University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON PSYCHOSOCIAL CORRELATES OF DIPO RITES OF PASSAGE AMONG THE KROBO IN THE EASTERN REGION OF GHANA BY ELIZABETH ANORKOR ABBEY (10291137) THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MPHIL CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY DEGREE JULY, 2016 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DECLARATION This is to certify that this thesis is carried out by Elizabeth Anorkor Abbey towards the award of Master of Philosophy degree in Clinical Psychology in the Department of Psychology, University of Ghana. This work has never been submitted for any purpose in this university or elsewhere. It was produced under supervision, and all references to the work of other scholars and researchers have been acknowledged. With the approval of my supervisors, I present this thesis to School of Graduate Studies through the Department of Psychology, University of Ghana, Legon. ELIZABETH ANORKOR ABBEY (STUDENT) ………………………… DATE …..……………………… PROF. C. C. MATE- KOLE DR B. AMPONSAH (PRINCIPAL SUPERVISOR) (CO-SUPERVISOR) ………………………… ………………………… DATE DATE i University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ………………………… …………………………. DEDICATION This work is dedicated to the Almighty God, my family and significant others. ii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am grateful to God Almighty for His Love, Protection and Guidance throughout this course. I acknowledge my supervisors, Prof. C. C. Mate-Kole and Dr. Benjamin Amponsah for their guidance, encouragement, wonderful suggestions and constructive criticisms through to the completion of this research. I am extremely grateful. I humbly recognise and appreciate these honourable persons for the endless support and encouragement throughout the period of study: Prof Ama de-Graft Aikins, Dr Cynthia Tagoe, Mr Joshua Baku, Mr Andrews Addoquaye Tagoe, Mr Martin Vanderpuije and Mr Frederick Terkpernor. Finally, to my family, friends and significant others, I acknowledge your kind support, love, blessings, prayers and encouragement throughout this course. iii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh TABLE OF CONTENT DECLARATION ............................................................................................................................ i DEDICATION ............................................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...........................................................................................................iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................................... iv LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... ix LIST OF FIGURES…………………………………………………………………….……….....x ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………...xi CHAPTER ONE ..............................................................................................................................1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Background ............................................................................................................................... 1 iv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.1.1 Life of the Krobo and the incorporation of Dipo from past to present………………2 1.1.2 Brief History of Dipo………………………………………………………………...3 1.1.3 Stages of Dipo rite of passage……………………………………………………….4 1.1.4 Symbolic Aspects and Significance of Dipo…………………………………………4 1.1.5 Views about Dipo rite……………………………………………………………….5 1.1.6 Controversies about Dipo rites of passage…………………….…………………….6 1.2 Statement of the Problem………………………………………………………………………7 1.3 Objectives of the Study………………………………………………………………………..9 1.3.1 Specific Objectives (Qualitative)……………………………………………………9 1.3.2 Specific Objectives (Quantitative)………………………………………………......9 1.4 Relevance of the Study………………………………………………………………………..9 CHAPTER TWO………………………………………………………………………………...12 LITERATURE REVIEW………………………………………………………………………..12 2.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………..12 2.2 Theoretical framework……………………………………………………………………….12 2.2.1 Transition-Rite Theory……………………………………………………………..13 2.2.2 Cultural Lag Theory………………………………………………………………..16 v University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.2.3 Identity Theories……………………………………………………………………17 2.2.3a Ritual Process Paradigm model……………………………………………….…..17 2.2.3b Erikson Theory of Identity Development…………………………………………18 2.2.3c Bem Sex Role Inventory…………………………………………………………..19 2.3 Review of Related Studies……………………………………………………………………20 2.3.1 Studies relating to other rites of passage at puberty………………………………..22 2.3.2 Boy‘s initiation rites………………………………………………………………..28 2.3.3 Psychological distress relating to rites of passage………………………………….29 2.3.4 Gender Identity Development……………………………………………………...31 2.3.5 Cultural Identity Development……………………………………………………..32 2.3.6 Acquisition of Self-esteem…………………………………………………………34 2.4 Rationale of the study…………………………..……………………………………………35 2.5 Statement of Hypotheses……………………………………………………………………..36 2.6 Conceptual Framework……………………………………………………………………...37 vi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.7 Operational Definitions………………………………………………………………………37 CHAPTER 3……………………………………………………………………………………..38 METHODOLOGY……………………………………………………………………...……….38 3.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..………38 3.2 Research Setting…………………………………………………………….……….……….38 3.2.1 Study Area……………………………………………………………….…………38 3.2.2Population…………………………………………………………………………..39 3.2.3 General Sampling Technique ………………………………………………………40 3.3 Study 1 (Qualitative Study)………………………………………………………………….40 3.3.1 Pilot for Qualitative Study…………………………………………………….……40 3.3.2 Sample for Qualitative Study…………………..…………………………….…….41 3.3.3 Procedure for Qualitative Data Collection………………………………………....41 3.3.4 Summary of Qualitative Methodology…………………………………………….46 3.4 Study 2 (Quantitative method)……………………………………………………………….47 3.4.1 Research Design for Quantitative Study……………………………………………47 3.4.2 Pilot study…………………………………………………………………………..47 vii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.4.3 Sample for Quantitative study……………………….……………………………..47 3.4.4 Data collection procedure for Quantitative Study………………………………….50 3.5 Instruments…………………………………………………………………………………...51 3.5.1 Reliability…………………………………………………………………………..54 3.6 Ethical Consideration………………………………………………………………………...55 3.7 Conclusion of Quantitative Methodology…………………………………………………….56 CHAPTER 4……………………………………………………………………..........................57 RESULTS………………………………………………………………...……………………...57 Qualitative Results……………………………………………………………………………….57 4.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………..57 4.1.1 Qualitative Data Analysis…………………………………………….…………....57 4.1.2 Thematic Analysis………………………………………………………………….57 4.1.3 Presentation of Findings (Perception of Dipo)……………………………………...58 4.1.4 Influence of Dipo on Sexual Behaviours…………………………………………...63 Quantitative Results……………………………………………………………………………...68 4.2 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………..68 viii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.3 Preliminary analysis……………………………………………………………………….....68 4.4 Hypotheses Testing………………………………………………………………………..…75 4.5 Summary of Tested Hypotheses (Quantitative Study)……………………....……………….81 Additional Findings…………...…………………………………………………………………82 4.6 Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….….82 4.7 Factor Analysis: Dipo Perception Scale (DPS)…………….………………………………...82 4.8 Factor Analysis: Africentric World-view Scale (AWS)……………………………………..84 4.9 Observed Framework …………………………………………………………………….….86 CHAPTER FIVE………………………………………………………………………………...88 DISCUSSION……………………………………………………………………………………88 5.0 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………….88 5.1 Discussion: Qualitative Study………………………………………………………………..88 5.2 Discussion: Quantitative Study………………………………………………………………94 5.3 General discussion…………………………………………………………………………....98 5.4 Recommendation / Implication for future studies…………………………………………...99 5.5 Limitations of the study……………………………………………………………………..100 5.6 Conclusion of Study……………………………………………………………………...…101 ix University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh REFERENCES ………………………………………………………………………………...102 APPENDICES………………………………………………………………………………….119 APPENDIX 1 Interview Guide………………………………………………………………....119 APPENDIX 2 Questionnaire…………………………………………………………………...120 APPENDIX 3 Consent Form…………………………………………………………….…......128 Ethical Clearance by Ethics Committee foe Humanities (ECH)…………………………….…131 Letter of Introduction by the Department of Psychology…………………………………........132 LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1: Demographics of Participants for Focus Group Discussion (Qualitative study)………44 Table 3.2: Demographics of Participants for qualitative study (One-on-one interview)…………46 Table 3.3: Demographics of initiates and non- initiates for quantitative study………….………49 Table 3.4: Reliability of Scales used for the Pilot Study………………………………..….……55 Table 3.5: Summary of Qualitative findings among Initiates and Non-initiates…….…………..65 Table 4.4.1 Descriptive Statistics of Psychosocial correlates of the study ……………………...69 x University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 4.4.2: Descriptives of A.W and G.I Subscales among Initiates and Non-initiates ……….70 Table 4.4.3: Summary of Correlation Matrices of Psychosocial Correlates among Initiates……72 Table 4.4.4: Summary of Correlation Matrices of Psychosocial Correlates among Non- initiates..73 Table 4.5.1: Summary of Psychosocial Correlates among Initiates and Non- initiates…………...75 Table 4.5.2: Summary of the subscales on Gender Identity among Initiates and Non-initiates....78 Table 4.5.3: Linear Regression Analysis of Africentric Worldview Subscales and Self-Esteem ...80 Table 4.8.1 Principal Component Analysis of Dipo Perception Scale (Factor 1)………..……...82 Table 4.8.2: Principal Component Analysis of Dipo Perception Scale (Factor 2)………………...83 Table 4.8.3: Principal component analysis of Dipo Perception Scale (Factor 3)………………….83 Table 4.8.4: Principal Component Analysis of Africentric Worldview Scale (Factor 1)………..85 Table 4.8.5: Principal Component Analysis of Africentric Worldview Scale (Factor 2)………..86 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Conceptual Framework..……………………………………………………………….37 xi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 2: Map of Odumase-Krobo and its environment ………………………………………...39 Figure 3 Observed Framework…………………………………………………………………...86 ABSTRACT xii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Dipo is a prominent transitional rite of passage among the Krobo which has been carried out for years in the Eastern Region of Ghana. This ceremony is held annually and it is expected that initiates (Krobo girls who undergo the rites) spend 3 days at a place called Dipo house. Its relevance is to prevent promiscuity, teenage pregnancy and premarital sex until Krobo girls were of age to marry. The present study examined 145 participants comprising 80 initiates and 65 non- initiates recruited from Odumase-Krobo in the Eastern Region of Ghana. The study was conducted in three phases. The first and second phases (qualitative) recruited 35 Krobo girls (12- 20 years). The qualitative study examined the perception of Dipo and girl‘s sexual behaviour in today‘s society in a focus group discussion and one-on-one interview. Themes generated include early-late initiation, source of income, love life, traditional rite, morals and lessons from Dipo. The study revealed two main findings. First, the belief that Dipo is traditional and true Christians must not participate in such activities. Second, the belief that, Dipo is a cultural rite of passage which is necessary for all community members. These two views might have resulted in different stereotypic behaviours that could cause psychological distress among members in the community. The second phase examined different psychosocial correlates such as psychological distress, self-esteem, Dipo perception, gender and cultural identity. The results revealed that, girls who have not undergone Dipo rites recorded a higher level of psychological distress than initiates. Initiates on the other hand recorded higher positive score on Dipo perception than non- initiates. However, there was no significant difference in relation to self-esteem, cultural and gender identity. Implications of the results are discussed. xiii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background Life is a developmental process of several stages, ranging from conception to death. Each stage is marked by significant milestones (Boakye, 2010). The concept, ‗rite of passage‘ is a term that is popularly used to describe the transitional periods in a person‘s social and cultural status (Van Gennep, 2011). In most African societies today, social, political and economic changes have broken down the extended family system and rapid social change is posing different challenges to meanings of events among the youth (Kariuki, Matuja, Akpalu, Kakooza‐Mwesige, Chabi, Wagner, & Bottomley, 2014). These factors include urbanization, educational opportunities, access to global media and social mobility. These have influenced the youth‘s participation in traditional initiation (Monyenye, 2004). Dipo rite of passage used to guide Krobo girls to achieve a stronger sense of personal responsibility in the past (Teyegaga, 1985). This rite of passage provides Krobo girls with the chance to benefit from basic values and responsibilities at a particular stage in life. It ensures cultural continuity from one generation to another (Steegstra, 2005). However, in the face of modernity, initiation rites of passage has raised challenges and its impact has been questioned (Monyenye, 2004). This study attempts to examine key psychological outcomes connected to performances, experiences and perceptions mostly related to initiation rites among Krobo girls. These outcomes 1 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh were termed psychosocial correlates for the purpose of this study. It considered the sexual behaviour of Krobo girls as well as different psychosocial correlates such as psychological distress, self-esteem, Dipo perception, gender and cultural identity. The essence of the study is summarized in the comments by Blumenkrantz and Goldstein (2010), who indicated the need for communities to transmit shared values and develop processes to promote future success of a community. Effective use of community dialogues and deliberate structures serve as ways to ensure community discussions to address basic values and expectations that will be helpful to the youth. Indeed, adolescent development can be related to community development process. 1.1.1 Life of the Krobo and the Incorporation of Dipo from Past to Present Life on Shai Hills Mountain where Krobo first settled was very orderly and popular under the stewardship of one priestess called Nana Kloweki. Shai Hills was a humid tropical area in the South East of Ghana, near the Volta Lake and between the Akan and the Ewe to the north and the Ga- Dangme to the south (Steegstra, 2005). Laws were made by elders of the time and violation of these was very detrimental to community members. Until now, laws in the community were ideas relating to the fear of the gods and spirits of the land, which have been passed on from one generation to the other (Steegstra, 2005). Dipo rite of passage was generally accepted by the Krobo, but it became a major obstacle for the acceptance of a new faith and teachings which were imposed on them by the British colonial administrators. Dipo became a means of socialization, cultural identification and personal maturation, which could not be replaced by Christian education. At a point in time, the chief at the time, name Sir Emmanuel Mate-Kole, wanted to meet the demands of the Krobo as well as 2 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the pressure from the Basel missionaries. He introduced an alternative ceremony in a revised form called ―Bobum‖ literally meaning ―dressing up‖. Mostly, women who were ostracized due to pregnancy before Dipo rites became the first to be converted to Christianity. Dipo in addition to other reasons contributed to the evacuation from Shai-Hill to a place currently known as Odumase-Krobo in the Eastern Region of Ghana (Steegstra, 2005). Odumase-Krobo is a town endowed with many bead makers and this has intensified the economic factors underlying bead making. Dipo girl‘s exhibit different kinds of beads during initiation as these beads form the major aspect of their outfit (Boakye 2010; Steegstra, 2005; Teyegaga, 1985). 1.1.2 Brief History of Dipo The history of Dipo according to Teyegaga (1985), can be traced to a Krobo man, who lived with two wives: the elderly wife had only male children, whereas the younger wife had only female children. Dipo was instituted out of jealousy and envy of a male initiation rite (circumcision) which existed at the time. In order to ensure peace, Dipo was instituted by one priestess (Nana Kloweki) of Manya Krobo for females (Teyegaga, 1985). Historically, Dipo was instituted to mark the stage of puberty among all Krobo girls. It was observed to ensure a safe passage from childhood to adulthood. During Dipo rites, Krobo girls acquire skills to perform different roles as responsible female adults. Parents normally decide that the rite should be done for their children to bestow high moral standards (Steegstra, 2005). The training involves significant events including the test of physical endurance, where the girls are expected to sit on a ―sacred‖ stone which involved incisions on the body, shaving of the hair, and a type of dressing where the breasts, thighs and abdomen are exposed (Teyegaga, 1985). 3 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.1.3 Stages of Dipo Rite of Passage At the initial stage of the puberty rite, the girls were given ritual mothers who instil different roles including teaching girls to become good mothers. Initiates usually receive a single band of carnelian beads and a piece of red loin cloth for ritual mothers to dress them. The red colour of the fabric is said to drive away evil spirits to which Dipo girls were vulnerable (Beckwith & Fisher, 2002). Dipo includes several rituals such as the shaving of hair, restricting girls to water in wells and particular type of food. Dipo girls learn a special dance known as ―Klama‖ where the dead and the living were believed to participate (Coplan, 1972). These girls usually undergo a ritual bath and are required to sit on a stone before the ceremony ends to determine their virginity (Steegstra, 2005). The final stage of the rite is climaxed with the Dipo girls dressed in colourful Kente cloth with many beads around their neck, arms and waist. At a durbar mostly organised at the end of Dipo rite, girls performed the ―Klama‖ dance for members in the community especially the males to observe. 1.1.4 Symbolic Aspects and Significance of Dipo Dipo rite of passage involves symbolic actions. Exposure of a person‘s body such as the breast and stomach was used to distinguish initiates from non-initiates, to help identify those who were ready for marriage and to detect pregnancy. Special diet given to initiates signifies purity and self-identity (Tetteh, 2006). Girls who have their menstruation during the period of the initiation were considered women (Tetteh, 2006). At a point in time, libation was poured to ask the ―gods‖ to bless the girls. Blood of castrated goats, which is usually poured on the feet of the girls, is 4 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh believed to wash away bad omen that would prevent the girls from having babies in future (Kearin, 2013). Different kinds of beads used during Dipo rites have specific names and meanings. Those with many different kinds of beads signify wealth (Ostrow, 2011). Blue beads were called Koli meaning something valuable. Yellow beads signified maturity and prosperity whereas large yellow beads known as ―Bordom‖ are said to possess magical powers. White beads signified respect for the gods and ancestor for priestesses. Finally, the essence of incision was to prevent promiscuity, adultery and premarital sex (Affum, 2009). 1.1.5 Views about Dipo Rites Dipo rite was performed for majority of Krobo girls at puberty stage. Whereas most initiates expressed much joy to have undergone the rites due to various reasons, others have expressed criticisms about some of the stages of the rites. Some initiates evaluated some of the stages of Dipo rites as embarrassing and a form of ridicule in modern times because they were forced to undergo the ceremony. Some initiates reported different psychological challenges as photographs of their exposed body were used for souvenirs. Few other initiates left the community because the men have seen their naked bodies (Emefa & Selase, 2014). According to Boakye (2010), a girl was initiated without knowing any reasons except to make her a Krobo woman. A school of thought outline the importance of Dipo. For instance, Salm and Falola (2002) opined the benefits of Dipo. These include the propagation of a lineage, status, family organization and future lineage relationship. Others believed that Dipo served as a traditional means of preventing 5 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh promiscuity in the area (Schroeder &\ Danquah, 2000). It is however, important to reconsider the perceptions and impact of Dipo by considering key variables such as psychological distress, self- esteem, cultural and gender identity. 1.1.6 Controversies about Dipo Rites of Passage Dipo has aroused controversies, which have led to various forms of interpretations by different schools of thought (Huber, 1963). A common feature in narratives and descriptive analyses from different literature questioned the actual essence of Dipo. The controversy has to do with the age range for Dipo girls as very young children (sometimes as young as 3 years) were allowed to participate (Steegstra, 2005). Huber (1963) emphasized that in the past, Dipo was performed for matured young females who had attained the age acceptable by society to marry. Boakye (2010) however reported that economic hardship was the key reason why younger children were included in Dipo rites. Thus, younger girls were made to undergo Dipo rites with older siblings so that plans for initiation could be catered for early. Another aspect of the debate includes initiates exposing certain parts of their bodies to the public to signal Krobo men of their readiness for marriage. Today in some communities, initiates are allowed to cover their breast with a ―wax- print cloth‖ (Emefa & Selase, 2014). This was modified to cater for current demands in society and to encourage acceptable behaviours. Christians view Dipo rites as a practice that is traditional and unacceptable to Christian beliefs. These rites include practices such as ancestral worship, pouring of libation among others (Teyegaga, 1985). However, Dipo was also viewed as a traditional method of avoiding the spread of sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS with the intention of preventing 6 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh promiscuity, infidelity, premarital sex and adultery (Schroeda & Danquah, 2000). The processes have been described as ways of enlightening girls on the need to preserve their dignity and morals before marriage. In all, Dipo rites have served as a guide for young girls to recognise sex with any man as a taboo before marriage (Teyegaga, 1985). Owing to various interpretations attributed to the significance of Dipo in today‘s society, it has been evaluated from both different perspectives. The cultural significance of Dipo has raised some concerns and the researcher is interested in considering various psychosocial correlates which include psychological distress (depression and anxiety), self-esteem, cultural identity, gender identity and Dipo perception using a mixed method design. It is important to critically examine the basic key concepts that are directly linked to initiation rites such as girl‘s perception of healthy lifestyle after Dipo rite, their sense of gender and cultural identity and the impact of the rite on their self-esteem. 