was within the Chief Secretary's Office in compliance with colonial 
guidelines. In 1957, this department was relocated to the Prime Minister's Office 
and it performed routine administrative and protocol duties. On Independence 
day, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations was 
established. The Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa became the first 
Foreign Minister from 1st October 1960 to 17 July 1961. His first task was to set 
up Nigeria's missions abroad and intensify the recruitment of staff. The ministry 
was however saddled with the misfortune of lacking qualified personnel and 
specialists ( an affliction common to almost all institutions in newly independent 
African states). Balewa's successor, Jaja Wachukwu therefore had to carry out a 
reorganisation of the ministry in great detail. 
The milit9!Y intervention of 15th January 1966 paved the way for a Federal 
Military Government headed by Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi. This 
25 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
2.0 AN OVERVIEW OF NIGERIA'S FOREIGN POLIcy FROM 
INDEPENDENCE TO THE END OF THE COLD WAR 
2.1 THE ORIGINS OF THE FOREIGN MINISTRY 
What is today known as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nigeria (the 
governmental department charged primarily with the conception/formulation and 
implementation of foreign policy) was known as the External Affairs Department 
prior to Nigeria's attainment of independence on 1st October 1960. This 
department was within the Chief Secretary's Office in compliance with colonial 
guidelines. In 1957, this department was relocated to the Prime Minister's Office 
and it performed routine administrative and protocol duties. On Independence 
day, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations was 
established. The Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa became the first 
Foreign Minister from 1st October 1960 to 17 July 1961. His first task was to set 
up Nigeria's missions abroad and intensify the recruitment of staff. The ministry 
was however saddled with the misfortune of lacking qualified personnel and 
specialists ( an affliction common to almost all institutions in newly independent 
African states). Balewa's successor, Jaja Wachukwu therefore had to carry out a 
reorganisation of the ministry in great detail. 
The milit9.!Y intervention of 15th January 1966 paved the way for a Federal 
Military Government headed by Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi. This 
25 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
2.0 AN OVERVIEW OF NIGERIA'S FOREIGN POUa FROM 
INDEPENDENCE TO THE END OF THE COLD WAR 
2.1 THE ORIGINS OF THE FOREIGN MINISTRY 
What is today known as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nigeria (the 
governmental department charged primarily with the conception/formulation and 
implementation of foreign policy) was known as the External Affairs Department 
prior to Nigeria's attainment of independence on 1st October 1960. This 
department was within the Chief Secretary's Office in compliance with colonial 
guidelines. In 1957, this department was relocated to the Prime Minister's Office 
and it performed routine administrative and protocol duties. On Independence 
day, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations was 
established. The Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa became the first 
Foreign Minister from 1st October 1960 to 17 July 1961. His first task was to set 
up Nigeria's missions abroad and intensify the recruitment of staff. The ministry 
was however saddled with the misfortune of laCking qualified personnel and 
specialists ( an affliction common to almost all institutions in newly independent 
African states). Balewa's successor, Jaja Wachukwu therefore had to carry out a 
reorganisation of the ministry in great detail. 
The milit9ry intervention of 15th January 1966 paved the way for a Federal 
Military Government headed by Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi. This 
25 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
government was itseff toppled after only six months. The new Head of State, 
Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon was faced with severe domestic crisis whiCh 
threatened to split the country along ethnic lines. The crisis had a direct effect on 
Nigeria's external relations. With the advent of military rule, the Ministry of 
FOreign Affairs was transformed into the Ministry of External Affairs and within a 
short period it nudged the FGN into playing a more significant role in 
international politics, especially within the continent of Africa. Indeed, this aspect 
has been acknowledged by Ray Ofoegbu as one of the positive contributions of 
military rule in Nigeria, a by-product of the professional preparations of the 
Nigerian military leadership. According to him, ''The preparations induded 
extensive training in Ghana and Britain; and international peace-keeping roles in 
Zaire, India/Pakistan and Tanzania.1 
2.2 THE ANGLO-NIGERIAN DEFENCE PACf 
One of the first controversial foreign policy decisions in which the Nigerian 
government got itself entangled was the making and termination of the Anglo-
Nigerian Defence Pact. Barely a month after independence (November 1960), 
the Nigerian Parliament ratified a defence pact between Nigeria and her 
erstwhile colonial master, Britain. This was cemented in spite of the vociferous 
objection by the politically sensitive Nigerian public. However, on 21st January 
1962, the, pact was abrogated by the Prime Minister himself in an unexpected 
announcement. This abrogation generated the same degree of controversy which 
26 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
government was itself toppled after only six months. The new Head of State, 
Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon was faced with severe domestic crisis which 
threatened to split the country along ethnic lines. The crisis had a direct effect on 
Nigeria's external relations. With the advent of military rule, the Ministry of 
FOreign Affairs was transformed into the Ministry of External Affairs and within a 
short period it nudged the FGN into playing a more significant role in 
international politics, especially within the continent of Africa. Indeed, this aspect 
has been acknowledged by Ray Ofoegbu as one of the positive contributions of 
military rule in Nigeria, a by-product of the professional preparations of the 
Nigerian military leadership. According to him, ''The preparations included 
extensive training in Ghana and Britain; and international peace-keeping roles in 
Zaire, India/Pakistan and Tanzania. 1 
2.2 THE ANGLO-NIGERIAN DEFENCE PACT 
One of the first controversial foreign policy decisions in which the Nigerian 
government got itself entangled was the making and termination of the Anglo-
Nigerian Defence Pact. Barely a month after independence (November 1960), 
the Nigerian Parliament ratified a defence pact between Nigeria and her 
erstwhile colonial master, Britain. This was cemented in spite of the vociferous 
objection by the politically sensitive Nigerian public. However, on 21st January 
1962, the. . pact was abrogated by the Prime Minister himself in an unexpected 
announcement. This abrogation generated the same degree of controversy which 
26 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
government was itself toppled after only six months. The new Head of State, 
Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon was faced with severe domestic crisis which 
threatened to split the country along ethnic lines. The crisis had a direct effect on 
Nigeria'S external relations. With the advent of military rule, the Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs was transformed into the Ministry of External Affairs and within a 
short periocl it nudged the FGN into playing a more significant role in 
international politics, especially within the continent of Africa. Indeed, this aspect 
has been acknowledged by Ray Ofoegbu as one of the positive contributions of 
military rule in Nigeria, a by-procluct of the professional preparations of the 
Nigerian military leadership. According to him, 'The preparations included 
extensive training in Ghana and Britain; and international peace-keeping roles in 
Zaire, India/Pakistan and Tanzania.1 
2.2 THE ANGLO-NIGERIAN DEFENCE PACT 
One of the first controversial foreign policy decisions in which the Nigerian 
government got itself entangled was the making and termination of the Anglo-
Nigerian Defence Pact. Barely a month after independence (November 1960), 
the Nigerian Parliament ratified a defence pact between Nigeria and her 
erstwhile colonial master, Britain. This was cemented in spite of the vociferous 
objection by the politically sensitive Nigerian public. However, on 21st January 
1962, th~.pact was abrogated by the Prime Minister himself in an unexpected 
announcement. This abrogation generated the same degree of controversy which 
26 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
greeted the signing of the pact. It is worthy of note that there was no 
consultation at any level which resulted in the termination of the pact. There was 
no cabinet meeting, neither was there a parliamentary debate which led to the 
dissolution. This, in itself has ever since been a source of bewilderment. The pact 
has also provided fodder for the perennial controversy over the primacy or 
relative significance of the domestic over the external factors in foreign policy 
decision making in Africa.2 
The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact is one of many foreign policy decisions taken 
by African states which have resulted in differing opinions. While to some 
observers, African leaders have hijacked and personalised foreign policy decision 
making, another school of thought holds the opinion that these leaders are 
actually left without any real freedom of action by the twin hazards of 
overwhelming international economic and political forces on the one hand and 
domestic interest groups with a commensurate amount of influence on the other. 
A third category views such leaders as "merely playing the role of arbiters among 
foreign and domestic groups". 3 
The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact has the greater significance of revealing the 
true nature of the internal dynamics of the Nigerian nation and how it brings 
itself to bear on the foreign policy decision-making process. There was a 
widespread conviction that Britain virtually arm-twisted her former colony into 
signing the pact after losing out in the 1956 Suez criSis. Driven by the desire to 
27 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
greeted the signing of the pact. It is worthy of note that there was no 
consultation at any level which resulted in the termination of the pact. There was 
no cabinet meeting, neither was there a parliamentary debate which led to the 
dissolution. This, in itself has ever since been a source of bewilderment. The pact 
has also provided fodder for the perennial controversy over the primacy or 
relative significance of the domestic over the external factors in foreign policy 
decision making in Africa.2 
The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact is one of many foreign policy decisions taken 
by African states which have resulted in differing opinions. While to some 
observers, African leaders have hijacked and personalised foreign policy decision 
making, another school of thought holds the opinion that these leaders are 
actually left without any real freedom of action by the twin hazards of 
overwhelming international economic and political forces on the one hand and 
domestic interest groups with a commensurate amount of influence on the other. 
A third category views such leaders as "merely playing the role of arbiters among 
foreign and domestic groups". 3 
The Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact has the greater significance of revealing the 
true nature of the internal dynamics of the Nigerian nation and how it brings 
itself to bear on the foreign policy decision-making process. There was a 
widespread conviction that Britain virtually arm-twisted her former colony into 
signing the pact after lOSing out in the 1956 Suez crisis. Driven by the desire to 
27 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
establish a military base in the Northern Nigerian city of Kano as an alternatiVe to 
those in cairo, Tripoli and Khartoum, British Defence Secretary Duncan Sandys 
exerted pressure on the Nigerian leader and eventually dinched' the deal for 
Whitehall. 
