Social Sciences & Humanities Open 8 (2023) 100717
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Social Sciences & Humanities Open 
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Regular Article 
Tackling the legislative underrepresentation of women in Ghana: 
Empowerment strategies for broader gender parity 
Mary Awusi a, David Addae a,b,*, Olivia Adwoa Tiwaa Frimpong Kwapong c 
a Department of Adult Education and Human Resource Studies, University of Ghana, Legon,Ghana 
b Department of Adult, Community and Continuing Education, University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa 
c School of Continuing and Distance Education, University of Ghana, Legon,Ghana   
A R T I C L E  I N F O   A B S T R A C T   
Keywords: The question of women’s legislative underrepresentation is an enduring problem which continues to garner 
Legislature considerable scholarly attention all over the world. Whereas the burgeoning literature on the subject has largely 
Gender parity focused on impediments to gender parity in representation in parliament, the interest of this paper is somewhat 
Gender diversity different. In an effort to make an original contribution to the discourse, the starting point of this paper is the 
Legislative representation 
Politics argument that women can be politically empowered to achieve greater representation in parliament. Conse-
quently, in this paper – which draws on empowerment theory as theoretical lens – we present a snapshot of the 
views of 22 women parliamentarians from Ghana, with the aim to exploring empowerment strategies for 
attaining greater gender parity in representation in the legislature. They emphasize the importance of affirmative 
action policies, funding, inclusive political party structures, education, and societal re-socialisation in addressing 
women’s legislative underrepresentation in Ghana. These findings may have some important implications for the 
nature and scope of interventions targeted at women for the purpose of promoting an inclusive political 
environment.   
1. Introduction Calculation (2021) and Kock-Mehrin (2018) highlight that at the current 
rate of progress, gender parity in ministerial positions will not be ach-
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) stipulates that ieved before 2077, with a mere 0.52% increase per year. In terms of 
everyone has the right to take part in the government of his/her country. national lawmakers, only 25% are women, an improvement from 11% in 
While this classical but powerful declaration remains as relevant today 1995 (Masau, 2019). Remarkably, only four countries, namely Rwanda 
as it did over six decades ago, all over the world, women have histori- with 61%, Cuba with 53%, Bolivia with 53%, and the United Arab 
cally been disadvantaged, in many respects, with regard to their repre- Emirates with 50%, have achieved or surpassed the 50% mark for 
sentation in national and local decision making. It is therefore not women serving in single or lower houses of parliament (Pepera, 2018; 
surprising that issues of women’s political involvement and represen- UN Women Calculation, 2021). The UN Women (2021) reports that 19 
tation have in recent decades gained considerable traction in both the nations, including nine in Europe, five in Latin America and the Carib-
popular media and scholarly community mainly due to concerns raised bean, four in Africa, and one in the Pacific, have reached or exceeded the 
by advocacy groups and activists about the legitimacy of male- 40% mark. 
dominated decision making. The Beijing Platform for Action (1995) In order to enhance women’s representation in the legislature, many 
emphasizes the fundamental demand for women’s equal rights in po- countries have implemented gender quotas, whether through candidate 
litical representation, particularly in the legislature. Despite being the quotas or reserved seats. This is against the backdrop of the widespread 
majority of the population in many countries worldwide, women have realization that the pursuit of gender parity in decision-making holds the 
historically experienced low levels of representation in national and potential to create a more balanced representation that accurately re-
local decision-making processes (Alelaimat, 2019). For instance, only 16 flects the demographics of society. Thus to achieve equality, sustainable 
countries worldwide currently have female heads of state or government development, peace, and democracy, women must actively participate 
(UN Women, 2021). Furthermore, the United Nations Women in politics and decision-making processes at all levels, on an equal 
* Corresponding author. Department of Adult Education and Human Resource Studies, University of Ghana, Legon,Ghana. 
E-mail addresses: maryawusi2509@gmail.com (M. Awusi), daddae@ug.edu.gh (D. Addae), okwapong@ug.edu.gh (O.A.T.F. Kwapong).  
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssaho.2023.100717 
Received 25 August 2023; Received in revised form 6 October 2023; Accepted 12 October 2023   
Available online 18 October 2023
2590-2911/© 2023 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
M. Awusi et al.                                                                                                                                                                                    S  o  c i a  l  S  c i e n  c  e s  &    H  u  m   a  n i t i e  s  O  p en 8 (2023) 100717
footing with men. Accordingly, several UN declarations have been made final section ‘Concluding Thoughts’ of the paper, we provide some 
to support the achievement of Sustainable Development Goal 5.5, concluding remarks based upon the findings vis a vis the literature and 
highlighting the significance of women’s involvement in the legislature make recommendations. The section also details the study’s limitations 
for long-term development across all sectors of society and for fostering and provides suggestions for future scholarship. 
open and accountable government (United Nations Fourth World Con-
ference on Women, Beijing, 1995). Also the United Nations (1995a, 1.1. Problem Statement 
1995b) established some benchmark goals to ensure women’s repre-
sentation at all levels of decision-making as a response to the unequal It has been noted that women’s political representation not only 
distribution of power and decision-making among men and women. The promotes women’s rights but also contributes to socioeconomic devel-
aim of these goals was to promote women’s engagement in politics and opment by influencing legislation (Bari, 2005). Women’s presence in the 
to empower them to promote gender equality. They called for legislation legislature has been found to affect policy priorities and outcomes; 
to address discriminatory practices, encouraged women’s leadership women legislators are found to improve the economic performance of 
and representation in decision-making processes, and advocated for the their constituencies more than their male legislators (Agarwal, 2023). 