1.2 Statement of the Problem It appears that the major significance of Dipo rite is for initiates to gain a better understanding of their gender and cultural identity and to develop a positive self-image (Teyegaga, 1985). However, urbanization, educational opportunities, access to global media and social mobility have reduced the participation of initiation rites among the youth. Traditional initiation and debate about the relevance and values of rites, especially for girls appeared to be a problem in society today. The current state of society (modernity, religious and technological demands) were the main point of reference used to evaluate rites of passage. Demands of the past (lack of 7 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh hospitals and formal education) were believed to have improved in modern times which has weakened different rites of passage in most society. The state of society today has influenced the perception of individuals who believe that religion is most crucial (Teyegaga, 1985) as well as formal education without traditions which were transformed from one generation to another (initiation rites). The belief system concerning different traditions in different societies have been given less attention. Yet, rites of passage in some communities still appear to leave initiates with different experiences including empowerment, personality, self-identity and self-esteem. It is therefore necessary to study key outcomes of Dipo in today‘s society, and find out the influences on the lives of initiates. Other studies on Dipo have reported the stages and rituals excluding basic psychosocial correlates (Emefa & Selase, 2014; Salm & Falola, 2002; Steegstra, 2005; Teyegaga, 1985). The study therefore attempts to answer the following questions: In relation to the current state of society, would initiates and non-initiates view the rite as a form of cultural and gender identity? What would be the impact of Dipo rite on self-esteem among Krobo girls? What could be the perception of protection in relation to girl‘s sexual behaviour? Answers to these questions are necessary since initiation rites involve the transformation of individuals within a particular context. Just as psychologists are interested in knowing the various impacts of societal factors on the thinking processes and behaviour of individuals, the psychological impact of Dipo rite was seen as a challenge. 8 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.3 Objectives of the Study The general objective of this study is to examine the psychosocial correlates (psychological distress, self-esteem, Dipo perception, gender and cultural identity) of Dipo rite among the Krobos in the Eastern Region with the following specific objectives: 1.3.1 Specific Objectives (Qualitative) 1. Examine the perceptions of Krobo girls about their cultural values, its significance and attitudes to Dipo rites. 2. Examine sexual behaviour of Krobo girls which may be related to various impact of Dipo rites. 1.3.2 Specific Objectives (Quantitative) 3. Assess the influence of self-esteem among Krobo girls (initiate and non-initiates). 4. Assess any psychological distress among Krobo girls who have gone through the rite and those who have no intention of undergoing the rite. 5. Assess the perception of Dipo rites among Krobo girls. 6. Examine the Africentric worldview and cultural orientation (cultural identity) among Krobo girls. 7. Examine Krobo girls (initiates/non-initiates) sense of gender identity. 1.4 Relevance of the Study Retention of Dipo has aroused the interest of many individuals who studied it from the anthropological point of view despite various attempts to eradicate it. Recommendations and 9 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh criticisms were made by different researchers who studied Dipo through careful observations and interviews. These research findings were presented in different narratives, anthropological studies, vivid description of different activities that climax the various stages and its importance. Different psychosocial outcomes such as self-esteem, psychological distress, cultural and gender identity, which are other key factors associated to Dipo initiation rites have not been addressed carefully especially with regard to life after initiation. These outcomes have made it relevant to use standardized psychological measures to examine the psychological behaviours between initiates and non-initiates. This study is relevant and would benefit all Ga-Adangme people such as the Shai, Krobo and Prampram communities, opinion leaders of cultural rites as well as initiates and non-initiates about Dipo rites. The study would enlighten other people with psychological reasons why the Krobo still hold their cultural rites in high esteem. It would reflect the perception of Dipo in relation to different psychosocial outcomes among girls between twelve (12) to twenty (20) years. Finally, it would inform, influence and direct the Krobo in general about the relationship that exist between current practices and the perception regarding different concepts that Dipo was believed to address (personal hygiene, promiscuity and teenage pregnancy). Psychological measures are essential just as much emphasis was placed on anthropological interpretations regarding Dipo rites. Likewise, different emotional ties, personal identification with social groups and commitment to religious ideology usually account for the interpretations people give about life events. Psychological interpretations are necessary since it could result in 10 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh positive and negative outcomes among people (Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003) which necessitates this study. 11 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction This chapter presents a review of the relevant literature on rites of passage. Studies in relation to other rites of passage have been dominated by narratives, anthropological studies, vivid description of different activities that climax the various stages and its importance among others (Steegstra, 2005; Teyegaga, 1985; Emefa & Selase, 2014; Salm & Falola, 2002). These studies therefore provided findings on the need to direct research and intervention programs relating to initiation rites from different fields and perspectives including psychology. This section therefore considered some psychological theories and concepts that are useful in analysing Dipo rite of passage. The specific issues covered include the meanings and importance of rites of passage and possible psychosocial outcomes with different rites. It finally ends with hypotheses to be tested and key concepts that are operationally defined. 2.2 Theoretical framework A rite is a primary rule of a set of rituals performed according to set-down social rules and customs (Davis, 2011). Many African traditional rites were misrepresented and societies who have departed from these rites have demonstrated lack of achievement, loss of motivation and identity (Davis, 2011). Rites of passage have served as a guide in preserving communities and have provided individuals with sexual identity with its associated gender identity roles. Initiation rites generally include songs, dance and ritual symbolism (Davis, 2011). 12 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Academic disciplines have emphasized different influences of psychological variables such as self-esteem and psychological distress in different social context on adolescent development into adulthood. To most sociologists, life transitions and documented events such as puberty rites, marriage, fertility and death are shaped by group social norms. The psychologists emphasized different phenomena, its meanings (cognitive outcomes) and associated behavioural implication. Rites of passage have usually been studied from the perspective of other disciplines such as folklorists, mythologists and anthropologists, which mostly contribute to our understanding of the history of life transitions (Scheer, Gavazzi, & Blumenkrantz, 2007). Different studies have reported that certain activities and experiences during initiations produce cognitive dissonance which has been theorized to heighten internal justification of experience (Aronson & Mills, 1959; Festinger, 1961). It has been realised that individuals who attach some kind of reward to initiation rites feel more rewarded and usually express stronger group identity (Kamau, 2013). However, initiations can promote conformity among new members (Keating, Pomerantz, Pommer, Ritt, Miller & McCormick, 2005). Different theories were used to explain concepts in relation to rites of passage. The theories that were used to explain basic concepts for the study include the following: 2.2.1 Transition-Rite Theory Transition-rite theory inspired by Van Genneps (1909; 2011) has explained the essence of female initiation ceremonies that announce a woman‘s social maturity as essential. The term ―rite of passage‖ was first used by the Belgian anthropologist, Van Genneps, several years ago to 13 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh describe ceremonies that were traced to an earlier sacred phase (Van Genneps, 1960; 2011). According to Van Gennep, rites of passage can be grouped in three phases; the phase of separation from a previous world, the exposure and experience executed during the transitional phase, and the phase of incorporation into the new world. These stages were also described as the pre-liminal stage, liminal and the post liminal stage respectively (Van Gennep, 1960; 2011). The first phase of most initiation rites is marked with the withdrawal of people from a current status to another in a particular social structure. Activities during the first stage include different food taboos, social segregation and avoidance of sexual activities. The transition phase (second phase) is the period during which one prepares to enter the final phase. The second phase was described as the threshold of different rites of passage. The transitional stage is a period accompanied with testing and education, which could lead to a temporal state of confusion. Practical lessons involve the avoidance of specific meals, sexual and behavioural reversals. These activities help growing girls to acquire a new status in society. The third phase was described by Van Gennep (1960; 2011) as a period of incorporation which is typically signified with outdoor adventure programs. These programs include religious ceremonies, dancing, receiving of gifts and community participation which is more focused on individuals who have completed the rite. Dipo transitional rite was classified into three main stages (Teyegaga, 1985) similar to Van Genneps model. The stages seek to explain key ideas for which Dipo was originally performed by Nana Kloweki. These include social, religious and outdooring aspects (Teyegaga, 1985). The social stage involved training in home management, housecraft and child bearing. The end of the 14 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh training is marked with three different tests to check proficiency and maturity. With the first test, incisions were made on the wrist of those who were successful with household chores. In the past, measures that were used to test and confirm physical maturity included careful observation of the human body, which started in the era of Nana Kloweki on those who were due for marriage. An individual‘s success of the second test included marks which were given on the bellies of initiates. The final test included marks which were made at the back of the waist of initiates to signify that only the initiate‘s husband has the right to hold the waist (Teyegaga, 1985). The religious stage included the climbing of sacred rock. Initiates were expected to dance amidst drumming and singing with the hope that girls with symptoms of pregnancy would fall during the process. Pregnancies detected by midwives usually resulted in rejection and driving out of Dipo girl from the community. This indicates the loss of identity and recognition as a Krobo woman. Outdooring aspect involved a great feast to reunite members of the initiate‘s family during which girls are dressed in expensive beads and cloths to perform ―Klama‖ dance (Teyegaga, 1985). Adjaye (1999) classified the stages of Dipo into four phases, and each stage constitutes different activities. The first phase was known as the stripping phase where there is a replacement of a string with multiple beads. Girls preparing for the rite were expected to have their head shaved. The second and third phases which were known as the middle and climax, emphasized the symbolic actions during initiation. Other significant events include a special meal (fufu), ritual bath, smearing the body with white material. The climax included the pouring of libation (3 times) as well as the climbing of sacred stone. The final stage known as the ending activities included body marks and the final dance (Adjaye, 1999). 15 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In brief, as individuals change over time, gaining new skills, status and abilities are acquired indicating the need for a universal pattern of transition. The phases of Dipo rites as described by Teyegaga (1985) and Adjaye (1999) were similar to the main theory proposed by Van Gennep. Just like other rites of passage, Dipo rite bears a similar structure of Van Gennep three staged model. Froggatt (1997) reported that the phases as proposed by Van Gennep would be prominent depending on the type of life event. For example, the separation phase would be notable during bereavement whereas the transitional phase, during new parenting, and finally the incorporation phase, during early marriage. Van Gennep‘s order was believed to reduce harmful effects on the individual and on social stability and order. However, according to Turner (1982), the acquisition of social identity during the transitional phase was described as unclear and ambiguous as people found themselves outside the normal social values and systems. These people are believed to share and communicate with other initiates which come with its own structure (anti- structural). The concept of anti-structure indicates that human beings gain a form of understanding of their humanity and spirituality through interaction with others. Thus, humans provide continuity and the spiritual aspect affirms the significance of discontinuity. 2.2.2 Cultural Lag Theory The cultural lag theory is a modern social analysis that emphasizes the time lapse between two different correlated aspects of culture. These aspects include old cultural demands that usually catch up with modern technological innovation (Brinkman & Brinkman, 1997). The adjustment between the two aspects known as cultural lag is usually caused by social change. According to Ogburn (1966), there are two aspects of culture; material and non-material. The material aspect 16 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh includes habits and capacities such as knowledge, belief, art, morals, law and custom acquired by members in a society. One typical example of the non-material culture includes the family. When one part of culture changes through interventions and discoveries, it results in the part of culture that depends on it. Usually, material part of culture tends to undergo changes than the non- material. However, adaptation and adjustment are necessary to bridge the gap between the two aspects of culture even though there are particular functions that remain unchanged (Brinkman & Brinkman, 1997). The theory of Cultural lag has been criticized as a concept that is too general and issues concerning an objective judgment (measure of value regarding cultural lag) was also raised. The theory has been criticized to analyse culture as a super organic entity except human behaviour. 2.2.3 Identity Theories 2.2.3a Ritual Process Paradigm model Dunham, Kidwell, and Wilson, (1986) elaborated on identity formulation in a Ritual Process Paradigm model where he believed that different forms of identity are formed during each stage of Van Gennep‘s transitional model. At the first stage of Genneps transitional model (preliminary or separation stage), the individual who is ready to undergo transitional rites can be identified with three different forms of identity (Dunham et al., 1986) which include the old support group, the old identity, and the old identity completion. The individual before initiation is identified with the old support group because it is a form of identity attained by old members who played key role in the initiate‘s development. The second form of identity (old identity) refers to the affective personal traits, social and cognitive features to be transformed. The third 17 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh form of identity (old identity completion) refers to the signs that connote readiness for the rite of passage. For example, pubertal maturation cognitive advancement. During the liminal stage (second stage) on Gennep‘s model, Dunham et al. (1986) explained that new environmental demands push an individual out of security of the old identity into an insecurity of new requirements and roles (Dunham et al., 1986). This form of identity acquired during initiation is believed to activate fear, depression, anxiety and a state of helplessness which usually results in emotional consequences. However, initiates return to society with a diminishing level of fear and anxiety. This results in a new form of identity after initiation which is accompanied with commitment to new roles and responsibilities based on societal expectations. Overall, it was reported that, new support group such as mentors and role models would be necessary to assist initiates to explore and develop mastery of the new role (Dunham et al., 1986). The form of identity which is acquired after initiation rite as described by the model is known as the identity reinforcement (Dunham et al., 1986). Identity reinforcement consists of individuals in the community from the new support group whose role is to reinforce morals. In brief, the different kinds of identity acquired according to the Ritual Process Paradigm model include transcendence, new identity, new support group and identity reinforcement (Dunham et al., 1986). 2.2.3b Erikson Theory of Identity Development 18 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The psychosocial conception of identity formation is linked with the rituals that occur throughout rites of passage ceremony (Markstrom & Iborra, 2003). Adolescence is the period where individuals develop a sense of identity (Erikson, 1994). This stage is recognized as the transitional phase between childhood to psychosocially matured individual as they prepare to take up adult roles and responsibilities (Markstrom & Iborra, 2003). Piaget model of cognitive development have explained the development of identity as a process by which an individual and a contextual factor interact to achieve meaningful ethnic principles (Erikson, 1994). According to Erikson, the role of culture in identity formation is necessary since different aspect of identity is developed at different age range. These forms of identity are achieved when the individual feels and experiences the challenges concerning the subjective sense of comfort with the self from the past, present and future incorporating the community acceptable form of identity at each stage in life (Erikson, 1994). 2.2.3c Bem Sex Role Inventory Gender identity is formed when children first have a cognitive awareness of their gender and are ready to learn appropriate cultural gender norms which are integrated in their self-concept (Lindsey, 1997). As elaborated by Bem (1981), sex typing (masculinity and femininity) traits are deemed culturally appropriate for males and females by society. However, children‘s self-esteem becomes unstable as they attempt to behave in ways that are congruent with their sex typing. According to Gilbert (1981), masculine and feminine characteristics that are limited to only one sex category can prevent activities as well as roles that are considered gender appropriate. Bem (1974) argued that the concept of gender identity could be expressed in three forms; femininity, 19 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh masculinity and androgyny. According to Bem (1974), men and women could possess both masculine and feminine characters hence the essence of androgyny model into the gender role aspect. She explained that a woman who scored high in femininity could also score high in masculinity. A man who scored high in masculinity could also score high masculinity. 