The polarising nature of the pact was manifested by the inherent mutual 
suspidon between the North and the South. The Northern leaders who endorsed 
it shared the belief that it was an insurance against a combined effort by the 
East and West to wrest power from the North and pose a threat to their 
existence. Another reason why the Northern Region embraced the pact was 
because it would serve as a necessary stop-gap measure until the newly opened 
Nigerian Military Training Co"ege could serve as an instrument for 
counterbalancing the disproportionate percentage of Southern entrants into the 
officer corps of the Army. 4 Apart from the Northerners who dung on to the pact, 
there were several Southerners from the mainly Eastern National Coundl of 
Nigeria Citizens (NCNC) party who supported the pact as a means of forming a 
common front with the mainly Northern NPC as a counterweight to the 
predominantly Western Action Group (AG). Domestic interests were equally 
involved in the abrogation of the pact. The suspicion between the AG, NCNC and 
NPC which represented the three major Nigerian ethnic groups (Yoruba, Igbo 
and Hausa) was convenient for the existence of the pact. As soon as it became 
apparent to the North that an AG-NCNC' alliance was just a mirage, the need to 
hold on to it became less important. 
28 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
establish a military base in the Northern Nigerian ety of Kano as an alternative to 
those in cairo, Tripoli and Khartoum, British Defence Secretary Duncan Sandys 
exerted pressure on the Nigerian leader and eventually dinched' the deal for 
Whitehall. 
The polarising nature of the pact was manifested by the inherent mutual 
suspidon between the North and the South. The Northern leaders who endorsed 
it shared the belief that it was an insurance against a combined effort by the 
East and West to wrest power from the North and pose a threat to their 
existence. Another reason why the Northern Region embraced the pact was 
because it would serve as a necessary stop-gap measure until the newly opened 
Nigerian Military Training College could serve as an instrument for 
counterbalancing the disproportionate percentage of Southern entrants into the 
officer corps of the Army. 4 Apart from the Northerners who dung on to the pact, 
there were several Southerners from the mainly Eastern National Coonel of 
Nigeria Citizens (NCNC) party who supported the pact as a means of forming a 
common front with the mainly Northern NPC as a counterweight to the 
predominantly Western Action Group (AG). Domestic interests were equally 
involved in the abrogation of the pact. The suspicion between the AG, NCNC and 
NPC which represented the three major Nigerian ethnic groups (yoruba, Igbo 
and Hausa) was convenient for the existence of the pact. As soon as it became 
apparent to the North that an AG-NCNC alliance was just a mirage, the need to 
hold on to it became less important. 
28 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Having considered the internal factors, it would be appropriate to discuss the 
external influences. The recurring crescendo in international politics of that era 
was the Cold War which hardly inspired a dimate of growth for newly 
independent African states. The pro western Balewa government was visibly 
seeking avenues to prevent a communist infiltration and the pact offered a 
safeguard. A major source of pressure for the ratification of the pact was the 
increasing tensions between Nigeria and Ghana. On the attainment of a 
republican status, Ghana under the leadership of President Kwame Nkrumah was 
perceived by Nigeria to be aligned to the Eastern Bloc; a perception which made 
lagos uncomfortable. Apart from overtly supporting subversive activities in 
Nigeria (the AG plot to oust the Balewa administration), Nkrumah was also 
accused by the Nigeria Government of supporting efforts to detach the British 
camerouns from Nigeria. A final straw was the Osagyefo's determination to 
impose political union as a step to the unification of Africa. For the Balewa 
government, all these were suffident reason to take precautionary measures 
against potential Ghanaian aggression, hence the signing of the Defence Pact. 
2.3 NIGERIA'S MEMBERSHIP IN THE ORGANIZATION OF 
PETROLEUM EXPORTING COUNTRIES (OPEC) 
Nigeria's dedsion not only to join but remain a member of the Inter-
Governmental organization known as OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting 
29 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Having considered the internal factors, it would be appropriate to discuss the 
external influences. The recurring crescendo in international politics of that era 
was the Cold War which hardly inspired a dim ate of growth for newly 
independent African states. The pro western Balewa government was visibly 
seeking avenues to prevent a communist infiltration and the pact offered a 
safeguard. A major source of pressure for the ratification of the pact was the 
increasing tensions between Nigeria and Ghana. On the attainment of a 
republican status, Ghana under the leadership of President Kwame Nkrumah was 
perceived by Nigeria to be aligned to the Eastern Bloc; a perception which made 
Lagos uncomfortable. Apart from overtly supporting subversive activities in 
Nigeria (the AG plot to oust the Balewa administration), Nkrumah was also 
accused by the Nigeria Government of supporting efforts to detach the British 
camerouns from Nigeria. A final straw was the Osagyefo's detennination to 
impose political union as a step to the unification of Africa. For the Balewa 
government, all these were suffident reason to take precautionary measures 
against potential Ghanaian aggression, hence the signing of the Defence Pact. 
2.3 NIGERIA'S MEMBERSHIP IN THE ORGANIZATION OF 
PETROLEUM EXPORTING COUNTRIES (OPEC) 
Nigeria's decision not only to join but remain a member of the Inter-
Governmental organization known as OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting 
29 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Countries) is generally accepted as a rational choice that was fuelled by 
nationalistic considerations. However, it has been suggested that prior to Nigeria 
joining this body as its eleventh member in 1971, there were indeed domestic 
interests at play despite the overall national interest. According to P.e. Asiodu, a 
one-time Federal Permanent Secretary, Ministry of petroleum Resources in the 
Gowon government, 'The then Federal Executive Coundl was sharply divided 
over the issue".5 While one faction rationalized its objection to membership on 
the grounds that it was not in the country's best interest to get involved in 
Middle East politics, the other insisted that such an occurrence was most 
unlikely. It has been hinted in various Nigerian cirdes that there was an 
underlying suspicion of motives even within the central government. This was 
buttressed by the fact that in the past, the Islamic North had attempted to court 
the fraternity of some Middle East countries. A case in mind was the invitation 
extended to Saudi Arabia's King Faisal to visit the Northern Region by its 
Premier, Ahmadu Bello. This had aroused widespread criticism, especially in the 
Christian South whose press considered the invitation of monarchs and Heads of 
State as the sole prerogative of the Prime Minister and not a Regional Premier. 
Nigerian policy within OPEC itself, has revolved around Saudi Arabia which is the 
largest exporter of oil and consequently the most important member because of 
her extensive reserves and enormous crude output. This automatically gave 
Riyadh I~erage in the oil industry as a price leader. Naturally, other members 
(Nigeria indusive) always took into account Saudi oil polides. A very crudal 
30 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
factor was the Saudi influence on Nigeria as a result of Islamic ties between the 
former and latter. According to Soremekun, ''The SaudiS themselves are very 
conscious of these links and on a rather testy occasion during the 1978 oil glut, 
Sheikh Yamani, due largely to this cultural factor, was compelled to remark that 
"Nigeria's plight is very close to my heart".6 
Shehu Shagari's tenure as Nigeria'S President during the Second Republic (1979-
1983) was characterized by the unending debate over Nigeria'S continuing 
membership of OPEC. Both protagonists and antagonists straddled the perilous 
Nigerian ethno-religious divide and based their cases mainly on the state of the 
national economy. 
The Military Government of Generals Buhari and Idiagbon were equally 
concerned with the weak state of the economy and the decline in oil prices. The 
regime by its nature was not susceptible to domestic influences. However, 
Buhari's antecedents in the oil ministry and his faith gave his administration 
added sympathy in its dealings with Riyadh when Nigeria was granted an 
unprecedented increase in its quota by OPEC. The ethnic and religious 
dimensions may be accidental in much the same way as they could have been 
deliberate. It is indeed interesting to note the faith and ethnic origins of Nigeria's 
most prominent oil ministers, who indude the following: 
31 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
factor was the Saudi influence on Nigeria as a result of Islamic ties between the 
former and latter. According to Soremekun, ''The Saudis themselves are very 
conscious of these links and on a rather testy occasion during the 1978 oil glut, 
Sheikh Yamani, due largely to this cultural factor, was compelled to remark that 
"Nigeria's plight is very close to my heart".6 
Shehu Shagari's tenure as Nigeria'S President during the Second Republic (1979-
1983) was characterized by the unending debate over Nigeria'S continuing 
membership of OPEC. Both protagonists and antagonists straddled the perilous 
Nigerian ethno-religious divide and based their cases mainly on the state of the 
national economy. 
The Military Government of Generals Buhari and Idiagbon were equally 
concemed with the weak state of the economy and the decline in oil prices. The 
regime by its nature was not susceptible to domestic influences. However, 
Buhari's antecedents in the oil ministry and his faith gave his administration 
added sympathy in its dealings with Riyadh when Nigeria was granted an 
unprecedented increase in its quota by OPEC. The ethnic and religious 
dimensions may be accidental in much the same way as they could have been 
deliberate. It is indeed interesting to note the faith and ethnic origins of Nigeria's 
most prominent oil ministers, who indude the following: 
31 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
• Shettima Ali Monguno - A Northern Moslem 
• Major General Muhammadu Buhari - A Northern Moslem . 
• Dr Rilwanu Lukman - A Northern Moslem 
• Professor Jubril Aminu - A Northern Moslem 
A scrutiny of the names listed above could imply an attempt by a particular 
group to dominate the oil portfolio. However, it could also be a calculated effort 
at acquiring a firmer foothold with the most influential OPEC member. This 
"theocratiC flavour", although noticeable became much more pronounced under 
the Babangida administration.7 It was during this administration that Dr Lukman 
became visible as one of the leading advocates for Nigeria to join the 
Organization of Islamic Conference (0lC). It was also during this period that he 
was suddenly appointed Nigeria's oil minister amidst a doud of speculation and 
fingers pointing towards Riyadh, in the heartland of the Islamic world. The 
significant point about Lukman's tenure is the fact that for the first time in its 
existence, OPEC had endorsed the appointment of one person (Lukman) as its 
president eight consecutive times. While a religious connotation can be 
suggested, it can also be implied that the perpetuation of Lukman as OPEC's 
President was designed to keep Nigeria from "straying away" from the 
organisation. 
