UNIVERSITY OF GHANA THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS THAT AFFECT UTILISATION OF HEALTH CARE SERVICES BY THE EXEMPT GROUPS UNDER THE NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE SCHEME IN GHANA BY MAXWELL YEBOAH-MENSAH 10114986 THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF M.PHIL DEVELOPMENT STUDIES DEGREE JULY, 2015 i DECLARATION I hereby certify that this thesis is my original work and that neither part nor whole of this work has ever been presented in this University or in any other institution for the award of any academic degree. All references of others made in this work have duly been acknowledged. MAXWELL YEBOAH-MENSAH ........................................................... (Candidate) We, the undersigned supervisors, certify that this is an original work we supervised the candidate to produce. We are also convinced that it (the thesis) meets all required standards set by the University of Ghana for the award of a Master of Philosophy Degree. PROFESSOR FELIX A. ASANTE Signature............................................................... (Supervisor) REV. DR. YAA ADOBEA OWUSU .............................................................. (Supervisor) ii DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to my lovely wife, Rebecca Baah-Ofori for the inspiration and encouragement when I started this programme. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am very grateful to my supervisors Professor Felix Asante and Rev. Dr. Yaa Adobea Owusu for their guidance and expertise that have brought this dissertation this far. In spite of their extremely busy schedules, they always found time to offer guidance and encouragement, may God richly bless you. I am equally grateful to the immediate past and current Coordinators of MA/MPHIL Programmes at the Institute of Statistical, Social and Economic Research (ISSER), University of Ghana: Dr Ernest Appiah and Dr Simon Bawakyillenu for their constant reminders to work hard and their concern exhibited by always wanting to ascertain the state of the work. To all the people who took part in the qualitative interviews. For sharing your experiences and time with us, I say thank you very much. Above all, and from the bottom of my heart, I am greatly indebted to Professor. Felix Asante, the current ISSER Director for giving me the opportunity to pursue this programme and for his encouragement during and beyond this study. May the Almighty God grant you good health and success in all your endeavours. I am highly indebted to Dr. Robert Afutu-Kotey, Mr. Bright Osei both of the University of Professional Studies, Accra (UPSA) and Dr. George Domfe of the Centre for Social Policy Studies (CSPS) Legon for their encouragement, guidance and input to this work. May God richly bless you all. My final appreciation goes to my mother Miss Hannah Aframea, siblings especially Mrs. Beulah Asiedu, for the tremendous support offered me during the course of my studies. May God richly bless you all. iv ABSTRACT Health financing has become a topical issue among development practitioners in most developing countries. This has necessitated some countries introducing social health insurance schemes as a way of financing health. Health insurance schemes are recognized as a tool to finance health care provision in developing countries including Ghana. The health insurance scheme was introduced in Ghana with the purpose of reducing catastrophic health expenditures, improving access and also ensuring equity in health service delivery. The beneficiaries of the NHIS include informal sector workers, Social Security and National Insurance Trust (SSNIT) contributors, SSNIT pensioners, children under 18 years, pregnant women, the aged (70 years & above) and the indigent (core poor). Among these categories of people, the scheme provides exemption packages for some of them such as children below 18 years, pregnant women, the indigent, SSNIT pensioners, SSNIT contributors and older people (above 70 years). Using secondary household data collected within the three ecological zones in Ghana as well as data from qualitative interviews conducted, this study investigated two categories of the exempt group – those below 18 years and those above 70 years, to unravel some of the socio-economic factors that influence utilization of health care services. The results of both the regression analysis and the focus group discussions suggest the toddlers (0-5 years) and the very old (80+) utilize health care more than the other age groups. Besides, although these groups are exempted from paying premium, some still pay premiums and also make out of pocket (OOP) payments at the health facilities. The results seem to confirm the outcome of several studies on Ghana which identified inequality in the payment of premium and OOP payments. Therefore, an efficient monitoring and supervision on the part of NHIA of the various schemes is recommended while a critical examination of the extent of OOP at the service delivery facilities is suggested. v TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION .................................................................................................................. i DEDICATION ..................................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT .................................................................................................. 3 ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................................... 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................... 5 LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................. v LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................... vi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .......................................................................................... vii CHAPTER ONE ................................................................................................................. 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Background ................................................................................................................. 1 1.2 Problem Statement ...................................................................................................... 7 1.3 Research Questions ................................................................................................... 10 1.4 Objectives of the study .............................................................................................. 10 1.5 Relevance of the study .............................................................................................. 11 1.6 Organization of Thesis .............................................................................................. 11 CHAPTER TWO .............................................................................................................. 13 LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................. 13 2.0 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 13 2.1 The Genesis of Global Health Care Financing ......................................................... 14 2.2 HealthCare Financing in Africa ................................................................................ 16 2.3 Health Care Financing in Ghana ............................................................................... 17 2.4 Challenges of Social health Insurance in some Developing Countries .................... 22 2.5 Challenges of the Exemptions Policy in Ghana ........................................................ 25 2.6 Utilization of HealthCare Services – The Theoretical Framework........................... 28 2.7 Conceptual Framework ............................................................................................. 33 2.8 Summary and Conclusion ......................................................................................... 35 vi CHAPTER THREE .......................................................................................................... 37 STUDY AREA AND METHODOLOGY ....................................................................... 37 3.0 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 37 3.1 The Study Area ......................................................................................................... 37 3.1.1 Kwaebibirm District ........................................................................................... 37 3.1.2 Asutifi District .................................................................................................... 40 3.1.3 Savelugu-Nanton District ................................................................................... 43 3.2 Methodology ............................................................................................................. 46 3.2.1 Sampling Technique........................................................................................... 46 3.2.2 Quantitative Data Collection .............................................................................. 50 3.2.3 Primary Data collection Tool ............................................................................. 50 3.2.4 Quantitative Analysis ......................................................................................... 51 3.2.5 Selected explanatory variables for the probit regression ................................... 53 CHAPTER FOUR ............................................................................................................. 55 DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSIONS ....................................................................... 55 4.0 Introduction ............................................................................................................... 55 4.1 The Socio-Economic Characteristics ........................................................................ 55 4.1.1 Age and Age Groups .......................................................................................... 55 4.1.2 Education Attainment of the Exempt Group ...................................................... 58 4.1.3 Main Occupation ................................................................................................ 61 4.1.4 Religion .............................................................................................................. 63 4.1.5 Marital characteristics ........................................................................................ 65 4.2 Health Seeking Behaviour of the Exempt Group ...................................................... 70 4.2.1 Hospitalization ................................................................................................... 71 4.2.2 Knowledge of health problems / conditions ...................................................... 72 4.2.3 Current Health Status of Respondents ............................................................... 73 4.2.4 Types of illness .................................................................................................. 75 4.2.5 Sources of Seeking Treatment ........................................................................... 77 4.2.6 Rationale for Choice of Facility ......................................................................... 79 4.2.7 Perceived Delay in seeking health care .............................................................. 82 4.3 Out of Pocket (OOPs) Payments by the Exempt Group ........................................... 84 4.3.1 Insurance Status ................................................................................................. 84 4.3.2 Last Premium Paid ............................................................................................. 90 vii 4.3.3 Medical Expenses paid at the Facility (OPD) by the Exempt Group ................ 