2.3 Review of Related Studies Cultural rites of passage have been examined globally and socio-anthropologically and it is known to change social relations (Wozniak & Allen, 2012). Rites of passage usually incorporate African cultural and traditional components. These components serve as means of acknowledging ancestors, sharing stories, discussing sexuality, culture, values, drumming, dancing, setting goals, among many others (Pratt-Clarke, 2013). According to Akbar (1996), knowledge of self is the ultimate goal of the human experience and psychologists have developed ways of assessing identification using African values which have wide implications on African descent. Transition from one stage to another in the developmental period is influenced by the interaction of some factors (Kotre & Hall, 1990). These include the biological, chronological, psychological and social factors. The biological factor reflects the physical changes that result in the attainment of strength as well as sexual maturity. The chronological factor defines an individual‘s growth in terms of the number of years since birth. The psychological factor is related to brain development as individuals acquire an improved mental process to understand and analyze issues. The social factor is related to societal expectations about the time certain events must 20 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh occur in the individual‘s life. Becoming an adult is usually determined more by the social factor as compared to the other factors (Kotre & Hall, 1990). Scheer, Gavazzi and Blumenkrantz (2007) worked on different rites of passage in societies and elaborated on the impact of different factors on individuals. Different groups of individuals who develop in a social context are taught to experience rites of passage in ways that create either a positive or a negative orientation with regards to the perception of social groups. In Africa, rites of passage have served as a means by which both individuals and communities respond to stressors during life transitions. However, many communities today have forgone their rites of passage (Scheer et al., 2007). For example, in Ghana some communities among the Ewes, Gas and Fantes in Ghana have forgone their rites of passage (Boakye, 2010). A study among people in their middle childhood in cross-cultural perspectives revealed that middle childhood is the stage where individuals begin to take up life-time character specifically defined by society (Scheer et al., 2007). Rite of passage is believed to link persons to their community as well as the community to the spiritual world (Van Genneps, 2011), and the Krobo are no exception. According to Ampim (2003), there are five major African rites of passage, which are necessary for human growth and development. These rites transform and guide individuals from birth to death and even beyond. The rites which are part of indigenous African cultures include birth, adulthood, marriage, eldership, and ancestorship and they help in maintaining stability and longevity (Ampim, 2003). Ampim (2003), stated that rite of birth is the first in Africa which includes a ritual and a naming 21 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ceremony to welcome infants into the world. In many African cultures, the birth of a child is not celebrated until some few days after birth. Among the Akans, Yoruba and the Krobo, a child is named on the eighth day after birth to ensure that the baby is healthy to live on. Rite of adulthood is the second which is mostly done at puberty stage to shape a productive and responsible adult with societal morals, social responsibilities and social order. This stage describes the period within which Krobo girls undergo Dipo rites (Davis, 2011). Rite of marriage describes the process of bringing together two individuals and families to ensure the continuity of life (Davis, 2011). Lastly, rite of eldership is given to an individual with the highest status in African culture whereas rite of being an ancestor descried the stage where individuals pass into the spirit world with same status of eldership (Davis, 2011). 2.3.1 Studies Relating to Other Rites of Passage at Puberty With regards to some rites, the physical, emotional and social development that occur during initiation at puberty can permanently influence young people throughout their lives (Herbert, 2005). In spite of this, cultural intervention in Africa for youths at risk of any prosocial behaviour includes their participation in rites of passage. These cultural interventions were confirmed in 20 rites of passage which were conducted by experts and organizations that sponsored rites programs (Warfield-Coppock, 1992). Studies conducted among 87 percent rites of passage programs between 1984 and 1992 revealed that 90 percent of the respondents indicated that knowledge of self and culture is important for confronting major problems (Warfield-Coppock, 1992). 22 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Van Kessel and Oomen (1997) argued that the word ‗traditional‘ incorporates the interaction between past cultural practices, which are relevant to shape the present. Despite different forms of tensions which may include outsiders, community members, those in charge of initiation rites as well as the traditional initiation process, some rites could not continue in some communities (Jeannerat, 1997). However, traditional leadership and customary law have demonstrated a remarkable ability to retain the cultural legitimacy of rite of passage in some communities. Some initiation ceremonies remain one of the strongest domains and a traditional means of teaching growing individuals (Oomen 2002). Many Ghanaian communities perform different rituals to welcome girls into their newly acquired social state. This social state of life are usually marked differently by many communities in Ghana (Ahwenekoko, 2008). In Ghana, rite of passage at puberty is mostly celebrated for girls than boys due to the significant physical changes (menstrual cycle) with its challenging experiences (Ahwenekoko, 2008). In an area near the west-central of Ghana (Nafana), identity among the people of Nafana is defined through rite of passage (Stahl, 1991). The nubility rites (manaa ndiom) include clitoridectomy, followed by one month series of restrictions of different activities among initiates. After one year, initiates are given the opportunity to marry, a stage best known as ―bijam‖. If an initiate after initiation is unable to find a suitable husband, alternate marriage rites known as ―sanwaa‖ gives the girl another opportunity to marry at another time. Puberty and marriage rites are very important in defining the identity of a Nafana woman. Failure to undergo rites of passage undermines a woman's status in Nafana and cannot be the female head of family (Stahl, 1991). 23 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Among the Akans, women represent the beauty, purity and dignity of the society. The character of children and general impression of life are built during their early and formative year with parents especially mothers. Due to this, Akans believe that they need properly trained mothers with good morals to bring up good children and this has made initiation rites important among the Akans (Ahwenekoko, 2008). Among the people of Bono in the Brong Ahafo Region of Ghana, a virgin who has experienced a menstrual period for four to five times is taken to the queen mother of the traditional area for Bra-goro rites. The rite usually lasts for six days. During these days, girls learn to be good mothers during different forms of training such as housewifery, dressing, child caring and ideas about marriage to enable them become good wives (Stahl, 1991). The rite is climaxed with an activity where girls are given one boiled egg to swallow whole. The significance of the activity is believed to make way for future children. However, when an initiate chews the egg, it implies that the initiate has chewed her own future children. Successful initiates are dressed in a ―Kente‖ cloth and decorated with ornaments to determine the wealth of her parents and family (Stahl, 1991). At the end, initiates join their families after the ceremony. ―Bra-goro‖ became a cultural norm which ensured that all girls remained virgins until marry after initiation (Quan-Baffour, 2009). The rite had served as the platform for advertisement where men develop ideas regarding females who are ready for marriage. In general, females who get pregnant before the rite were believed to bring curses on the family and the community at large. Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is a cultural tradition which is done to mark the transition from childhood to adulthood. It involves partial or total removal of the external female genitalia 24 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh for religious, cultural and non-therapeutic reasons (Ahmadu, 2000). It is considered as a test of fortitude where individuals must be able to withstand any difficulties that may be accompanied by obtaining a new identity (Ahmadu, 2000). Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is performed in the northern part of Ghana and females who refused this experience faced different kinds of sanctions in the past (Ahmadu, 2000). There has been an alleged physical, psychological and sexual effect regarding certain practices during initiation rites which are believed to make women sexually passive prior to marriage (Ahmadu, 2000). Proponents of Female Genital Mutilation had justified that the rite ensures that girls remain virgins until marriage. Other people believed that the rite is accompanied with complications such as severe pain, urine retention, painful sexual intercourse, sexual dysfunction and difficulties with childbirth (McVeigh & Sutton, 2010). In the United Kingdom, this practice is illegal due to issues regarding human rights and consent (McVeigh & Sutton, 2010). In the Northern Region of Ghana such as in the Kassena-Nankana District, there has been a significant decline of the practice over the years, thus a decrease from 34.3% in 1996 to 20.9% in 2003 (Jackson et al., 2003). Scarification is another ritual observed during puberty and it involved the piercing of the skin with sharp objects in order to create marks. It is believed to have healing powers, enhance beauty and for ethnic identity (Ludvico & Kurland, 1995). In an anthropological study by Munthali and Zulu (2007), it was reported that most villages in Malawi celebrate rite of passage in different forms ranging from formally structured to a 25 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh residential counselling in secluded places for several weeks. It was further reported that counselling gives the opportunity for girls to be taught important aspects of life such as obedience, respect, personal hygiene and promiscuity. This was reported to have resulted in positive behavioural outcome (higher rate of girls aged 12-19 years) participating in the rites from dominant ethnic groups in the southern region of Malawi (Munthali & Zulu, 2007). In the Northern Island at Tanzania, ―unyago‖ is a rite of passage for girls which begin with initiates who have experienced their first menstruation. In an anthropological study, Caplan (1976) reported that the rite usually ends with two key ceremonies. Even though this rite is not performed for all girls, those who go through it are washed by aunties and grandmothers (sexual instructress). Moreover, girls are taught to comport themselves during menstruation through songs (Caplan, 1976). Other essence of this rite include purification, teaching girls to conduct themselves well when menstruating, behaving well towards their future husbands and not to gossip about their sexual behaviour but rather keep secrets. The period of initiation was signified with millet seed planted in a pot. This millet seed is left to grow and this reflects the cost of specific duties by instructors on initiates‘ wedding day. The rites emphasize that a woman‘s status to adulthood is more dependent on the moral training they receive. The rite usually ends with girls acquiring a new status as a married woman and an adult (Caplan, Escobar, Paris, Alvidrez, Dixon, Desai & Whittemore, 2013). In South Africa, the three well-known traditional initiation schools for young women in Venda include Vhusha, Tshikanda and Domba. Venda girls attend Vhusha at puberty since it is the first phase in the initiation process (Blacking, 1998). Tshikanda and Domba are offered in three (3) to 26 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh five (5) year intervals. These rites of passage are facilitated by older women (Jeannerat, 1997) with the purpose of preparing girls for various roles such as wives, caregivers and to acquire sexual knowledge that will help them in marriage (Blacking, 1959). Initiation rite is also performed for young men in Venda. The rite for men which is called Murundu lasts for a period of 3 months where participants were required to spend time in the ‗bush.‘ The bush usually helps in isolating initiates from all social networks and to allow boys demonstrate survival skills. Male circumcision forms a significant part of the initiation process since it is believed that the removal of the foreskin results in a metaphorical sharpening of the warrior‘s spear. Usually, male initiation ceremonies are criticized but some studies suggested that the initiation process helps in socializing men to perceive women as sexual objects (Milubi, 2000). The girls at Navajo Reservation which is located in the United States undergo Kinaald´a as the rite of passage. According to Keith (1964), Kinaald´a is defined as a gradual way by which children learn to give meaning to skills and values. In many North American Indian cultures, Kinaald´a is believed to be linked with feminine gender roles (Maltz & Archambault, 1995). It is a four-day ceremony where girls were taught to survive by being respectful, strong and performing duties for their family and tribe (Rivers, 2005). Through an ethnographic research, it was reported that girls were made to run long distances at dawn and in their traditional clothes to make them strong and prepare them for future life. These girls were taught to cook, clean, grind and to listen respectfully to their elders as they criticize and advise them about different roles of women in society. These activities were to train girls for different future responsibilities (Poessel, 1993). As elaborated by Rivers (2005), some initiates viewed the rites of passage as a culture which improves physical health. To others, it was a kind of experience that guides 27 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh initiates to learn traditional stories, language and to possibly pass lesson learnt to other generations (Rivers, 2005). The social aspects of this rite of passage could be attributed to the privacy and embarrassment that some girl in America experience sometimes during the onset of menses (Markstrom & Iborra, 2003). Other purposes include sexual maturation, reproductive linkages (Roessel, 1981) which was believed to shape girls personality (Frisbie, 1993). Kinaald´a as the rites of passage include the following: ―To instruct girls on appropriate roles as Navajo women, enhance personality development, test and build strength and endurance, give girls good posture and physical beauty, teach girls to be generous and giving, give girls strength for future life difficulties and girls identity that is embedded in growing woman among others‖ (Markstrom & Iborra, 2003; p 408). ―Bojale‖, a rite of passage among the people of Botswana is a ceremony that marks the transition of girls to women. The ceremony is practised widely by Tswana people and girls are required to be virgins but this ceremony suffered much condemnation by missionaries where songs during initiation were believed to promote promiscuity. Music was important in ―Bojale‖ as knowledge regarding community‘s history, traditions and notions of adulthood are transmitted through songs. In a participant observation, Setlhabi (2014) reported that Bojale songs carry metaphorical messages about womanhood, morality and nature. Initiation was seen to be one of the socio- political pillars as chiefs gain much recognition and honour depending on the number of initiates. The rite was targeted at virgins at puberty stage but at a point in time, the abandonment of the rite for a long period led to the participation of mothers which has weakened the essence to which the ceremony was instituted (Setlhabi, 2014). 28 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.3.2 Boy’s Initiation Rites The significance of girl‘s initiation rites has led to boy‘s initiations practised by most communities. The transitional rite for the Krobo boys several years ago was circumcision with its accompanied rituals. This had been an acceptable event for many societies as well. One rite of passage among boys which would be considered is the boy‘s transitional rites which were seen as masculinity norms among Tanzanian boys (Sommer et al., 2014). Boy‘s transition in Tanzanian had received less attention due to many reasons. This includes social upheaval in recent decades which had resulted in health risk behaviours such as violence, risky sexual behaviours and substance abuse (UNICEF, 2011). According to Sommer, Likindikoki and Kaaya (2014), Tanzanian boys find it difficult to understand basic emotional and physiological changes at puberty due to the differences in interpretation. However, rites of passage when organized well could serve as a medium where difficulties could be discussed (Sommer et al., 2014). From the literature, different kinds of rites were reported to have different psychological impacts. The study seeks to find out if there would be any form of psychological impact of Dipo rites among Krobo girls. 2.3.3 Psychological Distress Relating to Rites of Passage According to Munthali and Zulu (2007), the onset of menarche in girls can be a cause of excitement, happiness, joy, or distress depending on how adolescents understand the subject 29 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh matter. Sexual behaviour is influenced by practices, cultural assumptions, roles, expectations and is shaped through personal experiences (Parker, 2009). Several factors were reported to have resulted in stressful conditions among adolescents. In a study by Brooks-Gunn and Warren (1989), social factors account for 8 percent to 18 percent depressive effect whereas biological factors account for 4 percent. Life experiences and negative events could result in depressive outcomes before and after menarcheal period among girls however experiences which are less devastating could reduce much depressive effect. Research into stress revealed a relationship between social context and individual functions (House, 1981). Transitional events such as biological transformation in girls as well as emotional and social adjustments and expectations could be the sources of psychological distress among puberty girls (Brooks-Gunn & Petersen, 1983). As reported by Adjaye (1999), initiates conceptualise and internalize key values of initiation in their own way. Although girls face similar experiences, every initiate forms her own assumptions about the implication and meaning of initiation rite. Some anthropological and psychosocial models which were discussed earlier in the literature recognize the period of transition with some psychological impact. For example, Erikson (1968) reported that, a state of confusion is recognized as normative in the identity-formation process. A study by Reardon et al. (2009) reported that girls who mature early tend to exhibit more anxiety symptoms and panic attacks and these risks persist during adolescence and into young adulthood (Zehr, Culbert, Sisk & Klump, 2007). Anxiety was believed to emanate from inadequate preparation of girls to handle the challenges and stress of maturation at certain stages of developmental milestones, usually puberty (Ge & Natsuaki, 2009). Early maturing children 30 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh were also reported to experience heightened levels of emotional distress, which were related to girls‘ reaction to menarche. Also, they reported a strong relationship between low self-esteem and depression. Adolescents with low self-esteem predicted different levels of depression however depression could not predict subsequent levels of self-esteem (Ruble & Brooks-Gunn, 1982; Orth, Robins & Roberts, 2008). If girls already have different psychological challenges with some biological changes in life, what then can be said about other experiences that could influence the level of psychological distress among Krobo girls? Psychosocial wellbeing is one of the strongest aspect, which have been developed by rites of passage (Comaroff, 1985). However, during the time of transition, participants experienced pains in the process of undergoing some rituals (Comaroff, 1985). A study by Yarney, Mba and Asampong (2015), reported that 83.3 percent of adolescents who were orphans in the Eastern Region of Ghana were reported to have experienced a wide range of problems. These include physical, emotional and psychological distress which was attributed to some socio-cultural determinants such as traditional rituals, ceremonies, and puberty rites. In a focus group discussion, it was reported that orphans between the ages of ten (10) to seventeen (17) years were left to take care of themselves after Dipo rites and this ended most young females in prostitution just to satisfy their basic needs (Yarney, Mba & Asampong, 2015). To conclude, a study conducted by Adjaye (1999) stated that the psychological trauma associated with undergoing initiation is much seen in younger initiates than older ones. The following subsections elaborate on the impact of rites of passage in relation to other psychosocial outcomes. 31 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.3.4 Gender Identity Development Gender identity is viewed as a multifaceted construct. According to World Health Organization (WHO, 1999; 2008), gender was defined as the social roles such as traits, attitudes and behaviours that are defined by society as appropriate for men and for women (WHO, 1999; 2008). Egan and Perry (2001) reported that gender identity and adjustment vary across different ethnicities and cultural contexts. According to Schlegel and Barry (1980) the relevance of adolescent initiation ceremonies was for gender identity which is achieved during the process of socialization. As explained by Bem (1977), gender identity can be expressed in three main forms which include femininity, masculinity and androgyny. The measure of masculinity and femininity include traditional ways of assessing sex role characteristics. Masculinity is associated with autonomy and achievements whereas femininity is associated with nurturance and passivity (Underwood, 2003). The concept of gender identity was carefully studied using the Bem Sex Role Inventory. She reported that individuals who scored high on androgyny (have femininity and masculinity features) were more likely to display independence when under pressure to conform than others (Bem, 1977). Gender theorists has reported different degree of impact based on traditional method of identifying masculinity and femininity (Liberman & Gaa, 1980). According to gender role theory, girls who were identified with these norms and values can manage conflict and social aggression. Lastly, Africentric worldview of gender identity also helps African women to understand themselves and their roles. 2.3.5 Cultural Identity Development 32 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Behaviour which is rooted in our cultural worldview reflects the way we think, organise aspects of our life, and function in different social systems and community institutions (Belgrave, Brome, & Hampton 2000). According to Myers (1988), cultural worldview plays an important role by improving the surviving rate of people and removing psychological and physical damage. Akbar (1996) stated that Africans have internalized the world view of other cultures and have assimilated different values into their own culture. Generally, Africentric values enhance positive image of the self and promote healthy behaviour. For example, in a study by Klonoff and Landrine (1999), they reported that African Americans who keep to their values were found to be less likely to engage in unhealthy behaviour like alcohol use. According to Belgrave (1997), Africentric worldview was expressed in six ways namely the sense of spirituality, intuition, sensitivity, respect for elders, communalism and orality. Spirituality is the belief in a greater force or being (Akbar, 1996). People who believe in spirituality are likely to engage in spiritual activities such as praying and singing which provide a coping mechanism to stressful circumstances like chronic illnesses. Intuition can briefly be defined as the ability to acquire knowledge without reasoning. Sensitivity is the belief that acknowledges the emotional and affective states of the self (Myers, 1988). Respect was defined as a feeling of strong admiration for others especially elderly members. Communalism reinforces cooperation, interdependence and motivation to work for the survival of a group. The last which is Orality refers to the preference in receiving stimuli and information from the external world. Orality is believed to be handed from generation to generation and it is reflected in storytelling, music or spoken words (Myers, 1988). 