32 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
2.4 NIGERIA'S DECISION TO JOIN THE ORGANISATION OF ISLAMIC 
CONFERENCE COIC) 
The Government of President Ibrahim Babangida has been singled out by most 
observers as the architect of Nigeria's association with the Organization of 
Islamic Conference. This is probably due to the fact that it was during the 
Babangida years that the OIC issue reached a crescendo. The reality however is 
that the seeds of this association were sown long before the General became 
Nigeria's President. Tracing the roots of the Nigeria-OIC affair, Cohen opines that 
the act of arson carried out on the sacred AI Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem by 
Israeli government agents embittered the Moslem wond thus leading to a 
decision to organise a summit of IslamiC Heads of State in September 1969 in 
Rabat. 8 The summit resolved to foster doser cooperation among Islamic 
countries. Prior to the establishment of the OIC in 1971, Moslem groups in 
Nigeria had formed ties with similar bodies in other countries, especially in the 
Middle East. Prominent among such was the close relations between Premier 
Ahmadu Bello's government in Northern Nigeria and Islamic governments in the 
Middle East and North Africa. This led to Bello being "charged with the 
responsibility of looking into the possibility of the creation of a permanent forum 
at which Islamic governments could interact on a regular basis,19 Shortly after, a 
report, to which Bello contributed, was submitted to the Sixth Session of the 
Muslim ~~ond Congress held in 1966. It is therefore not surprising that when the 
trumpet was sounded for the 1969 Rabat Summit, a delegation of Nigerian 
Moslems led by the late Sheikh Abubakar Mahmoud Gumi answered the call and 
33 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
pledged support for the formation of the OIC on behalf of Nigeria's Moslem 
population. The reaction to this development in Nigeria was a series of offidal 
and unofficial question marks. "In what capadty did the delegation attend the 
Conference? Was it an offidal delegation? Did it have any support from the 
Nigerian Government?l1 The complexities of the day which included Nigeria's 
secularity, and the conduct of a dvil war founded on ethno-religious grounds, 
compelled General Gowon to distance his government from the delegation in a 
statement to King Hassan of Morocco. Consequently, the delegates were 
refused accreditation although they were accorded an observer status. Gowon's 
announcement that Nigeria had no intention of becoming a full fledged member 
of the orc was endorsed by General Murtala Muhammed's regime (even though 
Muhammed himself was a devout Moslem). This trend reduced in subsequent 
governments (Obasanjo and Shagari governments). 
The Buhari/ldiagbon Government was also pushed into the orc saga during its 
short life span. Fresh efforts were made for Nigeria to graduate from observer to 
full member status by highly influential Moslem lobby groups which had strong 
business bonds with their counterparts in the predominantly Moslem Arab World. 
The lobby from Arab countries was equally intense and laced with oblique 
assurances of finandal support. It is very poSSible, though not verified, that 
Buhari's reputation as a very devout Moslem could have rekindled the embers of 
agitation for complete membership. According to Olukoshi, the Buhari 
government refused to take any hasty dedsion based on the advice of External 
34 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Affairs Minister Ibrahim Gambari who cited the 1979 Constitution which is 
specific on the maintenance of secularity. Furthermore the potential threat to 
national unity was also a factor to contend with.12 
The emergence of General Babangida as President (another Moslem leader) 
signalled a fresh onslaught by OIC enthusiasts. The president referred the matter 
to Foreign Minister Bolaji Akinyemi who offered advice identical to his 
predecessors. The President, who was under pressure to call the bluff of the 
West which was imposing "inconsiderate" financial conditions on Nigeria, decided 
to reject Akinyemi's counsel and endorsed the attendance of an offidal 
delegation to the Fez ministerial meeting of January 1986. Nigeria'S formal 
application was accepted during the morning session of 9th January 1986. The 
backlash that ensued as soon as the membership became public knowledge was 
near fatal. There was an instant Christian-Moslem stand off which the 
government tried to defuse by explaining the situation off with the excuse that 
the organisation itself was more political than religious and Nigeria stood to gain 
tremendously from the financial fallouts. However, this offidal line did not 
command general sympathy and the government reverted the country to its 
original observer status. 13 
3S 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Affairs Minister Ibrahim Gambari who cited the 1979 Constitution which is 
specifIC on the maintenance of secularity. Furthennore the potential threat to 
national unity was also a factor to contend with.12 
The emergence of General Babangida as President (another Moslem leader) 
signalled a fresh onslaught by OIC enthusiasts. The president referred the matter 
to Foreign Minister Bolaji Akinyemi who offered advice identical to his 
predecessors. The President, who was under pressure to call the bluff of the 
West which was imposing "inconsiderate" financial conditions on Nigeria, decided 
to reject Akinyemi's counsel and endorsed the attendance of an offidal 
delegation to the Fez ministerial meeting of January 1986. Nigeria's formal 
application was accepted during the morning session of 9th January 1986. The 
backlash that ensued as soon as the membership became public knowledge was 
near fatal. There was an instant Christian-Moslem stand off which the 
government tried to defuse by explaining the situation off with the excuse that 
the organisation itself was more political than religious and Nigeria stood to gain 
tremendously from the financial fallouts. However, this offidal line did not 
command general sympathy and the government reverted the country to its 
original observer status. 13 
3S 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Affairs Minister Ibrahim Gambari who cited the 1979 Constitution which is 
specific on the maintenance of secularity. Furthermore the potential threat to 
national unity was also a factor to contend with.12 
The emergence of General Babangida as President (another Moslem leader) 
signalled a fresh onslaught by OIC enthusiasts. The president referred the matter 
to Foreign Minister Bolaji Akinyemi who offered advice identical to his 
predecessors. The President, who was under pressure to call the bluff of the 
west which was imposing "inconsiderate" finanCial conditions on Nigeria, decided 
to reject Akinyemi's counsel and endorsed the attendance of an offidal 
delegation to the Fez ministerial meeting of January 1986. Nigeria'S formal 
application was accepted during the morning session of 9th January 1986. The 
backlash that ensued as soon as the membership became public knowledge was 
near fatal. There was an instant Christian-Moslem stand off which the 
government tried to defuse by explaining the situation off with the excuse that 
the organisation itself was more political than religious and Nigeria stood to gain 
tremendously from the financial fallouts. However, this offidal line did not 
command general sympathy and the government reverted the country to its 
original observer status. 13 
35 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
2.5 OTHER SIGNIFICANT INSTANCES OF NIGERIA'S COLD WAR ERA 
FOREIGN POLIcy DECISIONS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS 
2.5.1 Nigeria's Attitude Towards North Africa and the Middle East; 
As discussed earlier, Nigeria'S interactions with North African states presented 
serious challenges to the various governments of the post independence era. As 
a result of the polarized nature of Nigerian society, and the substantial autonomy 
enjoyed by the regional governments, it was almost impossible for the central 
government to maintain normal relations not only with the Arab countries of 
North Africa but also those in the Middle East, particularly Israel. Adefuye 
observes that the Northern Region's contact with North Africa might not have 
attracted critidsm if the Sardauna's14 emphasis had been on trade rather than 
religion which he allowed to dictate his attitude to the Arab-Israeli dispute. The 
increasing ferocity with which the Sardauna condemned Zionist aggression and 
the passion with which he embraced the Islamic countries led to sharp criticisms 
in the Southern press of Nigeria. The fact that he was the Vice President of the 
World Islamic league did not help matters. His visits to the Middle East and 
Pakistan urging various leaders to organise an All Muslim States' summit was 
considered as the role of the Prime Minister and not a Regional Premier. Indeed, 
this caused the Prime Minister some discomfort because the Sardauna was the 
leader of_ ~is own political party. 
36 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Relations with Israel were subjected to the same degree of internal squabbling 
amongst the three regions. Even before independence, both the Eastern and 
Western regional governments had entered into trade agreements with Israel. 
When the Federal Government signed a loan agreement with Israel, the Nigeria 
People's Congress (NPC) called on the Federal Government to end all 
negotiations with and withdraw recognition of Israel. When the Federal 
Government refused to do that, the Northern government dissociated itself and 
refused to have anything to do with the loan agreement.15 Shortly after, the 
Sardauna announced that Israel would not be allowed to take part in any 
development programme in Northern Nigeria. 
Other incidents which increased friction between Federal and Regional 
Governments included the 1962 signing of two trade agreements with Egypt and 
Israel. The Northern Regional government called on the Federal Parliament not 
to ratify the agreement with Israel but the FGN ratified it without sending it to 
Parliament. These domestic rifts produced reactions from some countries. In 
1962, exports from Nigeria which were considered to be produced by companies 
either owned completely by or in partnership with Israeli concerns were banned 
by the Jordanian government. Again, a similar problem arose when a Nigerian 
contingent to the Commonwealth Education Conference in India stopped in Cairo 
to change planes. The Egyptian Government invited both the Federal and 
Northern government Ministers of Education to stay in Cairo as guests of the 
37 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
government but did not extend the same courtesies to the Western and Eastern 
Ministers. The Arab-Israeli crises brought out the partisan qualities of Nigerian 
politics even at the diplomatic level where attitudes were supposed to reflect the 
national interest. The pro-Israel stance of both Premier Akintola of the Western-
Region and Premier Okpara of the Eastern Region were commensurate with the 
anti Israel stance of Premier Ahmadu Bello of the Northern Region. While the 
two Southern Premiers professed love and commitment to Israel, their Northern 
counterpart declared that Israel did not even exist. It was only by sheer will 
power that the Federal Government refrained from being drawn into taking sides 
with any of the regional governments. According to Adefuye, it was in apparent 
deference to northern Moslem sentiments that Nigeria did not open an embassy 
in Tel Aviv even though Israel had one in Lagos. It is interesting to note that 
throughout the period between 1960-1965, Nigeria's partidpation in the Arab-
Israeli debates at the United Nations was very minimal and marked by caution. 