93 4.3.4 Impact of the NHIS ............................................................................................ 95 4.4 Conclusion ................................................................................................................ 96 CHAPTER FIVE ............................................................................................................... 98 SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ..................................... 98 5.1 Summary ................................................................................................................... 98 5.2 Socio-economic Factors ............................................................................................ 99 5.2.2 The Health Seeking Behaviour of the Exempt Group ..................................... 100 5.2.3 OOP Payment made by the exempt Group ...................................................... 100 5.3 Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 101 5.3.1 The Socio-economic factors ............................................................................. 102 5.3.2 Health seeking behaviour among the Exempt Group ...................................... 102 5.3.3 Out of Pocket Payment by the Exempt Group ................................................. 103 5.4 Policy Recommendations ........................................................................................ 103 5.5 Recommendations for Further Research ................................................................. 105 REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 106 APPENDIX ...................................................................................................................... 115 v LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1: Aggregate NHIS Subscribers Ever Registered, 2008 – 2010 .............................. 4 Table 4.1: Age Group according to the Study Districts ...................................................... 58 Table 4.2: Educational Attainment of the Exempt Group by the Study Districts .............. 60 Table 4.3: Main Occupation in the last 12 months by Age Group ..................................... 62 Table 4.4: Main Occupation of the Exempt Group by the Study Districts ......................... 63 Table 4.5: Religion of the Exempt Group by Study Districts ............................................. 64 Table 4.6: Marital Characteristics of the Exempt Group by the Study Districts ................ 66 Table 4.7: Socioeconomic Factors Influencing Utilization of Health care among the Exempt Group..................................................................................................... 68 Table 4.8: Knowledge of Health Conditions among the Exempt by Study Districts ......... 73 Table 4.9: Types of Illness/Injuries Experienced by the Exempt ....................................... 76 Table 4.10: Sources of Treatment of the Exempt Group by the Study Districts ................ 78 Table 4.11: Rationale for Choice of Health Facility ........................................................... 80 Table 4. 12: Reasons for Perceived Delay .......................................................................... 83 Table 4. 13: NHIS status among the Exempt Group ........................................................... 85 Table 4.14: Insurance Status of the Exempt Group by the Study Districts ........................ 86 Table 4.15: Reasons for Non-Membership of NHIS among the Exempt Group ................ 88 Table 4.16: Reasons for Non-Membership by the Exempt Group according to the Study Districts ............................................................................................................... 89 Table 4.17: Medical Expenses at OPD by the Exempt Group according to the Study Districts ............................................................................................................... 93 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: NHIS Active Membership in 2011 ..................................................................... 5 Figure 2. 1 Suchman‟s Stages of Illness and Medical Care (1965) .................................... 30 Figure 2.2: Andersen‟s Health Utilization Model ............................................................... 32 Figure 2.3: Determinants of Healthcare Utilization ............................................................ 34 Figure 4.1: Proportion of the exempt by age category ........................................................ 56 Figure 4.2: Distribution by Age Groups ............................................................................. 57 Figure 4.3: Educational Attainment of the exempt group ................................................... 59 Figure 4.4: Religious Affiliation ......................................................................................... 64 Figure 4.5: Marital Characteristics of the Exempt Group ................................................... 65 Figure 4.6: Hospitalization among the Exempt Groups ...................................................... 72 Figure 4.7: Health Status of Respondents ........................................................................... 74 Figure 4.8: Paid Premium by the Exempt according to the Districts .................................. 91 Figure 4.9: Medical Expenses by Age the Exempt Group .................................................. 94 vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AMA Accra Metropolitan Assembly CHBIs Community-Based Insurance Schemes CHPS Community-Based Health Planning Services DMHIS District Mutual Health Insurance Schemes FFS Fe e for Service GDHS Ghana Demographic and Health Survey G-DRGs Ghana Diagnostics Related Groupings GHS Ghana Health Service GSS Ghana Statistical Service HIV /AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus /Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome ISSER Institute of Statistical, Social and Economic Research JHS Junior High School LDCs Least Developed Countries MOH Ministry of Health NDPC National Development Planning Commission NHIA National Health Insurance Authority NHIL National Health Insurance Levy NHIS National Health Insurance Scheme NHS National Health Service OECD Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development OOP Out of Pocket Payment OPD Out Patients Department PNDC Provisional National Defence Council RCH Reproductive and Child Health SSA Sub-Saharan Africa SSNIT Social Security and National Insurance Trust UNICEF United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund WB/IMF World Bank/International Monetary Fund WHO World Health Organization 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background Health insurance schemes are increasingly recognized as a tool to finance health care provision in developing countries. Indeed, this has the potential to increase utilization and better protect people against health expenses (catastrophic) and also address issues of equity (WHO, 2000). Health insurance according to the World Health Organization is undeniably one of the avenues by which developing and middle income countries can achieve universal coverage in health care (WHO, 2010). Yet, health care financing continues to stir debates around the world. Many low and middle income countries particularly, keep on exploring diverse ways of financing their health systems. This is due to the constant and persistent under-funding confronting the health systems (Dalinjong & Laar, 2012). Poor households in developing countries have reckoned health insurance as an essential intervention which provides relief to their healthcare expenditures. However, the overwhelming evidence suggests that user fees constitute a strong barrier to the utilization of healthcare services, as well as preventing adherence to long term treatment among poor and vulnerable groups (Palmer et al., 2004). In Sub-Saharan Africa, Ghana is among the first countries to introduce and implement the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). The health insurance scheme appears to provide a solution to the long standing healthcare financing problem which has been a considerable constraint to the accessibility of healthcare, especially by the poor and the vulnerable (Osei-Akoto & Adamba, 2011; Aryeteey, 2012). 2 Healthcare financing in Ghana has witnessed a number of reforms over the years. Firstly, during the pre-independence era, financing of health care was mainly out-of-pocket (OOP) payments at service points (Arhinful, 2003). Following the introduction of cost sharing as part of health sector reforms in Ghana, user fee exemptions were introduced for poor and vulnerable groups as part of an overall effort to address equity in public healthcare delivery (Derbile & Geest, 2012). Since parliamentary enactment of the Hospital Fees Act 1971 which introduced user charges (Shaw & Griffin 1995; Coleman, 1997), exemptions have been part of Ghana‟s health care system and have changed in various forms through successive governments. However, the history of exemptions date back to the 1960s under Nkrumah‟s Socialist Government that sought to provide free health care to the populace after independence (Senah, 1989). After independence, the National Health Service (NHS) was established and the state was the sole financier of healthcare. This was known as the “free health for all” and the source of funding was largely tax-based. The NHS provided health services to everybody without any cost and protected poor people in the event of financial shocks. In fact, existing user charges in public health facilities were totally abolished (Nyonator & Kutzin, 1999; Owusu et al., 2008; Ghana Health Service & Abt Associates Inc., 2009; Adamba, 2011; Rosner et al., 2012). As part of health sector financing reforms, the Government of Ghana passed the National Health Insurance Law in 2003. The rationale behind this was to eliminate the financial barriers posed by the user fees (cash and carry) at the point of service and then limit the out of pocket cash payment to enhance access and improve quality healthcare services in Ghana (NHIS Act 650, 2003; Derbile & Geest, 2012). The policy objective for establishing the NHIS in Ghana as cited in Aryeetey (2012 p.10) states that: 3 “Ultimately, the vision of the government in instituting a health insurance scheme... is to assure equitable and universal access for all residents of Ghana to an acceptable quality package of essential healthcare. The policy objective is that “within the next five years, every resident of Ghana shall belong to a health insurance scheme that adequately covers him / her against the need to pay out of pocket at the point of service use in order to obtain access to a defined package of acceptable quality of health service”. At the beginning of the year 2000, the share of households out of pocket (OOP) payment to total health expenditure in Ghana was considerably higher than the regional average for Sub-Saharan Africa (50 percent versus 39 percent respectively in 2006) according to WHO (2010). Over the past 10 years, the Government of Ghana has been implementing the NHIS as a replacement to the user fee system; yet, the scheme is still bedevilled with the problem of exemption for the poor and vulnerable (Aryteetey, 2012). This gave rise to a new era of exemptions where the poor and vulnerable were to be enrolled into the scheme without paying premium. This new policy shift according to Derbile and Geest (2012), was not preceded by adequate conceptualization of how to deal with exemptions for vulnerable groups and the poor under the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). Due to this inadequacy, there was a risk that the poor would be excluded from voluntary social insurance (Kunfaa, 1996; Arhinful, 2003). Thus, the shift in policy to an “insurance-based system of exemptions” gives rise to outstanding questions on how to address equity concerns that the former exemption regimes failed to adequately deal with (Derbile & Geest, 2012). Concerning benefits, the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) mandates a pre- defined benefits package that covers 95% of the disease burden in Ghana. Services 4 covered include outpatient consultations, essential drugs, inpatient care and shared accommodation, maternity care (normal and caesarean delivery), eye care, dental care and emergency care. Currently, the NHIS reimburses providers based on the Ghana Diagnostic Related Groupings (G-DRGs) and fee for-service (FFS) for medicines using a medicines tariff list (Ministry of Health, 2009). The members or beneficiaries of the NHIS comprise informal sector workers, that is, those who are not Social Security and National Insurance Trust (SSNIT) contributors; SSNIT contributors who are mainly formal sector workers; SSNIT pensioners; children under 18 years; pregnant women; people who are 70 years and above and lastly the indigents (National Development Planning Commission, 2008; 2009; 2010 and 2011). The number of registered subscribers has increased over time as illustrated in Table 1.1 Table 1.1: Aggregate NHIS Subscribers Ever Registered, 2008 – 2010 Category No. Registered as at Dec. 2008 % of total Pop. in 2008 No. Registered as at Dec. 2009 % of total Pop. in 2009 No. Registered as at Dec. 2010 % of total Pop. in 2010 Informal 3,725,965 29.76 4,266,051 29.40 5,282,258 29.3 SSNIT Cont. 798,573 6.38 884,666 6.10 1,036,883 5.8 SSNIT Pensioners. 