33 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Cultural identity development is one of the essential aspect and protective factors of youth development. Africentric worldview of cultural identity consists of values, beliefs, behaviours and patterns of interpretations among cultures (Harvey & Hill, 2004). These factors determine the meaning people give to events. The development of an individual‘s identity is said to be influenced by the macrosystem as well as the socio-cultural environment. Other factors include African based rituals which normally increase cultural awareness among people (Harvey & Hill, 2004). Adolescence has long been recognized as an important period for gender, ethnic and religious identity and its development (Marcia, 1980). As different types of identity develop at different rates, the stage of adolescence remains a vital time in life (Phillips, 2008). Most rites of passage emphasize learning, respect, good communication skills and the ability to solve problems. The worldview of people serve as a guideline and it influences the feelings, thoughts and perceptions. According to Karenga (1988), Africentric-American communities have seven principles that represent African values. These include unity, self-discrimination, collective work and responsibility, faith, purpose, creativity and cooperative economics. A study which examined a relationship between Africentric beliefs and self-esteem reported that high Africentric belief is linked to high self-esteem through involvement in positive community practices that promote feeling of communal worth (Belgrave et al., 2000). According to Ashmore, Deaux and McLaughlin-Volpe (2004), the level of emotional involvement with one‘s group, the attitude one has toward the group, the meaning that group membership gives to one‘s self-concept and how important the group membership is to one‘s overall self-concept constitutes the relevance and importance of the group identity to the individual. 34 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In general, Africentric cultural worldview depicts the nature and way in which individuals in different culture among African societies perceive the world (Myers, 1988). Usually, Africans can be understood by considering their cultural worldview. Most positive and negative outcomes are associated with one‘s cultural environment which influence stress resistance in most cases. 2.3.6 Acquisition of Self-esteem Self-esteem is an important facet in psychological health. According to Rosenberg (1965), self- esteem can be described as the positive or negative attitude toward the self. This evaluation of the self can range from both positive and negative characteristics based on different evaluations. Thus, an individual evaluation of the self can be based on different areas that are seen as important. For instance, individual‘s belief regarding the perception of other people (Orenstein, 1994). Adolescence is a period of life during which physical and psychological changes occur, both of which are important in the development of self-esteem and social adjustment (Mitchell, Petrie, Greenleaf & Martin, 2012). Age and gender are two factors that influence self-esteem among early adolescents (Ciuluvica, Mitrofan, & Fulcheri, 2010). According to Gatti et al. (2014), a tested hypothesis reported that girls who mature early become more concerned about physical appearance. This resulted in low body esteem and high stress levels. Likewise, rites of passage programs were reported to have provided clear definitions with regards to responsibilities, roles and expectations to promote a healthy self-image and self-esteem (Alford, 2003). 35 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Positive self-esteem promotes a healthy behaviour among adolescents. Just as high self-esteem is usually found in people who adhere to cultural values (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992) it will be necessary to study its impact among Krobo girls. There are different psychological implications to rites of passage as reviewed in the literature with other rites of passage. However, most researchers of Dipo rite reported on the stages as well as the essence of initiation ceremony among Krobo. The purpose of the study will concentrate on the psychosocial correlates by considering the following hypotheses. 2.4 Rationale of the study The study is necessary to review findings on Dipo rites of passage considering different psychological outcomes. Literature on Dipo rite has reported some contradicting findings. For instance, a study by KwasiAnarfi (2003) reported that Dipo rite has resulted in early sexual and immoral activities and has contributed to the spread of HIV/AIDS since Krobo girls were allowed to participate at an early age. In the same way, Schroeder and Danquah (2000) reported that Dipo was a traditional means of avoiding the spread of HIV/AIDS and other sexual transmitted diseases. The study has emphasized the need for psychological implications of different experiences on individuals within a specified period. These are other aspects of great importance when considering factors that could have various impacts on people‘s cognitive processes, evaluations and behaviour. This study will also contribute to the debate on Dipo rites as well as contribute to the relevant literature. 36 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.5 Statement of Hypotheses Based on the literature reviewed and theoretical framework, the following hypothesis were tested: 1. Non-initiates of Dipo will have higher psychological distress than Dipo initiates. 2. Initiates will have higher self-esteem than non-initiates. 3. Dipo initiates will score significantly higher on the perception of Dipo rite than non-initiates. 4. Dipo initiates will score significantly higher on Africentric worldview compared to non- initiates. 5. There will be a significant difference between initiates and non-initiates regarding their sense of Cultural orientation. 6. Initiates will obtain significantly higher scores on gender identity than non-initiates. 7. Initiates will obtain significantly higher scores on femininity than non-initiates. 8. There will be a significant relationship between the subscales of Africentric Worldview (spirituality, intuition, sensitivity, respect, communalism and orality) and self-esteem among initiates and non-initiates. 2.6 Figure 1: Conceptual Framework 37 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The conceptual framework for the study is presented in Figure 1. This framework explains the factors and conditions regarding the background of Krobo girls and the influence of the different psychosocial correlates (Psychological distress, self-esteem, cultural identity, gender Identity and Dipo perception). At the initial stage, Krobo girls become aware of their cultural values and these serve as the baseline for decision-making. Whereas some Krobo girls decide to undergo Dipo rites, others decide to forego the rite due to various reasons. Girls who have gone through the rite acquire a unique identity as initiates and those who have not gone through the rite are called non-initiates. 2.7 Operational Definitions of terms • Initiate refers to any young Krobo girls who participated in Dipo rites of passage. • Non-initiates are Krobo girls who did not and have no intentions of undergoing ‗Dipo‘ rites however they are aware and have much knowledge about the transitional rite (Dipo). 38 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY 3.1 Introduction This chapter presents a detailed description of how the study was conducted. It begins with a detailed account of the study setting including the description of essential components such as the population of interest, sample size and research design. The chapter considered the pilot study, procedure that was adopted for data collection, ethical considerations and how reliability was assessed during the study. Finally, the details about the instruments used were also described as well as some of the items in the instrument. 3.2 Research Setting 3.2.1 Study Area The study area was Odumase-Krobo, which is located in the Eastern Region of Ghana. The Odumase-Krobo people belong to the Ga-Adangme ethnic group, together with other ethnic groups such as the people of Ningo, Prampram, Ga and Shai-Osudoku (Adjaye, 1999). Odumase and Agomanya are the major Odumase-Krobo towns. A key feature in the area is the Krobo Mountain, which used to be the centre of major ritual activities such as girl‘s initiation rites (Boakye, 2010). This same mountain was the ancestral home for the Krobo and documentary evidence suggests that Krobo are different groups of people who settled and found a level of attraction in the security the mountain provided (Adjaye, 1999). This mountain is composed of granite rocks, which is currently serving recreational, economic opportunities and ancestral grounds for the Krobos (Adjaye, 1999). 39 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 2: Map of Odumase-Krobo and its environment Source: Source: Steegstra, 2005 3.2.2 Population The population of interest for this study consists of female indigenes at Odumase-Krobo who are between the ages of 12-20 years and are aware of Dipo rites. This population was chosen because the study was aimed at understanding the current perceptions and experiences of Dipo girls who spent 3 days in the Dipo house. 40 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.2.3 General Sampling Technique Both purposive and convenient sampling techniques were used to select participants for both qualitative and quantitative aspect of the study. These methods of sampling required that respondents must be selected on the basis of their availability and willingness to participate in the study. Maxwell and Loomis (2003) explained that purposive sampling is appropriate for specific settings, persons, or events because it serves as an important source of obtaining vital information. The participants selected were those who showed willingness and readiness to participate. The criteria for selection and inclusion in the study include: the individual must be a Krobo who has no intention of undergoing Dipo rites to qualify as a non-initiate. On the other hand, Krobo girls who have undergone Dipo rites were conveniently selected as initiates. 3.3 Study 1 (Qualitative Study) The first study (study 1) presents a detailed description of how qualitative data was collected. The qualitative study started with a pilot study. The sample and procedure used for qualitative study were also discussed. 3.3.1 Pilot for Qualitative Study Participants for the pilot study were selected at Nuaso, a Krobo community in the Eastern Region. Fifteen students at the Nuaso Presby Junior High school and five students from the Manya Krobo Senior High School participated in the pilot study. Ten (10) initiates and ten (10) non-initiates between 12 to 20 years were selected for the pilot study. Participants were first provided with consent forms to complete. During the pilot study, five (5) participants from each category (initiates/non-initiates) out of the twenty (20) conveniently selected were interviewed one-on-one. Interviews were recorded with a tape recorder. During the interview, the researcher 41 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh observed that, some participants were ready to openly discuss their experiences with Dipo related issues. This informed the decision to organise a focus group discussion in addition to a one-on- one interview for the qualitative study. It was important to state that the qualitative data collected has been effective and helpful in designing a scale on ―Dipo perception‖ which was later used to collect quantitative data. 3.3.2 Sample for Qualitative Study Fourteen (14) initiates as well as fourteen (14) non-initiates were conveniently selected to participate in the focus group discussion. A different set of seven (7) Dipo initiates were interviewed individually. This one-on-one interview process was to give initiates the opportunity to share their private and personal experiences that some participants may be unwilling to share in a group. These two methods used for the qualitative data collection were to give girls equal opportunity to express themselves and to cater for individual differences with regards to much flexibility in sharing information. In all, 35 Krobo girls participated in the qualitative study thus twenty-one (21) initiates and fourteen (14) non-initiates. 3.3.3 Procedure for Qualitative Data Collection The researcher visited Secondary institutions at the study area with an introductory letter from the Department of Psychology. Thirty-five (35) girls between the ages of twelve (12) to twenty (20) years who were relatively well educated and may be thinking separately from a majority of populace were conveniently selected in secondary institutions. Thus, the age category was most appropriately found in secondary institutions in Ghana. There was an initial confirmation from the Headmasters if their institutions would be appropriate in terms of availability of Krobo 42 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh natives who can participate in data collection. Data for the main study was collected in the community (Odumase- Krobo) as well as two major secondary institutions such as Odumase Presbyterian Junior High School and Akro Senior Secondary/ Technical School. The qualitative study was the first to be conducted and this was done in two phases as discussed in Study 1. The study started with a focus group discussion (1st phase) followed by a one-on-one interview (2nd phase). In each phase, participants were introduced to the subject matter, aims, objectives as well as their expected contributions to the study. During this process, rapport was created and participants did not feel intimidated by the researcher‘s presence. All participants for the qualitative study were included in the quantitative study. During the first phase (focus group discussion), a question guide was used to tease out two major ideas in relation to qualitative objectives. The second phase was a follow up with on-on-one interview with seven (7) other participants (Dipo initiates). This was again useful in getting participants actively involved with issues relating to their sexual life thereby enhancing confidentiality. Information gathered in Focus group discussions and one-on-one interviews were recorded with the assistance of a note taker for transcription purposes. The focus group discussions took 7 days with each lasting for 45 minutes each day whereas one- on-one interview took three days, a maximum of 20 minutes for each person. Less time was used for the one-on-one interview to reduce boredom and to give participants the chance to attend to their normal duties at school. 43 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In general, the essence of each phase was to give initiates a fair idea about the study, to help participants recall key issues and to help initiates reflect on their experiences of Dipo rites of passage. Again, it gave participants the chance to freely express themselves especially on issues relating to their sexual life. Table 3a shows the demographics of participants for the focus group discussion. 44 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 3.1: Demographics of Participants for Focus Group Discussion (Qualitative study) Variable Frequency Percentage (%) FGD 1 (Initiates) Age 13years 3 42.86 17years 3 42.86 20years 1 14.28 Junior High 4 57.14 Senior High 3 42.86 Total 7 100 FGD 2 (Initiates) Age 14years 3 42.86 18years 4 57.14 Junior High 3 42.86 Senior High 4 57.14 Total 7 100 FGD 3 (Non-initiates) Age 12 years 2 28.57 14 years 3 42.86 17 years 2 28.57 Junior High 5 71.43 Senior High 2 28.57 Total 7 100 FGD 4 (Non-initiates) Age 16 years 1 14.28 19 years 3 42.86 20 years 3 42.86 Junior High 1 14.28 Senior High 6 85.72 Total 7 100 FDG - Focus group discussion 45 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 3.1 shows the demographics of participants used for the focus group discussion for the study. Seven participants were conveniently selected for each of the four (4) focus groups organized. In the first focus group, three (3) participants were 13 years old from the Junior High level of education. Another three (3) Dipo initiates were 17 years of which one participant was selected from the Junior High School and the other three from the Senior High level of Education. In addition is a twenty (20) year old girl who was a Senior High School graduate. The second focus group was made up of seven participants of whom three (3) initiates were selected from the Junior High level of education. The additional four (4) participants were selected from the Senior High level of Education. The third focus group was made up of five (5) non-initiates who were selected from the Junior High level of Education. Two (2) of the non-initiates were twelve (12) years and the other three (3) were fourteen (14) years old. Two (2) non-initiates from the Senior High level of education participated in this group were seventeen years old. Lastly, the fourth focus group was made up of seven (7) non-initiates. One non-initiate, aged sixteen (16) years from a Junior High level of education participated in the discussion. The other six (6) non-initiates were from the Senior High level of Education. Three of the girls were nineteen (19) years of age and the other three (3) were twenty (20) years old. Table 3.2 shows the demographics of participants used for the one-on-one interview. 46 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 3.2: Demographics of Participants for qualitative study (One-on-one interview) One-on-one interview Age Educational level P1 12 Junior High P2 13 Junior High P3 15 Senior High P4 16 Junior High P5 18 Senior High P6 19 Senior High P7 20 Senior High P- Participant Table 3.2 shows the demographics of participants used for the one-on-one interview in this study. Three (3) participants from Junior High level and four (4) from the Senior High level were conveniently selected and were interviewed one after the other. Participants from the Junior High level were 12, 13 and 16 years old respectively whereas the other four (4) participants were 15, 18,19 and 20 years old respectively. 3.3.4 Summary of Qualitative Methodology In summary, thirty-five (35) Krobo girls were used for the qualitative study, twenty-one (21) initiates and fourteen (14) non-initiates. Data collected involved two phases namely focus group discussion and one-on-one interview. These phases were used to seek the views of initiates about the present perception of Dipo and different factors that influence girl‘s sexual behaviour. The two phases gave the girls equal opportunity to express themselves individually and in groups. It also catered for individual differences and the ability to share private information about participant‘s sexual life. 47 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.4 Study 2 (Quantitative method) The second study (study 2) presents a detailed description of quantitative data collection. It started with the research design, a pilot study, sample size for quantitative study and finally the procedure used to obtain quantitative data. 3.4.1 Research Design for Quantitative Study The design used for the study was a cross-sectional survey. This design was used to collect data from individuals of different characteristics within a short period of time. It is usually a method of collecting information by asking members of a population a set of questions. It also include self-reports of individuals own attitudes, behaviours and experiences (Michener, DeLamater & Myers, 2004). 3.4.2 Pilot study Questionnaires were provided to 20 participants. Girls between the ages of twelve (12) to eighteen (18) years were given 3 days to inform care givers to grant the needed permission before they were allowed to participate. This was done in regards to the Constitution of Ghana which rendered people below the age of 18 as non-adult. The data collected during the pilot study was used to check if the instruments were reliable. 3.4.3 Sample for Quantitative study A sample size of 145, which comprised 80 initiates (Dipo girls) and 65 non-initiates between the ages of 12- 20 years were recruited. This was necessary to make meaningful analysis as ideas were elicited among cohorts. The targeted sample size was also consistent with Tabachnick and 48 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Fidell (2001) who have suggested that for a survey research, the acceptable sample size should be determined by the relation: N > 50 + 8M where M = the number of independent variables to be used. The present study has two independent variables (hence M = 2). By Tabachnick and Fidell (2001) prescription, the sample size for this present study should not be less than 66 [i.e. 50 + 8(2)]. Table 3.3 shows the demographics of initiates and non-initiates used for the quantitative study. 49 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 3.3: Demographics of initiates and non- initiates for quantitative study Variables Frequency Percentage (%) Dipo initiates Age 12years 1 1.30 13years 4 5.00 14years 12 15.00 15years 19 23.80 16years 6 7.50 17years 15 18.80 18years 14 17.50 19years 4 5.00 20years 5 6.30 Total 80 100 Educational level Junior High level 52 65 Senior High Level 28 35 Non-initiates Age 12 years 4 6.20 13years 6 9.20 14 years 4 6.20 15 years 6 9.20 16 years 7 10.80 17 years 12 18.50 18 years 13 20.00 19 years 9 13.80 20 years 4 6.20 Total 65 100 Educational level Junior High level 43 66.15 Senior High Level 22 33.85 Educational level: JHS - Junior High School, SHS- Senior High School 50 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 3.3 shows the demographics of participants (initiates and non-initiates) used for the quantitative aspect of the study. Eighty (80) initiates and sixty-five (65) non-initiates was used for the study. A total of fifty-two (52) initiates were conveniently selected from the Junior High level of Education whereas twenty-eight (28) initiates were selected from the Senior High level of Education. The age categories of initiates between 12 to 20 years are presented in the table. Another set of forty-three (43) non-initiates were selected from the Junior High level of Education in addition to twenty-two (22) non-initiates from the Senior High level of Education. 