Nigeria's contribution to the debate during that period was a two minute speech 
urging both sides to compromise. Even the voting pattern was marked by 
sensitivity towards the attitude of the internal interest groups. The Arab-Israeli 
issue was put to vote seventeen times. Nigeria voted six times in favour of pro _ 
Arab resolutions, four times for resolutions which favoured neither side and 
abstainei:f" on seven occasions. Indeed the Federal Government was placed in a 
very delicate situation by virtue of the fact that it was a coalition government 
38 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
made up of two parties which had opposing policies on the Middle East as a 
result of their cultural peculiarities of the peoples they represented. While the 
leader of the NPC, (the party of the Prime Minister) was Ahmadu Bello, a great 
grandson of Usman Danfodio who considered it a religious obligation to support 
the Arab cause, the NCNC showed sympathy for the Israeli cause although it 
pressed for a non-aligned policy. In order to enhance national unity and stability, 
Sir Abubakar's Federal Government had to demonstrate its neutrality by steering 
a middle course. This made the FGN vulnerable to accusations of weakness and 
lack of decision. When the coalition broke down later, the NCNC chieftains went 
to town and condemned the NPC attitude towards Israel as rooted in religious 
bigotry. 
2.5.2 Foreign Policy During The Nigerian Civil War Years: 
The remote and immediate causes of the Nigerian Civil War are attributable to 
various factors but most significant among them was the preponderance of 
ethnic and religious sentiments in the body politic of the entire Federation. These 
factors, as we have already discussed, were not limited to the national 
boundaries but were also projected onto the international scene and had 
considerable influence on the way Nigeria related to many key actors in the 
international environment during the war. Much credit has been given to the 
Biafran propaganda machinery in the conduct of the war. It has even been 
suggested that the skilful use of propaganda by the Biafrans actually prolonged a 
39 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
war they would have lost in a matter of months. The Biafran strategy was to 
present their case to the international community in such a way that they would 
evoke profound sympathy for their cause. In doing so, they called on the rest of 
humanity to come to their rescue because they faced imminent extermination as 
a people. They referred to the pogroms of May and October 1966 and lamented 
that as a result of persecution, they had been herded into a comer with no outlet 
except the Atlantic Ocean. Pictures of children afflicted with the killer disease 
Kwashiorkor were splashed on the front pages of international newspapers and 
magazines. The Igbos were relentless in stressing the futility of a union in an 
inherently heterogeneous society. They insisted that they were hounded out of 
what they considered their motherland by the Hausa-Fulanis who were 
determined to dominate the rest of the federation and destroy whoever opposed 
them. The Igbos asserted that anybody who hoped to bind the various ethnic 
groups into one country was living in a fool's paradise. Lord Frederick Lugard, 
the architect of the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates of 
Nigeria in 1914 had indeed made a fatal mistake they suggested. In fact, the 
propaganda warned that the aim of the North was to complete the Jihad of 1804 
by extending its frontiers to the Atlantic Ocean. Reaction to the propaganda was 
instant. Biafra was recognized by four African countries, namely: Gabon, 
Tanzania, Ivory Coast, and Zambia. It is believed that the urge to support fellow 
cathOlics __~ nd the attitude of the French Government might have influenced the 
decision by Gabon and Ivory Coast to recognize Biafra. 16 In the case of Zambia, 
40 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
it was widely believed that President Kenneth Kaunda who is a devout catholic 
was overcome by the plight of his fellow catholic Biafrans. Kirke-Greene makes 
reference to General De Gaulle of France who was quoted as asking why the 
Igbos who are generally Christians and live in the South in a certain way have 
17 
their language dependent on another ethnic faction of the Federation.
President Nyerere of Tanzania was perhaps the staunchest supporter of Biafra 
and he made several passionate appeals to the OAU for recognition. Also of 
Significance was Biafra's appeal to Italy portraying the conflict as an ethno-
religious motivated crisis. 
Religious chords were pulled by both parties with predictable results. Biafra's 
comparison of her situation to the sorrows of Jews during the Second World War 
was enough reason for Israel to support her against the predominantly Moslem 
North which had antagonized her during the era of Ahmadu Bello. While the FGN 
tried desperately to water down insinuations of a religiously inspired war, its case 
was not made any better by the fact that there was a large number of Moslems 
on the Federal side whose army was commanded by the Hausa-Fulani Prince of 
Katsina Emirate, Brigadier Hassan Usman Katsina. Added to this was the ease 
with which the FGN secured the support of the Government of Egypt whose 
Airforce pilots and Jets carried out bombing missions against Biafra. 
41 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
2.S.3 The Formation of The ECOWAS: 
The reasons which led to the formation of the ECOWAS in 1975 are multiple, but 
the fundamental concerns raised by the founding fathers include a strong desire 
for regional integration as well as the establishment of a common market. 
However, in the case of Nigeria there were other pressing issues which impacted 
on her. These induded the bitter lessons learnt from the Civil War which raised 
the issue of good neighbourliness. If Nigeria had been surrounded by hostile 
neighbours she would probably have lost the war (Adefuye). The fact that these 
countries were not used as staging posts for enemy forces was comforting but 
that did not eliminate the possibility of France influencing her surrogates against 
Nigeria in future. It was therefore expedient for Nigeria to encourage the 
formation of such a regional body in order to enhance her security. IS 
Another reason (often overlooked) is the need to re-establish ethnic ties amongst 
African peoples who were separated from each other as a result of the partition 
of the continent by the colonial powers. People of the same ethnic stock were 
strangers across borders. In the case of Nigeria, the Kanem Bornu Empire which 
was in present day Northern Nigeria, included parts of Chad Republic before the 
partition ~~ the 19th Century. Today, there are members of the Kanuri and 
42 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Shuwa ethnic groups in both countries just as there are Fulanis, Ekoi and about 
five other ethnic groups in both Nigeria and Cameroun. 
In the 1970s, General Gowon appointed H.E. Bello Malabu (President Ahmadou 
Ahidjo's former village chief) as Nigeria'S Ambassador to Cameroun. Indeed 
Nigeria-Cameroun relations were at their best during his tenure and Nigeria did 
not consider Cameroun a Francophone country in the Spirit.19 
Other cases of ethnic groups shared commonly are the Hausas and Kanuris in 
Niger Republic, the Yorubas in Nigeria and Benin. About 95% of the population 
of Porto Novo (now Cotonou) are Yorubas. The Fulanis also stretch across the 
borders of Nigeria and Niger Republic. An interesting point is the aversion of 
some ethnic groups for international borders because it stifles their economic 
growth. An example is the proclivity of the fishing communities in Bakassi to 
have two villages with one name on either side of the Nigerian and Camerounian 
borders so that when they can shift their village when the water recedes and 
return when the rains arrive. The problem of large ethnic groups sitting across 
borders is a universal one and could often have grave consequences as is the 
case with the Turks in Iraq and Turkey, Germans in Austria, Russian immigrants 
in Eur~! Mexicans in the United States, and Ewes in Ghana and Togo. Nigeria _ 
43 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
has been able to manage this issue as a result of the sensitivities of the various 
nationalities.20 
2.5.4 Diplomatjc APJ)Ointmentsj 
The Nigerian Constitution is specific on the importance of equal representation in 
public service. This has been enshrined in the Constitution in the interest of 
peace and stability. This applies to diplomatic appointments. The practice has 
been for the Senate to confirm diplomatic appointments with the various states. 
It is also the practice to appoint seasoned diplomats to countries considered to 
be of great importance to the nation's interest. In the case of Nigeria, it has been 
observed that most heads of government have tended to favour people from 
their ethnic or religious background in making ambassadorial appointments to 
some key Missions such as London, Washington, and the UN. This is probably 
because the President (or Head of State as the case may be) feels such a person 
could best represent certain domestic interests abroad. Some examples include 
the posting of Alhaji Sule Kolo, a northerner to London during Gowon's tenure; 
the posting of Gambari, a Muslim to the UN during the Babangida years; Hassan 
Wakili, a Northern Muslim to Washington during the Abacha years, Alhaji 
Abubakar Alhaji , a Muslim Northerner to London during the Babangida years; 
Joseph <:rba, a Northerner to the UN during the Babangida year; Maitama Sule, 
a Northern Moslem to the UN during Shagari's tenure and a host of similar 
postings. Indeed, the practice has also been to post Moslems to countries such 
44 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
as Iran, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan while Christians are accredited to Israel and 
the Vatican. The same pattern is applied to the postings of Defence Advisers and 
Attaches. 
45 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
END NOTES 
1. Ray Ofoegbu, 'The Structure and Process of FOreian Policy Fonnulation and 
Implementation : A Study of the Ministry of Extemal Affairs" An Essay in 'The 
Structure and Processes NITA and Vantage Publishers Umited Ibadan , 1989, p. 78 
2. Olatunde JB Ojo, 'The Making and Tennination of th~ Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact". NIIA and 
Vantage Publishers limited Ibadan, 1989, p 255. 
3. Ibid 
4. Ibid, P 257. 
5. Kayode Soremekun, Nigeria's Membership in the Organization of Petroleum Exporting 
Countries (OPEC), Essay written in 'The structures and processes of Foreign Policy Making and 
Implementation in Nigeria, 1960-1990", Ed Gabriel 0 Olusanya and RA Akindele, NIIA and 
Vantage Publishers Intemationalltd, Ibadan, 1990,p 296. 
6. Ibid, P 299. 
7. Ibid, P 301. 
8. C, Cohen, DemocraCY(Athens: University of Georgia Press,1971),p6. 
9. Adebayo Olukoshi, The Long Road to Fez : An examination of Nigeria's Decision to Become a 
Full Member of The Organization of Islamic Conference, NIIA and 
Vantage Publishers International ltd, Ibadan, 1990, p 488. 
10. Ibid. 
11. Ibid.p494. 
12. Newswatch, 17 February 1986,p.17 
13. Ade Adefuye, Culture and Foreign Policy: the Nigerian Example, NIIA Press lagos, 1992. p 
43. 
14. Ibid, pp 44-45. 
--. 