65,653 0.52 76,974 0.53 89,639 0.5 Under 18 years 6,324,487 50.52 7,175,085 49.44 8,709,389 48.3 Pregnant women 881,725 7.04 967,401 6.67 1,394,445 7.7 70 years and above 300,923 2.40 337,150 2.32 1,140,549 6.3 Indigent 421,234 3.36 804,450 5.54 378,204 2.1 Total 12,518,560 54.66 14,511,777 61.97 18,031,366 74.5 Source: Annual Progress Reports National Development Planning Commission, 2009 and 2011 5 Table 1.1 points out to the trend of membership of the NHIS between 2008 and 2010. The data shows that the population of the ever registered has been going up since 2008 and out of the total population ever registered, the exempt group (children below 18 years, adults 70 years and above, SSNIT contributors, SSNIT pensioners, pregnant women and the indigents) consist of about 65 percent. Nonetheless in order to discontinue the cumulative approach of calculating the membership, the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) in 2011 decided to consider active membership. Figure 1.1: NHIS Active Membership in 2011 Source: Annual Progress Report NDPC, 2012. In defining active membership, the NHIA considered those with valid I.D cards (that is newly registered and renewals). This was to forestall the cumulative process of counting membership in order to achieve a credible membership data base. In this regard, active membership constituted about 34 percent of the country‟s population in 2011 (NDPC, 2012). Active membership went up to 10.2 million subscribers representing 38 percent of the national population in 2011 (NHIA, 2014; NDPC, 2013). Among the active 6 membership of NHIA subscribers in 2013, 62 percent were exempted from paying premiums (i.e. children under 18 years, persons 70 years and older, and indigents), Social Security and National Insurance Trust (SSNIT) contributors and SSNIT Pensioners constituted 4.0% and 0.24% of membership, respectively and the Military, Police and other Security Services constituted 0.243% of membership (NDPC, 2013). As a departure from a normal insurance system, increase in membership does not necessarily produce increased income from premium to the scheme. The income from the National Health Insurance Levy (NHIL) is by far the largest source of income (70%), followed by Social Security taxes (23%), premiums (5%) and other sources (2%) (Blanchet, Fink & Osei-Akoto, 2012). Therefore, the bulk of income to the NHIS will grow with national income rather than growth in membership (Witter & Garshong, 2009). Exemptions can however make up for the equity related limitations of the NHIS. Yet, based on empirical evidence, community health insurance has been less effective in achieving equity (Jütting, 2004). Nevertheless in Nigeria, there is a similar advocacy for subsidies and exemptions to improve healthcare for the poorest under community-based health insurance schemes (CBHIs) (Onwujekwe et. al., 2010). However, by taking out financial blockades at the points of service through resource and risk sharing, health insurance‟s purpose to overcome inequalities associated with access to healthcare by the poor can be achieved (Preker & Carrin, 2004). Suffice to say that while health insurance can facilitate utilization and offer financial protection regarding the cost of illness (Aryeetey et al., 2012), evidence indicates that health insurance has been less effective in achieving this core purpose of equity (Jütting, 2004; Sulzbach, Garshong, & Owusu-Banahene, 2005; De Allegri et al., 2006). However, literature suggests the poor and indigent who should be exempted as a form of greater protection against catastrophic health expenditures are reluctant to enrol in such schemes 7 in most African countries with the exception of Rwanda, (Arhin-Tenkorang, 1994; Criel & Waelkens, 2003; Jütting, 2004; Jehu-Appiah et al., 2011). 1.2 Problem Statement User fee exemptions have been part of various packages for promoting equity in Ghana‟s health delivery system since the 1960s. To underscore this, four distinctive periods of exemptions have evolved. The initial concession on exemptions was an almost free health care policy granted to a major percentage of the populace under Nkrumah‟s government (Senah, 1989). The second era of exemptions came under the 1971 Legislative Instrument (LI) 701 where Busia‟s government exempted clients who attended rural health centres and health posts from the payment of user fees (Adamba, 2011). The third era of exemptions was introduced by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) government in 1985 under LI 1313 of the 1985 Hospital Fees Regulation. Under this, two categories of exemptions were promulgated with the first being patients suffering from leprosy or tuberculosis and other special diseases. Such patients were exempted from the payment of all fees. The second type came into being in 1997 when the Government of Ghana in a renewed effort extended the exemption policy as stated in LI 1313 to include antenatal care, those aged 70 years and above, children under 5 years and later the poor (Government of Ghana, 1999). To do away with the user fee or cash and carry system, the NHIS was instituted in 2003 as the new policy framework for health financing in Ghana setting out the fourth era of exemptions. The National Health Insurance Scheme Act 650 was promulgated in 2003 with the primary purpose of reducing the inequalities in healthcare provision especially for the poor and the vulnerable. The NHIS in its design has an in-built mechanism for equity in 8 financial contributions with subscribers paying income-adjusted premiums. The Act 650 mandated all district schemes to charge a minimum premium of roughly GH¢ 7.20 and a maximum of GH¢ 48 per adult from the informal sector based on the ability to pay and this was determined by the individual‟s declared income or job position. However, given that accurate income measures are not generally available, many District Mutual Health Insurance Schemes (DMHIS) have moved to charging a constant premium from all, typically in the range of GH¢ 8 – GH¢10. In their paper on healthcare utilization in the Accra Metropolitan Area (AMA), Blanchet, Fink and Osei-Akoto (2012) observed that the average premium reported by respondents was GH¢ 21. The National Health Insurance Act 650 has made provision for certain categories of people to be exempted from payment of premiums. This group include children under 18 years, the aged 70 years and above, pregnant women, SSNIT contributors, SSNIT pensioners and the indigents (core poor). All these categories of people who are exempted are made to pay for the processing of their insurance cards except the indigent who do not pay anything whatsoever. In 2012, the NHIS Act 650 was repealed and replaced with the new National Health Insurance Act 852. This new Act mandates all residents in Ghana to register with the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) and this is to help achieve the universal coverage objective of the NHIA. The Act 852 also seeks to harmonize the operations of the NHIA to ensure efficient and effective service delivery (NHIA, 2012). Nevertheless, the scope has been expanded further under the new NHIS Act where children under 18 years have been de-coupled from their parents. Additionally, the Act has included persons with acute mental disorder, leprosy and HIV/AIDS under the 9 exemptions. Although these patients were not paying for their treatment initially, they have now been subsumed under the NHIS. The numbers that are exempted from payment of premium keeps on increasing every year. For instance in 2011, out of the total active membership of 8.2 million, about 63 percent (5.2 million) were classified as part of the exempt group (NDPC, 2012) and this figure went up to about 68 percent in 2012 (Saleh, 2012). Various studies have shown that there has been an increase in the utilization of health services by means of out-patient visitations and reduction in out-of-pocket payments (OOP) by the insured (including exempt) as compared to the uninsured (Ranson, 2002; Jakab & Krishman, 2004; Diop, Sulzbach & Slavea, 2006; Derbile & Geest, 2012; NDPC, 2012). In order to access healthcare under the NHIS, the National Health Insurance Regulations, L.I. 1809, requires a beneficiary to first report to a primary care facility, and subsequently to second and third levels of care by way of referral. However, poor gate-keeping in the health delivery system in general has led to clients having preferences for higher level facilities which results in higher cost and delayed re-imbursement to the service providers (Ghana Health Service, 2007). Generally, the NHIS has improved access to and utilization of healthcare services but not without challenges. Anecdotal examples of poor quality of care include provider discrimination against insured patients, long waiting time, low likelihood of being seen by a doctor and the uncertainty of receiving all drugs prescribed. It has therefore been reported that providers commonly solicit informal payments from the patients by asking them to pay for drugs, which are said to be out of stock or pay for „‟better‟‟ drugs, not provided under the NHIS (Ministry of Health, 2009). 10 Majority of the membership of the NHIS (68%) are considered exempt and are mostly in the lower income bracket; therefore, this study tries to identify some of the socio- economic challenges that affect the exempt groups when it comes to utilization of healthcare services. What are the real challenges that confront the exempt in their attempt at utilising healthcare services under the NHIS? Are these challenges the same everywhere? Or are some challenges specific to localities? Do these challenges vary by way of sex among the exempt? 1.3 Research Questions The study seeks to explore the following questions: What are some of the socio-economic factors that affect utilization of healthcare services by the exempt group? What are the health seeking behaviours of the exempt group? To what extent does the exempt group make OOPs at the point of service delivery? 1.4 Objectives of the study The main aim of this study is to investigate the socio-economic challenges that affect the exempt groups in utilization of healthcare under the NHIS. Specifically the study seeks: To investigate the socio-economic factors that affect utilization of healthcare services by the exempt group. To examine health seeking behaviours among the exempt group To explore the extent to which the exempt group make OOPs at the point of service delivery. 