3.4.4 Data collection procedure for Quantitative Study During the third phase, six (6) instruments were used to collect quantitative data. Quantitative data was collected within three weeks where the researcher met participants six consecutive times. The major criterion which qualified girls to participate was observed and qualified participants were given a consent form during the first meeting. There was an arrangement to meet not more than 30 participants a day. Questionnaires were given to each participant in a given classroom and all initiates were asked to indicate ―One (1)‖ on their questionnaire whereas non-initiates indicated ―Two (2)‖. The second, third, fourth and fifth meetings consisted 30 participants each whereas the sixth meetings consisted 25 participants. A group of 30 was used because it is a manageable size that was controlled and well managed during the study. The data was collected with the support from two males and a female research assistants who aided in forward and backward translation of items during quantitative data collection. They were Ghanaian language teachers at Akro Senior High School (male translator), Odumase Presby School (male translator) and Nuaso Presby School (female translator) respectively. 51 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.5 Instruments The instruments used for quantitative data collection were adopted from the Rosenberg Self- Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965), Kessler Psychological Health Distress Scale (Andersen, Grimsrud, Myer, Williams, Stein & Seedat (2011), Bem Sex-Role Inventory (Bem, 1985), Africentric Worldview Scale, Cultural Orientation Scale and one other Scale developed by the researcher with supervisor‘s assistance called the Dipo Perception Scale (Refer to Appendix 2 for full scale). These instruments were used to measure participant‘s self-esteem, psychological distress, gender identity, cultural identity and perception of Dipo rites respectively. Two scales which consist of different test items were used to assess a Krobo girl‘s sense of cultural identity. This is because the researcher wanted to get a wilder view of cultural identity, thus their Africentric worldview as well as initiates cultural orientation. The Kessler Psychological Distress Scale is a 10-item questionnaire that accounts for a complete measure of distress. The scale was developed with support from the U.S. government's National Center for Health Statistics and was redesigned by the U.S. National Health Interview Survey (NHIS). The scale as described in more detail in Kessler, Barker, Colpe, Epstein, Gfroerer, Hiripi, Howes et al. (2003) reported that, the items of this scale assess anxiety and depressive symptoms that a person experienced in the last four-week period. Some of the items include: 1) During the last 30 days, about how often did you feel tired out of no reason? 2) During the last 30 days, about how often did you feel nervous? The response is a Likert scale (i.e. from none of the time, a little of the time, some of the time, most of the time to all of the time.) Respondents who rate ―Some of the time‖ or ―All of the time‖ are in need of detailed 52 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh assessment whereas those who rate ―A little of the time‖ or ―None of the time‖ need early intervention to reduce depression and anxiety resulting in preventing future mental health issues (Kessler et al., 2003). Numbers ranging from none of the time (1) to all of the time (5) were used for the scoring. The maximum score was 50 indicating severe distress whereas the minimum score was 10 indicating no distress. The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1989) includes 10 items with 5 positive and 5 negative statements. Examples of questions asked in the scale include 1) On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. 2) I feel that I have a number of good qualities. 3) I certainly feel useless at times. Responses range from strongly agreed, agree, disagree, and strongly disagree. Total test scores range from 10 to 40 with the higher scores indicating higher self-esteem. Items number 2, 5, 6, 8 and 9 were scored inversely (Gray-Little, Williams & Hancock, 1997). Bem Sex-Role Inventory measures masculinity, femininity, androgyny and undifferentiated sex role orientations and each category consists of twenty items. The Bem Sex-Role instrument was used to assess gender identity among initiates. The masculinity category measures socially desirable masculine traits whereas the femininity category measures socially desirable feminine traits, which were focused on the theme of expressive orientation, or ―affective concern for the welfare of others‖ (Choi & Fuqua, 2003, p. 874). The items include Tactful, Ambitious, Gentle, Conventional, Truthfulness, Willing to take risks, Understanding and Secretive. The Africentric Worldview Scale (Belgrave et al., 1997) measures participants‘ cultural values and African beliefs among the Krobo. The scale is made up of six (6) subscales, capturing 53 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh spirituality, intuition, sensitivity, respect for elders, communalism and orality. The item numbers that were originally loaded (actual scale designed by Belgrave) under spirituality include question number 8, 9, 10, 11 and 14. Two (2) items loaded for intuition and this include question 4 and 5. Item number 3, 7, 12 and 13 were loaded for sensitivity. Item 17 and 18 were loaded for respect, and under communalism, item number 5, 20, 21 and 23were loaded. Finally, item number 1 and 2 were loaded under Orality. The Cronbach alphas for the subscales are Spirituality =.74; Intuition =.73; Sensitivity =.79; Respect =.77; Communalism =.70; Orality =.71. Africentric worldview scale is a five point likert scale ranging from ―strongly agree‖ to ―strongly disagree‖ where higher scores indicate stronger Africentric cultural values and vice versa. It is scored by adding up all items to indicate a high or low Africentric worldview. Scores between 22 and 55 indicated low Africentric worldview whereas scores between 56 and 110 indicate high Africentric worldview. Examples of items on the scale include: 1) I perform better on oral rather than written tasks. 2) I view death as a spiritual event. 3) I have to see something to believe it. Cultural Orientation Scale is a 14-item scale that measures how individuals believe that others needs and feelings are essential in social relationships. Respondents were required to answer each item on a 7-point likert scale ranging from 1 (extremely uncharacteristic of me) to 7 (extremely characteristic of me) (Clark, Ouellette, Powell, & Milberg, 1987). Cultural orientation scale emphasizes how communal orientation affects people‘s expectations, performance and perceived judgments of situations. Respondents who scored high in communal orientation were more likely to allocate resources equally among each other than those who score low in communal orientation (Thompson & DeHarpport, 1998). Items on the scale include: 1) It bothers 54 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh me when other people neglect my needs. 2) I don‘t consider myself to be a particularly helpful person 3) When I have a need that others ignore, I‘m hurt. Dipo Perception Scale is a 20 item scale that was used to measure the perception of Dipo among Krobo girls. This scale was developed by the researcher to assess the perception of Dipo among Krobo girls. Responses range from strongly agree, agree, disagree, and strongly disagree. Total test scores range from 10 to 40 with the higher scores indicating higher perception about Dipo rites. Items on the scale include: 1) One should feel comfortable going through Dipo rites. 2) Going through Dipo may be stressful 3) I am proud of being a Krobo. Three (3) items which include item number 1, 4, 7 and 15 were scored inversely. The rest of the items (17) were directly scored with the highest score of 4 (Strongly agree) to a lower score of 1(Strongly disagree). Higher scores indicate Higher Dipo perception. The scale was validated in a pilot study to determine the Cronbach alpha. The principal component analysis was also presented. 3.5.1 Reliability The instruments as well as the researcher‘s effort in research account to reliability and validity (Golafshani, 2003). To ensure reliability, events were documented and pilot study was also conducted. The quality of concepts, subjectivity and trustworthiness as reasoned by Davies and Dodd (2002) were taken into consideration to ensure validity. Semi-structured interview guide was also used to collect data from the participants. Participants were asked the same sets of questions and at the same time to make it flexible enough as well as giving room to emerging ideas. The Cronbach alphas for the scales used are presented in Table 3.4. 55 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 3.4: Reliability of Scales used for the Pilot Study Scale Cronbach Alpha Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale 0.69 Kessler Psychological Health Distress Scale 0.87 Bem Sex-Role Inventory 0.87 Africentric Worldview Scale 0.77 Cultural Orientation Scale 0.80 Dipo Perception Scale 0.81 3.6 Ethical Consideration The study observed the basic principles involved in treating participants fairly and honestly. It began with seeking the consent of participants prior to data collection exercises. Research using human participants requires high ethical standards. According to Quarshie (2011), adhering to ethical requirements is important since it promotes the purpose of the research through knowledge production than fabrication and misinterpretation of data. Major issue pertaining to this study was informed consent however, participants were provided with much information that would give them a fair idea about the aims and objectives of the study. Furthermore, the principle of confidentiality was strictly adhered to as participants were assured that information being collected was going to be used for educational purposes and nothing else. Their identities and privacy were kept under anonymity and they were told not to write their 56 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh names when completing the questionnaires. A simple mechanism that was used to ensure confidentiality was for Dipo girls to indicate ‘1‘ on the form whereas non-initiates indicated ‘2‘. During the focus group discussion and interview, participants were asked of the level of education and ages. This was done to reassure them of anonymity and also to make them feel comfortable throughout the process of data collection. The researcher used pseudo names as a means of identifying participants when necessary. Aside this, a written proposal of this study was submitted to the Ethics Committee for the Humanities (ECH), University of Ghana for approval as required by the Department of Psychology. 3.7 Conclusion of Quantitative Methodology The methodology was presented in 2 different studies. Study 1 includes a pilot study as well as the qualitative aspect of the study. The qualitative aspect involved two phases; focus group discussion and a one-on-one interview respectively. Other key concepts include the sampling technique, general research design and data collection procedure for the qualitative aspect of data collection. In Study 2, the pilot study, sample size and procedure for quantitative data collection (third phase) were reported. This chapter ends with the instruments used to collect the quantitative data. 57 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER 4 RESULTS Qualitative Results 4.1 Introduction The qualitative data employed thematic analysis to identify, analyse and interpret various aspects of the research objectives. This section presents the result of the qualitative section of the survey. 4.1.1 Qualitative Data Analysis Data for the qualitative study was analysed using thematic analysis to emphasize the themes that emerged from the one-on-one interview as well as the focus group discussion. 4.1.2 Thematic Analysis The qualitative component of the study employed thematic analysis to analyze the data. This method of analysis helps to capture themes that emerge from the narratives in the focus group discussion (Braun & Clarke, 2006). According to Braun and Clarke (2006), qualitative data must be analyzed in 5 main phases. It begins with the researcher becoming more familiar with the information gathered through transcription. The second phase involves generating initial codes which is followed by the third phase which involve searching for themes from the initial codes. In the fourth stage, main themes are formed by merging some of the themes which were generated in the third phase. At the final phase, the main themes that have emerged from the 58 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh narratives are defined and named. Focus group discussions and one-one-one interviews with initiates were analyzed with this method of analysis. 4.1.3 Presentation of Findings (Perception of Dipo) Introduction The qualitative data focused on two main objectives. The first objective considered girl‘s general perception of Dipo in the community. Under the first objective four main themes emerged. These include source of income, early and late initiation period, love life and traditional rites. These themes reflect a mixed perception among initiates and non-initiates as the stated objective was expressed in both positive and negative statements. The themes under the first objective were presented as follows: Source of Income According to initiates used for the study, Dipo was seen as a source of income for the organizers of the rite which mostly include the elderly women in the community. This view emerged from a general consensus by all the initiates. The idea was expressed in statements such as: “One can avoid certain aspects of Dipo by paying a token to the elderly women.” (FGD 1; 17 years- S.H.S) “My mother paid some amount of money and I was excluded from particular aspects which my mother didn‟t want them to do for me” (R1; 12 years - J.H.S) 59 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Early and Late Initiation Period Through the discussion, participants expressed two dissenting views in relation to the age of initiation. While twelve initiates prefer to undergo Dipo rites at puberty so that they can learn very important concepts that will be useful in the future, seven (7) initiates were of the view that children should not be allowed to participate and two (2) participants were indifferent about the age. Some of the views expressed are as follows. “It is good to go through Dipo early because I have seen some young girls who were pregnant at an early age. In order to relieve their family from curse and disgrace, they will be free from any form of guilt if they get pregnant without going through the rite. However, I was very young but I have a sister who was about completing Junior High School. My parents decided that I should join her so that we all undergo the rite at the same time.” (R4; 16 years- J.H.S) “I was very young when I was initiated so I cannot recall what I was taught at the time. In fact, I can‟t attest to the fact that I was taught either home management or personal hygiene which was the key reasons for which the rite has been instituted.” (FGD 1; 14 years- S.H.S) “I have observed that most Krobo teenage girls who participated in Dipo at an early age usually involved themselves in immoral behaviours because nothing actually keeps them from such behaviours. The experience as compared to Krobo girls around the ages of 14 and above who have not undergone the rite is different because most of us are afraid to partake in immoral acts before initiation.”(R 7; 20 years- S.H.S) 60 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh “When I was undergoing Dipo rites I was fifteen (15) years at the time and was added to young people between the ages of three (3) to eight (8). I felt I was too old for the rite and this has been the feeling with regards to age. If Dipo rite is to teach us basic skills for marriage, then they should allow all of us to attain a certain age before we undergo the rite. Most at times I feel very shy when certain rituals are performed and even if the ceremony is over. Sometimes I regret for undergoing the rite” (FDG 2; 18 years- J.H.S) Love life The love life of initiate was explained in relation to having a good marriage and single parenting. Initiates expressed their views concerning their anticipated future life. Fifteen (15) participants were happy to have undergone the Dipo rites in order to get good marriages and for their in-laws to accept them. However, six participants reported of inadequate education and training in relation to their readiness towards marriage during initiation. According to initiates, different categories of Dipo groups who shared their experiences indicate that, much lessons were not acquired during the performance of Dipo rite. This was attributed to the short time interval especially when they compare previous experiences to the current state of initiation. According to an observation made by five (5) non-initiates, it was expressed that most initiates are single parents as a result of teenage pregnancy. In addition, all initiates expressed the view that good marriage in recent times can be achieved through morality and good attitude and this can be acquired without going through Dipo rite. Some of the views concerning marriage in relation to Dipo rites were expressed as follows: 61 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh “I am happy to undergo Dipo rite because I will be accepted by my husband and in-laws. During engagement ceremonies, men are asked if the woman has undergone Dipo. Sometime, in-laws ask the man before any ceremony. This has created tension which I have witnessed in the community.” (FGD 2; 14 years- S.H.S) “Dipo is good in this society because men give respect to Krobo girls who have undergone the rites. I am happy for undergoing the rite because it makes me feel like a krobo woman who is being prepared for good marriage. We were taught how we can take good care of ourselves during menstrual periods and our future homes.”(FGD 1; 13 years- JHS) “In my area, I have realized that people who have not undergone Dipo rite have bad marriages. They are either rejected by men who impregnated them or left alone to take care of their children. Sometimes, the man can be frustrated by his own family members from marrying a Krobo girl who had not undergone Dipo rites. On the contrary, those who have undergone Dipo rites don‟t suffer these problems.” (FGD 2; 18 years- S.H.S) “I have seen Dipo girls in my area who get pregnant after the rite. At the end, most of these girls remain single mothers after delivery where they have to take care of the child all alone. Other times, they get assisted by their own parents. I feel that good marriage can be achieved through morality and good attitude irrespective of Dipo rite of passage.” (FGD 3; 17 years- SH.S) 62 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh “My mother told me that, during their time, they were taught home management, personal hygiene and how to take good care of their homes. In fact, we don‟t benefit from all these lessons these days because of the period of initiation.” (FGD 1; 17 years- J.H.S) Traditional rite Most non-initiates (12 out of 14 girls) in the focus group expressed their discontentment about the traditional nature of the rite in the community. However, very few initiates (6 girls) expressed their view about the same subject. To most Dipo initiates, Dipo was seen as traditional because of several referrals made by organizers for initiates to see the ―fetish woman‖ during some of the key stages of the ritual. Below is sample quote. “Dipo is generally good in modern times but the way it is done these days, I am not happy about it. My problem is with the age of initiation and the fetish impression created these days. We are constantly referred to go to „fetish woman‟ for most rituals, which makes me believe that Dipo is fetish. People virtually pay for major aspects of the rites for which they are spared and allowed not to partake. This makes Dipo in modern society questionable. Some of these things must be checked to avoid people from criticizing our culture.‟‟ (FGD 1; 20 years- J.H.S) “Dipo is not important because initially, I was told that it is a culture for the Krobo but now I have regretted for undergoing the ceremony because it appears to be very fetish these days. I was initiated when I was very young but had I known and had the will power to decide I wouldn‟t have done it.” (FGD 2; 18 years- S.H.S) 63 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh “I have not gone through the rite because every single stage of the right depicts some fetish activity. This include libation which is poured for the gods, sitting on a sacred stone and even the organizers of Dipo rites are fetish priestesses.”(FGD; 16 years- J.H.S) 4.1.4 Influence of Dipo on Sexual Behaviours Introduction The second objective for the qualitative study assessed the influence of Dipo on girl‘s sexual behaviours and choices in sexual related issues. Two themes that emerged from the narratives include good morals and the lesson from the Dipo rite. View of initiates and non-initiates concerning different issues regarding sexual activities resulted in these two dissenting views. In summary, eleven (11) initiates and twelve (12) non-initiates out of twenty-one (21) and fourteen (14) respectively were of the view that morality and good behaviour play a role in individual sexual behaviour. Ten (10) other initiates were of the view that, Dipo also plays a role in a girl‘s sexual behaviour. The two themes were expressed as follows: Morals Some participants reported that morals have prevented them from engaging in immoral sexual behaviours. They explained that morals were inculcated through Christian values and parental guidance. Below are sample quotes. “Morals and character are the key factors that influence issues relating to my sexual life. This is because, during initiation, an aspect of the Dipo rituals demands that a man should carry an initiate (mostly the presumed husband) after the test of pregnancy. Usually, any man can assist 64 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh you and this man may not necessarily be your future husband. I was carried by a man who mostly refers to me as her wife. I just smile to this but never took it serious. Most of my Dipo mates never joked with this opportunity. They visit these men irrespective of their age and marital status and within a shorter period, you will see them pregnant.” (FGD 1; 20 years- S.H.S) “Adolescent stage is a very challenging period in general. My church instils in me good morals and my parents also ensure that I grow to be somebody in future. Indeed, I want to become somebody in future and so, I take good care of myself and avoid sexual issues during this stage. I will say that, having good morals is key when dealing with teenage sexual related issues” (FGD 4; 19 years- S.H.S) Lessons from Dipo Initiates also indicated that Dipo has served as a deterrent from engaging in sexual behaviours. This is because of the consequences they mostly face when they engage in sexual activities without going through the Dipo rite. For example, some indicated that one can be rejected from the family and an extreme case will be banishment from the community. Below are some of the statements made by the respondents. “Dipo plays a major role in sexual behavioural option because someone who has not undergone Dipo rites will be scared to have sex or engage in immoral act. There are other few people who quickly get involved in sexual activity because they feel that, the completion of Dipo rites serve as a license to partake in sexual behaviours. This is a problem when young children below puberty age are allowed to participate in Dipo rite.” 65 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh “I am scared to involve myself in sexual behaviour because I will be stucked on the stone which initiates sits on during Dipo rites. This will bring disgrace to myself and family so I try my best to abstain from sexual behaviours. I will not be able to complete the rites and will be sacked from the community. I have seen someone who was treated that way.” (R 5; 18 years- SHS) Table 3.5: Summary of Qualitative findings among Initiates and Non-initiates Themes Meanings Supporting Quotes Source of income The theme reflects ways in which ―My mother paid some amount organizers use Dipo rites to raise money of money and I was excluded from parents who want to initiate their from particular aspects of the rite girls. Due to modernity and personal which my mother didn‘t want reasons, some aspects of the Dipo were them to do for me‖ (R1; 12 years replaced and spared at a fee in order to - J.H.S) raise money for daily leaving. Early and Late The theme was used to describe the age of ―I was very young when I was Initiation Period initiation among Krobo girls. Early initiated so I cannot recall what I initiation refers to Krobo girls who went was taught at the time. In fact, I through the stages of Dipo rites at a can‘t attest to the fact that I was younger age (sometimes, as young as 3 taught either home management years). Late initiation refers girls who went or personal hygiene which was through the stages of Dipo rites at an older the key reasons for which the rite age (sometime, as old as 20 years). Early has been instituted.