15. Ibid, P 45. 
16. Ibid, P 57. 
46 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
17. AHM Kirke-Greene, Crises and Conflict in Nigeria, Volume II, p 329. 
18. Ibid, 109 
19. Ibid, 112 
20. Ibid, 321 
47 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
CHAPTER THREE 
3.0 AN evALUATION OF THE ROLE OF ETHNIcrry AND RELIGION IN 
NIGERIA'S POST-COLD WAR FOREIGN pOLICY (1989 - 2003) 
The Post-Cold War era is still relatively very short in terms of international 
politics. This spans a period of about fifteen years (1989 - 2004) and although 
quite a lot has occurred to make significant impact on regional and global issues, 
they are not necessarily conclusive. This Chapter will discuss the various ways in 
which religious and ethniC considerations in Nigeria have affected her attitude 
towards other state and non-state actors and vice versa. It is nevertheless 
pertinent to mention that very little has been written on this subject considering 
the period in question and the peculiarities associated with it, for instance, its 
highly sensitive nature which does not allow for ease of research. However, 
there are several iSSUes which have been open to public glare and easy to keep 
track of by virtue of their ability to evoke much public interest and dialogue. 
These include the war against terrorism, the Sharia Saga, the Niger Delta, liv-
Jukun, Plateau and other crises, the "Miss World" controversy and the Nigerian 
Innoculation Episode. These will be the areas of focus in this chapter and will be 
analysed in respect of their significance not only domestically but also 
internationally . 
3.1 NIGERIA'S INFLUENCE ON THE WAR AGAINST TERRORISM 
The war -against terrorism means different things to different state and people 
and groups depending on their perceptions and interests. The Federal Republic 
48 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
of Nigeria has not made any conscious foreign policy decisions or aligned herself 
to any state or group of states. She has maintained her normal commitment to 
the United Nations just like almost all other countries with a similar background 
and heritage as Nigeria's. However, the very peculiar internal dynamics of the 
country have drawn her unwittingly under the international spotlight. This is not 
necessarily with the endorsement or acquiescence of the Federal Government 
(which has consciously refused to give tact approval to domestic interest groups 
especially on potentially divisive issues). Regardless of the central government's 
determination to remain on the straight and narrow path, it has shown the 
occasional irritation at attempts to divert her from pursuing her primary objective 
of satisfying the sensibilities of a pluralistic and, very often, erratic society. 
Africa has become noticeably more important to the West, particularly the United 
States of America, since the war against terrorism was launched. This is 
traceable to the campaign following the 11th September, 2001 attack on 
prominent institutions of the USA such as the Pentagon by Islamic 
fundamentalists allegedly sponsored by the terrorist organization AI-Qaeda. 
Although several reasons can be attributed to this sudden interest in Africa, there 
remain two major reasons which cannot easily be brushed aside. First, is the 
growing need for the USA and her allies to look for alternative sources of oil, 
away ~ their traditional sources in the highly unstable and volatile Arab world 
characterized by unrelenting terrorist attacks. Many viewers, both in the USA 
49 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
and outside, are becoming very unoomfortable at the prospects of a successful 
revolution in any of the Arab countries specifically the ousting of a monarchy 
such as the one in Saudi Arabia. Should this happen, there will be a greater 
likelihood of a domino effect on other monarchies such as those in Jordan, 
Oman, among others which have been accused of doing very little to promote 
democratic values at home as well as vigorously pursuing the Palestinian cause. 
The group most likely to harness massive public support in an effort to remove 
any monarchy would almost certainly be a religiously motivated group led by 
derics or fundamentalist non-state actors. Such a group's strength would be in 
the appeal of the religious fervour of the 21st century which has engulfed almost 
every country with a large Moslem population. There is a general nervousness in 
the liberal democracies of the West that an uprising reminiscent of the Iranian 
Revolution of 1979 is a real possibility.l 
A greater apprehension in the West. is the realization that the outcome of a 
successful revolution would not only install a regime in opposition to Western 
democrades, (particularly the United States) but also all their interests 
(specifically the State of Israel). Any such changes in the present status quo of 
the Arab world would mark the beginning of very significant changes in the 
international system. Traditional beneficiaries of the oil resources of the Islamic 
world ~~Uld be cut off and new dients would emerge. 
50 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Apart from the United States, other countries which would have earned the label 
of being active collaborators with the Western world would also suffer a setback. 
Equally to be disadvantaged would be those countries which demonstrated a lack 
of interest in the Arab cause even though they have a lot in common by way of 
religion and culture with the Arabs. Depending on the amount of support 
offered, either by way of supporting pro-Arab resolutions at the UN or overtly 
demonstrating anti-Israeli sentiments, even weak nations would be held 
responsible. This is not really a wild speculation considering the recent acts of 
terrorism unleashed in Spain, East Africa and other countries such as Indonesia 
which has the largest Muslim population in the world. 
Although the USA has never had the indination to have enduring interests in the 
well being of any nation (except perhaps Israel for obvious reasons) it has to 
consider alternative sources of oil. This means cultivating the friendship of such 
oil producers. Naturally, the African continent would become the target. 
Nigeria, being a large producer of crude oil would be a likely focus of US 
attention in this regard. 
Jonathan Stevenson's Observations on developments after the US intervention in 
Afghanistan are indeed very relevant. He states that "Two years after the 
Afghanist~.n intervention, Africa has renewed strategiC resonance. This time,  
circumstances may be more propitious for sustained Western interestn •2 He 
51 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
contends that having coercively effected a regime change in Iraq, the United 
States appears to have conceded greater short and possibly medium-tenn 
instability in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf region for the sake of longer-
term security. This places a higher premium on Washington cultivating non-
OPEC oil supplies to ensure its energy security, for which it is counting on sub-
Saharan Africa.3 Although Nigeria is an OPEC supplier, it will remain a potenti~ 
~\ 
alternative to the Arab suppliers, hence the United State's concern ~~;r tf i..  e" ~.. .... '..• .' .. i ~ 
unstable situation in Nigeria's Niger-Delta area. ~.J,,):j 
~~iii/><: 
"~,..-.;u,-·~ 
Should there be a successful Islamic revolution sWleping across the entire Arab 
world, what guarantee does Nigeria have of not becoming a victim of Arab 
hostility and be aCQJsed of being "one of those traitor nations who refused to 
actively support our Palestinian brothers the way they supported the liberation 
movements of Southern Africa". It must be pointed out here that the majority of 
Nigerians are not literate in the Western sense but are extremely up-ta-date with 
international events. Their level of awareness of global issues is amazing and this 
has always equipped the poor uneducated masses with adequate knowledge of 
current events. 
It is also interesting to note that issues which do not have a religious or ethnic 
underton~ do not inspire any interest among this class of Nigerians who 
inCidentally form that sector of society which resorts to violent spontaneous 
52 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
actions once their interests are not protected. This has been exemplified by the 
events of the 19605 - 19805 which were highlighted by the struggle for the 
liberation of all black peoples (of which Nigeria was a key actor). Indeed, the 
struggle to liberate fellow blacks, oppressed by foreigners, should ordinarily be 
the concern of all shades and grades of society, but that has not been the case 
with Nigeria. The decolonisation, liberation and anti-apartheid agenda were 
actually pursued by the Federal Government, intellectuals and students who 
were fired up and motivated by Cold War era personalities such as Che Guevera, 
Amilcar cabral, Nelson Mandela and Malcolm X. Indeed, Kwame Nkrumah's 
portrait was to be found hanging in students' union hostels, and university 
cafeteria alongside the portraits of Martin Luther King and other cult figures. 
Ordinarily one would assume that not only the educated minority but also the 
uneducated majority would embrace cause of the black man. However, in 
Nigeria, the latter group has not shown any real concern towards such matters. 
It could be argued that the uneducated masses of Nigeria demonstrated a 
detachment from the plight of their oppressed kith and kin in Southern Africa 
because they did not share a similar experience at any pOint in their history. 
However, one is indined to accept the argument that the problem in Southern 
Africa did not fire up the Nigerian masses because their sensibilities (which are 
primaril'l..ethnic or spiritual) were not affected. The argument for Nigerians as 
not having experienced such atrocities as apartheid does not really convince one. 
53 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
It has already been stated that the Nigerian masses have always been 
conversant with international events, therefore they could have formed an 
opinion on this matter just as they did on the Arab-Israeli crisis. 
The lack of interest in wider issues can be best summarised by the explanation 
that in African states generally, the symbols and myths of nationalism, and the 
euphoria of independence proved too superficial to develop and sustain 
3 
alternative modes of allegiance and a community of purpose at the state Ievel.
Essentially, values are formed along individualistic or group lines and not with 
the overall national interest in mind, unless of course it is a governmental 
matter. 
Another explanation for the apparent lethargy of the greater masses could be the 
'turning of the tide' after attainment of independence in many a developing 
nation. The dawn of independence has often been an anti-dimax and the 
beginning of downward spiral. The lack of real preparation for nationhood is 
revealed by an obvious lack of 'connectivity' between the educated dasses and 
the mass of the people. Thus, the masses crawl back to their 'holes' and 
'thickets' to contemplate narrow concerns while the educated 'elite' huddle in 
newly acquired Government Reserve Areas (GRAs) to strategise on how to 
remain there forever, at the expense of the tax payer. National consciousness, 
accordin~_ to Fanon, instead of being the all-embradng crystallization of the 
innermost hopes of the whole people, instead of being the mobilization of 
54 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
people, will be in any case only an empty shell, a crude and fragile travesty of 
what might have been ... the nation is passed over for the race, and the tribe is 
preferred to the state. These are the cracks in the edifice which show the 
process of retrogression that is so harmful and prejudicial to national effort and 
national unity. 5 
Although the Balewa government tried to pursue a middle course, the almost 
autonomous regional governments meddled into foreign policy issues (which 
should be the exdusive territory of the FGN). Their actions had strong religious 
or ethnic undertones which did not help the First Republic. Indeed, this supports 
the opinion that "How people view the wond is greatly conditioned by one or 
more cultural paradigms to which they have been exposed".6 Although it has 
been argued that ethnidty or ethnic consciousness is a contemporary 
phenomenon in Nigerian politics,' it goes bad< to the colonial era. It was largely 
absent in pre-colonial times but has nevertheless become pervasive in today's 
world where it is hardly possible for any ethnic (or even religious) group to 
isolate itself. This raises the call for a concerted effort by the different groups 
living in "united" countries to forge greater cooperation and understanding. The 
various touchy issues of the Cold War era have not disappeared completely in 
Nigeria's post-Cold War era. (;:(. . ~ .. 
t 
55 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Significantly, ethnic and religious tensions continue to impact on foreign policy 
matters. The OIC saga only served as a "kick starter" for a trail of demands and 
counter demands by Nigerian Christians and Moslems who tend to forget that in 
the not too distant past they were all pagans, at best animists; therefore the 
need to accommodate each other becomes imperative. The chain of ethnic and 
st 
religious violence which began in the Cold War era has continued into the 21
century with disturbing results. Nigeria's role in the international community is 
not helped by these acts of fratricide which can be attributed to avoidable 
reasons. 