11 1.5 Relevance of the study A lot of studies have been conducted regarding the health insurance scheme and those that looked at the exemption categories focused more on free maternal delivery and the exemption of the poor (indigent). Yet, none of them have delved specifically into the under 18 years and the aged (70 years and above). This study sought to unravel the socio- economic burden these groups, which constitute over 55 percent of the insured, encounter when it comes to healthcare utilization. The elderly and children under 18 years tend to utilize health care resources more often than those who fall within the working category (18 – 59 years). In Japan for instance, the entire population is enrolled in mandatory health insurance, known as "Health-insurance-for-all”. It has been estimated that the medical expenditure for the elderly is already taking one-third of national health expenditure, and is projected to reach half of national health expenditure by the year 2025. Therefore this study can better inform policy for improving the implementation of exemptions under national health insurance scheme. 1.6 Organization of Thesis This study has been categorised into five chapters. The first chapter looks at the background of the study, then to the problem statement. The research questions, objectives of the study and the relevance of the study. Chapter two reviews the relevant literature that are beneficial to the study both empirical and theoretical. The chapter also explains the theories under-pining the study. The third chapter explains the background characteristics of the study areas and the methodology that was employed in this study. Chapter four 12 presents the analysis and discussions of results and chapter five contains the summary, conclusion and the recommendations from the study for policy. 13 CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction The aim of healthcare financing is to improve access to health services especially for those belonging to low-income households. Globally, countries are using different modes to reduce the burden posed by out-of-pocket payment (OOP) especially for the poor in particularly, Least Developed countries (LDCs). This is because direct payments create financial hardships for some people especially the poor and thereby reduce access to health services. Healthcare financing according to the World Health Organization (WHO) is to ensure sustained funding, as well as to set the right financial incentives for providers, to guarantee that all individuals have access to effective public health service which is the raison d‟être for better personal health care. This is to reduce or eliminate the possibility that an individual will be unable to pay for such care, or will be impoverished as a result of trying to do so (WHO, 2006). This chapter discusses the literature that has guided the debate over healthcare financing in general and specifically on health insurance exemptions and utilization. This chapter is divided into six sections. It has an introduction followed by a review of literature covering the genesis of healthcare financing from a global perspective. Then healthcare financing in Africa and the case of Ghana are discussed. The fifth section discusses the challenges of Social Health Insurance in some developing countries and the Challenges of NHIS exemptions in Ghana. The final part of the chapter discusses the theoretical framework that underpin this study. 14 2.1 The Genesis of Global Health Care Financing Health financing is an important part of broader efforts to ensure social protection in health. Recognizing this, the WHO in 2005, committed to develop their health financing systems so that all people have access to services and do not suffer financial hardship paying for them. This goal was defined as universal health coverage which states that there should be universal access to health care service by everybody without any hindrances whatsoever (WHO, 2005). The basic idea of pooling resources to spread economic risk dated back to the ancient Greek where the citizens benefited from tax-supported public physicians. Later on, the first compulsory health insurance law was enacted by the state of Prussia and years later under the new Germany, health insurance was made mandatory for all workers throughout the state. Later in the United Kingdom around 1911, the health insurance act was passed and this covered direct cash payment in the event of maternity or disability. Also, it covered the medical services of a worker who becomes ill. The success of the German health insurance scheme motivated other countries in Europe to emulate the model (Mladovsk & Mossialos, 2007). However, countries had to undergo reforms in their health financing to meet the growing financial burden that governments were saddled with. Private health insurance evolved dramatically in the mid-20 th century in the U.S.A and the purpose was to improve the social conditions of the working class. Yet, the contemporary system differs significantly from the 20 th century system because of universality and sustainability of the current systems (Mladovsk & Mossialos, 2007). In recent years, the call for universal health coverage has spurred on a global movement and this in 2005 led the World Health Assembly to appeal to governments to develop their 15 health systems, so that all people will have access to services and not suffer financial hardships (Cortez & Ramiro, 2013). This invitation was to underscore the urgency with which access and utilization was paramount to the WHO. Consequently, the General Assembly of the UN in December 2012, also called on governments to urgently scale-up efforts to accelerate the transition towards universal access to affordable and quality healthcare services and this inspired some 30 middle and lower income countries to implement programmes with the objective to advance this transition to Universal Healthcare (Cortez & Ramiro, 2013). In view of this, some countries have even enshrined the right to healthcare in their constitution and a typical example is Columbia where the right to healthcare is tagged the subsidize regime (SR) and this is being championed by the central government which is mandated to ensure that health service is available to the entire population. This therefore has improved healthcare services considerably for the past 20 years albeit all the difficulties. Healthcare financing has become so imperative that most countries are particularly using unique methodologies such as taxation, social health insurance, voluntary and private insurance, out-of-pocket (OOP) or user fees and donations to finance their health care (Mossialos et al., 2002). These forms of health financing seek to ensure that citizenry have access to affordable healthcare. However, a recent comparative study of healthcare financing in Asian countries showed that OOP payments were concentrated among the higher income groups. The richest quintile contributed more than half of OOP payments in Bangladesh, Indonesia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Thailand (Equity in Asia-Pacific Health Systems, 2005). Another study by O'Donnell, van Doorslaer et al. (2008), indicated that in some Asian 16 countries, the poor did not only pay less in absolute terms but less as a proportion of household resources. However, the study also found out that in countries such as Japan, Kyrgyz and Taiwan, OOP payment by people in the poorest quintile exceeded the share of their ability to pay, thus making OOP payments mildly progressive or proportional in most of these Asian countries. This therefore contradicts the common assertion that OOP payments are regressive (O'Donnell, van Doorslaer et al. 2008). 2.2 HealthCare Financing in Africa Healthcare financing in Africa has gained a lot of prominence and gone through several phases with governments promising different forms and mechanisms to achieve equity and access (Leighton, 1995). Undoubtedly, many methods of health financing mechanisms practiced in Europe were geared towards containing costs, yet in developing countries particularly Africa, health financing reforms emanated as a result of growing demand for improved healthcare when governments could no longer provide free healthcare with shrinking resources (Korankye, 2012). Given the emphasis on cost recovery in Africa, it is often argued whether cost recovery affects access to healthcare. It is however posited that user-fees serve as a blockade to utilization notably in the primary and preventive healthcare services. A study by Leighton (1995), in Cameroon found that the tendency for a sick person to visit a government hospital was 25 percent higher when fees were charged and quality improved. Yet this could hinder access to the service by the poor households because they have less money and may not borrow funds or trade-off any asset to pay for health cost, so African countries must consequently find alternative healthcare financing methods to deal with the mounting healthcare issues (Mwabu, 2008). 17 As a way of financing healthcare, social and private mutual health insurance schemes are some of the financing options being practiced in Africa. This involves spreading risk and cost of medical care by pooling resources mainly through premiums or tax related payments (Ndiaye, 2006). Individual financing in Sub-Saharan Africa prevailed in traditional healthcare, with social financing predominating in the western medical care; although in Africa, government provides and finances healthcare through taxation for the whole population (Vogel, 1990; Ekman, 2004). In countries such as Senegal and Mali, health financing has been made mandatory for all formal sector workers via social security. Kenya practices the National Hospital Insurance Funds for formal employees, which has been replicated in other countries like Zambia, Nigeria, Liberia and DR Congo (Vogel, 1990). Yet countries like Burkina Faso, Ghana, Tanzania and Rwanda have reviewed and revised their financing mechanisms and have moved towards a more public social protection measure (Rosner et. al, 2012). Social insurance financing, when successful, can ensure equitable accesses to quality care by keeping premiums affordable to enhance utilization for all especially the poor. 2.3 Health Care Financing in Ghana In Ghana, healthcare financing has gone through a plethora of changes since independence. The fact is that health financing is designed to cover all aspects of society: formal and informal sectors, rich and poor as well as rural and urban locations. It becomes more critical and overwhelming as developing countries seek to design and operate efficient health financing systems that can benefit all citizens and Ghana is no exception (Addae-Korankye, 2013). 18 The foundation of Ghana‟s healthcare system was laid by the British in the 19 th century with the sole intention of preserving the health of the colonial masters to combat and overcome the many tropical diseases in Ghana (Aidoo, 1982). Health care during this period was free for the colonial masters, support workers and various opinion leaders (Twumasi, 1981). After independence through the 1970s, various governments tried several policies to ensure sustainable healthcare financing in the country (Abuosi, 2004). At independence, health facility attendance was free and patients were not required to do any out-of-pocket payment at points of health care delivery. This free healthcare service was financed solely through tax. However, during the 1970s, the proposal for user-fee regime was introduced and this was to enable government to cut down on her fiscal expenditure. Therefore before 1989, health facilities were permitted to retain some of the revenue accrued from the fees collected to improve upon their services (Baah, 1994). This user-fee regime introduced exemptions for citizens with particularly severe diseases. However, the post 1989 period saw the health institutions retaining all the fees collected to facilitate capitalization for the “Cash and Carry” scheme. This scheme was implemented in 1992 and was formerly known as the Revolving Drug Fund (Yevutsey & Aikins, 2010). The “cash and carry” system saw government withdrawing all subsides on healthcare delivery; thus, patients had to pay for full cost of drug purchases and services at the health facility. Under this system, patients were attended to by health professionals only after initial payment for the service was made. Even patients on emergencies had to pay at every point of service delivery. This certainly resulted in unnecessary deaths which provoked public outcry for the scheme to be abolished (Agbeve, 1997). 