integration of women’s concerns and perspectives into national policies, Hence, the United Nations (1995a, 1995b) Beijing Declaration empha-
thereby promoting the creation of a society that is equal and equitable. sizes that women’s progress and gender equality are crucial for the 
Afisi (2010) conducted an analysis of the underrepresentation and long-term growth of society. This notwithstanding, in Ghana, women 
limited participation of women in the legislature. The study emphasized continue to face multidimensional inequalities which prevent them from 
the need for policies that facilitate the integration of women into po- participating fully in the country’s body politic. In the legislature for 
litical decision-making processes. This finding is in tandem with instance, there are currently 40 women serving in the 8th parliament 
Asante’s (2011) assertion that every country should provide women which comprises 275 seats. Although this number represents a slight 
with opportunities to participate in politics, as they have the potential to increase from the 7th parliament’s women representation of 35 women 
contribute significantly as leaders. (13%) – which at the time was far below the Africa average of 24% and 
Despite the many interventions designed to facilitate gender parity in global average of 23% UN Women (2017) – the data highlights the 
legislative representation, United Nations Women (2023) reports that persistently low levels of women’s legislative representation in the 
women’s legislative underrepresentation still persists with women country. While it can argued that some progress has been made in terms 
constituting less than 27 percent of parliamentarians worldwide. While of promoting women’s legislative representation, there is a general 
several scholarly accounts have invariably focused on the various factors consensus within the scholarly community that focusing efforts on 
that impede women’s representation in the legislature, there appears to women’s empowerment can contribute significantly to achieving SDG 
be lack of critical empirical discussions relative to the strategies to objective 5 and equity in politics, particularly within the legislature 
empower women in order to promote gender parity in parliament. It is (Albright, 1997, pp. 139–152; OwusuAmponsah, Opoku, Amankwa, & 
therefore timely to problematize empowerment in the discourse on Dagba, 2017). There is therefore a pressing need for more comprehen-
women’s legislative underrepresentation in order to explore viable sive research to unearth viable empowerment strategies to enhance 
strategies for achieving greater gender parity in parliament. In this women’s representation in the legislative arm of government. This 
study, we follow Sundström et al. (2017) in conceptualizing women’s present study responds to this call by exploring empowerment strategies 
empowerment as a process of increasing the capacities of women, that that can enhance women’s representation in Ghana’s parliament. By 
gives them greater choice, agency and participation in societal exploring these strategies, it is hoped that meaningful steps can be taken 
decision-making, seen in terms of universal standards rather than just in to address the gender imbalance and empower more women to take 
relative terms to the men in any given society (Hornset & de Soysa, active roles in the legislature. Accordingly, this study is guided by the 
2022). A key element in this conceptualization is the notion of agency – following central question: 
the ability to create strategic choices and have control over resources RQ: How can women be politically empowered to achieve gender 
and decisions that will have an important effect on life (Sundström et al., balance in legislative representation in Ghana? 
2017). Being agentic implies that women themselves play a significant 
role in the process of change – from being unempowered to a state of 1.2. Theoretical overview 
empowerment. Therefore, using Ghana’s 8th parliament as a case in 
point, we present the voices of women parliamentarians in relation to This study draws upon the theory of empowerment to understand the 
how women in the country could be empowered to enhance their leg- various strategies that could be employed to enhance women’s legisla-
islative representation. It is our fervent belief that through this study tive representation in Ghana. Women’s empowerment is now enshrined 
more realistic empowerment strategies could be advanced to promote as a global development objective, evident in Sustainable Development 
gender balance in legislative representation particularly in developing Goal 5: ‘Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls’ 
countries where the problem of gender equality still persists. (Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2022 in Gerard, 2023). 
The remainder of the article proceeds as follows: In the next section, Narayan-Parker (2005) has observed that the recent flurry of effort 
‘Problem Statement’, we highlight the disturbing picture of legislative within the scholarly community to measure empowerment has already 
underrepresentation of women in Ghana and argue that women’s rep- distorted the meaning of the term somewhat by focusing attention ever 
resentation in the legislature can be enhanced through realistic and more on the means of empowerment – such as education, community 
viable empowerment strategies. This is followed by ‘Theoretical organisation, the political culture, and openness of institutions (Drydyk, 
Consideration’ section where we espouse the theoretical lens through 2013). Consequently, Drydyk has noted that it has become customary to 
which we envision that women’s legislative underrepresentation could begin any scholarly text on empowerment by lamenting how confused 
be effectively addressed. In the next section (The Literature – Women’s the concept has become over the last decade. This is because many 
Political Empowerment) following this, we discuss, in summary, the empowerment theorists have argued that empowerment takes on mul-
extant literature associated with empowerment strategies to enhance tiple forms across people, is contextually embedded, and shifts over time 
women’s legislative representation. The ‘Method’ section of the paper (Foster-Fishman et al., 1998; Rappaport, 1984; Zimmerman, 1990, 
explains the various methodological decisions and actions that we un- 1995). Despite the obvious semantic and definitional laxity associated 
dertook as part of the fieldwork component of the study. In the ‘Findings with empowerment, there appears to be a seeming consensus among 
and Discussion’ section, we present and discuss the findings generated theorists that empowerment is a multidimensional construct (it occurs 
from our study. The findings point to six-fold empowerment strategies within multiple dimensions such as sociological, psychological, eco-
for enhancing the legislative representation of women in Ghana. In the nomic, political; at different levels - individual, group and community) 
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(Hur, 2006 in Addae, 2021) which can be described as scalar (some propel the desired change in the historically skewed parliamentary 
changes may be more empowering than others). representation. 
Of the various perspectives, the social-psychological approach is 
particularly relevant to examining how empowerment leads to political 1.3. Women’s political empowerment – a literature review 
action (Joo et al., 2019). Zimmerman (1995, 2000), who profoundly 
advanced the social-psychological approach, saw the transformative For several decades, the issue of women’s political empowerment has 
capacity of empowerment. From this perspective, the goal of empow- received considerable attention in the academic literature. This explo-
erment is to foster change by equipping people with the needed re- sion of interest stems from the fact that women have historically been 
sources to enhance their wellbeing and enable them to solve their own marginalized from mainstream politics. We have already depicted the 
problems. Thus, empowerment is “an intentional ongoing process … disturbing picture of women’s legislative underrepresentation in Ghana. 
involving mutual respect, critical reflection, caring, and group partici- It is our belief that women should be politically empowered to be able to 
pation, through which people lacking an equal share of valued resources play their part in the politics of the country. As Sandler and Lane (2021) 
gain greater access to and control over those resources” (Cornell write: 
Empowerment Group, 1989). Similarly, Rappaport (1987) sees 
empowerment as a process by which people gain control over their lives Political empowerment involves having the power, ability, critical 
and participate in the democratic life of their community. The process of awareness, and sense of group identity to take action in order to 
gaining control entails agency and power. Recall that in the introductory create change in a political system. Having a sense of group identity 
section of this paper, we, together with Sundström et al. (2017), and collective group interest is a critical component of political 
conceptualized empowerment as agency and power. The first, agency: empowerment. The processes of individual and interactional 
empowerment are each essential to the development of political 
… is about more than observable action; it also encompasses the empowerment. 