‖ (FGD 1; 14 and late initiation periods has revealed the years- S.H.S) impact of Dipo rites on girl‘s experiences and learning abilities. 66 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Love Life Love life was attributed to marriage and ―… I am happy for undergoing how effective Dipo could contribute for the the rite because it makes me feel acquisition of knowledge for successful like a krobo woman who is being marriages. prepared for good marriage …‖(FGD 1; 13 years- JHS) Table 3.5 Cont’d: Summary of Qualitative findings among Initiates and Non-initiates Themes Meanings Supporting Quotes Traditional Rite Dipo was described in today‘s society as a ―… I have regretted for traditional rite since most of the activities undergoing the ceremony were performed by traditional leaders. because it appears to be very fetish these days with activities led by traditional leaders….‖ (FGD 2; 18 years- S.H.S) Morals Morals reflect the appropriate evaluation of “…I was carried by a man who thoughts and feelings among Krobo girls. mostly refers to me as her wife. I just smile to this but never took it serious. Most of my Dipo mates never joked with this opportunity. They visit these men irrespective of their age, marital status and within a shorter period, you will see them pregnant...‖ (FGD 1; 20 years- S.H.S) 67 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Lessons form Dipo Basic ways of acquiring knowledge “… I will be stucked on the through different lessons acquired during stone which initiates sits on Dipo rites. during Dipo rites. This will bring disgrace to myself and family so I try my best to abstain from sexual behaviours…‖ (R 5; 18 years- SHS) In summary, six (6) themes were generated as shown in Table 3.5 under two (2) main objectives for the qualitative study. The first objective which assessed the Krobo girl‘s perception on Dipo rite in a modern society generated 4 themes (source of income, early and late initiation period, love life and traditional rite). The second objective which assessed factors that influence girl‘s sexual behaviour also generated two themes (Morals and lessons from Dipo). 68 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh QUANTITATIVE RESULTS 4.2 Introduction Quantitative results started with the preliminary analysis of the psychosocial correlates among initiates and non-initiates. The mean, standard deviation, minimum, maximum, skewness and kurtosis of the psychosocial correlates were presented. The principal component analysis of Dipo Perception scale and Africentric Worldview scales were also presented. Finally, the hypotheses were tested. 4.3 Quantitative Data analysis Quantitative data was analysed with different descriptive statistics and correlation matrices of the psychosocial correlates among initiates and non-initiates. Eight (8) hypotheses were tested and analysed with independent t-test (Hypotheses 1-7). Linear multiple regression was used to analyse hypothesis 8. This was because two independent groups from the same population were compared and a relationship was also considered between the subscales of Africentric worldview and self-esteem respectively. 69 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.4 Preliminary Analysis Table 4.4.1: Descriptive Statistics of Psychosocial correlates of the study Psychosocial Mean SD Min Max Skewness Kurtosis Correlates Initiates Psychological Distress 19.04 8.04 10 50 1.13 1.60 Self-Esteem 23.64 7.30 10 37 0.41 -0.80 Africentric worldview 79.49 14.91 40 104 -0.57 -0.11 Cultural Orientation 58.77 14.21 26 92 0.19 -0.29 Gender Identity 12.60 3.31 4.35 19.60 -.48 -.096 Dipo Perception 48.44 12.71 24 73 0.12 -1.18 Non-initiates Psychological Distress 22.37 6.42 10 39 0.28 -0.04 Self Esteem 22.57 4.38 11 40 0.87 0.37 Africentric Worldview 80.15 12.24 51 100 -0.57 -0.23 Cultural Orientation 58.46 13.59 26 98 0.31 0.91 Gender Identity 12.41 3.05 5.20 17.95 -.688 .038 Dipo Perception 43.03 8.85 22 58 -0.57 -0.14 Sample size: Initiates = 80 / non-initiates = 65 Krobo girls were tested on the following Psychosocial Correlates. Psychological distress using the Kessler Psychological distress scale, self-esteem using Rosenberg Self-esteem scale, Dipo 70 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh perception using the developed Dipo perception scale, Cultural identity using Africentric worldview scale and Cultural orientation scale and finally Gender identity with Bem scale. The data gathered was analysed using the SPSS 20 and key findings were presented in Table 4.4.1. Table 4.4.1 indicates the means, standard deviation, minimum, maximum, skewness, and Kurtosis scores for each of the Psychosocial Correlates among initiates and non-initiates. The skewness and kurtosis scores shows that most of the scores fall within the acceptable range of +1 and -1 indicating that the scores were normally distributed and have satisfy the condition for the use of parametric tests. However, few scores were above the range but these scores did not substantially deviate from normality. The results of Cronbach alpha scores for the various psychosocial correlates indicate that the scales were reliable enough to be used for the purpose of the study. The scores for the subscales were presented in Table 4.4.2. Table 4.4.2: Descriptive Statistics of Africentric Worldview and Gender Identity Subscales among Initiates and Non-initiates Correlates N Mean SD Min Max Skewness Kurtosis Initiates Africentric Worldview (Subscales) Spirituality 80 16.54 3.54 7 24 -0.08 -0.32 Intuition 80 6.38 2.35 2 10 -0.15 -0.95 Sensitivity 80 13.94 3.29 6 20 -0.46 -0.13 Respect 80 7.99 2.26 2 10 -1.28 0.90 Communalism 80 13.76 3.38 5 20 -0.65 -0.06 Orality 80 6.28 2.37 2 10 -0.10 -1.14 Gender Identity (Subscales) Masculinity 80 4.14 1.23 1.6 6.65 0.01 -0.60 Femininity 4.38 1.17 1.55 6.85 -0.47 -0.33 Androgyny 80 3.88 1.03 1.15 5.75 -0.69 0.10 71 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Non-initiates Africentric Worldview (Subscales) Spirituality 65 15.91 3.62 5 23 -0.73 0.76 Intuition 65 6.98 2.31 2 10 -0.64 -0.34 Sensitivity 65 13.78 3.14 5 20 -0.41 0.08 Respect 65 7.69 2.38 2 10 -0.88 -0.23 Communalism 65 13.58 3.35 4 20 -0.35 0.03 Orality 65 6.51 2.12 2 10 -0.09 -0.78 Gender Identity (Subscales) Masculinity 65 4.11 1.06 1.8 6.25 -0.26 -0.39 Femininity 65 4.27 1.14 1.8 6.05 -0.62 -0.32 Androgyny 65 3.87 1.00 1.5 5.7 -0.65 -0.08 Table 4.4.2 indicates the means, standard deviation, minimum, maximum, skewness and Kurtosis scores for all subscales used for the study. These subscales under Africentric Worldview include spirituality, intuition, sensitivity, respect, communalism and orality. Gender Identity subscales include masculinity, femininity and androgyny respectively. The skewness and kurtosis scores shows that most of the scores fall within the acceptable range of +1 and -1 indicating that the scores were normally distributed and have satisfy the condition for the use of parametric tests. However, few scores were above the range but did not substantially deviate from the normality. The results of Cronbach alpha scores for the various psychosocial correlates indicate that the scales were reliable enough to be used for the purpose of the study. 72 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 4.4.3: Summary of Correlation Matrices of Psychosocial Correlates among Initiates Variable Age PH SE AW CO GI DP SPI INT SEN RES COM ORAL MAS FEM Initiates Age PH .34** SE 0.01 0.06 AW 0.03 0.02 -.275* CO 0.13 0.19 -0.14 .256* GI 0.09 0.05 -0.12 0.20 0.08 DP -.30** -0.14 .625** -0.19 -0.03 -0.16 SPI 0.12 .25* -0.03 .67** .34** 0.11 -0.10 INT -0.03 0.08 -0.18 .57** -0 0.01 -0.19 .29** SEN 0.13 0.01 -0.12 .77** 0.08 .28* -0.10 .38** .49** RES 0.00 -0.11 -0.21 .69** 0.18 0.17 -0.11 .33** .31** .616** COM -0.18 -0.18 -0.18 .55** -0.06 0.01 -0.09 .40** .33** .28* .366** ORAL -0.17 0.04 -.337** .48** 0.05 0.01 -0.17 0.14 .27* .28* 0.18 0.11 MAS -0.03 -0.01 -0.16 .24* 0.08 .95** -0.10 0.09 0.07 .30** 0.18 0.05 0.10 FEM 0.12 0.08 -0.09 0.19 0.04 .95** -0.15 0.12 0.02 .27* 0.18 0.01 -0.01 .84** AND 0.20 0.04 -0.07 0.15 0.09 .93** -0.18 0.10 -0.05 .24* 0.15 -0.03 -0.02 .81** .85** ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). * Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed). PH- Psychological Distress SE- Self Esteem AW- Africentric Worldview CO- Cultural Orientation GI- Gender Identity DP- Dipo Perception SPI- Spirituality INT- Intuition SEN- Sensitivity RES- Respect COM- Communalism ORAL- Orality MAS- Masculinity FEM- Femininity ANDRO- Androgyny. 73 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 4.4.4: Summary of Correlation Matrices of Psychosocial Correlates among Non-initiates Variable AGE PH SE AW CO GI DP SPI INT SEN RES COM ORAL MAS FEM AGE PH .24* SE 0.22 0.13 AW 0.11 0.01 0.10 CO -0.09 0.13 0.04 0.21 GI -0.07 0.00 -0.22 0.15 0.17 DP -.46** -.34** -0.16 -0.17 -0.09 -0.1 SPI 0.09 0.08 0.003 .79** 0.13 0.12 -0.14 INT 0.11 -0.02 .312* .35** -0.11 0.11 -0.06 0.21 SEN 0.04 0.08 0.12 .54** 0.24 0.19 -0.07 .29* 0.05 RES -0.05 -0.08 0.11 .73** 0.14 -0.05 -0.16 .53** 0.09 .267* COM -0.21 -0.02 0.11 .36** 0.16 0.19 -0.16 .26* .46** 0.21 0.19 ORAL 0.01 0.04 0.03 .505** 0.11 0.13 -0.24 .34** 0.13 .28* .25* 0.15 MAS -0.08 0.02 -0.2 0.15 0.22 .94** -0.01 0.09 0.19 0.22 -0.11 0.19 0.12 FEM -0.04 0.01 -0.22 0.20 0.15 .95** -0.18 0.14 0.05 0.22 0.07 0.2 0.20 .82** ANDRO -0.03 -0.02 -0.2 0.05 0.08 .94** -0.10 0.06 0.06 0.13 -0.13 0.15 0.03 .84** .86** ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). * Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed). PH- Psychological Distress SE- Self Esteem AW- Africentric Worldview CO- Cultural Orientation GI- Gender Identity DP- Dipo Perception SPI- Spirituality INT- Intuition SEN- Sensitivity RES- Respect COM- Communalism ORAL- Orality MAS- Masculinity FEM- Femininity ANDRO- Androgyny 74 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 4.4.3 and 4.4.4 show the degree of correlation that exist between different psychosocial correlates among initiates and non-initiates respectively. Some significant results were obtained. For instance, there was a positive correlation between psychological distress and age and a negative correlation between Dipo perception and age. These results were not different among initiates to non-initiates. On the other, while orality only appeared to be correlation with self- esteem among initiates, intuition appeared to be associated with self-esteem among non-initiates. More importantly, most of the subscales under Africentric worldview and gender identity happened to be correlated with each other. For example; among initiates, the Africentric worldview subscale is correlated to intuition, sensitivity, respect and communalism. Intuition is also correlated to sensitivity, respect communalism and orality. With gender identity among initiates, masculinity is correlated to femininity and androgyny. 75 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.5 Hypotheses Testing The Hypotheses formulated were tested and presented with different statistical measures. Inferential statistics such as Independent t test, linear multiple regression and Pearson Product- Moment Correlation Coefficient (Pearson r) were used to test the various hypotheses. The Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software version 20 was used for data analysis. Some hypotheses tested were presented in Table 4.5.1 Table 4.5.1: Summary of Psychosocial Correlates among Initiates and Non-initiates Psychosocial Initiates Non-Initiates t p Correlates Mean (x) S.D. Mean (x) S.D. Psychological Distress 19.04 8.04 22.37 6.42 2.71 0.008 Self Esteem 23.64 7.30 22.57 4.38 1.03 0.302 Africentric Worldview 79.49 14.91 80.15 12.24 0.290 0.773 Cultural Orientation 58.77 14.01 58.46 13.59 0.130 0.897 Gender Identity 12.60 3.31 12.41 3.05 0.36 0.722 Dipo Perception 48.44 12.71 43.03 8.85 2.99 0.003 Table 4.5.1 consists of the mean, standard deviation, independent t- test scores as well as p- values for the Psychosocial Correlates (Psychological Distresss, Self-esteem, Africentric worldview, Cultural Orientation, Gender Identity and Dipo perception) among initiates and non- initiates. The following hypothesis were tested: 76 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Hypothesis 1: Non-initiates will have higher Psychological Distress than Dipo initiates. Hypothesis 1 stated that non-initiates will have higher psychological distress than Dipo initiates. This hypothesis was analyzed using the independent t-test because two independent groups (initiates and non-initiates) from the same population were compared on psychological distress. From Table 4.5.1, there is a mean difference in psychological distress among initiates (N = 80, M = 19.04, SD = 8.04) and non-initiates (N = 65, M = 22.37, SD = 6.42). This difference was significant [t = 2.71, df =143, p = 0.008] indicating that the hypothesis was supported. Hypothesis 2: Initiates will have higher Self-Esteem than Non-initiates. Hypothesis 2 stated that initiates will have higher self-esteem than non-initiates. An independent sample t-test which considered two independent groups (initiates and non-initiates) from the same population were compared on self-esteem. From Table 4.5.1, the mean difference in self- esteem among initiates (N = 80, M = 23.64, SD = 7.30) and non-initiate (N = 65, M = 22.57, SD = 4.38) was not significant [t = 1.03, df = 143, p = 0.302]. Therefore, the hypothesis was not supported. Hypothesis 3: Dipo initiates will score significantly higher on the perception of Dipo rite than Non-initiates. Hypothesis 3 stated that initiates will have higher Dipo perception than non-initiates. This hypothesis was analyzed using independent t-test because two independent groups (initiates and non-initiates) from the same population were compared on the perception of Dipo. From Table 4.5.1, the mean difference in the perception of Dipo among initiates (N = 80, M = 44.30, SD = 77 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 8.12) and non-initiates (N = 65, M = 48.71, SD = 7.74) was found to be significant [t = 2.99, df =143, p = .003]. The hypothesis that initiates will score higher on Dipo perception than non- initiate was supported. Hypothesis 4: Dipo initiates will score significantly higher on Africentric Worldview compared to non-initiates. Hypothesis 4a stated that initiates will have a higher score on Africentric Worldview than non- initiates. An independent t-test was considered because two independent groups (initiates and non-initiates) were compared on Africentric Worldview. From Table 4.5.1, the mean difference in Africentric Worldview among initiates (N = 80, M = 79.49, SD = 14.91) and non-initiates (N = 65, M = 80.15, SD = 12.24) was not significant difference [t = .290, df =143, p = .773]. The hypothesis was therefore not supported. Hypothesis 5: There will be a significant difference between initiates and non-initiates regarding their sense of Cultural Orientation. Hypothesis 5 stated that initiates will have a higher score on Cultural Orientation than non- initiates. This hypothesis was analyzed using the independent t-test because two independent groups (initiates and non-initiates) were compared on Cultural Orientation. From Table 4.5.1, the mean difference in Africentric Worldview among initiates (N = 80, M = 58.77, SD = 14.21) and non-initiates (N = 65, M = 58.46, SD = 13.59) was not significant [t = .130, df = 143, p = .897]. The hypothesis was therefore not supported. 78 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Hypothesis 6: Initiates will obtain significantly higher scores on gender identity than non- initiates. Hypothesis 6 stated that initiates will obtain significantly higher scores on gender identity than non-initiates. Independent t-test was considered because two independent groups (initiates and non-initiates) were compared on Gender Identity. Table 4.5.1 shows that, the mean difference in Africentric Worldview among initiates (N = 80, M = 4.20, SD = 1.10) and non-initiate (N = 65, M = 4.14, SD = 1.02) was not significant [t = .36, df = 143, p = .722]. Therefore, the hypothesis was not supported. Table 4.5.2: Summary of the subscales on Gender Identity among Initiates and Non- initiates Psychosocial Initiates Non-Initiates t p Correlates Mean (x) S.D. Mean (x) S.D. Femininity 4.38 1.17 4.27 1.14 .560 .576 Masculinity 4.14 1.23 4.11 1.06 1.64 .870 Androgyny 3.88 1.03 3.87 1.00 .67 .947 Table 4.5.2 shows the mean, standard deviation, independent t-test scores and p-values of femininity, masculinity and androgyny among initiates and non-initiates. Krobo girls were assessed on all the three subscales under gender identity however one hypothesis was tested for the purpose of the study. 79 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Hypothesis 7: Initiates will obtain significantly higher scores on femininity than non- initiates. Hypothesis 8 stated that initiates will have a higher score on femininity than non-initiates. The hypothesis was analyzed using independent t-test because two independent groups (initiates and non-initiates) were compared on femininity. Table 4.5.2 shows no significant difference in the mean among initiates (N = 80, M = 4.38, SD = 1.17) and non-initiate (N = 65, M = 4.27, SD = 1.14) at [t = .560, df = 143, p = .576]. The hypothesis was therefore not supported. There was no significant difference in the scores of androgyny and masculinity as well. Hypothesis 8: There will be a significant relationship between subscales of Africentric Worldview and Self-Esteem. Hypothesis 8 stated that there will be a significant relationship between subscales of Africentric Worldview and self-esteem. This hypothesis was analysed using linear multiple regression to establish a linear relationship between the subscales of Africentric Worldview and self-esteem. The result is presented in Table 4.5.3. 80 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 4.5.3: Linear Regression Analysis of Africentric Worldview Subscales and Self- Esteem Self-Esteem Variables B SE β t p-value Initiates Spirituality .211 .253 102 .833 .408 Intuition -.270 .398 -.087 -.677 .500 Sensitivity .287 .342 .127 .837 .405 Respect -.638 .455 -.198 -1.403 .165 Communalism -.248 .269 -.114 -.921 .360 Orality -.964* .348 -.315 -2.767 .007 Non-initiates Spirituality -.193 .184 -.159 -1.044 .301 Intuition .685* .263 .362 2.608 .012 Sensitivity .187 .185 .134 1.007 .318 Respect .268 .268 .146 1.002 .321 Communalism -.092 .186 -.070 -.493 .624 Orality .064 .275 -.031 -.234 .816 R = .407 = .166 for initiates R = .369 = .136 for non-initiates Table 4.5.3 shows that the significant Africentric subscales were orality for initiates and intuition for non-initiates. More specifically, there is a negative relationship between orality and self- esteem for initiates and a positive relationship between intuition and self-esteem among non- 81 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh initiates. Since there was a relationship between orality and intuition, the hypothesis was partially supported. 4.6 Summary of Tested Hypotheses (Quantitative Study) 1. Non-initiates of Dipo had higher psychological distress than Dipo initiates. 2. There was no significant difference in self-esteem between initiates and non-initiates. 3. Initiates scored significantly higher positive perception of Dipo rite as compared to non- initiates. 4. There was no significant difference in the score of Africentric worldview among initiates and non-initiates. 5. There was no significant difference in cultural orientation among initiates and non-initiates. 6. There was no significant difference in the scores of gender identity among initiates and non- initiates. 7. There was no significant difference in the scores of femininity among initiates and non- initiates. 8. There was a partial significant relationship between the subscales of Africentric Worldview and self-esteem. 