19 Although the “cash and carry” system demanded full cost recovery, exemptions were provided for patients suffering from leprosy, tuberculosis and other special diseases. Besides antenatal care, the aged (70 years and above), children under 5 years and the poor were all exempted (Government of Ghana, 1999). Yet these people were still making out- of-pocket payments whenever they utilized health services out of ignorance. These exemptions under the user-fees (cash and carry) system were fraught with problems both from the service providers and the beneficiaries. One of such challenges from the service providers according to Nyanator and Kuzin (1999) was the pricing and collection systems that were decentralized by the Ministry of Health which made it difficult for the Ministry to monitor the effect of these fees. In their study in the Volta Region, Nyanator and Kuzin (1999) found out that exemptions were non-functional and with a population of about 30% living in poverty, the failure of the exemptions meant that fees were inhibiting access to the poor or had brought huge financial burden on this portion of the population. Besides user-fees, there was also full cost recovery for drugs which were introduced in 1992 and that also added up to the term “cash and carry”. Inasmuch as this drugs policy contributed to the provision of improved and effective drugs, not all patients could bear the cost of the drugs. Therefore, poorer patients either took sub-standard drugs or smaller quantities of drugs than prescribed or resorted to self-medication and this posed great danger to their lives (Asenso-Okyere et al., 1999). The attitude of the health workers towards the patients also contributed to the challenges that bedevilled the cash and carry system. Among them were the incessant insults, clear evidence of polypharmy, exodus of health workers as the number of patients out grew health workers and the collection of un-approved consultation fees. All these challenges 20 precluded the poorer population from accessing health services (Asenso-Okyere et al., 1999). These challenges that emanated from the various financing systems encouraged policy makers, academia and civil society organizations to search for an alternative and more sustainable health financing mechanism. Therefore in 2003, the National Health Insurance Act (Act 560) was passed and it was perceived as the antidote to eradicating financial barriers that hinder people to access healthcare. The Act (650) created Ghana‟s National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), with the mission to ensure that all Ghanaians had equitable universal access to an acceptable quality of essential health services without out- of-pocket payment being required at the point of service use (Ghana Ministry of Health, 2004). The scheme therefore became operational in 2004 (Hsiao & Shaw, 2007). However, the principle of universal coverage revolves around both financial protection and unimpeded access to healthcare for all citizens as a necessary condition for health system equity (WHO 2008). The new system establishes that the informal workers‟ pay annual premium and this has been graduated according to one‟s earnings, yet subscribers mostly pay flat rates. Besides, the NHIS premium has been heavily subsidized to ensure affordability to healthcare and financial access for the vulnerable groups. Also, enrolment for the informal sector workers is voluntary under the NHIS and is subject to adverse selection of this potential group. The government under this scheme has exempted some groups of people from paying premium. However several vulnerable groups including the poor are not well targeted under the exempt category; causing them not to register (Saleh, 2012). The implication of this is that the risk pool of the NHIS is fractured, resulting in high cost and limited contribution from these vulnerable groups. 21 The removal of such fees as has been advocated by some as the way forward. Even though the removal of user fees in general often results in increased utilization, user fees removal in countries such as Uganda, Burundi, South Africa, Kenya, Sudan, Senegal, Liberia, Niger, Lesotho and Zambia have discovered serious issues related to quality and the high burden of increased utilization on the few existing healthcare professionals and facilities (Yates 2009). To assume that the removal of user fees will solve a country‟s healthcare financing problem is naive. Gilson and McIntyre (2005) argue that doing away with user fees should not be seen as a panacea that can be implemented easily. Rather, the policy should be thought of as part of a broader package of health system reforms to move towards universal coverage (Akazili, 2010). Besides, the government under the National Health Insurance Scheme aimed at providing quality, accessible, efficient and equitable health services to about 60% of Ghanaians by 2015 and subsequently attaining universal coverage throughout the country (Ministerial Task Team, 2002). In terms of funding the National Health Insurance Scheme, (NHIS), the National Health Insurance levy (2.5 % of VAT) accounts for about 75% of the total NHIS funds and premium by the informal sector accounts for about 5%. The rest (20%) is by Social Security and National Insurance Trust (SSNIT) contributions for formal sector workers (NHIS ACT, 650; Akazili et.al 2012). The NHIS contributions is generally progressive; however, contributions by those in the informal sector is regressive. This is due to the fact that the premiums are mostly flat rate and this is a violation of the NHIS Act (650), yet due to the difficulty in ascertaining the income levels of the informal sector, the districts are compelled to resort to this channel (Akazili et.al 2012). 22 2.4 Challenges of Social health Insurance in some Developing Countries Recently, interest has been growing among development policy-makers with regard to social protection as a way of tackling poverty reduction in most developing countries. Health care is one of the determinants of an individual‟s welfare and as the need for health care grows, there is also a massive growth of healthcare services to match – up the growing demand (Swani et.al, 2012). In their work on Equity financing and the use of health care in Ghana, Tanzania and South Africa, Mills et al, (2012) opined that out-of- pocket payments are continuously regressive in most Organization of Economic Co- operation and Development (OECD) countries and yet progressive in several Asian countries. The progressivity of the OOP is because poorer households cannot afford to pay and access health care services and therefore the rich pay higher to cushion that of the poor. However, the exempt groups in the various health insurance schemes (HIS) across the world face many challenges when accessing health services. According to Russell and Gilson (1997), countries with official exemption policies for the poor and vulnerable are faced with numerous obstacles such as information to create the awareness as well as administrative, economic, and political challenges all of which affect these exemption groups (Russell & Gilson, 1997). The beneficiaries who are exempted from payment of premiums has resulted in increased utilization of the health care services, leading to increase in workload for the service providers. According to Liem, Duc and Axelson (2008), after 15 years of health reforms in Vietnam, almost half of the population are benefiting from some form of insurance and this has increased utilization of health services tremendously. Similarly, in China, D.R Congo and Kenya the use of health care at the in-patient care has doubled for members in voluntary insurance as compared to the non-insured population (Criels & Kegels, 1997). 23 The positive side of the increased utilization of health services means that ailments that hitherto beneficiaries would not have sought medical care for are now being reported at the hospitals during the initial stages and this has reduced mortality rate in most of developing countries. According to Anderson (2004), without good health, people may experience debilitating diseases and an unnecessarily short life span. Fortunately, social health insurance has become one panacea to this concern. Yet, the burden of workload on the healthcare practitioners and other ancillary staff have increased tremendously and this has caused the waiting times at health centres to be extremely high. According to Swami et al (2012), who looked at the problems and prospects of micro health insurance in Botswana, increased utilization of health services has led to an increased workload for hospital staff. Thus, patients who visit public health care facilities are made to wait for a considerable longer time before they are attended to by a doctor and this affects the quality of care received. Therefore, most of the people joined the Itekanele scheme to enjoy the services that came with it. The waiting time in this regard was not disaggregated according to sex. However, in terms of the differences in waiting time between men and women at the service centres, Kazanjian, Morettin and Cho (2004), asserted that women wait much longer than men when accessing healthcare. They studied Canadian women and healthcare utilization and concluded that women wait longer when it comes to treatment of diseases like asthma and waiting time is longer for men concerning mental health sickness. In some situations, the exempt and even the insured are unable to access healthcare because of distance to these health facilities, coupled with the bad nature of the roads mostly in the rural communities. A study conducted by Ali, Bhatti and Kuroiwa (2008) in Pakistan on challenges to and utilization of reproductive healthcare in Pakistan used a cross-sectional survey to enrol 170 health facilities from nineteen randomly selected 24 districts in the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). Their findings indicate that geographical remoteness, (distance) hinders access and also delays the process of transferring seriously ill patients to higher level care facilities for treatment. Ali et al., (2008) further posited that many maternal deaths would be avoided if geographical obstacles and timely access to health facilities is addressed. According to Onokerhoraye (1999), private and public health facilities are unevenly distributed and that regions with hard terrain and rough physical environment are mostly neglected. The implication is that distance between the rural dwellers and health centers are farther apart with its attendant problems of high transportation fares and longer travel times. Using 160 rural households through randomly selected agricultural zones in Kogi state, Awoyemi, Obayelu and Opaluwa (2011) in their study on distance and utilization of health care services in rural Kogi state of Nigeria recommended that to improve patronage of health services, distance to health facilities and the total cost of seeking health attention needs to be reduced to the barest minimum to enhance access to improved health services by various socio-economic groups