meaning, motivation and purpose which individuals bring to their 
activity, their sense of agency, or the ’power within.’ … it can take Childs and Krook (2009) have observed that political parties play a 
the form of bargaining and negotiation, deception and manipulation, crucial role in shaping women’s political empowerment. Parties that 
subversion and resistance as well as more intangible, cognitive actively support and engage women in the political process tend to have 
processes of reflection and analysis (Kabeer, 1999, p. 438). higher levels of gender diversity within their ranks. These parties 
recognize the importance of women’s representation and work towards 
Agency rests heavily on certain pre-conditions: “agency is exercised creating an inclusive and diverse political landscape. Furtherance to 
(a) insofar as a person either performs an activity or plays a role in this, empirical evidence supports the notion that mentorship programs 
performing it, (b) insofar as this activity has an impact on the world, (c) and networking opportunities play a significant role in promoting 
insofar as the activity was chosen by the person (d) for reasons of their women’s political empowerment and career advancement. For instance, 
own (in individual or group deliberation)” (Drydyk, 2013, p. 252). research conducted by Armah-Attoh (2017) and Quartey (2020) high-
Therefore, agency can be conceived as both goal-directed and lights the positive impact of mentorship programs on women’s political 
action-oriented – in the sense that it brings about a change in one’s engagement. Thus, mentorship programs provide women with valuable 
prevailing conditions. Agency is indeed a crucial element in the quest to guidance, support, and access to resources that are essential for navi-
politically empower Ghanaian women. This is largely because women gating the complex political landscape. Mentors serve as experienced 
are political agents who in order to achieve legislative representation advisors who offer insights, share their knowledge and expertise, and 
must consciously engage in political activities. To succeed in engaging provide valuable connections within the political sphere. Through these 
politically, women’s capacities for agency should be expanded while mentorship relationships, women gain valuable skills, confidence, and 
also creating opportunities for them to exercise their agency. networks that help them overcome barriers and excel in their political 
Second, empowerment connotes changing power i.e. gaining, careers. While the positive impact of mentorship programs on women’s 
expending, diminishing, and losing (Page & Czuba, 1999 in Addae, political empowerment is evident, it is important to note that the 
2021). Rappaport’s (1987) idea of empowerment ‘conveys both a psy- availability and formalization of such programs in Ghana’s political 
chological sense of personal control or influence and a concern with context require further exploration. The study by Means and Fields 
actual social influence, political power and legal rights’ (p.121 in Addae, (2022) highlights the need to examine the extent to which mentorship 
2021). Empowerment involves the ability to make choices and entails a programs are accessible and widely implemented in the Ghanaian po-
process of change from being without (sufficient) power to make choices litical landscape. Understanding the current landscape of mentorship 
to having sufficient power to do so (Kabeer, 1999, p. 437) or the capacity programs in Ghana could throw light on the gaps and challenges that 
to achieve a desired outcome. Empowerment therefore “suggests need to be addressed to ensure their effective implementation. 
participation with others to achieve goals, efforts to gain access to re- Additionally, other studies emphasize the significance of sociocul-
sources and some critical understandings of the socio-political envi- tural factors and intersectionality in women’s political empowerment. 
ronment … empowerment refers to collective action to improve the Specifically, these studies highlight the role of patriarchal norms, 
quality of life in a community and to the connections among community traditional gender roles, and cultural biases in shaping women’s access 
organizations” (Perkins & Zimmerman, 1995, p. 571). Several different to political power (Anaman & Agyei-Sasu, 2012; Anaman & Bukari, 
types of resources can be identified. Pigg (2002) for instance distin- 2019). Intersectional perspectives underscore the specific challenges 
guishes between individual characteristics such as skills and attitudes; faced by women with diverse identities, such as ethnicity, socioeco-
and social and political resources such as networks or relationships nomic status, and religion (Sarfo-Kantankah, 2022; Odame, 2010). Ef-
(social capital); also a distinction can be made between material re- forts to challenge traditional gender roles, combat sexism, and promote 
sources such as goods and finances to exchange for power resources. In gender equality in all spheres of society can contribute to greater gender 
politics, these resources “are acquired through a multiplicity of social diversity in political representation (Celis et al., 2014). Furthermore, 
relationships conducted in the various institutional domains which such effort could inspire societal shifts that may help change gender 
make up a society (such as family, market, community)" (Kabeer, p. stereotypes and promote inclusive political cultures (Esposito, 2021). 
437). Ensuring that women have access to these resources is the re- Also, there is ample evidence to suggest that capacity-building pro-
sponsibility of government, political parties and other key stakeholders. grams and leadership development initiatives play a crucial role in 
We opine that the various strategies to empower women to enhance empowering women in politics. Training programmes that focus on 
their legislative representation could be summed up as the essential political skills, public speaking, campaign management, and networking 
resources needed to enhance women’s political standing in order to have been effective in enhancing women’s confidence and competence 
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to run for office (Fox & Lawless, 2014). Dahlerup (2006) highlights the process’ (Braun & Clarke, 2019, p. 594 in Trainor & Bundon, 2021). We 
need for tailored leadership programmes and capacity-building initia- engaged in an iterative process of introspective reflexivity in which we 
tives to address the specific challenges faced by women in politics. Such used our unique self-understandings to interpret and gain general in-
programmes have shown positive effects on women’s political engage- sights, link knowledge, participant and researcher experiences, and the 
ment, self-confidence, and networking abilities (Awortwi, 2016; Ofo- social context (Trainor & Bundon, 2021). This process consisted of an 
su-Mensah, 2019). However, limited access to these programmes, initial transcription of the audio-recorded interviews followed by a 
especially for women from marginalized backgrounds, remains a chal- critical review of the transcripts which helped us to familiarize ourselves 
lenge (Atinga, 2020). with the data, straighten messy notes, and correct identified grammat-
The literature also underscores the importance of grassroots mobi- ical errors and incoherence. We followed this up with coding which 
lization and civil society support in empowering women in politics comprised generating coding categories, collating together all instances 
(Sekhon, 2006). Women’s organizations and advocacy groups play a of text where that code appears in the data set (Braun & Clarke, 2013), 
vital role in raising awareness about gender disparities, mobilizing while reflecting on the codes. We were reminded of Braun and Clarke’s 
women voters, and advocating for policy changes that promote gender (2013) observation that strong codes ‘capture the essence of what it is 
equality (Bauer & Burnet, 2002). Sackeyfio-Lenoch (2018) suggests that about that bit of data that interests you … and informative enough to 
collaboration between civil society organizations, political parties, and capture what was in the data, and your analytic take on it’ (p. 210). 
women’s groups can create a conducive environment for women’s po- Next, we generated and reviewed the various themes from the codes. 
litical empowerment. Our aim at this stage was to generate domain summary themes where 
the themes are organized around shared topics (Braun & Clarke, 2019). 