Huntington, reflecting on the post Cold War World, observes that today, the 
most important distinctions among people are not ideological, political or 
economic. They are cultural. Peoples and nations are attempting to answer the 
most basic question humans can face: who are we?8 He also asserts that people 
define themselves in terms of ancestry, religion, language, history, values, 
customs and institutions. They identify with cultural groups: tribes, ethnic 
groups, religious communities and others.9 This only helps to inform us that 
differences will continue to exist, and societies will become increasingly 
heterogeneous whether in America or Africa. If this is the case, there is a need 
to put aside partisan interest and allow the national interests to become the main 
focus of the people. 
56 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
The Nigerian situation is made even more complicated by the over eagerness of 
the FGN and indeed various domestic interest groups to align with countries like 
Saudi Arabia for varying reasons such as oil or religious affiliations as discussed 
in previous chapters. Although Nigeria is a secular country and should not really 
have religious polides that tend to alienate other faiths, it has in the past taken 
dedsions (probably innocuously) which have attracted criticism and placed the 
stability of the nation on the brink. The behaviour of the state in making foreign 
policy commitments without internal consultation has always been a sore point. 
Very often, these treaties are in conflict with the local customs of Nigerian 
nationalities not consulted before "NigeriaN entered into such agreements. Many 
"human rights", gender, child agreements and treaties are like that. However, it 
is often those agreements with religious/ethnic dimensions that rekindle the 
smouldering embers of hatred and become serious national issues. 
One of such pol ides was the decision to join the OIC (Chapter Two). Another 
issue has been government sponsorship of delegations for the annual Islamic 
Pilgrimage (the Hajj). It was as a result of growing disaffection that the FGN 
approved government sponsored delegations for the Christian Pilgrimage to 
Jerusalem. The inability of the FGN to separate state from church/mosque as is 
the case in many advanced democrades has been a source of internal friction 
because ~. . has always had an input on Nigeria's relations with other nations. This 
57 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
will be elaborated further in discussing individual cases such as the Sharia Law, 
Anglican Church crises and the innoculation issue. 
3.2 ISLAMIC MILITANCY 
Another reason why Africa is becoming important to the United States and her 
allies is the spread of Islamic militancy which is in itself related to the 
proliferation of terrorist activities. Some scholars and writers on International 
Politics have attributed the Origins of this phenomenon to the end of the Cold 
War which made some regimes is sub-Saharan African weaker as a result of the 
absence of a sponsor state. Indeed, it has been said that American effort to 
remedy the problem were stifled by the United States' ill-fated intervention in 
Somalia from 1992 - 1994. It has also been pointed out that the September 11 
attacks were regarded by some as potentially dangerous for Africa because of 
the demonstrated capadty of radical Islamic groups like the Taliban to hijack 
failed or failing states and the indination of transnational Islamic terrorist 
organizations like AI-Qaeda to become their literal and ideological tenants, 
dictated more proactive Western efforts to prevent such outcomes by rescuing 
and helping to develop such states, many of which are in Africa·10 
A much ~hoed view on contemporary issues is the fact that Africa is the most 
impoverished and unstable continent and therefore a very fertile ground for 
58 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
~"~/: ~:O~\~' , ~I;: " ) 7.~ ";'; ;>-
'~?i?/;·I 
sewing discontent and preparing it as a potential staging arena for transnational 
Islamic terrorist operations. Added to this, most actors in the international arena 
have always had great economiC/colonial interest in the continent. This gives 
them every reason to desire a foothold on the continent. 
Although the poverty and instability theory should be taken seriously, there is 
also another reality to be contended with. There is an inherent wave of ill-feeling 
in the Islamic worid towards the democrades of the West (especially the United 
States), which are viewed not only as insensitive but also hypocritical. The nexus 
of their argument is the unfair handling of the Palestinian issue by the US. In a 
congratulatory letter to President George Bush, the American Muslim Council 
(AMC) pointed out the cause of Muslims' problem with the US as follows: 
"The Problem is that in much of the 
Middle East, the US is perceived as 
particularly close to and protective of 
some of the least democratic countries 
in the world. .. the US should not allow 
authoritarian regimes to justify their 
repression ofa ll opposition movements 
as a defence against 'fundamentalism' 
or 'extremism' because it is precisely 
dictatorship and authoritarianism that 
fuels extremism and radiaJl change". 11 
The AMC went on to make spedfic recommendations which included Israeli 
withdrawal from the occupied territories, an end to illegal settlements, a shared 
Jerusalem and a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital. 
59 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
The anti-American passion is therefore a universal emotion in the Muslim world. 
John Esposito in an article comments that anti-Americanism is driven not by blind 
hatred or religious zealotry of extremists, but also by a frustration and anger 
with US policy among the mainstream in the Muslim world, particularly the soft-
glove treatment of Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon and hiS heavy-handed 
policies in the west Bank and Gaza:12 
The aversion to US policies is especially visible in states like Nigeria with a large 
concentration of Muslims. Nigerian Muslims (predominantly in the North) have 
always aligned with the Arab world. This is to be seen in such matters as the 
annual Hajj Pilgrimage, Lesser Hajj Pilgrimage, inter-marriage, cultural ties, 
business ties among others. Indeed, approximately 60% of the Hausa language 
is derived from the Arabic language and approximately 90% of Hausa names are 
Arabic names unlike Yoruba names which are mostly indigenous names despite 
the fact that a large number of Yorubas are Muslims. It is against this cultural 
and religious background that the Muslim North is extremely sensitive and quick 
to erupt into violence whenever a touchy affair with religious implications arises. 
This is reflected in the numerous religious crises of the post-Cold War era, 
inspired by international events such as the First Gulf War (1991) and its sequel 
(2003). 
60 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
There have, however, been occasions in the past when the interests of various 
groups have been at variance with the mindset of the FGN. Joseph Garba's 
recollection of relations between Africa and the Arab world in the mid seventies 
is quite revealing. Black African nations, having thrown in their lot with Egypt 
after the October 1973 war with Israel, insisted on Israeli withdrawal from 
occupied territories and eventually broke off diplomatic relations with the state of 
Israel. A grateful Egypt promised to repay this show of solidarity with generous 
donations which never came while oil prices kept rising. Eventually, it became 
obvious to the black African nations that no largesse would be received. 
Relations became very cold despite attempts at mending fences. In a speech at 
the Foreign Ministers Summit in cairo in 1977, the Nigerian Foreign Minister 
expressed displeasure at the Arab lack of reciprocity and stated Black Africa's 
relations with the Arabs is not even remotely a beggar - benefactor relationship. 
"The Egyptian Government showed its dear displeasure with my statement... I 
was one of the few heads of delegation who didn't have a private audience with 
President Anwar Sadat".13 This revelation shows a clear contrast between the 
government mood and the feelings of a particular interest. 
It is interesting that there is also a prevailing current of Muslim nationalism and 
defiance in Nigeria's North fuelled by the invasion of Iraq (2003). On several 
occasions!. .. the Government and its representatives have been embarrassed by 
the restiveness of Muslim militants. The state visit to Nigeria by President Bush in 
61 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
There have, however, been occasions in the past when the interests of various 
groups have been at variance with the mindset of the FGN. Joseph Garba's 
recollection of relations between Africa and the Arab world in the mid seventies 
is quite revealing. Black African nations, having thrown in their lot with Egypt 
after the October 1973 war with Israel, insisted on Israeli withdrawal from 
occupied territories and eventually broke off diplomatic relations with the state of 
Israel. A grateful Egypt promised to repay this show of solidarity with generous 
donations which never came while oil prices kept rising. Eventually, it became 
obvious to the black African nations that no largesse would be received. 
Relations became very cold despite attempts at mending fences. In a speech at 
the Foreign Ministers Summit in cairo in 1977, the Nigerian Foreign Minister 
expressed displeasure at the Arab lack of reciprocity and stated Black Africa's 
relations with the Arabs is not even remotely a beggar - benefactor relationship. 
"The Egyptian Government showed its dear displeasure with my statement... I 
was one of the few heads of delegation who didn't have a private audience with 
President Anwar Sadat".13 This revelation shows a clear contrast between the 
government mood and the feelings of a particular interest. 
It is interesting that there is also a prevailing current of Muslim nationalism and 
defiance in Nigeria's North fuelled by the invasion of Iraq (2003). On several 
occasions!. .. the Government and its representatives have been embarrassed by 
the restiveness of Muslim militants. The state visit to Nigeria by President Bush in 
61 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
2003 was, marked by vociferous protests in Kano, Kebbi, Sokoto, Zamfara and 
other mainly Muslim states. The wave of revolt has also been attributed by some 
observers to the desire to control and use national resources for domestic 
benefit.14 Besides, there is a widespread belief in the north em states that their 
candidate, General Muhammadu Buhari lost the Presidential election to 
incumbent President Obasanjo because of "manipulations" by the United States 
which is not eager to see the emergence of a Muslim hardliner. There was, 
therefore a resentment towards the 'Chief Architect' of their candidate's loss 
which was translated into an Anti-Bush/USA protest. is 
The spread of Islamic militancy in Nigeria has been a source of distress not only 
within the country but also in the Westem world. The recent siege in Yobe State 
of Nigeria has jolted intemational observers into realizing the potential for armed 
insurgency. The relatively calm state was thrown into confusion when a group of 
youths calling themselves "The Talibans" decided to occupy an entire village and 
overpower the local police. It was only when the army was ordered to handle the 
situation that normalcy retumed. Although the United States did not make an 
official statement regarding the inddent, it was evident that the very fact that an 
indigenous group could fashion itself after the Talibans of Afghanistan did not 
strike a pleasant cord with the US State Department. Although the crisis was 
contained--after a few days, it has sent a very disturbing signal to the West to 
reconsider its relations with Nigeria. 