82 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ADDITIONAL FINDINGS 4.7 Introduction Dipo Perception scale and Africentric Worldview scale were subjected to Principal Component Analysis (PCA) using the SPSS version 20 to evaluate the content validity with the population used and cultural relevance. Prior to PCA, the suitability of data for factor analysis was used to assess and evaluate items to form a smaller number of coherent subscales. Items were loaded on a number of factors however major loadings were considered. The loadings of the scales were presented as follows: 4.8 Dipo Perception Scale (DPS) Five factors were generated for the Dipo Scale and the 1st factor was presented in Table 4.7.1. Table 4.8.1: Principal Component Analysis of Dipo Perception Scale (Factor 1) Positive Perception of Dipo among Krobo girls Item Number Item content Item Loading Factor 1 (Psychosocial Outcomes) 5 I am a Krobo because I have undergone Dipo rites. .65 8 Girls should voluntarily subject themselves to Dipo. .65 9 Dipo serves as a means of strengthening gender identity. .78 11 Dipo serves as a means of strengthening cultural identity. .66 12 Dipo girls will have higher self-esteem. .55 13 I am a Krobo because I was adopted by Krobo natives. .67 14 Dipo is a traditional rite among the Krobo. .57 16 Girls are always happy for undergoing Dipo rite. .53 83 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 17 Dipo helps Krobo to learn about their culture. .65 18 Initiates will perceive Dipo as a form of cultural identity. .66 19 I am proud of my ethnic group. .55 Eleven items loaded in factor 1 and items as indicated in Table 4.8.1 include item number 5, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, and 19. The items reflect the views on self -esteem, cultural identity and gender identity (Psychosocial outcomes) accounting to a Positive perception of Dipo among Krobo girls. All items which loaded on the first factor were above 0.4 (Field, 2009). Table 4.8.2: Principal component analysis of Dipo Perception Scale (Factor 2) Factor 2 (Experiences of Dipo rites) Item Number Item content Item loading 4 Girls feel guilty for undergoing Dipo rites .56 14 Dipo is a traditional rite among the Krobo .53 20 Dipo was used as a means of reducing HIV/AIDS among Krobos. .53 Three items loaded in the factor 2 and items as indicated in Table 4.8.2 include item number 4, 14 and 20. The items reflected basic experiences of Dipo rites. These experiences include some form of guilt and how Dipo was used to reduce HIV/AIDS. The category of items that loaded in factor 2 reflected the experiences of Dipo among Krobo girls. Table 4.8.3: Principal component analysis of Dipo Perception Scale (Factor 3) Factor 3 Implications of Dipo rites Item number Item content Item loading 1 Going through Dipo may be stressful. .56 3 Going through Dipo helps in reducing promiscuity. .60 84 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 20 Dipo was used as a means of reducing HIV/AIDS among Krobos. .69 Three items loaded in factor 3 and items as indicated in Table 4.8.3 include item number 1, 3 and 20. The items revealed some implications such as Dipo rites serving as a means of promiscuity, HIV/AIDS with quite stressful stages. The items that loaded in the third factor reflected some implications of Dipo. Two items loaded in factor 4 and the items include number 4 and 6. Item 1 loaded in factor 5. In conclusion, the items that loaded on Dipo perception scale reflected different experiences among Krobo girls. Senenteen items loaded in all of the factors out of the 20 items in the scale used. 4.8 Africentric Worldview Scale The principal component Analysis for the Africentric Worldview scale was presented. This scale generated 7 factors. The first factor loaded thirteen (13) items out of the twenty (23) test items. The second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth factors loaded three, one, one, two and one factors respectively. No item loaded on the seventh factor. The items loaded on the factors were quite different from the original scale as developed by Belgrieve. This could be as a result of different cultural settings for which data were collected and analysed. The loadings under different factors have been presented beginning from Table 4.8.4. 85 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 4.8.4: Principal Component Analysis of Africentric Worldview Scale (Factor 1) Factor 1 Spirituality Item Number Item Content Item Loading 2 When greeting someone, I prefer verbal acknowledgements (rather than a nod or a hand wave). .65 4 I listen to my inner voice. .57 5 I am likely to rely on my inner voice. .51 6 I have to see something to believe it. .68 7 I can tell when a close friend is in trouble. .69 8 Attending churches, mosques, or other places of worship is important to me. .64 11 When stressed, I put my faith in a higher being. .80 12 When I hear music I respond actively to it. .58 16 People should be judged on who they are rather their material achievement. .70 18 Older members of my family are relied on for advice /guidance. .74 20 The ultimate value of a person is in his/her service to others. .70 21 My successful achievements are due to the support of significant others. .58 22 My successful achievements are due to the support of significant others. .59 Thirteen items loaded in factor 1 and items as indicated in Table 4.7.4 include item number 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 16, 18, 20, 21, and 22. All items which loaded on the first factor were above 0.4 (Field, 2009) and items were different from the original scale. 86 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 4.8.5: Principal Component Analysis of Africentric Worldview Scale (Factor 2) Factor 2 Intuition Item Number Item Content Item Loading 4 I listen to my inner voice. .57 10 I believe in a spiritual force or power. .58 22 My successful achievements are due to the support of significant others. .50 Three items loaded in factor 2 and items as indicated in Table 4.8.5 include item number 4, 10 and 22. All items considered loaded were above 0.4 (Field, 2009) and items were different from the original scale. The items reflected the sense of intuition among Dipo girls. The rest of the items loaded were not considered due the number of loadings. 4.9 Figure 3: Observed Framework 87 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3 shows the observed framework for the study. The framework implied that the awareness of cultural values among Krobo girls and the influences on tested Psychosocial Correlates (Psychological distress, Self-esteem, Dipo perception, Gender and Cultural identity) revealed that non initiates experienced higher psychological distress whereas initiates had higher perception regarding Dipo rites of passage. 88 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FIVE DISCUSSION 5.0 Introduction Rites of passage are recognized as ceremonies that are essential to major life events such as, birth, initiation at puberty, marriage and death. These usually include a series of rituals that enable an individual to attain a social status or role. This chapter provides a detailed discussion of the findings, implications, limitations and relevant recommendations for interventions as well as future research relating to Dipo rite of passage among the Krobo. As clearly stated, Dipo rite is essential among Krobo and it is required that all Krobo girls undergo it at puberty. The study examined the psychosocial correlates such as psychological distress, self-esteem, cultural identity, gender identity and Dipo perception among Krobo girls between the ages of 12-20 years as compared to non-initiates. 5.1 Discussion: Qualitative Study 89 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The objectives of this study were to examine the perceptions of Krobo girls about their cultural values, significance and attitudes to ‗Dipo‘ rites in today‘s society and to examine the factors that influence girl‘s sexual behaviour. The themes that were generated based on the objectives include source of income, early-late initiation period, love life, traditional rite, morals and lessons from Dipo. This discussion involved 35 Krobo girls comprising fourteen (14) non- initiates and twenty-one (21) initiates. The qualitative study revealed that Dipo was used to generate income for most leaders of the rite. This income became the concept that was used to merge the gap and differences that existed in modern society to enable Dipo girls complete each stage of the rite without any form of guilt. The theme (source of income) has resulted in a higher number of participation of Dipo among Christians. Different activities of Dipo were spared and payments were made in order to skip some traditional practices. Some ritual activities that were paid for include the shaving of heads and the purification processes which involve the cleansing of girls with the blood of animals. Most Christians were mostly seen paying for different activities so that their girls could be excluded from some stages of the rite. However, among the Christians were people who believed that, payment of money with the aim to skip traditional rites were ungodly and good Christians must desist such practices. Other Christians were of the view that, these payments will enhance ―traditional practices‖ which could lead to exploitation. Among the Christians were people who participated in all the stages of the Dipo rites without paying money. Nevertheless, some Christians still believe that Dipo is the culture of the Krobo and must be celebrated as a unique legacy which was passed on from one generation to the other. This has resulted in stereotypical behaviours such as stigma among community members. Some Krobo evaluated themselves as 90 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh true natives and others (those who have not undergone the rite) as strangers. Some Krobo Christians refer to other Krobo Christians as individuals who are ungodly because of their participation in Dipo rites. The category of Krobo Christians who paid money to skip some activities also look down on those who participated in all the stages of the rite. This has been the state and perception of Dipo among Krobo girls in the Eastern Region of Ghana. Early and late initiation period have been a major challenge concerning Dipo rites for some time now. The arguments lie in the fact that, young children (as young as 3 years) cannot be taught to cook, practise personal hygiene and to take care of a man. The qualitative study revealed that some initiates who went through the rite could not recall what they were taught during initiation. Young girls mostly enjoy the music and dance accompanied with the Dipo rites. Most participants who were initiated at the younger age grew up to see pictures of their Dipo rites without any lesson learnt at the time. Indeed, such pictures only informed girls about their participation in the rite. Other participants who went through Dipo rites at the later age (as old as 20 years) went through different degrees of difficulties as some members of the community raised negative remarks with their costumes in modern times. Some members of the community felt that the unique identity of Dipo girls have led to the exposure of certain parts of the body. In a similar way, situations where the number of younger initiates dominate, older participants feel too old to undergo the rite. However, the information and lessons of the rite were useful for older initiates than younger initiates. This has been a major challenge concerning Dipo rites till date. 91 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Lessons acquired through Dipo rites were to prepare Krobo girls for marriage and to improve their future relationships in order to be good mothers. The current perception of Dipo revealed that girls were taught basic home management and personal hygiene to guide their future life. The acceptance of new faith in the krobo society (Christianity) has rendered Dipo rites as a traditional rite, which is mostly directed by traditional leaders. Traditional leaders were found to have dominated the stages of Dipo with traditional practices. This has resulted in different controversies among the Krobo however, most Christians still allow their girls to undergo the rite for various reasons. In all, Krobo girls believe that morals which were inculcated through Christian religious practices and lessons from Dipo had influence their sexual behaviours. The study has revealed a time lapse between old cultural demands and current cultural demands as explained by the cultural lag theory proposed by Ogburn (1966). There has been a lapse in the activities and rituals of Dipo. When Dipo was instituted, ways of detecting pregnancy included careful observation of young girls. Every activity at the time was meaningful and necessary in the Krobo society with the form of education which was basically informal. The belief system was purely traditional without a new Christian faith. Society has evolved within the years and till now, there has been a great change in ideologies and belief system with advanced technological systems. Indeed, a difference in interpretations and meanings of different activities such as knowledge, belief, arts, law and customs are expected in society today. The change in culture through intervention and discoveries was accompanied by a corresponding change of culture that depends on it. However, adaptation and adjustment has been difficult as revealed in qualitative findings leading to a gap between the two aspects of culture. 92 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The stages of Dipo have been explained by Van Gennep‘s transitional model. The experiences of initiates begin with an initial stage of separation where initiates are kept at the Dipo house for training purposes to be good future mothers. At the end of the ceremony, initiates join members in the community with a new form of identity. The ritual paradigm model and Erikson theory of identity development have explained different forms of identity as individuals mature to take up adult roles and responsibility. The forms of identity acquired was to keep individuals from different challenges concerning the subjective sense of comfort with the self from the past, present and future. Dipo has served as a means for Krobo girls to have a cognitive awareness of their gender and to learn the associated cultural gender norms. The study revealed two schools of thought. The first school, dominated with religious views (Christianity), believe that Dipo is traditional and true Christians must not participate in such activities. The second school of thought includes Christians who believe that Dipo is a rite of passage essential for all Krobo irrespective of religion. Apparently, individuals who share ideas of the second school were seen as out-group members of the true Christian community. These two schools of thought usually engage in different behavioural measures that could lead to psychological distress among members in the community. Behavioural measures are mostly based on criticisms, labels, weaknesses and negative evaluations. Findings of the qualitative study have been supported by the cultural lag theory which elaborated on the concept of cultural lag during social change. Indeed, old cultural demands such as belief, art, law and custom could not catch up with the expectations with modern technological innovation. 93 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The relevance of Dipo in modern societies was discussed and fifteen (15) initiates expressed the relevance of Dipo in modern times whereas six (6) initiates viewed Dipo rites as irrelevant in a modern society. Five (5) initiates who recognized Dipo as relevant in contemporary society expressed their displeasure about the current state of Dipo in society. Even though Dipo is generally recognized by participants and well accepted as the culture in the Krobo community, participants expressed the need to strengthen the relevance of Dipo in order not to deviate from the reasons why it was instituted. As reported by Schroeder and Danquah (2000), Dipo was a traditional means of ensuring personal hygiene, home management and to prevent promiscuity. As indicated by Blumenkrantz and Goldstein (2010), meaningful rite can help initiates gain knowledge for professional development and to build personal awareness and resources. Indeed, there is the need for societies that have managed to sustain rite of passage to organise meaningful and educative rites to help young girls inculcate knowledge and skills. The hope of good marriage appears to be important to Krobo girls and is leading to the exploration of possible opportunities where they could learn effectively in a modern society. The transitional theory explained the experiences and lessons as well as the unique identities acquired that would help initiates inculcate knowledge for a successful future life. Non-initiates on the other hand expressed views based on religious grounds to render the rite as irrelevant in today‘s society. Non-initiates believe that Christian values equally help them to acquire all kinds of knowledge for a successful life. The rite was viewed as a ceremony full of traditional practices and mostly directed by traditional priests. Even though different factors can 94 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh lead to a significant difference in self-esteem, Dipo and morals could account for the insignificant difference in self-esteem among initiates and non-initiates. The first theme reflected the challenge that existed several years ago regarding the age of initiation. This was indicated by many studies including Teyegaga (1985); Steegstra (2005); Huber, (1963) just to mention a few. This was one of the difficult challenges which were reported in different findings. Today, girls as young as 3 years still undergo the rite. According to Ruble and Brooks-Gunn (1982), age is an important factor which could result in heightened levels of emotional distress. The second theme suggested that, Dipo has served as a source of income for organizers of Dipo rites. This was due to different rituals that were spared for a token which has been going on for some time now. Indeed, different aims could be achieved during initiation but would be important keep away from factors that could question the essence of the rite. In the same way, Religion (Christianity) was a major challenge of Dipo for a very long period of time and this was confirmed by Teyegaga, (1985) and Steegstra (2005). This has led to the ideas of the two schools of thought. As explained by the cultural lag theory, societies are bound to experience a degree of cultural lag in the face of social change. As indicated by Keating et al, (2005), there is a need to enhance factors that can attract group members to enhance conformity. Morals and lessons of Dipo were the themes that emerged as factors that play a role in the sexual life of Krobo girls. Whereas some initiates and non-initiates believe that morals serve as the 95 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh underlining factor for sexual behaviour, other initiates believe that, Dipo has been very essential and has positively influenced their sexual behaviours. As reported in a study by Osafo, Asampong, Langmagne and Ahiedeke (2014), girl‘s sexual behaviour was a collaborative effort of communal socialization, morality with religious ethics. However, other factors that could push girls into sexual behaviour include financial difficulties and irresponsible parenthood. 5.2 Discussion: Quantitative Study The Quantitative aspect considered the psychosocial correlates among Krobo girls between the ages of twelve (12) to twenty (20) which largely compared initiates of Dipo rites to non-initiates. These correlates include psychological health distress, self-esteem, cultural identity, gender identity and a designed instrument to measure Dipo perception. The Krobo have managed to sustain the Dipo rites and, as reported by Davis (2011), a society that departs in various ways from rites of passage has demonstrated lack of achievements and loss of motivation. Different hypotheses were tested and results have been presented however the findings are as follows: In the first hypothesis, the researcher wanted to find the level of psychological distress among Krobo girls. The study revealed that non-initiates had higher psychological distress as compared to initiates. From the analysis, there was a relationship between age and psychological distress among initiates and non-initiates. Thus, their level on psychological distress increases at different rates as girls grow. Several factors have been outlined in the qualitative findings to have resulted in different forms of psychological distress among Krobo girls. Other forms of distress from the experiences of Dipo girls have been reported in literature. Malinowski (1930) reported that some rituals can reduce anxiety however certain rituals could also result in anxiety (Homans, 1941). 96 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Other factors which could lead to psychological distress include gender, personality, range of skills that individuals have to cope with distress, culture, family background and social support systems (Bee, 1987). In the same way, lack of sufficient guidance of initiation ceremonies, educational opportunities, access to global media and economic changes could also lead to distress (Bee, 1987). The lack of support in different forms regarding Dipo rites could be as a result of the Krobo current perception of the rite. Dipo was viewed as traditional which is not serving the required purposes in today‘s society. Religion was reported as a challenge among Christians with relation to Dipo rites of passage. Formal education and Christianity have been effective in society today to support girls with much knowledge regarding social issues. However, there could be an alternative way to enhance societal measures to reduce distress among girls. This would enhance the girl‘s understanding in a practical way on key issues that will support them in life. The second hypothesis which stated that initiates will have higher self-esteem than non-initiates but this hypothesis was not supported. According to Kotre and Hall (1990), there are factors that influence the transition from one stage to another in the developmental period which can affect individual‘s self-esteem. These factors include biological, social, chronological and psychological factors. Different studies have predicted the relationship between self-esteem and psychological distress. Whereas some researchers observed that lower psychological distress leads to high self-esteem (Turner, 1974), a study conducted by Orth et al. (2008) also revealed that low self-esteem causes depression however, depression could not predict subsequent levels of self-esteem. The result of the study supported the fact that psychological distress in some cases could not predict the impact on self-esteem. In other words, there are cases where a direct link or relationship would not exist between self-esteem and psychological distress. People in 97 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh distress would not imply they have lower self-esteem. There was a significant difference in psychological distress however, no relationship was found in self-esteem among initiates and non-initiate. In the case of Dipo rites, the lack of social support could have an impact on the results obtained in relation to self-esteem among initiates and non-initiates. The third hypothesis which stated that Dipo initiates will have higher score on the perception of Dipo as compared to non-initiates was supported. Even though, some girls expressed challenges with the rite in a modern society, the results from the qualitative findings appear to show much satisfaction of Dipo among girls in the community. This hypothesis was supported by Blumenkrantz and Goldstein (2010) who outlined the basic essence of transitional rite as a process of creating intentional and inclusive community dialogues that allow community discussions for the youth to learn about values and expectations. The fourth and fifth hypothesis which assessed the Krobo girls cultural and gender identity were not supported. Thus, there was no significant difference between initiates and non-initiates with respect to cultural and gender identity. Again, no difference was found with regards to cultural orientation, Africentric worldview as well as femininity among Krobo girls. These hypotheses which tested the general idea of cultural and gender identity were to find out if any difference existed in perception of Dipo among Krobo girls. According to Erikson Psychosocial stages of development (1994), adolescence is the stage where growing individuals develop a sense of identity and findings supported the idea among Krobo girls. These forms of identity were formed through individuals identification with parents and other significant others during the biographical experiences and group perception as elaborated through identity theories. According to Erikson (1968), the need for identity formation helps individuals to feel and 98 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh experience a subjective sense of comfort with the self to survive with a particular sense of direction. The findings under gender identity were consistent with the study by Block (1973) who indicated that sexual identity is not linked to one‘s sense of masculinity or femininity but rather an individual‘s sense of security concerning gender and the ability to embody masculine and feminine qualities regardless of gender. The eighth hypothesis was tested to find out if there is a significant relationship between the subscales of Africentric worldview (spirituality, intuition, sensitivity, respect, communalism and orality) and self-esteem among initiates and non-initiates. This hypothesis was partially supported since orality was negatively related to self-esteem among initiates. Most importantly, intuition was positively related to self-esteem among non-initiates. The findings indicates that the preference in receiving stimuli and information from the external world through storytelling, music and spoken words as reported by Myers (1988), had resulted in a negative relationship with self-esteem among initiates. However, the acquisition of knowledge without reasoning was related positively among non-initiates. In conclusion, there is the need to take into consideration factors that could explain our belief systems as it influences our self-esteem and sense of social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). These findings are reflections of different psychosocial correlates among Krobo girls. 