in the area. The practice of taking unapproved fees from the exempt and insured by hospital staff leaves much to be desired and poses a huge challenge to the smooth implementation of the scheme. Beneficiaries have reported of nurses and other para-hospital staff taking money from them before proper care is administered to them. In a study conducted by Sharma, Smith, Sonneveldt, Pine, Dayaratna and Sanders (2005) on formal and informal fees in maternal health in five countries: Egypt, Peru, Kenya, India and Vietnam, it was discovered that staff members usually demand payment from patients when they are discharged. Indeed, all the women interviewed resented these informal costs; yet, in order to make peace, they reluctantly paid to avoid any distasteful experiences. Sharma et al (2005) also indicated that in Egypt, nurses and other health facility workers were more 25 aggressive and straightforward with their demand. They concluded that generally, in all the five countries, women were not cognizant of the waivers and the exemptions for maternal health services. For instance they found out that in Peru, beneficiaries were aware of the existence of exemptions; yet, they consistently had to pay for laboratory tests. All these informal fees have become a burden on these poor households and has alienated some of them from accessing formal health care. In conclusion, user fees payment throughout the world and especially in developing countries constitute a significant health care barrier and measures to abolish it has also enhanced access to and utilization of health care services notably among poor households (Ataguba & McIntyre, 2012; Witter, Garshong & Ridde, 2013). Certain concerns expressed by service providers include the indiscriminate use of health facilities by beneficiaries who at times abuse the system as well as the late reimbursement of claims by the regulators to the service providers which affect the smooth operations of the health facilities and hence influences providers‟ behaviour towards the insured (Dalinjong & Laar, 2012). 2.5 Challenges of the Exemptions Policy in Ghana The elderly population globally is experiencing incremental growth of about 11.5 percent of the world‟s total population and it is projected to increase to about 2 billion by 2050 (UNFPA, 2012). Majority of this elderly population are found in developed countries compared to developing countries such as Ghana which has a relatively young population. The elderly population of Ghana rose incredibly from about 215 thousand in 1960 to 1.6 million in 2010. However, the general population is considerably youthful according to the population pyramid (GSS, 2013). The dichotomy of these age categories (elderly and 26 young), concerning their health, leaves much to be desired. These two groups constituted about 56 percent of the total membership of the National Health Insurance Scheme (below 18 years: 51.2 %; 70 years and above: 4.5 %) in 2011 (NHIA Report, 2012). These cohort age groups have different health needs and this is evident in the kinds of diseases that affect them. For instance about 53 percent of deaths in Ghana are related to communicable, infectious and parasitic disease like malaria and pneumonia which are the leading causes of mortality and morbidity among children under 14 years. Regarding adults over 60 years, 67 percent of deaths are mostly from non-communicable diseases like cardiovascular, high blood pressure and others (World Bank Health Report, 2011). The implication is that the use of health services amongst these groups would go up significantly. There has been an extensive coverage given to health insurance especially in Ghana by various studies (Blanchet, Fink & Osei-Akoto, 2012; Owusu et al., 2012; Blaese, 2012). However, few studies have devoted attention to the issue of exemptions (Aryeetey et al., 2010; Jehu-Appiah et al., 2010). Besides, the debate as to whether exemptions address equity concerns is still lingering on (Derbile & Geest, 2012; Jehu-Appiah, 2010). An evaluation study by Witter et al., (2007: 61) observed that although exemptions enjoy wide popularity, there are „important problems with disbursing and sustaining … funding, and with budgeting and management.‟ Another disturbing factor is the lack of public awareness about exemption packages. In a study conducted in the three northern regions in Ghana, Derbile and Geest (2012) from their survey on exemptions, observed that 61% of respondents did not know about exemptions for the poor unlike that of antenatal exemptions (84%), under-five exemptions 27 (79%) and exemptions for the aged (62%). According to their results, majority did not know the modalities for accessing exemptions. Similarly, limited public awareness of specific categories of exemptions has been observed by others (Garshong et al., 2002; Aikins & Arhinful, 2005). In the Volta Region for instance, people generally lacked knowledge or did not believe that exemptions were granted at health facilities (Nyonator et al., 1994). The lack of public awareness about the specific exemptions categories may be emanating from the nature of education on exemptions by the various institutions. Besides, excessive demand by the under-fives and ante-natal exemptions has accounted for a lot of financial burden on the health care system and this undoubtedly serves as a disincentive for exemption education (Derbile & Geest, 2012). Exemptions indeed have reduced delays in accessing care for pregnant women, yet workloads of health workers have increased tremendously and this has really affected quality of care negatively (Witter, Garshong & Ridde, 2013). Moreover, in order to accrue the full reimbursement from the NHIA, service providers are reluctant to refer patients to other hospitals. In their exploratory study of the policy process of early implementation of the free NHIS coverage for pregnant women in Ghana, Witter, Garshong and Ridde (2013) further concluded that maternal utilization and other health indicators are improving, yet supervised deliveries remain low. Based on the ongoing discussions and other literature, very limited studies have addressed exemptions and the socio-economic challenges when it comes to utilization. This study attempts to contribute to filling this knowledge gap. 28 2.6 Utilization of HealthCare Services – The Theoretical Framework Health Insurance Schemes (HIS) have improved utilization of the health services all over the world. Indeed, in most developing countries, HIS has become the panacea in dealing with access and utilization. This section therefore examines some of the theories and models that have underpinned health care utilization. There are a lot of determinants that affect a person‟s ability to utilize health care. Prominent among them are culture, economics, access, perception, knowledge, belief / efficacy, age, gender roles and social status (Rebhan, 2011). In studying health care utilization, various scholars have propounded several theories that examine this phenomenon and among them is the Parsons‟ Sick Role theory (1951). This theory basically postulates that “any sick person adopt a role of being ill”. This theory has four tenets and these are that: The individual is not liable for being ill and cannot be well without any assistance The person is exempted from normal duties The general situation of being ill is an undesirable state To get well, the individual has to seek medical care and follow the treatment regime Generally, this theory typifies the behaviour of a sick person or individual (Rebhan, 2011) and cannot be used for this study because it only describes the role of a sick person without recourse to the obstacles in seeking treatment. The next theory which has been used to explain healthcare utilization is Suchman‟s (1965) stages of medical care. This theory proposes five stages which can inform an individual‟s decision to utilize healthcare or otherwise. These stages are: The individual‟s symptoms experience (pain, feeling sick) as indicative of illness. 29 The individual‟s assumption of a sick role where they explore all the treatment options The medical care contact. At this stage, the individual looks for a professional healthcare system and according to Suchman, this is affected by their social networks, which may be either “parochial or cosmopolitan”. That is a person whose social network is parochial may delay medical care as compared to the one with a cosmopolitan social network (Wolinsky, 1988). The assumption of a dependent-patient role and the acceptance of a professional healthcare treatment. Situations where the patient and the professional have different opinions about the illness can disrupt this stage (Wolinsky, 1988). The final stage is the individual‟s recovery from illness and this is contingent on the person moving from the position as patient. Where the illness is terminal, then he /she may assume a persistently sick role. These stages are represented in figure 2.1 below: 30 Figure 2. 1 Suchman‟s Stages of Illness and Medical Care (1965) Source: Adapted from Rabhan (2011) This theory was also not appropriate for this study because the focus was limited to stages of illness and medical care but did not dwell so much on access and utilization. Mechanic (1978) propounded a theory of healthcare utilisation from a psychological perspective and proposed ten (10) determinants of illness behaviour including the following: The importance of deviant signs and symptoms Individual‟s perception of symptoms and its severity Disruptions caused by the illness to the normal routine Frequency of symptoms and their persistence Individual tolerance of symptoms Knowledge and cultural assumptions of the illness The denial of illness emanating from basic needs Assumption of illness disrupting needs Alternative interpretation of symptom expression Availability of treatment with consideration on location, economic cost, psychological and treatment cost Symptom Experience Assumption of Sick Role Medical care Contact Dependent- Patient role Recovery from illness Terminal illness 31 Consequently, this theory articulates that “autonomy and heteronomy” influence health care utilization. Yet what it failed to discuss was the determining factors that can influence or affect an individual in accessing healthcare when all these signs and symptoms evolve. The behavioural model of healthcare utilization developed by Andersen (1968) was the final theory to be considered. This is one of the most frequently used frameworks for analysing the factors associated with patient utilization of healthcare service. This theory is what underpins this study. The initial purpose of Andersen‟s behavioural model was to understand why some families‟ use health services, define equitable access to healthcare and assist in developing policies to promote equity (Andersen 1968). He posits that an individual‟s access to and use of healthcare services is dependent on three factors: The predisposing factors: issues that influence the use of health care services and these are categorised into three determinants: the social structure (education, occupation, ethnicity, social networks, social interactions, and culture), the health beliefs (attitudes, values, and knowledge that people have towards the health care system) and lastly the demographics (age and sex). The second is the enabling factors such as the logistical aspects that may boost or impede one from obtaining healthcare (access to health services, income, health insurance, and a regular source of care, travel, extent and quality of social relationships; available health personnel and facilities, and waiting time). Lastly the need factors: the most immediate cause of health service utilization (self-perceived health status, chronic and acute illness). 32 Figure 2.2: Andersen‟s Health Utilization Model Source: Adapted from Wolinsky (1988) The assumption is that the interactions that exist between these complex factors can produce a utilization outcome which may be at variance across socio-economic groups. This is because vulnerability of a given population inadvertently affects healthcare access and usage (Andersen, 1995; Jehu-Appiah, Aryeteey, Spaan, Agyepong & Baltussen, 2012). This model is appropriate for this study as compared to the others in the sense that it considers all the factors ranging from predisposing, enabling and needs based which either influence or hinder one from utilizing health services. Besides, considering the exempt group in general and below 18 years and the 70 years and above in particular, the interaction of these factors may affect the utilization of healthcare which may reduce the benefit of the insurance coverage (Aryeetey et al., 2012). The behavioural model, from the time it was first developed (Andersen 1968), has been extensively critiqued. Yet, its use for examining the context within which utilization occurs has not been reviewed. Nonetheless the model has been criticized for lack of focus on social interactions, social networks and culture (Bass & Noelker, 1987; Guendelman, 1991; Portes, Kyle & Eaton, 1992). Predisposing factors Needs Based Characteristics Enabling Characteristics Utilization of Health services Social Structure Health Beliefs Demographics Personal/Family Resources Community Resources Perceived Health needs Clinically evaluated needs 33 However, in their work on “understanding the context of health care utilization”, Phillips, Morrison, Andersen, and Aday (1998), examined how the context within which utilization occurs (the role of environment and provider-related factors) has been largely neglected. They considered studies that have utilised the behavioural model during a 20 year period to ascertain whether these studies included the environmental and provider related variable (contextual variables) and how these variables were measured. Furthermore “environment” and “provider-related” factors are the new variables added to the original utilization model by Anderson. Yet, understanding the interactions between beneficiaries and service providers is of great essence to health programme and policy managers to ascertain the level and extent of utilization (Philips et al., 1998) and this is the crux of this study. 2.7 Conceptual Framework Conceptually, the determining factors of health care utilization can be grouped under three main themes - environmental, population characteristics and individual health behavioural factors (Andersen, 1995; Phillips, Morrison, Andersen & Aday, 1998) (see figure 2.3). The environmental factors comprise factors that reflect the economic climate, relative wealth, politics, level of stress and prevailing norms of the society health care systems (Phillips, Morrison, Andersen & Aday, 1998). The effect of environmental factors on health care utilization according to Wan (1981), has a positive relationship to the amount and type of utilization. 34 Figure 2.3: Determinants of Healthcare Utilization Source: Adapted from Andersen (1995); Phillips, Morrison, Andersen & Aday, (1998) The population characteristics comprises of predisposing, enabling and need factors as can be seen in figure 2.3. The predisposing factors impact on the attitudes concerning insurance which either motivate or hinder one‟s access to health care. These factors include education, occupation, ethnicity, family size, age, sex, attitudes to health care, values and knowledge as far as health related issues are concerned. The enabling factors aid or impede one from obtaining healthcare and comprise variables such as place of residence, knowledge of health insurance, regular source of care, travel time, availability of health personnel, facilities and waiting time. Self-perceived health status, chronic and acute illness as need factors represent the immediate cause of health care utilization. The interactions among the major themes as identified, although may differ across socio- Predisposing factors Social Determinants Health beliefs Demographics Needs Based Factors Perceived health needs Clinically evaluated needs Enabling factors Personal / Family Resources Community Resources Environmental Factors External Environment Health care Utilization 35 economic groups can affect health insurance enrolment and access to health care utilization (Aryeteey, 2012). 2.8 Summary and Conclusion The chapter started with the review of literature on the genesis of healthcare financing; how it began with the ancient Greeks and trickled down to Germany in Europe and then the U.S.A. Health insurance and how it is being practiced in this contemporary era was also discussed citing examples from South America and Asia. The consideration of the African context regarding healthcare financing was also discussed and the Ghanaian context was the final issue under this first part. Then the final part considered some of the challenges with regard to social health insurance in some developing countries and exemptions under the NHIS in Ghana. The review established that healthcare financing through social and mutual health insurance schemes have indeed brought relief to the poor when it comes to OOP and other catastrophic payments. Besides, as governments consider the best mechanism to finance health, utilization has also improved considerably among poor households. However, countries have tried different forms of health financing such as establishing National Hospital Insurance funds as is the case in Kenya, Zambia, Nigeria, Liberia and D.R. Congo or establishing National Health Insurance Schemes as is found in Ghana, Tanzania and Rwanda. The review also established that Ghana‟s healthcare financing has gone through numerous changes from independence to the present. Besides, the NHIS which is currently being implemented was promulgated to bridge the gap between the rich and the poor in terms of access to healthcare and also to reduce OOP at the service centres. However the exemptions under the scheme are confronted with some challenges when accessing 36 healthcare. Some of these challenges are as a result of the limited knowledge of their exemptions and the financial relief that comes with it. According to the literature, about 34 percent of Ghanaians are currently enrolled unto the scheme (NHIA Report, 2011) and this includes the exempt who constitute about 70 percent of the total subscriber base of the NHIS. After the literature review, the theory to be used for the study was discussed after assessing three theories. The main theory used for this study was the behavioural model by Andersen (1968) which posits that there are three determinants that affect one‟s behaviour towards healthcare and these are the predisposing, enabling and needs factors. 37 CHAPTER THREE STUDY AREA AND METHODOLOGY 3.0 Introduction This chapter gives an insight into the study areas and the methodology that was used to carry out this study. The study was conducted in three districts across three main agro- ecological zones in Ghana, namely Kwaebibirim in the coastal zone, Asutifi and Savelugu / Nanton districts representing the forest and savannah zones respectively. 3.1 The Study Area 3.1.1 Kwaebibirm District The Kwaebibirim is one of the 22 districts in the Eastern Region with Kade being the capital which is about 85km from Koforidua the Regional capital. 3.1.1.1 Location and Size The Kwaebibirim district was carved out of the West Akim district in 1988 by a Legislative Instrument (L.I) 1425. There are 212 communities in the district with Kade as the capital. There are about six urban areas in the district and the rest of the settlements are very small rural communities. The District is located in the South-western corner of the Eastern Region of Ghana, between Latitudes 1 degree 0‟W and O degree 35.‟E and Longitudes 6 degrees 22‟N and 5 degrees 75‟S. On the North, it is bounded by the Birim North District, on the East by Atiwa District and East Akim Municipal, on the south East by Suhum Kraboa Coaltar District, and West Akim Municipal, and on the South-west by the Birim Central Municipal and on the West by Akyemansa District. The District has a surface area of about 1, 230 square kilometers. 38 3.1.1.2 Climate & vegetation The District lies within the semi-equatorial climate zone and experiences double maxima rainfall pattern. The District‟s maximum rainfall period coincides with the planting season which is ideal for agricultural activities. Regarding the vegetation of the area, it lies within the semi-deciduous forest region with low-lying species of hard wood. Also, the district has two forest reserves, which is the East-Ayaola Forest and the West Atiwa Forest Reserves. These reserves cover a very large area and in addition, large plantations of teak have been planted outside the forest (Kwaebibrim District Assembly, 2013: Ghana Districts, 2014). 3.1.1.3 Population Size The district is one of the highly populated ones in the region with a population of 192,562 according to the 2010 population and housing census with inter-censual growth rate of 1.9%. Over two thirds of the population lives in rural areas. Concerning the sex distribution of the population, there are more females (98,002) about 51 percent than males 49 per cent (94,560) (Ghana Districts, 2014; Ghana Statistical Service, 2012). The population has not had any major growth as compared to other districts and this can be attributed to the deprived nature of the district with no major industries and companies except small scale mining and agriculture. 3.1.1.4 Migration The presence of abundant potentials in mining and agriculture has become a recipe for the influx of people from other parts of Ghana. This is evident in the settlement of different kinds of ethnic orientations. The Akans constitute 67 percent of the ethnic group in the district. In addition, there are Northerners, Ewes, Gas-Adangmes and other minority tribes, 39 who have all settled in the district and are engaged in farming and mining activities (Ghana Districts, 2014; Kwaebibrim District Assembly, 2013) 3.1.1.5 District Economy The district is endowed with both mineral and forest resources and has one of the best terrains for agriculture in the entire country. The various species of timber such as mahogany, emire, odum and wawa are widely available in the district‟s expansive forest areas. The district can boast of diamonds and gold deposits. Crop farming is the predominant economic activity and thus serves as the source of livelihood for over 72% of the population. The district produces a wide variety of both cash crops such as cocoa, cola, oil palm and citrus and food crops including plantain, cocoyam, cassava and cereals, as well as vegetables. The main industrial activity of the local economy is agro-based. Arguably, the district can boast of the largest oil palm mill in West Africa at Kwae, operated by the Ghana Oil Palm Plantation Development Company Limited (Kwaebibrim District Assembly, 2013). 3.1.1.6 Health The health delivery system in the Kwaebibirem District consists of 2 hospitals, 4 health centres, 3 community clinics, 1 maternity home, 6 Reproductive and Child Health (RCH) centres and 4 Community-based Health Planning Services (CHPS) compounds. In addition to the above, outreach clinical activities are organized in most communities which lack established health facilities. Access to health care services in the district is impeded by the poor road network which hampers smooth health delivery in the district. The district hospital is located at Kade and it also serves as a referral point. Yet, the St. 40 Dominic hospital at Akwatia which is a mission hospital, offers specialized treatment in the district (Kwaebibrim District Assembly, 2013). 3.1.2 Asutifi District The Asutifi district is one of the twenty two (22) municipal and district assemblies in the Brong Ahafo Region and was carved out of the larger Ahafo District by LI 1485 in 1988. Kenyasi is the district capital and it is about 50 kilometres away from Sunyani, the regional capital of the Brong Ahafo Region (Ghana Districts, 2014). The district is however endowed with a variety of resources which when properly managed would help develop the area and improve the standard of living for the people. 3.1.2.1 Location and Size Asutifi District is located between latitudes 6°40' and 7°15' North and Longitudes 2°15' and 2°45' West. It shares boundaries with Sunyani District in the North, Tano District to the North East, Dormaa District to North West, Asunafo District in the South West and Ahafo Ano District (Ashanti Region) in the South East. The district is made up of 117 settlements and is typically rural with a total land surface area of 1,500 Sqkm (Ghana Districts; Asutifi District Assembly, 2013). 3.1.2.2 Climate and Vegetation The district lies within the wet semi-equatorial zone marked by double rainfall maxima with a mean annual rainfall which is also ideal for crop cultivation. The district has a moist semi-deciduous forest. Man‟s activities notably farming, lumbering and occasional bush fires have however disturbed this vegetation. This has changed some areas into a derived wooded savannah; however, large areas of forest reserves still exist and these include the following: 41 Biaso Shelter Belt: 29.5 km 2 Bia Tam Forest Reserve: 91.4 km 2 Asukese Forest Reserve: 180.1 km 2 Goa Forest Reserve: 23.8 km 2 Desiri Forest Reserve: 151.0 km 2 These forest reserves together cover a total of about 475.6 square kilometres about 30% of the entire land surface area of the district. Traditional authority plays an important role in the southern part of Ghana where most minerals deposits are located. At the local level where traditional status continues to command respect, chiefs and sub chiefs exert control and power over land and land resources through land allocations as they are regarded as the custodians of the land (Asutifi District Development Plan, 2002; Newmont Ghana, 2005). 3.1.2.3 Population Size The population of the district is estimated to be about 105,843 with a growth rate of 2.5 per cent per annum (GSS, 2012). Regarding the population distribution, there are more females 51 % (50,797) than males 49% (50,046) and this is consistent with the national distribution where the female population is more than the male population. The need to target women in any development programme in the district can therefore not be over- emphasized. The high rate of increase in the population in the district is as a result of the emergence of Newmont Mining Company and its ancillary activities like illegal mining (galamsey) which is accelerating uncontrollably. This has brought a lot of people into the district which hitherto, was one of the lowly populated areas. 42 3.1.2.4 Migration Ethnic diversity is high, due to immigration over the past 50 years of persons seeking land to farm. About 54 percent of the people are migrants (mainly Ashantis), with Bonos the indigenes constituting only 9 percent of the population (Asutifi District Development Plan, 2004). These immigrants have however stayed in the district since time immemorial and hence do identify with the area. With the advent of Newmont Gold Ghana Limited, the migration pattern has changed drastically with people migrating to the district from all over the country. However, the Ashantis remain the dominant ethnic group followed by the Bonos and other minority ethnic groups like the Gas, Ewes and people from the Northern Ghana (Asutifi District Development Plan, 2004). 3.1.2.5 District Economy The predominant economic activity in the District is subsistence agriculture (mostly farming) which engages about 77 percent of the economically active labour force with limited income due to the low output. About 96 percent of those engaged in other occupations outside agriculture still take up agriculture as a minor activity. The service sector accounts for 21 percent of the active labour force consisting mainly of trading and this leaves the industrial sector with only one percent (Asutifi District Development Plan, 2004). Besides, non–farming sources of income are limited and two–thirds (2/3) of adults have no employable skills other than farming. However with the advent of New Mount Ghana Limited, the situation has changed. About 65% are now engaged in agriculture and the service sector accounts for about 30 percent. Women occupy a large part of the agricultural workforce and generate the majority of the non-farm income (Newmont Ghana, 2005). 43 3.1.2.6 Health The district has one major hospital which also serves as a referral centre: the Saint Elizabeth District Hospital located at Hwidiem and owned and managed by the Roman Catholic Church. Also, there are five other health centres managed by the Ministry of Health, seven CHPS Compounds, three Private Maternity homes; three Homeopathic clinics and sixty trained Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs) all rendering varying degrees of health services in the district (DHMT Report, 2010). Yet the district indeed has challenges that affect the smooth health care delivery, such as lack of qualified personnel, inadequate medical staff at the community clinics and lack of medical officers for the hospitals (GhanaDistricts.com, 2014; Asutifi District Assembly, 2013). 3.1.3 Savelugu-Nanton District Savelugu/ Nanton is one of the 20 districts in the Northern Region with Savelugu as the capital. It is located about 30km from Tamale the regional capital and is used in this study to represent the savannah zone. 3.1.3.1 Location and Size The District is one of the twenty (20) administrative districts of the Northern Region. It was established by PNDC Law 207 under the Legislative Instrument of 1988. It was carved out of the then Western Dagomba District Council, which included Tolon/Kumbungu and Tamale Metropolitan Assembly. It shares boundaries with West Mamprusi in the North, Karaga to the East, Tolon/Kumbungu in the West and Tamale Metropolitan Assembly to the South. The District‟s total land area is 1,790.70 sq. km and is made up of 149 communities (GhanaDistricts.com, 2014) 44 3.1.3.2 Climate and Vegetation The area experiences single maxima rainfall and is prone to periodic flooding during the wet season; thus, making the land convenient for rice cultivation. The annual rainfall pattern is erratic at the beginning of the raining season and intensifies as the season progresses. Temperatures are usually high, averaging 34 o C. The generally high temperatures as well as the low humidity is brought about by the dry harmattan. The area finds itself in the interior guinea Savannah woodland with the capacity to sustain large- scale livestock farming as well as cultivation of staples like rice, groundnuts, yams, cassava, maize, cowpea and sorghum. The trees found in the area are drought resistant and hardly shed their leaves completely during the long dry season. Notable among them is the Shea tree (Savelugu-Nanton District, 2013; GhanaDistricts.com, 2014). 3.1.3.3 Population Size and Growth The district has a population of 139, 283, made up of 49% males (67,531) and 51% females (71,752) according to the 2010 population and housing census. The average household size is about 9. The district has a land area of 1,790.7sq.km with a population density of 61 persons per sq. km (GSS, 2012). 3.1.3.4 Migration There are 149 communities in the District; yet, only six can be described as urban while the other 143 communities can be described as rural. Nearly 80% of the populace resides in these rural communities and 20% in the few urban towns. The dominant ethnic groups located in the district are the Dagombas. However, there are other minority tribes like the Fulanis and Ewes who are mostly engaged in cattle rearing and fishing (GhanaDistricts.com, 2014). 45 3.1.3.5 District Economy The district economy is predominantly agrarian based and employs about 97 percent of the economically active population, which is between 18-54 years. The major food crops cultivated include maize, rice, yam, soya beans, cowpea and groundnut. The potential to increase food production is very high if modernized agriculture is effectively practiced. Yet, there are problems of erratic rainfall, post-harvest losses, and high cost of farm inputs. Only about three percent of the population is involved in industrial activities, trade and service sectors and gainful employment. This has culminated into low income levels in the area and women are poorer than the men because men have access to and control over resources such as land compared to the women (Savelugu-Nanton District, 2013; GhanaDistricts.com, 2014). 3.1.3.6 Health The major health facility in the district is the Savelugu Hospital which is manned by a doctor and other health professionals. Also, there is one health centre, two health posts, three community clinics and two CHPS Compounds, all under the auspices of the District Health Directorate. In addition there are two private clinics and Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs). Generally, health service delivery in the district is not encouraging because of the limited number of clinics and also the poor nature of the roads which makes accessing healthcare very difficult for people who are located in the hinterlands. This has encouraged the people to indulge in self-medication which is prevalent in the district (Savelugu-Nanton District, 2013). 46 3.2 Methodology This section discusses the methods and approaches that were used to undertake this study. The study employed both qualitative and quantitative methods for data collection and analysis. Moreover, the study shares the opinion expressed by many researchers such as Chigunta (2006) that qualitative and quantitative research methods are not alternatives to each other, but rather complement each other in addressing particular problems. This study used two main sets of data, that is a secondary data set and a set of primary data collected through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs). The quantitative data which served as the secondary data was conducted in three districts across the three main ecological zones of Ghana. 3.2.1 Sampling Technique 3.2.1.1 Quantitative Sampling The quantitative data was collected through a cross-sectional district representative household survey between January and April, 2011 involving 2,430 households randomly sampled from 81 Enumeration Areas (EAs) based on the 2000 Ghana population and housing census. A household questionnaire was developed and administered to the household heads or any knowledgeable person in the house. Children were not interviewed directly, rather their parents responded on their behalfs. For each district, 28 E.As were sampled taking into consideration urban, peri-urban and rural communities. Listing of all households in each E.A was done after which respondents were selected using random sampling method. After using the simple random sampling method to select the households, systematic approach was used to select the Nth respondents in each structure. 47 Therefore in each district, people from 840 households were interviewed, that is 30 households per E.A. 3.2.1.2 Qualitative Sampling Although group interviews are often used simply as a quick and convenient way to collect data from several people simultaneously, focus groups explicitly use group interaction as part of the method (Kitzinger, 1995). FGDs have several merits. For instance by gathering people with different backgrounds and experiences under one roof with the aim of eliciting responses on an event or a concept, a particular comment or gesture by a participant can help remind others to better explain their feeling. Thus, through FGDs, participants get the needed opportunity to listen and interact with others and their verbalized experiences and this enhances the quality of