62 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
3.3 THE SHARIA UPRISINGS 
Sharia law in Nigeria is not a recent occurrence. It has been in existence since 
independence although it was not applied in a manner that evoked apprehension 
in citizens of other faiths. The late Premier of the Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu 
Bello approved only certain aspects of the Penal Code because of the nature of 
the Northern Region. Sharia was not a major source of concern then because 
religious fanatism and intolerance were not then a part of the Nigerian social 
order. The sudden surge of religious fundamentalism is responsible for the 
resistance of non-Muslims to the imposition of Sharia law. In the last five years, 
there have been no less than five very serious religious incidents in Nigeria and 
several other clashes of considerable impact. The Kaduna riots of 2000 which 
occurred twice resulted in the loss of hundreds of lives. The Jos riots of 2000 
were equally destructive while the Jos riots of 2004 compelled the President to 
sack the Plateau State Governor. 
The advocates of Sharia law in Nigeria are committed to fulfilling their goal and 
insist that they are entitled to practice their religion according to the Quran. 
Despite the apprehensions of non-Muslims who feel there are some hidden 
motives, the protagonists of Sharia have argued it would not affect non-Muslims 
living in ~.eir community. The most notorious case was the Amina lawai episode. 
Amina had been charged with adultery after giving birth out of Wedlock. The 
63 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
penalty, according to Sharia Law is death by stoning. The zamfara State 
Government remained firm and warned it would not be bullied into rescinding. 
The series of court cases drew mass publicity and generated so much 
controversy. The Human Rights Watch (HWR), Amnesty International, Churches, 
Women's Organisations among others, launched into a frenzied attack on the 
Zamfara State Governor (the chief architect of Sharia in the State). The matter 
lingered on until the State Government decided to pardon her. Other cases had 
also sparked off protests. The celebrated amputation of a cattle rustler in 
Zamfara State a few years ago is still fresh in memory. 
The West has expressed concern about the escalation of religiously motivated 
violence. It has been observed, however, that while the US supports the Saud 
Family of Saudi Arabia, it is hesitant on the imposition of Sharia Law in Nigeria 
because Nigerian Muslims might be "more Muslims than the Arabs". Indeed, this 
feeling had been expressed in the 1970s in Nigeria by various religious leaders 
induding Muslims. Alhaji A. D. Ajijola, a Muslim lawyer stated that "we would be 
fool-hardy to continue to apply laws which were developed in the 8th Century 
without modification. The Muslims in Nigeria cannot claim to be better Muslims 
than the Muslims in the Middle East ... "is 
3.4 THE "MISS WORLD" RIOTS 
The Niged~n nation witnessed a new dimension in the cultUre of dvil unrest in 
2002 when the "Miss World" Beauty Pageant was scheduled to take place in 
64 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Nigeria. The decision to host the contest in Nigeria triggered a series of protests 
in the conservative Northern states where calls were made to all 'believers' to 
resist the show which they said was highly immoral. They insisted that the very 
thought of showing women in swimming suits, almost naked on television was 
abhorrent and threatened to take drastic actions if the government did not 
cancel it. In the midst of the protests, a Nigerian lady journalist of "This Day" 
Newspaper wrote an artide attempting to counter the argument of those in 
opposition to the contest. Her artide made reference to the Prophet Muhammad 
in a saladous manner and this incensed the Muslim community who issued a 
'Fatwah' calling for the head of the journalist who was eventually smuggled out 
of the country. This was followed by widespread rioting, destruction of the 
Newspaper's premises and looting of innocent people's stores, shops, among 
others. 
The eruption of unexpected violence resulted in the decision to change the 
venue of the contest from Abuja to London. The partidpating countries 
expressed fear for the safety of their contestants who had already declared their 
intention not to go to a highly volatile country. Domestically, there was a lot of 
anxiety because the reigning "Miss World" was a Nigerian. In the South 
(especially the Ijaw Community from which the "Miss World" originated) they felt 
insulted ~use they had been deprived of the opportunity to celebrate their 
star. Being a minority group, the Ijaws needed a platform to acquire 
65 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
by the Bible. Nigeria's Anglican Church was not alone in opposing the gay 
bishop's ordination. Several other Anglican churches especially in East Africa also 
threatened to break away from the church just like Nigeria had threatened to do. 
Although the International Declaration of Human Rights says one is free to have 
sexual preferences, the reaction of African leaders was contemptuous. President 
Yoweri Museveni of Uganda retorted that when the Declaration was being made, 
no African was there. President Mugabe of Zimbabwe announced that 
homosexuals should be shot. As far as the African leaders were concerned, the 
Declaration of Human Rights which approves the freedom of sexual orientation 
should not be taken seriously. 
The fallout of the Anglican Church dispute placed Nigeria's Anglican Church in 
the black book of the various international pro gay groups. On a broader and 
much higher level, the inddent has not affected Nigeria adversely. This is 
probably because the majority of people in the United States and other countries 
do not approve of homosexual marriages. The awareness that the present White 
House is opposed to homosexuality is a good sign for the anti-gay lobby. 
3.6 THE INNOCULATION CRISIS 
An announcement by the Kano State Government of Nigeria to the effect that it 
had rej~ innoculation of babies because it did not approve of the World 
Health Organisation (WHO) vaccines, threw the international community into a 
67 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
both the colonial offidals and their Nigerian successors have kept the issue in the 
forefront of national life. Its potential to inflict serious damage on the Nigerian 
polity was a problem to colonial offidals even in the first decade of the 
amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria in 191416. 
The elusive nature of ethnic cohesion in Nigeria has impacted on her desire to 
play a major role on the African continent. It is when some individual African 
countries are stable, free and united that energies and resources can be more 
effectively geared towards a larger African Union.17 With the end of the Cold War 
and the emergence of globalisation, the need is even greater for individual 
countries to relate on a higher level than the continental level. However, certain 
constraints make it difficult for countries like Nigeria to prosper on the global 
level. Inherent domestic animosities have added up to make Nigeria a danger 
zone to foreigners. The conditions for investment are extremely poor and the 
ease with which ethnically-motivated acts of uncontrolled violence erupt have 
made Nigeria a truly dreaded country even though it has the human and material 
capacity to overcome this drawback. 
Ethnic crises have plagued Nigeria since independence. They have included the 
TIV riots of 1960 and 1964, the massacre of the Igbos in Northern Nigeria in 
1966 and~the civil war, among so many other inddents. Post-Cold War ethnic 
conflicts indude the Zagon-Kataf riots of 1992 between the Hausa-Fulani and 
69 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
minority Katafs in Kaduna state; the TIV-Jukun riots of Benue state, the Hausa-
Siyawa riots of Bauchi state, the Hausa-Birom riots of Plateau State and the 
Ogoni protests of the 1990s. Of all these ethnic dashes, the Niger Delta crisis 
seems to be the most deep rooted and problematic. 
The Niger Delta situation has a very strong ethnic colouration both locally and on 
the national level. Locally, ethnic groups in the region (Ij aw, Urhobo, Isoko, 
Itsekiri, Kalabari, Ogoni, Andoni among others) are in arms against each other 
for crumbs. Nationally, they confront the problem of being minOrities within the 
Nigerian framework. The dominant ethnic groups that control the Federal 
Government consider the Niger Delta a goose that lays the golden eggs for their 
benefit and use the military and police resources to keep the 'goodieS to 
themselves. The oil companies are not monitored and controlled in such a way 
that would ensure corporate responsibility. This has resulted in environmental 
degradation to the detriment of the local minority ethnic groups who do not 
wield power at the centre to enforce their will. Hence, they adopt whatever 
unconventional or illegal means available to address the issue. 
The Niger Delta's vast oil resources makes it a very crucial and viable region 
within both the Nigerian and international context. This is one of the reasons 
behind th~tshow of concern by the U.S with regards to the crisis. Although the 
US is in favour of protecting the multinationals, it is equally in opposition to the 
70 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
government-backed campaign against the minorities who themselves engage in 
wanton destruction of Federal Government pipelines in unabating acts of 
sabotage. The U.S has not fully overcome its shock at the Odi massacre of 1999 
in which the entire village of Odi in the Niger Delta area was decimated by 
Federal troops. Despite FG claims that the village had been taken over by 
insurgents and all the dvilian population had either been driven out or was killed, 
the Western press insisted it was an act of genocide. It is even more intriguing 
that the ethnic violence in the Delta has not been suffidently countered by the 
Federal Government either by way of dialogue or by military action. Rather, 
there has been a negative effect on the image of the FGN in terms of human 
rights. This is reminiscent of previous administrations, which also used iron fist in 
suppressing the Niger Delta violence. The British Commonwealth had sanctioned 
Nigeria and suspended her from the Commonwealth in 1995, when General 
Abacha imposed the death sentence on the activist, Ken Saro Wiwa. It promised 
Nigeria that on the very day of the inauguration of the civilian government, 
Nigeria would be readmitted. The day after the inauguration, the Commonwealth 
Secretary General was able to announce that Nigeria is not only back fully in the 
Commonwealth, Nigeria's standing internationally at the United Nations, the 
Organization of African Unity and all other international organizations had been 
fully restored.17 
71 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
The international dimension of the Niger Delta issue indudes the reaction of 
IGOS and NGOS who are advocates of environmental protection. Green Peace 
has made several attempts at making the oil companies and the FG to adopt a 
more pro-environment attitude. 