5.3 General Discussion Findings from the qualitative and quantitative study has confirmed a lag between old cultural demands and current cultural demands as explained by the cultural lag theory proposed by 99 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ogburn (1966). In general, Dipo rites is still important for all the Krobo. However, most narratives in the qualitative study have revealed the source of distressed as reported in the quantitative study. Christianity and traditions of the past had resulted in different forms of arguments among community members. Even though majority of the Krobo are Christians (Teyegaga, 1985), Dipo rites still remain an important legacy among community members. Religious differences could account for psychological distress as revealed in the current perception of Dipo rites among initiates and non-initiates. In a similar way, different factors were considered in closing the gap that existed between old cultural demands and current cultural demands. Thus, payment of fees was used to close the gap between old and current demands of society. The payment of money to traditional leaders have raised different challenges as true Christians feel that any form of payment to traditional practices was tantamount to experiencing the practice. This could also result in a form of psychological distress among the Krobo. The insignificant differences in self-esteem among initiates and non-initiates could be supported with the second objective in the qualitative findings. The study has revealed that morals acquired through Christian teachings and lessons of Dipo were factors that could result in the similar levels of self-esteem. Finally, no significant difference was obtained in the scores of gender identity among initiates and non-initiates. Lack of support from non-significant psychological studies could result in the scores obtained in relation to cultural gender identity. The result was supported by Egan and Perry (2001) who believed that gender identity as well as adjustment vary across different 100 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ethnicities and cultural context. In the case of this study, participants in the same cultural context was used. 5.4 Recommendations / Implication for Future Studies According to Teyegaga, (1985) lack of central control systems of Dipo rite of passage has led to the embellishment of certain practices (Teyegaga, 1985). The qualitative study revealed that, girls in different communities who participate in Dipo rites undergo different rituals. In some communities, leaders of the rite have modified some of the rituals of the rite however other communities are still practising the rite without any form of modification to suit current demands of society. Qualitative findings revealed that, various clans perform the rites in turns at Krobo- Odumase. A central controlling system would be necessary to enhance the effectiveness of the Dipo rites. Religious leaders must unite with the current leaders of Dipo rites in order to enhance appropriate activities that could address the need of today‘s society. This will be necessary when activities have been effectively modified to include different traditional means of educating Krobo girls on personal hygiene, promiscuity and home management. Again, organizers of Dipo initiation rite must incorporate ways that will be beneficial to the young and growing adolescents where they could learn about culture, enjoy the pleasure, satisfaction and sense of fulfilment about Dipo rites. Young initiates could be separated from adolescences where they would be encouraged to engage in activities that would be more appropriate for a particular age category. For example, Children between the ages of four (4) to (9) could engage in learning basic personal hygiene, what Krobo culture is about and also partake in singing and dancing to traditional songs. More emphasis could be placed on teenage pregnancy, personal hygiene and promiscuity among growing adolescent. This would emphasize the need to separate very young 101 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh girls from growing adolescent during the rite to enhance the acquisition of knowledge on challenging issues confronting society today. Future studies can be focused on the psychosocial correlates on Dipo among the elderly. For instance, psychosocial correlate of Dipo rites among adult (women above 30 years) in any part of the Eastern Region. Other communities where girls go through Dipo rites around Krobo- Odumase such as Somanya, Agomeda, Doryumu, Kordiabe and other communities can be studied to look at the level of modernity and its psychosocial impact on Dipo. Additionally, the views of Krobo men could also be studied to know their level of satisfaction regarding the Dipo rite. 5.5 Limitations of the Study The limitation of this study include the use of self-report measures which largely depended on the individual‘s truthfulness and what participants remember. Another limitation could be attributed to the sample size especially the number of non-initiates who participated in the study since a greater number of sample is generally recommended for research. Cultural values which to a larger extent serve as part of behaviours, thoughts and feelings could also influence the outcome of the study. The sampling techinique used for the qualitative findings could account for sampling bias and external validity of the study. 5.6 Conclusion of Study The aim of the study was to examine the perceptions of Krobo girls about their cultural values, its significant and attitudes to dipo rites. In addition, the study was to access the impact of 102 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh different psychosocial correlates such as Psychological distress, self-esteem, gender and cultural identity as well as Dipo perception among initiates and non-initiates. The specific aims and objectives organized around qualitative and quantitative research where focus group, one-on-one interviews and administration of questionnaires were employed to collect data. The theoretical framework included a discussion of rite of passage theory, transitional rites, cultural lag theory and identity theory. Six (6) themes emerged from the focus group discussion and interviews. These were source of income, early and late initiation periods, love life, traditional rites, morals and lessons from Dipo. Quantitative findings have revealed that non-initiates of Dipo rite have higher psychological distress as compared to initiates. Again, those who undergo Dipo rites have a higher perception of Dipo rites than those who have no intension of undergoing the rite. 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Life-style and substance use among male African American urban adolescents: A cluster analytic approach. American Journal of Community Psychology, 20(1), 121-138. APPENDICES APPENDIX 1 INTERVIEW GUIDE 120 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1. What are your views concerning Dipo as a rite of passage? 2. Is Dipo significant in this modern society? 3. What reasons can you give about the relevance of Dipo? 4. Share with me the experiences after Dipo in modern society? 5. Are you happy about the way Dipo is being celebrated among the Krobos in today‘s society? 6. What will be your evaluation concerning Dipo in today‘s society as compared to the main essence to which Dipo was constituted? 7. Will Dipo serve as a way of reducing promiscuity? 8. Is Dipo influencing your sexual behaviour in any way? APPENDIX 2 QUESTIONNAIRE 121 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh I am an Mphil Clinical Psychology student of the University of Ghana. I am conducting a study on Psychological Correlates of Dipo Rites of Passage among the Krobos in Eastern Region of Ghana. Findings will be used for academic purposes. There are no correct or wrong answers. Thank you. Age: ……………………… Level of Education……………….. Please tick the answers. PSYCHOLOGICAL DISTRESS SCALE These questions concern how you have been feeling over the past 30 days. Tick a box below each question that best represents how you have been. The letter A represents none of the time, B represents a little of the time, C represents some of the time and D represents most of the time and E represents all of the time. ITEMS None A Some Most All of of the little of of the the above of the time time the time time 1. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E feel tired out for no good reason? 2. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E feel nervous? 3. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E feel so nervous that nothing could calm you down? 4. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E feel hopeless? 5. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E feel restless or fidgety? 6. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E 122 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh feel so restless you could not sit still? 7. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E feel depressed? 8. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E feel that everything was an effort? 9. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E feel so sad that nothing could cheer you up? 10. During the last 30 days, about how often did you A B C D E feel worthless? SELF-ESTEEM SCALE Below is a list of statements dealing with your general feelings about yourself. If you Strongly Agree, circle SA. If you Agree with the statement, circle A. If you Disagree, circle D. If you Strongly Disagree, circle SD. 1. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. SA A D SD 2. At times, I think I am no good at all. SA A D SD 3. I feel that I have a number of good qualities. SA A D SD 4. I am able to do things as well as most other people. SA A D SD 5. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. SA A D SD 6. I certainly feel useless at times. SA A D SD 7. I feel that I’m a person of worth, at least on an equal SA A D SD plane with others. 8. I wish I could have more respect for myself. SA A D SD 9. All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure. SA A D SD 10. I take a positive attitude toward myself. SA A D SD GENDER IDENTITY SCALE 123 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Rate yourself on each item, on a scale from 1 (never or almost never true) to 7 (almost always true), then tick the empty space that best suit your ideas. 1 – Never 2 - Rarely 3 - Neutral 4 – Neutral 5 - Neutral 6 - Often 7 - Always ITEMS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1. Self-reliant 2. Yielding 3. Helpful 4. Defends own belief 5. Cheerful 6. Moody 7. Independent 8. Shy 9. conscientious 10. Athletic 11. Affectionate 12.Theatrical 13.Assertive 14.Flatterable 15.Happy 16.Strong personality 17.Loyal 18.Unpredictable 19.Forceful 20.Feminine 21.Reliable 22.Analytical 23.Sympathetic 24.Jealous 25.Leadership ability 26.Sensitive to others needs 27.Truthfulness 28.Willing to take risks 29.Understanding 30.Secretive 31.Makes decisions easily 124 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 32.Compassionate 33.Sincere 34.Self Sufficient 35.Eager to soothe hurt feelings 36.Conceited 37.Dominant 38.Soft spoken 39.Likable 40.Masculine 41.Warm 42.Solemn 43.Willing to take a stand 44.Tender 45.Friendly 46.Aggressive 47.Gullible 48.Innefficient 49.Acts as a leader 50.Childlike 51.Adaptable 52.Individualistic 53.Does not use harsh language 54.Unsystematic 55.Competitive 56.Loves children 57.Tactful 58.Ambitious 59.Gentle 60.Conventional AFRICENTRIC WORLDVIEW SCALE 125 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Please answer the following question about how you go about your daily activities and your reaction to things around you. For each statement, indicate the level of agreement (or disagreement) using the numbers 1,2,3,4 and 5 to mean the following: 1. Strongly disagree 2. Disagree 3. Neither agree nor disagree 4. Agree 5. Strongly agree ITEMS 1 2 3 4 5 1 I perform better on oral rather than written tasks. 2 When greeting someone, I prefer verbal acknowledgements (rather than a nod or a hand wave). 3 I feel that sometimes I do things ―just because it feels, right.‖ 4 I listen to my inner voice. 5 I am likely to rely on my inner voice. 6 I have to see something to believe it. 7 I can tell when a close friend is in trouble. 8 Attending churches, mosques, or other places of worship is important to me. 9 I meditate and engage in other acts of faith. 10 I believe in a spiritual force or power. 11 When stressed, I put my faith in a higher being. 12 When I hear music I respond actively to it. 13 When speaking I am likely to use body language and hand gestures. 126 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 14 I view death as a spiritual event. 15 When things don‘t work out, I by to see the positive side. 16 People should be judged on who they are rather than their material achievement. 17 It is expected that the elderly will be cared for by the younger generations. 18 Older members of my family are relied on for advice /guidance. 19 It is not unusual for me to call close family friends ―aunties, uncle, etc.‖ 20 The ultimate value of a person is in his/her service to others. 21 My successful achievements are due to the support of significant others. 22 I usually arrive at meetings, classes, work, etc before or at the exact specific time. 23 Remembering the past is as important as preparing for the future. CULTURAL ORIENTATION SCALE 127 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh This scale measures how much an individual believes that others‘ needs and feelings are important in social relationships, as well as how much one believes that people should help others and care for one another‘s welfare. Kindly answer each item on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (extremely uncharacteristic of me) to 7 (extremely characteristic of me). ITEMS (1) Extremely Uncharacteristic of Me … (7) Extremely Characteristic of Me 1. It bothers me when other people neglect my 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 needs. 2. When making a decision, I take other people's 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 needs and feelings into account. 3. I'm not especially sensitive to other people's 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 feelings. 4. I don't consider myself to be a particularly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 helpful person. 5. I believe people should go out of their way to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 be helpful. 5. I believe people should go out of their way to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 be helpful. 6. I don't especially enjoy giving others aid. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 7. I expect people I know to be responsive to my 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 needs and feelings. 8. I often go out of my way to help another 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 person. 9. I believe its best not to get involved in taking 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 care of other people's personal needs. 10. I'm not the sort of person who often comes to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 the aid of others. 11. When I have a need, I turn to others I know 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 for help. 12. When people get emotionally upset, I tend to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 avoid them. 13. People should keep their troubles to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 themselves. 14. When I have a need that others ignore, I'm 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 hurt. DIPO PERCEPTION SCALE 128 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh This scale consists of items about Dipo Rites of passage. If you Strongly Agree with any of the items, circle SA. If you Agree, circle A. If you Disagree, circle D and finally, if you Strongly Disagree, circle SD. 1. Going through Dipo may be stressful. SA A D SD 2. One should feel comfortable going through Dipo SA A D SD rites. 3. Going through Dipo helps in reducing promiscuity. SA A D SD 4. Girls feel guilty for undergoing Dipo rites. SA A D SD 5. I am a Krobo because I have undergone Dipo rites. SA A D SD 6. Dipo must be modified. SA A D SD 7. Dipo is not serving any purpose in this modern SA A D SD society. 8. Girls should voluntarily subject themselves to Dipo. SA A D SD 9. Dipo serves as a means of strengthening gender SA A D SD identity. 10. Dipo is a means of reducing STD‘s. SA A D SD 11. Dipo serves as a means of strengthening cultural SA A D SD identity. 12. Dipo girls will have higher self-esteem. SA A D SD 13. I am a Krobo because I was adopted by Krobo SA A D SD natives. 14. Dipo is a traditional rite among the Krobo. SA A D SD 15. Girls feel distressed after the ceremony. SA A D SD 16. Girls are always happy for undergoing Dipo rite. SA A D SD 17. Dipo helps Krobo to learn about their culture. SA A D SD 18. Initiates will perceive Dipo as a form of cultural SA A D SD identity. 19. I am proud of being a Krobo. SA A D SD 20. Dipo was used as a means of reducing HIV/AIDS SA A D SD among Krobo. UNIVERSITY OF GHANA Official Use only Protocol number 129 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ethics Committee for Humanities (ECH) PROTOCOL CONSENT FORM BACKGROUND INFORMATION Title of Study: PSYCHOSOCIAL CORRELATES OF DIPO RITES OF PASSAGE AMONG THE KROBOS IN THE EASTERN REGION OF GHANA Principal Investigator: ELIZABETH ANORKOR ABBEY Certified Protocol Number CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH General Information about Research The study is about the Psychosocial Outcomes (Self-esteem, psychological health, Gender and Cultural Identity) of Dipo rites of passage in Eastern Region of Ghana .It is aimed at evaluating Dipo from the psychological point of view and to find out if there is a relationship between psychosocial outcomes and Dipo rites of passage. This will contribute new ideas and findings about the controversy which has led to positive and negative interpretations made by different researchers. The participant is expected a minimum of 40 minutes and a maximum of 60 minutes of participation in the study. The study will require that you feel 6 different questionnaires after which there will be an informal interview to help obtain quantitative and qualitative data respectively. In a situation whereby you cannot read or may need clarification, research assistance will be available to assist. Risk of the study There is no risk identified to this study. However all that is required of you is your availability, patience and time. Confidentiality You are highly assured that your responses will be kept confidential. In the same way, it is meant for academic purposes and your consent to this study will imply that finding should be available to general public in the field of academia. 130 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Compensation A token of 3 exercise books and a pen will be given to participants for this study. Withdrawal from Study Participation in this study is voluntary and participants may withdraw at any time without Penalty. However, participant will not be adversely affected if he/she declines to participate or later stops participating. All legal representatives will be informed in a timely manner if information becomes available that may be relevant to the participant's willingness to continue participation or withdraw. Contact for Additional Information You can contact Elizabeth Anorkor Abbey, C/O Mrs Eunice Abbey, Ghana Education Service, Ningo- Prampram,Lizinork@yahoo.com or 0201616950 for answers to any questions about the research. If you have any questions about your rights as a research participant in this study you may contact the Administrator of the Ethics Committee for Humanities, ISSER, University of Ghana at ech@isser.edu.gh / ech@ug.edu.gh or 00233- 303-933-866. Section C-VOLUNTEER AGREEMENT "I have read or have had someone read all of the above, asked questions, received answers regarding participation in this study, and am willing to give consent for me, my child/ward to participate in this study. I will not have waived any of my rights by signing this consent form. Upon signing this consent form, I will receive a copy for my personal records." ________________________________________________ Name of Volunteer _________________________________________________ _______________________ Signature or mark of volunteer Date If volunteers cannot read the form themselves, a witness must sign here: I was present while the benefits, risks and procedures were read to the volunteer. All questions were answered and the volunteer has agreed to take part in the research. _________________________________________________ Name of witness 131 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ________________________________________________ _______________________ Signature of witness Date I certify that the nature and purpose, the potential benefits, and possible risks associated with participating in this research have been explained to the above individual. __________________________________________________ Name of Person who Obtained Consent ___________________________________________ ______________________ Signature of Person Who Obtained Consent Date 132 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 133 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 134