2. Method We then proceeded to define and name the themes. Here, we created 
themes that captured various aspects of the data, revisited and revised 
2.1. Research design the themes on several occasions to arrive at generally acceptable themes 
that reflected the focus of the data and the objectives of the study (Addae 
We followed a case study design with a process orientation to explore & Kwapong, 2023). We also ensured that all the themes came together to 
the phenomenon under study. Process oriented case study research create a lucid narrative that is consistent with the content of the dataset 
“tends to see the world in terms of people, situations, events, and the and informative in relation to the research question (Bryne, 2022). The 
processes that connect these; explanation is based on an analysis of how report writing constituted the last stage of the data analysis. During this 
some situations and events influence others” (Maxwell, 2013, p. 29). We stage, we located exemplars that provide compelling verbatim accounts 
chose the case study research design for this study to understand a from the participants. 
real-world case (women’s underrepresentation in parliament) by 
assuming that such an understanding is likely to involve important 2.5. Trustworthiness 
contextual conditions pertinent to our case (Yin, 2014). 
In order to demonstrate and increase the quality of this research viz 
2.2. Context and participants the findings emanating from it, we had to ensure trustworthiness of the 
study. According to Rose and Johnson (2020), 
Ghana’s 8th Parliament served as the context for this study. Ghana, a 
country located in the West coast of Africa, transitioned to a multi-party increasing the trustworthiness of a qualitative research study in-
system following the ratification of the constitution in April 1992, volves multiple aspects, including epistemological understandings, 
marking the beginning of a democratic era, after years of military rule. the depth of literature reviewed and engaged, the appropriate 
We focused our investigation on female legislators serving in the 8th theoretical positioning of the argument, selection and deployment of 
parliament, where the phenomenon of women’s legislative underrep- the multiple and often conflicting data collection/generation tech-
resentation and is apparent. The participants for this study (N 22) niques and analytical procedures undertaken, the connection of =
were women parliamentarians drawn from the 8th parliament of Ghana. empirical material to larger theories and discourses, and the ways in 
Convenience sampling technique – locating a nearby source of potential which these aspects of the research are interwoven with one another 
participants who are convenient in their proximity and willingness to (p. 435). 
participate (Robinson, 2014) – was used to select the participants for this In this study we adopted techniques that closely parallels the extant 
study. We sent emails to all the prospective participants (N = 40) criteria suggested by Rose and Johnson (2020). First, we employed 
informing them of the research and requesting their participation in the member checks which entailed providing the participants with the 
study, however, (N = 22) women MPs responded timeously and interview transcripts requesting them to verify the accuracy of our 
favourably to our emails. The recruited participants were aged between interpretation of their responses. This process provided us (participants 
36 and 68years. and researchers) opportunities to summarize, clarify, discuss, and 
elaborate the findings during data analysis (DeCino & Waalkes, 2019). 
2.3. Data collection Second, we adopted peer debriefing as a tool to strengthen the trust-
worthiness of our study. We pursued peer debriefing in the following 
We designed a one-item interview guide for the purpose of eliciting ways: 1. we discussed regularly the emerging findings with knowl-
information from the participants. We employed an open format to the edgeable colleagues on the subject-matter; 2. We presented and received 
guide, providing the participants the opportunity to further illuminate insightful comments on the study’s methods and findings at a Depart-
previous responses or to introduce new issues they felt relevant to the mental seminar; and 3. We presented the findings and implications to 
discourse. With the permission of the participants, all the interviews – various interested groups including Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), 
which lasted averagely 45 minutes – were voice-recorded. NGOs and the political parties. Third, we engaged in a process of critical 
reflexivity in an attempt to acknowledge and reduce researcher bias 
2.4. Data analysis from an ethical perspective (Arday, Belluigi & Thomas, 2021). Quali-
tative researchers engage in reflexivity – nuanced judgements – to ac-
We employed the reflexive thematic analysis method to analyse the count for how subjectivity shapes their inquiry (Olmos-Vega et al., 
data. Conducting reflexive thematic analysis is not about following and 2023). As part of the reflexive process, it is important to note that this 
working through a series of steps, rather it is about the researcher’s research is part of a larger doctoral study undertaken by Mary (the first 
‘reflective and thoughtful engagement with the data … and the analytic author), a politician who contested in the 2016 parliamentary elections 
4
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in the Asante Akim North Constituency on the ticket of the National groups into society and in some cases to enhance their equal standing in 
Democratic Congress. Given that both Mary and Olivia (third author) are society. In Ghana, there have been several clarion calls for a concerted 
gender activists in their own rights, we had to acknowledge that their and deliberate policy that promotes gender equality in all spheres of 
close association with discourses on gender inequality could constitute society. Tsikata (2009) however notes that while affirmative action has 
inherent biases that may compromise the quality of the research. been used in Ghana since independence to address gender and regional 
However, we were also mindful of the fact that in qualitative research a imbalances in access to education, health, work and politics, it has been 
researcher’s influence is not something to be neutralized, merely less effective in improving women’s representation in political and 
acknowledged, or explained away; on the contrary, both Finlay (2002) public life as compared to the successes chalked in the education sector. 
and Koopman, Watling, and Ladonna (2020) are in agreement that since However, the argument can be made that enhancing women’s repre-
subjectivity is a productive result of all human interaction, it can be an sentation in parliament holds significant importance in achieving the 
asset to actively co-construct data and results (Olmos-Vega et al., 2023). development goals set for Ghana and, by extension, Africa, considering 
Therefore, the characteristics and experiences of Mary and Olivia served women’s untapped potential as a valuable resource on the continent. 
as rich resources in the data analysis. Like Braun and Clarke (2019) we Recognizing this, the participants placed a strong emphasis and advo-
view qualitative research as meaning and meaning-making which are cated for affirmative policies and initiatives. This view was largely 
context-bound, positioned and situated; hence the final analysis is the driven by the shared belief among the participants that affirmative ac-
product of deep and prolonged data immersion, thoughtfulness and tion policies and initiatives would politically empower women as a 
reflection. means to achieving a more inclusive and equitable society. The 
following are some narratives on the need for an affirmative action 
2.6. Ethical considerations policy: 
Adoption of a national affirmative action policy in favour of women 
The demand for attention to ethics is apparent in all research since especially in executive appointments will help to promote women’s 
ethical considerations inhabit each phase of the research process participation and representation in politics. (Participant 3) 
(Sobočan et al., 2019). Thus, this study demonstrated a commitment to 
upholding ethical standards by adhering to some key principles. First, We need an affirmative action policy that will be formulated and sup-
we sought the informed consent of the research participants to partici- ported by both men and women parliamentarians aimed at active 
pate in the study by providing them with adequate information about participation of women in decision-making. That is the only approach to 
the purposes and methods associated with the study, as well as their bridge the gender gap between men and women participation and repre-
right to consent voluntarily to participate, refuse or withdraw consent sentation in national decision-making. (Participant 6). 
devoid of any adverse consequences. Second, all the participants were Acknowledging that some efforts are being made to achieve gender 
accorded due respect. We did this by not being judgemental in our in- parity in the politics of Ghana, other participants decried the lack of 
teractions with them, not discrediting them, ensuring that their views support for an affirmative action policy noting that such a policy could 
are faithfully recorded and given due consideration in the analysis phase only succeed if it is supported by their male counterparts and by 
(Vanclay et al., 2013). Third, we safeguarded the anonymity of the extension parliament as a whole. In effect, parliament as an institution 
participants by not disclosing their names or identities throughout the should take greater responsibility in the push for affirmative action 
study. Tied to anonymity is the principle of confidentiality. We ensured legislation: 
that all private and personal matters discussed with the participants 
were not publicly disclosed to any third party. Finally, we provided the I think the way forward is affirmative action. Although there are some 
participants with the opportunity to check how they were quoted and to efforts to push for gender balance in our politics, I don’t think much is 
make changes to the transcripts and draft report to ensure that they being done in terms of policy. Take parliament for instance, we have not 
agreed with the way they have been recorded. been able to push such an agenda. I think the numbers (number of women 
parliamentarians) tell it all. (Participant 13) 
3. Findings There has not been a day in parliament where discussions were centered 
on strategies to promote women’s representation in national politics. One 
This section presents the findings derived from the study. It has been of the things we expect from our colleague male MPs and parliament as 
noted that we employed domain summary themes (see Braun & Clarke, whole is to move a motion for the institution of an affirmative action 
2019) to capture shared topics that emerged from the in-depth in- policy aimed at enhancing women’s representation in national policy … 
terviews with the participants. The study identified 6 broad themes in (Participant 4) 
relation to realistic empowerment strategies that could be employed to 
enhance women’s legislative representation by listening to the voices of These suggestions are crucial to the success of any affirmative action 
women parliamentarians in Ghana. initiative. Indeed, while affirmative action may or may not arise from 
the agitation of disadvantaged social groups and advocates, the state and 
3.1. Affirmative action its institutions are central to its design and implementation and for this 
reason, without public policy in support of affirmative action, it cannot 
It was apparent from the engagement with the participants, that be adopted and implemented (Tsikata, 2009). In tandem, despite the 
women could benefit from policies that promote affirmative action to existence of campaigns, action plans, initiatives, and interventions 
address the gender imbalances with regard to legislative representation. aimed at promoting women’s representation in politics in Ghana, it is 
According to Tsikata (2009), affirmative action: evident from the study that these efforts lack robust policy support. 
Bengtson and Pedersen (2023) however caution that “abstaining from 
is a set of measures adopted by governments and public and private introducing affirmative action, if one is in a position to do so, is to fail to 
institutions such as political parties, educational establishments, mitigate the inequality of opportunity between members of disadvan-
corporations and companies to address a history of systemic taged groups and members of advantaged groups; one thereby disre-
discrimination and exclusion of particular social groups or to gards the vital interests of the former compared to the latter’s vital 
encourage the efforts of particular social groups in the interests of interests” (p. 2). This, in turn, poses a considerable challenge in bridging 
certain development goals (p. 5) the gender gap in national political engagement between men and 
Sommer and Asal (2019) have noted that affirmative action policies women. It is therefore imperative, as advocated by the women MPs, to 
are aimed at facilitating the integration of historically disadvantaged adopt or establish a comprehensive national policy that explicitly 
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supports and prioritizes women’s representation in politics with including the conduct of elections, yet they are also fraught with fund-
particular emphasis on the legislature. Such a policy would provide a raising challenges which hamper their political operations. In Ghana, 
solid foundation for sustained progress and address the systemic barriers political parties generate funds for their political operations through 
that hinder women’s political empowerment. membership fees, nomination fees for presidential and parliamentary 
primaries, voluntary member contributions and donations, and other 
Funding fund-raising events. Therefore, during the electioneering period, politi-
cal parties expect the candidates to take up the responsibility of raising 
Murray et al. (2023) point out that money is power, and power is funds for their own campaign. For women aspirants (including their 
very difficult to access without money, consequently, contesting elec- male counterparts), a huge chunk of their campaign finance is derived 
tions is a very costly affair that compels many candidates around the from their personal fund-raising endeavours and in most cases their 
world to have, and/or raise, large sums of money. Acknowledging the personal savings. The question however remains as to how political 
intertwinement of politics and money and the essentiality of the latter parties can raise the funds needed to support women parliamentary 
for enhancing women’s legislative representation, Participant 9 ob- aspirants. In response, Participant 17 called for gender-targeted public 
serves as follows: finance, whereby political parties are given hypothecated funds by the 
state to spend on initiatives to support women’s access to politics 
Politics is about money. Without money, count yourself out. How (Murray et al., 2023). Her views are stated as follows: 
will you engage the constituents? How will you travel from one 
community to another campaigning if you don’t have money? How I think government should support the political parties to be able to 
will you feed your entourage? How will you assist individuals within offer us the needed financial resources for our campaign activities. 
your constituency? To be honest, I spend more than I earn. Most of The budget should be expanded to provide targeted financial assis-
the MPs fund their activities through bank loans. tance to women. 
Thus, the argument can be made that funding plays a role in This view points to the need for specific policy formulation in rela-
excluding many prospective candidates, resulting in the over- tion to gendered electoral financing. As explained by Feo et al. (2023) 
representation of wealth within politics (Murray, 2023). Undoubtedly, gendered electoral financing – what Ohman (2018) and Muriaas et al. 
in many political systems, female prospective candidates face multidi- (2020) refer to as gender-targeted public funding – implies the intro-
mensional gender-based disadvantages that make it more difficult to duction of systems where the funding mechanisms of political parties are 
raise funds, including the gender pay gap, gender inequities in candidate tied to provisions on gender. In fact, while proponents argue that public 
selection processes, sexist abuse and family responsibilities (Murray, funding schemes may help strengthen political parties and party sys-
2023). However, Fallon (2008) opines that a notable weakness of the tems, critics on the other hand argue that subsidies may privilege 
plural majority system and ‘first by the post’ voting is the importance of established parties (Carlson & Nakabayashi, 2023). Despite the obvious 
the financial resources of individual candidates which unfortunately debates, there is a general consensus among scholars that gendered 
puts women at a disadvantage. For some reason, there is a homosocial electoral financing can help to enhance the legislative representation of 
dimension to fundraising, with men obtaining a larger proportion of women. 
their campaign donations from other men, and women from other 
women (Swers & Thomson, 2020). Nonetheless, since men often have 3.2. Inclusive party structures 
access to powerful networks from which women are excluded, they are 
able to tap wealthy male donors (Carroll & Sanbonmatsu, 2013); The need to develop inclusive party structures was also a key theme 
therefore, if men receive more financial donations from other men, more generated from our interactions with the participants. In conventional 
often, then women could face a greater challenge in raising funds for democracies, the idea of inclusion is not superfluous as it constitutes a 
their campaign (Tolley et al., 2020). Accordingly, the need for political concretization of a fundamental right to all citizens. According to Zilla 
parties to provide aspiring women parliamentarians with funding for (2022), the concept of inclusion is multi-faceted in nature and denotes 
their political activities was mentioned by the participants as a key access to a plurality of entitlements and material as well as immaterial 
empowerment strategy that could facilitate their enhanced legislative resources in different social systems or societal realms. This view of 
representation. Although in Ghana gendered electoral financing initia- inclusion succeeds in constituting access to resources as a progressive 
tives such as discounted filing fees have been used to support women form of democracy and hence there is a huge responsibility placed upon 
candidates (Muriaas et al., 2020), it is clear from the analysis that direct political parties and other interest groups to ensure that this funda-
financial assistance from political parties would greatly enhance mental right is fulfilled. Acknowledging the crucial role played by po-
women’s quest to become more politically competitive. Away from litical parties in ensuring gender inclusion in contemporary 
enhancing their competitiveness, direct financial support to women democracies, the National Democratic Institute (2018) elaborate as 
would help to address the gendered nature of political financing and follows: 
level the political playing field for both men and women parliamentary 
aspirants. Participant 12 for instance notes that: Political parties are a cornerstone of democracy, providing critical pathways for the political participation and engagement of citizens. 
… funding from political parties will enhance women’s representation in Parties mobilize citizens behind ideologies and policies, select can-
national politics. (Participant 12) didates for representative posts, lead electoral campaigns, form 
As Murray et al. (2023) indicate, women face gendered barriers to legislative blocs in parliaments, and if elected, implement a program 
fundraising, including needing to work harder to raise money due to of government. Women’s full and equal political participation ben-
their exclusion from affluent networks and their reliance on smaller efits communities and results in real gains for democracy and 
donations. Narrating the difficulty that women often face in raising improved outcomes for countries. 
funds for their electioneering activities and the need for targeted However, the low representation of women in the legislature in 
gendered financing, a participant intimated: Ghana is telling of the political party structures and indicates that the 
We often struggle to raise money for our campaign and other activities. I parties are characterised by masculinist institutional structures which do 
believe the political parties should make funds available to women aspi- not work in favour of female Parliamentary candidates (Madsen, 2019). 
rants to help us in our campaigns. (Participant 19) Also, Bjarnegård and Kenny (2016) note that male political dominance and women’s continued underrepresentation is the result of the inter-
Political parties require money to fund their political activities action of formal and informal rules taking place at the level of the 
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political party, which is supposed to act as a gatekeeper for candidate quotas are enforceable by national legal requirements, party-level 
selection (Geha, 2019). Krook and Mackay (2011) argue that any quotas, on the other hand, are voluntary initiatives by political parties 
discourse on women in politics could benefit greatly from adopting and by no means a legal obligation. Party quotas generally have a pos-
institutional conceptions to uncover the multiple ways that institutional itive impact on women’s political representation (Lilliefeldt, 2012). 
practices construct gender power relations and inequalities. Despite its immense impact in enhancing women’s political standing, 
In the African context, politics and processes of political represen- the argument can however be made that the implementation of gender 
tation are characterized by not only formal but also to a large extent quotas challenges power balances within parties by effectively 
informal institutions (Madsen, 2021). Thus, while the participants in demanding that party gatekeepers put (female) newcomers on the lists 
this study acknowledged that formal party rules do not necessarily and remove some (male) candidates that were previously on the lists 
discriminate against and are actually in support of women’s enhanced (Bjarnegård & Zetterberg, 2016). This notwithstanding, we believe that 
representation, they however observed that the informal institution political party agency in the form of institutional change could help in 
which manifests in informal norms, practices and values, often favour the realization of the proposed quota system. 
men’s legislative representation. Waylen (2014) defines informal in-
stitutions as ‘socially shared rules, usually unwritten, that are created, 
communicated and enforced outside of officially sanctioned channels’ in 3.3. Education 
opposition to formal rules defined as ‘rules and procedures that are 
created, communicated and enforced through channels which are The question of whether education affects political participation and 
widely accepted as official’ (p. 114). Recognizing the interplay of both representation is a long standing debate within the academic literature. 
formal and informal institutions in the political processes of her party, a Indeed an explosion of research studies have sought to answer this 
participant explained that; our party’s rules are very clear on equality, thorny question. Many scholars see education as a necessary precursor 
however, in practice you realize that men are often favoured in the party to active political participation (Willeck & Mendelberg, 2022). For 
(Participant 16). This suggests that informal rules will often work instance, Galston (2001) has argued that a healthy democracy requires 
against or parallel formal rules, as they seek to preserve the status quo an educated, politically engaged citizenry. Nie et al. (1996) also contend 
and maintain existing power structures and therefore work against more that formal education has a consistent and overwhelming association 
women in politics and/or substantive changes in a more gender-friendly with political participation (in Willeck & Mendelberg, 2022). As noted 
direction (Madsen, 2021). by Gutmann (1999) ‘education, in a great measure, forms the moral 
It is worth noting that in Ghana, although some political parties have character of citizens and moral character along with laws and in-
made efforts to put in place different initiatives to support female can- stitutions forms the basis of democratic government’ (p. 49). In this 
didates – such as introducing an initiative to support women economi- study, the participants emphasized the significance of formal education 
cally as both the NDC and the NPP have reduced the filing fees to half for in women’s legislative representation. To the participants, the founda-
the female candidates; as well the NPP’s initiative or voluntary measure tion for active engagement and representation in national politics is 
in 2015 which focused on women seats in constituencies where a woman formal education which serves as a springboard for women to compre-
was already the MP (Madsen, 2019) – it is apparent from this study that hend and actively engage in legislative matters. 
more needs to be done to enhance the legislative representation of low levels of formal education is one of the stumbling blocks to women’s 
women. Particularly, it appears that despite these initiatives, neither of representation in the legislature. Building capacities will help women to be 
the country’s two major political parties have policies that promote courageous as they venture into politics. (Participant 3) 
women’s representation and engagement in national politics. Political 
institutions must therefore create policies that promote equal repre- Being a member of parliament goes beyond just voting on issues. It en-
sentation and engagement of women in politics. To effect the needed compasses diverse areas which call for a well-equipped individual. To be 
institutional change in a more friendly direction, Mahoney and Thelen equipped means to be educated. With the requisite education, it will push 
(2010) propose the following strategies: ‘layering’ (when new rules are women to actively participate and be represented in national politics. 
attached on top of existing ones), ‘displacement’ (replacement of exist- (Participant 7) 
ing rules with new ones), ‘drift’ (when rules remain the same but their As pointed out by Lewis-Beck et al. (2008, p. 102) “with more formal 
impact changes due to external factors) and ‘conversion’ (when rules education comes a stronger interest in politics, a greater concern with 
remain but institutions designed with one set of goals in mind are elections, greater confidence in playing one’s role as a citizen, and a 
redirected to other ends) (Madsen, 2021). The participants’ views point deeper commitment to the norm of being a good citizen”. Education 
to a displacement of some sort of the existing patriarchal institutional fosters skills and knowledge relevant to politics. Other participants 
structures – both formal and informal. For instance, one of the partici- underscored the importance of higher education in enhancing women’s 
pants elaborates: representation in the legislature. 
Political parties need to eliminate all obstacles that directly or subtly limit Higher education matters in politics. On the floor of parliament many 
women’s representation, enhance their ability to examine issues from a issues spanning from archeology to zoology are discussed. Little or no 
gender perspective, and establish policies as necessary to support knowledge on key issues will hinder representation. It is important for 
women’s ability to participate fully at all levels of decision-making within women vying for parliamentary seats to attain higher education which 
those political parties. (Participant 9) will enable them to be active and not passive participants. (Participant 
Other participants called for party-level quota to enhance women’s 21) 
legislative representation The relevance of higher education to women’s legislative represen-
tation is also shared by Converse (1972) as follows: education “is 
The political party’s need to adopt the quota system to ensure equal everywhere the universal solvent and the relationship is always in the 
representation of both men and women. (Participant 21) same direction. The higher the education, the greater the ‘good’ values 
Our parties need to adopt a quota system in order to enhance women’s of the variable. The educated citizen is attentive, knowledgeable and 
representation in parliament. (Participant 8) participatory, and the uneducated citizen is not” (p. 324). The various 
responses underscore the significance of formal education in political 
The literature on quota distinguishes between legislative binding representation at the national level. It is not surprising that women MPs 
quotas that apply to all parties and voluntary measures adopted within emphasized the importance of formal education as a means to address 
single parties (Sundström & Stockemer, 2022). While legislative binding the gender gap. On the floor of Ghana’s 8th Parliament, it can be 
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observed that men often participate more in parliamentary discussions parliament, alongside other factors such as wealth, race, and ethnicity. 
than women counterparts. This gender disparity in participation may be Prevailing societal standards regarding women’s domestic re-
attributed, at least in part, to the ratio of men to women. However, it is sponsibilities have historically deprived them of their fundamental 
also plausible that the discrepancy in academic achievements between rights to actively participate in and be represented in national politics. In 
men and women plays a role. Therefore, it is imperative to take imme- light of this, the suggestions put forth by the participants are valid. The 
diate action to devise strategies for enhancing women’s knowledge, question of who will take charge of reorienting society to promote 
skills, and attitudes. women’s representation becomes pertinent. 
3.4. Re-socialisation of society 
3.5. Concluding Thoughts 
The need to re-socialise society was a key topic that was generated 
from our engagement with the participants. In many African countries, This paper sheds light on viable empowerment strategies for tackling 
the question of who should hold positions of power is heavily influenced the legislative underrepresentation of women in Ghana. We have used 
by societal beliefs and norms. According to George (2019) women’s empowerment theory to further our understanding of ways to enhance 
political representation – or ability to engage politically – is often women’s legislative representation in Ghana. We have conceptualized 
defined by traditional norms that drive wider social structures. Funda- empowerment as constituting power and agency. Power relates to 
mental to the constraints confronted by women is an entrenched patri- having control over resources to bring about desired change while 
archal system where family control and decision-making powers are in agency is conceived as both goal-directed and action-oriented process. 
the hands of males (Mlambo & Kapingura, 2019). Despite women’s Despite these two dimensions, we believe that the common thread in 
progress towards achieving full and active participation in politics, discourses on empowerment is the issue of change. We find evidence 
Mlambo & Kapingura (2019) contends that their identity is still pre- that women’s political empowerment is closely linked to the acquisition 
dominantly conceived of as being domestic in nature, and continues to of certain key resources – policy, money, personal competencies 
act as a barrier to women’s entry into formal politics as intimated by (knowledge and skills). In terms of policy, the study has shown that the 
these participants: development and implementation of an affirmative action policy could 
The society still sees women s place as being subservient to men; that help increase women’s representation in parliament. Such a policy has ’
women should focus on raising and taking care of the family and nothing the potential to address gender imbalances and create a more inclusive 
else. (Participant 1) political environment. Despite the promise of affirmative action policies in the quest to balance the gender representation in parliament, we have 
To be factual, the society in general is anti-women. It cuts across both to be mindful that the understanding of the tension between individual 
educated and the uneducated. When it comes to women taking up lead- merit and social justice may be informed by past experiences of groups 
ership roles, the society fights against it due to norms and tradition. This that have benefited from such policies; hence the need to care about the 
calls campaigns aimed at changing the mind-set of Ghanaians. (Partici- antecedents of affirmative action policies (Sommer & Asal, 2019). 
pant 17) Particularly, challenges related to implementation, enforcement, and 
We argue that societal assumptions about women’s perceived iden- backlash against affirmative action policies should be acknowledged 
tity create barriers to their representation in the legislature. However, and addressed to ensure their long-term effectiveness. Also, political 
Krook and Mackay (2015) remind us that if society as an institution is parties play a significant role in promoting women’s political empow-
gendered, it can also be ‘regendered’. To regender society – gradual erment. Parties that actively support and engage women tend to have 
societal and institutional change – we propose a renewed thought and higher levels of gender diversity. Strategies such as recruiting and 
agency modeled on the principles of feminist institutionalism which training women candidates, implementing internal party quotas, and 
posits that there is a need to apply a gender lens in order to better un- providing financial and logistical support can enhance women’s repre-
derstand both the formal and informal institutions which control sentation in the legislature. Moreover, the study highlights the impor-
women’s political careers. The need to raise awareness was also tance of formal education in political engagement and representation. 
mentioned by the participants as a way to re-socialise the society in an Closing the gender gap requires addressing disparities in academic 
effort to ensure the enhanced representation of women in the legislature. achievements and providing opportunities for women to enhance their 
The following quote from a participant illustrates this perspective: knowledge, skills, and attitudes in political domains. Additionally, re-orienting society’s norms and beliefs is crucial for promoting 
Gender gaps can only be bridged if the thinking pattern of the society is women’s representation in parliament. Challenging societal conven-
changed. Women can lead. Women have the capacity to lead. However, tions, traditions, and rituals that hinder women’s representation is 
women do not see themselves as capable of leading. Why is it that all essential. Awareness-raising campaigns and efforts to foster 
constituencies in Ghana have high women population and yet men are in gender-neutral attitudes can contribute to a more inclusive political 
the majority in parliament? This is because the societal norms and system. This article emphasizes the significance of adopting compre-
perception of people which need to change. (Participant 16) hensive policies, supported by robust political will, to empower women 
In order to facilitate this change, other participants called for and achieve gender diversity in Ghana’s parliament. Such policies 
awareness raising to highlight the crucial role of women in politics ipso should address barriers, provide support mechanisms, and create an 
facto governance. enabling environment for women’s legislative representation and hence influence in decision-making processes. Moving forwards, policymakers, 
This calls for awareness raising to change the perception of the society. stakeholders, and scholars should endeavour to continuously evaluate 
Perception affects people ways of life. (Participant 1) the progress of such policies, identify areas for improvement, and 
The masses need to be aware that women can also play assertive and develop evidence-based approaches to empower women in politics. 
constructive role towards the development of Ghana. (Participant 19) Ultimately, achieving greater gender diversity and empowerment of women in politics is not only a matter of social justice and equality but 
We argue that societal norms, beliefs, and priorities, which are also a crucial step toward sustainable development and inclusive 
shaped by traditions, play a significant role in defining gender roles in governance in Ghana and beyond. By ensuring that women’s voices are 
politics. Democracies, on the other hand, are associated with more heard, their perspectives are valued, and their leadership is recognized, 
gender-neutral attitudes. Throughout history, gender norms have had a we can create a more representative and inclusive democracy that 
profound impact on women’s ability to have their voices heard in benefits society as a whole. 
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3.6. Limitations and future scholarship Bengtson, A., & Pedersen, M. L. V. (2023). Affirmative action, paternalism, and respect. 
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–15. 
Given the number and specificity of the participants selected for the Bjarnegård, E., & Zetterberg, P. (2016). Political parties and gender quota 
study, our findings are not generalisable; although the purpose of this implementation: The role of bureaucratized candidate selection procedures. 
study was not to generalize the findings but to provide fresh insights into Comparative Politics, 48(3), 393–411. 
Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2013). Successful qualitative research: A practice guide for beginners. 
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challenges; hence are in a better position to provide suggestions on how Carlson, M. M., & Nakabayashi, M. (2023). Political reforms and the funding of parties in 
best to empower aspiring women candidates for parliament. We do Japan: 1955–2020. Democratization, 30(2), 195–214. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 
however recognize that a much broader study which involved women 13510347.2022.2120473 Carroll, S. J., & Sanbonmatsu, K. (2013). More women can run: Gender and pathways to the 
aspirants could have offered wider perspectives on the phenomenon state legislatures. USA: Oxford University Press.  
under investigation. This could be considered in future scholarship. Celis, K., Childs, S., Kantola, J., & Krook, M. L. (2014). Constituting women’s interests 
Therefore, readers should exercise some caution when interpreting the through representative claims. Politics and Gender, 10(2), 149–174. Childs, S., & Krook, M. L. (2009). Analysing women’s substantive representation: From 
study’s findings, as the findings pertain specifically to the women MPs critical mass to critical actors. Government and Opposition, 44(2), 125–145. 
who participated in this study and may not reflect the general per- Converse, P. E. (1972). Change in the American electorate. In A. Campbell, & 
spectives of all the women MPs in the 8th Parliament of Ghana. P. E. Converse (Eds.), The human meaning of social change. New York: Russell Sage.  
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CRediT authorship contribution statement Dahlerup, D. (2006). The story of the theory of critical mass. Politics and Gender, 2(4), 
511–522. 
DeCino, D. A., & Waalkes, P. L. (2019). Aligning epistemology with member checks. 
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Data curation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. Drydyk, J. (2013). Development ethics and gender justice. Éthique et économique/Ethics 
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Olivia Adwoa Tiwaa Frimpong Kwapong: Conceptualization, Soft- Esposito, E. (2021). Introduction: Critical perspectives on gender, politics and violence. 
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Declaration of competing interest Feo, F., Fiorelli, C., & Piccio, D. (2023). Gendered patterns in candidates’ campaign 
fundraising: The case of Italy. International Political Science Review, 44(1), 43–58. 
Finlay, L. (2002). Negotiating the swamp: The opportunity and challenge of reflexivity in 
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authors have no affiliation with any organization with a direct or indi- Foster-Fishman, P. G., Salem, D. A., Chibnall, S., Legler, R., & Yapchai, C. (1998). 
rect financial interest in the subject matter discussed in the manuscript. Empirical support for the critical assumptions of empowerment theory. American Journal of Community Psychology, 26(4), 507–536. 
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