3.8 THE TIV-lUKUN RIOTS 
The llv-Jukun crisis of 2001 was also a very prominent reference point in 
Nigeria's trail of violence in the post-Cold War era. The general attitude of the FG 
to ethnic disputes is reminiscent of the Lugardian approach, whereby the colonial 
troops were dispatched to suppress areas of dvil disobedience with unrestrained 
force. This has been the general approach by successive Nigerian governments. 
The result of such a policy has not been altogether effective, as it can be seen in 
the Niger Delta Situation. If anything, there has been a wave of opposition from 
international actors who are averse to such methods, regardless of the 
drcumstances that incur the wrath of the government. 
The llv-Jukun crisis of 2001 was set against a background of deep-seated 
suspidon between the belligerents who do not approve of government 
mediation. The military detachment that was sent to the area was rounded up by 
a local militia, killed and decapitated. The reprisals from the FGN were complete 
in terms of force. The entire village of Zaki Biam was destroyed. The reaction of 
72 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
the international community was very anti-FGN and sanctions followed not too 
long after the inddent. 
In terms of external relations, Nigeria's image suffered another heavy blow after 
the killings in Zaki Biam became public knowledge. Just hours after the inddents, 
various countries condemned the action of the Federal Govemment and 
demanded that the 'culprits' be brought to book. The government's refusal to do 
so did not go down well with some countries such as the US which decided to 
place sanctions on Nigeria. Several human rights organizations also condemned 
the action. Up till now, there is a lobby of Nigerians from the Tiv ethnic group 
who have made several appeals to the United States government and other 
influential world bodies to address the matter which they consider to be an act of 
genocide. 
In evaluating some of the major inddents of ethnic and religious violence in 
Nigeria, one is able to identify two pattems in respect of the attitude of the 
intemational community. On the one hand, Western democraCies, led by the U.S 
have vowed to wage a war against terrorism but they are visibly duplicitous in 
their campaign. Acts of terrorism that are not religious in nature are not viewed 
in the same light as acts of terrorism with a tinge of religious motivation. Where 
the FG h~~ damped down on acts of terror against the state such as burning 
pipelines together with defenceless dtizens or murdering government agents, 
73 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
the U.S and other Western states do not endorse commensurate reprisals. This is 
in sharp contrast to acts of terror by religious groups. The laki-Siam episode can 
be considered by many observers to be an act of terror on the same level as the 
abduction and beheading of innocent civilians in Iraq. However, because it is not 
an act of 'terror' in the Western sense, it should not attract grave consequences. 
The same school of thought feels that the U.S in particular, acts hypocritically 
when it does not condemn harsh repression of such acts as those carried out by 
the Talibans of Yobe state and other religious crises. This has cast doubts in the 
mind of the FG in its evaluation of the U.S policy on ethnic and religious crisis. 
A case in point is the muffled protest of the U.S when the Odi massacre took 
place. The government reaction to the U.S. response was not very favourable as 
it appeared that the U.S was constant in its application of double standards. 
74 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Just as it is not possible to decree people to love one another, it is not possible 
to abolish ethnidty or "tribalism" by an Act of the National Assembly, Congress or 
Parliament among others. 
Ethnicity is a function of the mind and depends on how parochial or open the 
mind is. The FGN, while acknowledging the reality of ethnic diversity in Nigeria, 
should place the national interests above all others in formulating foreign policy. 
External polides should be designed with a view to protecting internal 
nationalities. The FGN should also simultaneously evolve a programme, which 
will diffuse ethnic suspicions and thereby improve the climate of ethnic hatred in 
the country. The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) is a good idea for 
achieving this but it should be complemented by other similar schemes. One way 
of doing this could be to induce ethnic groups to contribute to the development 
of other ethnic groups, communities. If Youth Corpers who are not indigenes of 
the Niger Delta area contributed to the development of infrastructure, with 
government support, the locals would most likely cultivate greater love for them. 
This should be applicable to all the communities. A good example is the efforts at 
community development in which the Ghana Armed Forces is presently engaged, 
under which the army constructs roads, and provides water and medical services 
to rural communities. As a result of this sustained effort, all the acrimony which 
the militarY generated during the era of dictatorship has to a large extent been 
79 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
removed. If there is greater love among the different nationalities, self-serving 
tendendes will not affect issues such as foreign policy 
The FGN should adopt a strategy whereby potentially difficult foreign policy 
issues are dedded by conventional and visibly rational means. One way of 
achieving this is to take decisions under the umbrella of the UN. The issue of 
invading Iraq was resolved by most states which made it a UN matter. 
The use of public debate can also serve a good purpose. The FGN could present 
a sensitive issue to the public and allow things to take their own course. Just by 
feeling the pulse of the public, the government can take a responsible decision 
and avoid confusion. This was not the case with the OlC matter. If an issue 
cannot be readily decided upon, the FGN could just claim to be studying the 
matter until events overtake it. 
It is strongly suggested that the FGN holds a National Conference on Foreign 
Policy in order to address the complex issues arising from ethno-religious 
tenSions which have continued to pose a major obstacle to Nigerian's overall 
interests. 
FGN Sh~~d address the problems of various nationalities that have a case. The 
Niger Delta crises remains unsolved because the various governments of the 
80 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Federation have not treated it condusively. If the FGN gets involved directly and 
cuts off the so-called community leaders who are exploiting the people, there 
would be real development and the people's attitude would change. 
There is also a serious need to improve the quality of education of the Nigerian 
people and make them aware of the fact that everything does not start and end 
in their villages or local churches and mosques. The higher the level of 
education, the less liable or vulnerable the people become to the manipulative 
tendendes of their leaders. At least, Ghana and the Gambia share a very similar 
background with Nigeria and yet their sodeties are not bedevilled with ethnic 
and religious concerns. The FGN should study the admirable qualities of some 
countries with a view of inculcating it at home. 
Anally, the best antidote for the virus of ethnic and religious influences in all the 
important areas of foreign policy formulation and implementation is good 
governance. The benefits of good governance cannot be overstated. The 
governed will have no cause to ding on to pedestrian sentiments, if they are 
covered by the "insurance policy" of equal treatment. 
81 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
Endnotes 
1. Bluwey, Gilbert Keith, UndelSlanding Intemational Relations, Accra: Yamens Press, 2003, 
p.17. 
82 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
BIBUOGRAPHY 
A. BOOKS 
AMOO, Sam G. The Challenge of Ethnicity and Conflicts in Africa: The Need for a 
New Paradigm, UNDP Publication, New Yor1c, 1997. 
ATTAH-POKU, Agyemang, African Ethnicity, (Washington: University Press of 
America, 1998). 
BLUWEY, Gilbert Keith, Understanding International Relations, (Accra: Yamens 
Press, 2003). 
CLARKE, Michael and Brian White (eels), Understanding Foreign Policy: The 
Foreign Policy System Approach, (Edward Elgar Publisher, 1989). 
DENG, Francis M., Sadikiel Kimaro et al: Sovereigntv as Resoonsibility: Conflict 
Management in Africa., (New Yor1c: Brookings Institutions Publishers, 1996). 
DIAMOND, Larry, Juan J. Linz and Seymour Martin Upset (eels), Politics in 
Developing Countries: Comparing Experiences with DemocraCY, (New Yor1c: 
Lynne Reinner Publishers, 1990). 
HEYWOOD, Andrew POlitical Ideas and Concepts: An Introduction, (New Yor1c: 
St. Martins, 1994). 
HOIRSCH, John L., and Robert B. Oakley, Somalia and Operation Restore Hope: 
Reflections on Peace Making and Peace keeping, (Washington, DC, US Institute f 
Peace Press, 1995). 
HOSLT I, K. J., International Politics: A Framework for Analysis, (New Yor1c: 
Prentice-Hall Inc, 1995). 
HUNTINGTON, Samuel P. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of Wond 
QrQg[, (Washington: Free Press Design, 1997). 
KUKAH, Matthew Hassan Religion Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria, 
(Ibadan, Spectrum Books 1994). 
MAZRUI!..~Ii, Cultural Forces in Wond Politics, (Nairobi: Heinneman, 1990). 
NEEDLER, Martin C. . Understanding Foreign Policy (Chicago: Holt Rinehart and 
Winston Inc, 1996). " 
83 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
PRZEWORKI, Adam, Democracy and the Market, (cambridge: cambridge 
University Press, 1991). 
ROTHCHILD, Donald, Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and 
Incentives for Cooperation, (New York: Brookings Institutions Press, 1997). 
VIOm, Paul R. and Mark V. Kauppi, International Relations Theory: Realism. 
Pluralism. Globalism. (New Jersey: Macmillan, 1993). 
B. Artides/Joumals/Papers 
ADEFUYE,Ade, Culture and Foreign Policy: The Nigerian Example, 1992. 
AKINDELE, R. A. and Segun Johnson, "Public Involvement and Partidpatjon in 
the Shaping of Nigeria's Foreign Policy: Reflections on the All-Nigeria Peoples 
Conferences of 1961 and 1986." A Joint Essay in "The Structure and Process ... , 
NIIA and Vantage Publishers Limited, 1989. 
ELLSWORTH, Kevein H. "Reimagined Communities - Democratic, Ethnic, and 
Violent: The Social Reconstruction of Nigerian Identities and Communal 
Relations", A Paper presented at the 1999 Conference of American Political 
Science Association, 3 September 1999. 
FREEDMAN Lawrence, "Third World War?" SWYiYID, Vol 43,No. 4, Winter 2001. 
HOODLUOY, Pervez "Muslims and the West After 9/11", An Article in Znet 
Foreign Policy Watch, Jan. 122002. 
JONATHAN Stevenson, Africa's Growing StrategiC Resonance, An Artide 
"Survival", Vol. 45, No.4, Winter 2003 -04, p. 153, The International Institute 
for StrategiC Studies. 
MUm, Siraj Islam "Reconstruction of US Foreign Policy Urgently Needed" 
Artide in www.islamonline.net. 23, Oct 2001. 
OIusola Ojo and W. Alade Fawole, "Ethnic Relations and Politics in Nigeria", A 
paper presented to the Department of International Relations, Obafemi Awolowo 
University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria, 13 - 15 September 2003. 
84 
University of Ghana  http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh