University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh THE PROSPECTS AND CONSTRAINTS OF REINTEGRATING ACCUSED WITCHES IN MAINSTREAM SOCIETY: THE CASE OF TINDANG AND fo;;r;-",-",>~, GAMBAGA WITCHES' CAMPS /sI J ~- & • ~.· •• t.' ~ BY: MIRIAM RAHINATU IDDRISU Tms THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY DEGREE IN SOCIOLOGY December, 2008 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh I deClare that this thesis is my own work. It is the result of my own original research undertaken under the supervision of Professors Kodjo Senah and Max Assimeng. As far as f know, it has not been presented elsewhere either in whole or in part, for another degree. Where references have been made to other published and unpublished works, these have been acknowledged in the text and bibliography. SUPERVISORS -- --------------------~-- -; Date------'il--~f_-~ Miriam Rahinatu Iddrisu --~------- -~-------------- Date _:3_ _ L?:_~~~ ____ _ University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my mother, Madam Florence Lamisi Kpeb who did not live to see this dream come through. "Ma" you gave me focus, perspective, strength as well as love and support. Wherever you are, I want you to know you were the most wonderful person on earth, the best I knew and you will forever live in my heart. n University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ACKNOWLEGEMENT Without the aid of many people, such an endeavor would have been impossible. There are a number of people to whom I am greatly indebted and without whom this thesis might not have been written. My profound appreciation and debts of gratitude go to my supervisors, Professors Kodjo Senah and Max Assimeng whose constructive criticisms, invaluable suggestions and contribution, guidance and impeccable understanding guided me to .write this thesis. My mother, Madam Florence Larnisi Kpeb, has been a source of encouragement and inspiration to me throughout my life. Very special thanks to you for nurturing me and in a myriad of ways, for actively supporting me in my determination to find and realize my potential, and to make this contribution. Thanks to my cherished friend Munira. She was my "soul out of my soul," who kept my spirits up when the muses failed me. This work is dedicated to all our journeys in learning to thrive. To Sunluya I say a very special thank you for your practical and emotional support. Mr Sule has been a part of this work right from start to finish, thanks so much for your input and concern. God bless you. Thanks so much James Acquaye for your moral support. I wish to express my gratitude and appreciation to the staff of Presbyterian Outcast Home in Gambaga, Management Aid at Vendi and to Bishop Vincent Boi- Nai of m University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Vendi Diocese, for their familiarity with the topic, and useful contributions and ideas offered. Also I thank the Gambaga and TindangiGnani Chiefs, alleged witches of Gambaga and Tindang witches camp, respondents from Vendi and Nalerigu community for their valuable input and cooperation. I am also very grateful to Rev Fr Andy, for the inspiration he has been to me through his visits, prayers and counsel. Thanks so much to the beloved friends who got me through: Mercy, Gloria, Naana, Yaa, Abigail, James and the Hayford Appiah family. Thanks to all YPIP 2006-2007 class for their friendship, prayers and concern. Most of all, I thank the most high God who continues to make the impossible possible. IV University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ABSTRACT Belief in witchcraft is a world wide phenomenon. In Africa, its occurrence is almost universal. Although in some societies this belief plays a very minor role in the daily lives of the people, in most it is no exaggeration to say that one cannot gain any fundamental grasp of the attitude which people have towards one another nor can one understand many aspects of their ideas regarding good, evil and causation and their associated beliefs without understanding their belief in witchcraft. There are four established witches' camps in northern Ghana: Gambaga witches' camp in Mamprusi, Kpatinga camp located in north of Vendi, Kukuo camp in the south ofYendi and TindanglGnani in the east ofYendi (Waibel, 2001). However, due to time and financial constraint the study was limited to two witches' camps, Tindang and Gambaga witches' camps. This study is a follow up to an earlier study the researcher undertook for her bachelors' degree (lddrisu, 2002).The objective of the first study was to determine whether witchcraft is a naturally occurring phenomenon or a product of social interaction and inter-relationships. In the present study, however, the researcher examines the prospects and constraints in reintegrating accused witches in the Tindang and Gambaga witches' camps into mainstream community life. To achieve this objective, the researcher surveyed not only the two camps, but also conducted interviews with members of two communities near the camps. She also conducted in-depth interview with the staff of some institutions working with the camps, traditional leaders, District Assembly officials and selected key informants. v University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Data were gadtwed through the administration of questionnaire in the two witches' camps and in the two communities near the witches' camps (Nalerigu and Vendi). In- depth interviews were conducted with identified key infonnants, some institutions working with the witches' camps, members of the Dagbon and Mamprugu traditional councils, and officials of the Gambaga and Vendi district assemblies. Main Findings • Conditions in both Tindang and Gambaga witches camp are bad. However accused witches are willing to stay in the camps. • Some respondents are willing to be reintegrated based on the following conditions: )0 To be reconciled with family members and family of the accused )0 To be resettled in a completely different environment )0 To be assured of security (not to be attacked again) • Views from the two communities revealed that they are willing to accept and interact with the accused but based on the following conditions: )0 The accused must put a stop to their 'wicked' activities; and )0 The accused must be economically independent • Some methods employed in reintegration by the Presbyterian Project include dialogue and education. The study revealed that apart from the Presbyterian Project which is involved in the reintegration of accused, the other institutions VI University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh I I University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh poCID:Y of women's sexuality is generally controlled by men - be it fathers, brothers, husbands or sons. • About 38 percent of respondents in Gambaga and about 22 respondents at the Tindang witches camp have children living with them. Most of these children were of school going age but do not go to school. • It is significant to note that in spite of food donations made to accused, they still go hungry because donation of sorghum given on monthly basis by the CRS is not appropriate. The reason is that sorghum is considered a foreign grain which cannot be used to prepare "Too Zaafi" which is the staple dish of the people. Accused, therefore, sell or exchange the sorghum for maize or millet. • Soothsayers, diviners, chief priests and some chiefs are among the people who are capable of identifYing and establishing the true status of an accused. • The chiefs of Gambaga and Tindang are willing to allow accused to be discharged from the witches' camps, once the necessary rituals are performed. However, the cost of rites involved in exorcising accused is expensive. The cost ranges from three hundred thousand to a million cedis (US $ 30-100). • High numbers of accused reintegrated are chased back to the witches camps due to threats and re- accusations. vm University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh RecmD .......... Based on the fiDdiJIp of the study, the following recommendations are provided to aid the rein1egration of inmates in the Tindang and Gambaga witches' camps: • The Government and non-governmental institutions should intensify educational campaigns both in English and in the local languages in northern Ghana, to effect positive behavioral change and attitudes. Also institutions working with the witches' camps in their educational campaigns should offer alternative ways of explaining events. • Development agents and institutions working with the witches camps need to be aware that to change the witchcraft mentality of people takes time, and therefore they should be patient and tactful .Changes that have to do with the mentality, beliefs and attitudes are not easily achieved within a short time. • Human rights institutions, non governmental organization and development agents should dialogue with the traditional authorities involved in the identification and or treatment of accused witches, so as to integrate their views and concerns. • The Presbyterian Project should involve the traditional council and the soothsayers in their reintegration programme so as to prevent the accused from being chased back to the witches' camp. Experts should be employed to handle the reintegration programme of the Project Also other NGO's should IX University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh include reintegration programs in their dealings with the witches' camp so as to contribute to the reintegration process. • The Dagbon and Mamprugu traditional councils should launch a prevention and reintegration program in their various jurisdictions so as to target diviners, soothsayers, chiefs and all persons involved in the identification and persecution ofwitches. • The East Mamprusi District and the Vendi District Assemblies should support the witches' camps with the District Common Fund through education, provision of amenities, research and even liaising with institutions working with these camps • Associations like the Christian Mothers and the Christian Women's Fellowship and other religious women's groups could visit these poor women accused of witchcraft and listen to and minister to them. This would help these unfortunate women to deal with their present situation of helplessness. Also MOWAC, FIDA and 31st DWM could explore the possibilities of emancipating these women from the clutches of traditional, cultural and religious prejUdices. • Specific programs should be designed to offer children in the camps an opportunity to growth and development as normal children would have in school. x University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh WUtNat Activities ofh uman rights institutions, NGO's and even government have contributed very little in reintegrating accused at the two witches' camp. Accused witches on the other hand have not shown the desire to go back home. Reintegration does not appear to be an easy task. Reintegration is possible and can be achieved only when the concerns of all persons involved are considered. The expectation of most institutions especially, the human rights institutions is a rapid response, which in reality is not achievable. Issues that have to do with negative mentality, beliefs, and attitudes are not easily addressed within a short time. Consequently, this study can only end by raising a question: What next? Answers to this question may trigger more critical discussions on the witches' camps in Ghana. XI University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh J{CKOI"lI,ftJ"""n.uBREVIATIONS BESIP -Basic Sector Improvement Project CAMFED-Cambridge Female Education CHRAJ- Commission for Human Rights and Administrative Justice CRS - Catholic Relief Services DCE-District Chief Executive DFID-Department for International Development DOVVSU-Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit DRC- Democratic Republic ofthe Congo EU-European Union FIDA- Federation of Women Lawyers Association GES-Ghana Education Service GHS-Ghana Health Service KVIP-Kumasi Ventilated Improved Pit MAID- Management Aid MOWAC- Ministry of Women and Children Affairs NGO- Non Governmental Organization OPD-Out Patient Department TBA-Traditional Birth Attendant YPIP-Young Professionals Internship Program XII University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh TABLE OF CONTENT Declaration Dedication II Acknowlegement III Abstract V Acronymns/A bbreviations XII CHAPTER ONE BACK GROUND TO THE STUDy ....................................................................... I 1.0 Witchcraft as a Global Phenomenon ........................................................... I 1.1 Witchcraft in Africa .................................................................................... 5 1.2 Witchcraft in Northern Ghana ................................................................... 10 1.3 Problem Statement ................................................................................... 12 1.4 Objectives of the Study ............................................................................. 15 1.5 Method of Data Collection ....................................................................... IS 1.6 Limitation of the Study ............................................................................. 18 1.7 Organization of work ................................................................................ 19 CBAPTERTWO 20 2.0 Literature Review ..................................................................................... 20 2.1 Concept of Witchcraft ............................................................................... 20 2.2 Belief in Witchcraft .................................................................................. 27 2.3 Theories on Witchcraft ............................................................................. 29 2.4 Witchcraft Accusations ............................................................................. 34 2.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................... 38 XIll University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAFI'ER ~E .....................•.............................................................................. 47 3.0 Data analysis ofGambaga witches camp and Nalerigu community ................ .47 3.1 The Profile of East Mamprusi District ....................... ··.····················· .............. 47 3.2 The Gambaga Witches Camp .................................... ·.············· ....................... 51 3.3 Historical Origin ............................................................................................. 51 3.4 bnnates views ................................................................................................ 52 3.4.1 Socio Demographic Characteristics ................................................................. 53 3.4.2 Witchcraft Accusation .................................................................................... 59 3.4.3 Camp Life ....................................... ·. ... ·. ....... ···· .. · .. ·· .. ···· .... · ........................... 66 3.4.4 Concerns of accused ...................................................................................... 69 3.5 Views from Nalerigu ..................................................................................... 73 3.6 Views from the Gambaga District Assembly .................................................. 86 3.7 Views from the Mamprugu Traditional Council ............................................. 87 3.8 Activities of Non Governmental Organizations .............................................. 87 CHAPTER FOUR ......................................................................................................... 89 4.0 Analysis of Data from the Tindang witches camp and the Vendi community. 89 4.1 The Profile of Yendi District ........................................................................... 90 4.1.2 Current Economy of the District ..................................................................... 90 4.1.3 Health Facilities .............................................................................................. 91 4.1.5 Schools ........................................................................................................... 91 4.1.6 :Demographic Characteristics .......................................................................... 91 4.2 The Tindang Witches Camp ............................................................................ 92 4.3 History of the Tindang witches camp ............................................................. 93 4.4 Presentation and analysis ofviews from the Tindang witches camp ............... 94 XIV University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.4.1 Socia lJenlographic Characteristics .................................... ·. . ···•······ ............... 94 4.5 Witchcraft Accusation ................................................................................... 99 4.5.1 Life at the witches' camp ............................................................................. 104 4.5.2 Concerns of accused .................................................................................... 106 4.6 Vendi Community ....................................................................................... 108 4.6.1 Socio Demographic Characteristics .............................................................. 108 4.6.2 Witchcraft Beliefs ........................................................................................ 110 4.6.3 Knowledge on Witches Camp ...................................................................... 112 4.6.4 Possibility of Reintegrating accused ............................................................. 113 4.6.5 Activities of NOD Governmental Organizations ............................................ 118 4.6.6 Human Rights InstitutioDs ............................................................................ 119 4.6.7 Vendi District Assembly .............................................................................. 117 4.6.8 The Dagbon Traditional Council. ................................................................. 117 CHAPTER FIVE. ........................................................................................................ 120 5.0 Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations .............................................. 120 5.1 Conclusion ................................................................................................... 121 5.2 Recommendations ........................................................................................ 121 xv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF TABLES Table 1 : Sources of accusation ..................................................................................... 59 Table 2: Means of accessing food ................................................................................. 67 Table 3 : Category of people prone to witchcraft accusation .......................................... 77 Table 4 : Record of Witch camps in Northern Region .... ................................................ 80 Table 5 : Sources of accusation ................................................................................... 100 XVI University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 :Age distribution of Respondents ................................................ 53 Figure 2 :Ethnic groupings in the Camp ....................................................5 5 Figure 3 :Marital status of Respondents .................................................... 56 Figure 4 :Relations living with Accused ................................................... 57 Figure 5: Number of years at the Camp ................................................... 63 Figure 6: Access to health ..................................................................... 68 Figure 7: Educational levels of Respondents .............................................. 73 Figure 8: Religious denomination ofrespondents ..........................................7 5 Figure 9: Marital status of Respondents ................................................... 76 Figure 10: Possibility of Reintegration ....................................................8 4 Figure 11: Computed Age distribution of Respondents ................................. 95 Figure 12: Marital Status of Respondents in Tindang ................................... 102 Figure 13: Relations living with Accused .................................................9 7 xvn University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER ONE BACK GROUND TO THE STUDY 1.0 Witchcraft as a Global Phenomenon In all societies, whether developed or developing, attempts are made by individuals, families and communities to explain what appears to be unusual (Mensah- Aborampah 2003). According to Ray (1976), unlike western religions, African thought does not conceive the source of evil to be a fallen god or spirit like Satan or the Devil. He argues that instead, the source of evil is located in the human world, in the ambitions and jealousies of human being. The origin of evil is, therefore, traced to demonic humanity personified by the witch or sorcerer - the antisocial person. Belief in witchcraft is common in Africa. It is so common that two heads of state in Africa have accused their political rivals of bewitching them (Mair 1969). Everywhere in Africa as well as in the industrialised countries, people not only believe in witches but frequently attribute misfortunes which befall them to witches' (Mensah-Aborampah, 2003). Although Africa has been singled out as the proverbial abode of witchcraft, it is interesting to note that witchcraft beliefs were prevalent in Europe and America in the past centuries (Mensah- Aborampah 2003). In pre-Christian Europe, there was a fairly generalised belief in witches and also in evil spirits that copulated with human beings. Fear of witchcraft often manifests itself in the persecution of people (Lea 1978). Christians accused witches of making pacts, bringing misfortune, engaging in illicit sex, eating the flesh of infants and observing 'black Sabbaths'. In Europe, hundreds of thousands of people, mostly women, were burned as witches in witch-hunts that lasted University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh for 300 yean; the last burning of a witch in Europe took place as late as 1782. In Christianity, with its belief in a supernatural power of evil, the witch became a human associate of the devil, closely associated with demons and occasionally indistinguishable from them. The witch came to be seen as a pawn of Satan, a tool used in his efforts to destroy humanity and block God's plan of salvation. Thus, the witch in Christianity was a minor symbol of that transpersonal evil of which Satan was the major symbol (Hughes, 19 65).The belief in the physical embodiment of evil is the concern of many religions. For example, Pope Paul VI stated in 1972 that 'evil is an effective agent that sows errors and misfortunes in human history' (Russel 1972:432). It should be noted that in all societies where witchcraft is a component of the belief system witchcraft beliefs are of utmost importance since they offer explanation for the persistence of evil and the ability of humans to eradicate it. Krige (1947) has aptly summarized this: "Witches and sorcerers are considered (by the Lovedu) to be the embodiment of malignant forces ever on the alert to enter into unholy matrimony with the criminal impulses of the human heart. Witchcrqft particularly (as opposed to sorcery) is the essence ofa ll evil, vicious and inscrutable, that swirls through the universe and seeks asylum in si1ifulsouls in which the germs ofw ickedness lie ready to be qUickened into life". While witch hunts and persecutions were a serious social problem in Western Europe and in North America, it is assuming antagonistic and alarming proportions in Africa. 2 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh QqJaaired campaign agaiDIt suspected witches, which culminated in mass witch trials, took place in 1645 in England. A combination of exorcism and torture resulted in hundreds of people being put to death as allies of Satan. The accused were often older women or beggars who lived alone or who were regarded unneighbourly or abrasive. Many witches who lived in West Germany from 1562 to 1684 were women (Lea 1978). In America., the world witnessed the outbreak of witch trials in Salem, Massachusetts in 1692. Although the fIrst hanging of a witch in New England occurred in 1647, it was at Salem that the colonies produced their most spectacular series of witch trials, in which nineteen persons were executed. Literature on North America indicates that witchcraft belief is not peculiar to Africa (Mensab- Aborampah 2003). In many American Indian and Alaska Native groups, illness and misfortune are attributed to numerous causes, ranging from taboo violation or wrongdoing to other forms of supernatural interventions that may occur as a result of witchcraft or sorcery. For example, in one tribe a condition such as epilepsy may be viewed as the consequence of behaviour such as incest. In another, the same condition may be attributed to supernatural causes such as soul possession or witchcraft (Mensab- Aborampah 2003). Belief in magical practices was widespread in the cultures of the ancient Middle East, Mesopotamia, Egypt and Palestine. Magical power to heal sickness and other acts of witchcraft or sorcery was ascribed to gods and heroes. There was also the fear of malevolent magic or sorcery, especially in Mesopotamia., and a search for counteraction (Hughes, 1965). According to the biblical record, the Hebrews, as well 3 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh • '. . JIeichbors, waeconversant with these practices, fears, and avoidances. It is dispuDlble whether any of the Hebrew terms rendered "witch" or "sorcerer" in various translations refer to witchcraft in the special modem sense. Very often they have to do with mediums and necromancers applying certain techniques of divination (Hughes, 1965). The so Adam R. Y (2005). The other sides of the witches centre in Gambaga. The Ghanaian Times 25/9/2005. > Azumah V (2000). "Gender apartheid, crime or custom. The Mirror 22/07/000. > Amuzu M. (2007). Witchcraft: is it only for women. The weekend Mirror 25/1017. In some areas of Angola the belief in witchcraft is strong, and an accusation of sorcery can lead to violent and sometimes lethal retribution by the community (Ajavon, 1998).A1so in M'Banza Congo, the provincial capital of Zaire in northern Angola, at least 23 young boys are forced to live in an orphanage run by the Catholic Church. They were thrown out of their homes for allegedly possessing supernatural powers (Amuzu, 1997). 8 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ./.~ ., Kenyans aecused of witchcraft were executed by vigilante mobs that ~umed the homes of the accused. In 1993, killings among the Gusii tribe in Kenya wtlreoccuning at the rate of one a week. "In most cases, village mobs several hundred strong locked the victims inside thatch-roof houses and set them on fire. According to tribal elders, the Gusii have always executed people found to be witches. Villagers had a foolproof method for determining guilt. The most respected men in the community would call a meeting. Next, they would smear local herbs on the hands of the suspect and that of a second, innocent man. Both men would be ordered to dip their hands into a pot of boiling water, and then return in five days. If the suspect was a witch, bums would appear on his hands. However, the innocent man's hands would remain unscarred" (Adam A. H, 1995). Much of the same pattern is evident in Tanzania and Kenya. Lynch mobs have killed hundreds of Tanzanians whom they accuse of witchcraft as black magic hysteria sweeps East Africa. Most of the usually elderly victims have been beaten or burnt to death by gangs of youths (Adam A.H., 1995). In Zimbabwe, as in neighboring South Africa, the witch-hunts also seem closely related to "the black market demand for human body parts, which are used in making evil potions." The upsurge in such practices, the ritual murders they require, and the vengefulness that results against accused "witches," are all linked to the country's precipitous economic decline. The worse the economy gets, the more political tension there is in society, the more frustrated and frightened people get. They tum to witchcraft to gain riches or to hurt their enemies (Adama, 2004). 9 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh One brutal me1hod of executing witches in Central Africa is by burying the accused alive in 1995. over 50 Ugandans were killed by witch hunters. That same year, more than 70 people in South Africa's Northern Province were lynched to death as suspected sorcerers. In June of 200 1. villagers of Congo's northeast provinces began a bloody witch eradication campaign, sparing neither neighbor, nor friend. Alleged witches were unceremoniously hacked apart by machete-wielding vigilantes, bringing about a scene of carnage unmatched since the machete killing-sprees of the Rwanda Crisis. The innocent victims were first "smelled out" (identified by tribal healers as witches) before they were savagely beaten into incriminatory confessions about others allegedly engaged in the black arts. The witches' camp in Burkina Faso is called "Centre Delwande" located in Ouagadougou. The centre was transformed from a home for the aged into a witches' camp. It was managed solely by the state until the Catholic Church (Soeur Mission Notre Dame) rendered support. The centre is now managed by both the state and the church. The government has appointed two nurses and coordinator. A nun is also stationed there to support in the administration. The women are supplied one meal a day and that is lunch and so for their breakfast and dinner they have to fend for themselves. For the very old who cannot work the Catholic Church supports them with money. However, the coordinator was quick to add that no matter how old they are, they are still able to at least spin cotton. The coordinator claims even the blind inmates do spin. 10 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 13· Witcbcraft in Northera Gbana 1he phenomenon of the witches' camps of Northern Ghana dates back to the pre-colonial times, but it is only in the last decade that it has caused a stir. Dozens of newspaper and articles (Badoe 2004, Mair 1969, Waibel 2001, Scbauber 2003) as well as a number of television (Mahama 2005) and film documentaries (Berg 2004) have appeared in which the unfortunate residents of these villages are depicted as suffering inhumanly (e.g. tied to a log and tortured for three months) [Badoe 2004]. "Older women are 'accused of using' witchcraft to cause illness and almost always subjected to various forms of abuse that includes physical attacks, humiliation in public, destruction of property and ostracization (Akosah - Sarpong 2006). According to Kirby (2006) these camps are all located in the cultural shrines of traditional earth shrines. Shrine- sanctuaries are an old tradition in Ghana and Africa as a whole (Kirby, 2006). The Guan divinity called 'Bruku' in Kwahu and 'Brukung' at Shiare in the Volta Region, 'Kukuro' at Nkyere near Wench and "Nana Tongo" or 'Tenzug' in the Tongo hills are all note worthy Ghanaian earth shrines that still offer sanctuary and discern witches. In the past, those seeking asylum included persons accused of witchcraft, runaway slaves, wives and war refugees. Under the power of the shrines, those accused of witchcraft lose their power and become servants or wives of the shrines (Kirby, 2006). II University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In the 21- GeIIdIIIy, where human rights are widely enjoyed by all, and most governments are resorting to democratic system of governance, some men and women in some parts of northern Ghana are "caged" far away from their homes because of wiu:hcraft accusation. As such, they are barred temporarily or most times permanently from returning to their community of origin (Yaba, 2005). As one author described the situation of witchcraft in Northern Ghana: "It starts with an old woman being dragged ... Villagers shout curses at her, while others grab her arms, pulling her along. The commotion wakes up residents in the area ... Once awakened, the villagers are not swprised by what they see and hear ...r ural people know what this unplanned drama means" (Amuzu, 2003). There exist about 5,000 women scattered throughout the Northern Region. These women are forced to live on the fringes of society because they are believed to have caused the deaths of children suffering from malaria, polio and cerebral-spinal meningitis (CSM), eU:. Many of the social evils of the day such as drug-using youth who become mentally disturbed or refused to go to school or even to work on family fanns, are all blamed on alleged witches (Adama,2004). In northern Ghana, elderly women accused of being witches have been forcibly banished to wiu:hes camps. When crops fail or children die of mysterious illnesses, the villagers of northern Ghana usually suspect that a witch is to blame. The accusation is most likely to come from within a family. The same feeling that binds a village together in adversity can be turned ruthlessly against a scapegoat, and it takes little more than suspicion for a witch to face death at the hands of a lynch mob (CHRAJ, 1997). 12 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh malt_ Bremture on women indicates the distressed circumstances in which some women ana children live (Van Den berg, 1999). Violence against women in Ghana otten occurs in the context of patriarchal relations, which perpetuates a system of female subordination and male domination (Tsikata, 2001). Also sexual harassment is believed to occur widely in Ghana, but not widely acknowledged or reported, partIy because of problems of its definition and problems associated with tradition and difficulty ofproof(Tsikata, 2001). From the perspective of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, witches camps can be conceived as a breach of the Universal Declaration of Human Right (Tsikata, 2001). The United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women held in Beijing 1995 sets out steps for governments and the non-state actors to take in order to eliminate violence against women. Confming accused witches in a camp is a violation of their human rights. Treatment meted out to accused witches is also dehumanizing (Waibel,2000). The consequence of witchcraft accusation to the individual and society is manifold. Socially, there is a dislocation in the community in the sense that the accused and their relatives are hurt. This results in a perpetual hostility between the accused family and those who were involved in the accusation. 13 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh I j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j j University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Also when dae WOQICIIlpadiamentary caucus in 1998 visited the camp after presentations of clothes, food items and utensils, the fervent pleas from the outcasts to the women parliamentarians was that the government should allow them to live the rest of their lives at the camp since they would die or be killed as soon as they mumed to their communities (Waibel, 1997). These are but some measures employed by traditional authority, governmental and non-governmental institutions alike in the integration process. It is, however doubtful if these legislations have achieved the desired results, since the belief in witchcraft is still entrenched in these communities. This is an indication that there are more problems, albeit unknown to policy makers. It should however be noted that emphasizing the legal means of reintegration has not only been fruitless but has not achieved results (Smith, 1995). FIDA, CHRAJ amongst other institutions, which tried reintegration by this means have failed woefully. This is an issue that needs more tact, diplomacy, sensitization and advocacy rather than mere utterances and orders. Inadequate literature exists on the acceptable means of reintegrating accused witches. The problem, therefore, is to find acceptable means of reintegrating accused witches by soliciting views from the accused, institutions working with the witches' camps, traditional authority, district assemblies and some community members. 15 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.4 ObjediYa of the SAldy The general objective of this study is to analyze the problems and prospects of reintegrating inmates of the Tindang and Gambaga witches' camps into mainstream society. In pursuance of this objective, the fonowing specific issues would be examined. (1) To assess Jiving conditions in the witch camps (2) To solicit views of the accused on their possible return to mainstream society. (3) To gather views of community members on possible return home of alleged witches (4) Evaluate existing ways of reintegration by some NOO's (5) To assess the role of the District assemblies and traditional authority in reintegrating accused witches. 1.5 Method orData Collection To be able to gather information for the study, data gathering mechanisms were employed. Primary and Secondary data were used. Secondary data were derived from books, journals, newspaper reports, research works from government and non-governmental institutions. Primary data were obtained from survey. 1.5.1 Sampling Officially, there are four witch camps in the Northern Region (Waibel, 2001). Out of the four, only one camp has both male and female inmates. The researcher purposively selected the camp with both male and female population, so as to obtain views from male inmates. The other camp at Gambaga was selected through the simple random sampling procedure. 16 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh IJi the T~i ~hes camp two main ethnic groups (Dagomba and Koakomba) were present. AJso, both male and female inmates co-exist. The Gambaga camp however, has three ethnic groups, the Bimoba, Konkomba and the MamprusilDagomba. The researcher used stratified sampling technique in both to enable information to be gathered from all the ethnic groupings and from both sexes. 1.5.2 Tools for Data collection A community survey was conducted to gather data from near by villages around the witches' camp. All categories of persons were interviewed. The essence was to gather varied opinion on the possible return of the accused back to their communities of origin. Data from community survey was supported by data from focus group discussion sessions conducted in the communities. In-depth interviews were conducted with the chiefs, tindana, members of institutions working with the camps (MAID, Action Aid and Presbyterian Project) and some elders and individuals who have contributed literature in the area of witchcraft In all, the researcher interviewed 40 inmates and 60 respondents each (from the two communities near the camps), six institutions working with the witches' camp, two human rights institution and about ten key informants. 17 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Three ~ questioIllUlires were developed and employed for data collection. A structured questionnaire was administered to randomly selected accused witches in both witches camp. Another set of structured questionnaire was administered in two selected communities near the witches' camps (Nalerigu and Vendi). Another set of questionnaire was employed for informal groups, institutions and individual discussions. This included the chie~ staff of some NGO's operating there, staff of CHRAJ and FIDA. The last set of questionnaire was administered on the district assemblies and traditional authorities of the two study communities. The reason was to determine what has been done by these authorities and what plans they have for the witches' camps. Structured questionnaire is more appropriate when the number of respondents is large or where a large number of interviewers is employed. Hence the need for systematization and uniformity in the interviewing procedure. Also it follows a set pattern. This type of interview saves time and presents information collected from different respondents in almost the same form and order (Kumekpor, 2002). 18 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.6 ' Ua:dtatioD of the Study SeveIaJ constrains were encountered during the study. These include time and financial constraint and accessibility of respondents. Financial and time constraints limited the study to two witches' camps and two communities near the witches' camp. The cost involved in accomplishing the work was unbearable. This is because the work covered four separate communities which are located differently geographically. This called for printing separate questionnaire, transportation and hotel bills. A second visit was necessitated to investigate emerging trends. This was actually not budgeted for and therefore put much fmancial strain on the researcher. Gardener (1968) has correctly stated how witches are warned in their initiation to refrain from any conversation about their activities. The researcher encountered difficulty in obtaining information especially from the accused witches in particular because of stigma and the manner in which th~'media utilizes information gathered from the witches' camp. Whilst the traditional authority and chief~ were afraid of media publications and exaggerations, institutions like FIDA simply refused to respond to any interview whatsoever. In addition, the low level of education of most respondents made it difficult to administer questionnaire in English, especially to the Konkomba. As a result, the researcher had to resort to the services of an interpreter. This situation did not only distort the work but slowed down the pace of the study. 19 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh .~ two ~ assemblies lacked current data on the study area, which made it difficult to etJ.ectively study and compile the report on the study area. The researcher had to depend on reports on the district development plans which were not up to date Institutions like the CHRAJ and MOWAC were not prepared to respond to any interView whatsoever and so the researcher spent much time re-booking and canceling appointments. Access to the accused was not easy since most go to work on people's farms for income during the day time. So, the researcher used the evenings for the interview. This increased the number of days spent in the research community. In spite of these difficulties, the researcher was able to achieve her set objectives. 1.7 Organization of work The thesis is organized into five main chapters. The first chapter covers the research problem, problem justification, objectives, research methodology and the limitations oftbe study. A critical review of existing literature and work that has been done on the subject of study is the content of chapter two. Chapters three and four focus on data analysis on the witches' camp, communities near the witches camp and institutions working with the camps. Chapter five, the final chapter, covers the summ8l)', conclusions and recommendations of the study. 20 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CBAPTERTWO 2.0 Literature Review In this chapter the researcher reviews relevant literature in the area of witchcraft. Several writers have contributed literature on witchcraft depending on their area of interest Whilst some literature examines the general concept of witchcraft, other writers have postulated theories associated with witchcraft. Another school of thought that incidentally includes recent scholars emphasizes the socio-political dimensions of witchcraft. Although this is not new, the approach operates within the discourse of modernity. The basic consideration is about the impact of urbanization, political economy, power and gender issues. This chapter is divided into five sub-headings: (i) Concept of Witchcraft, (ii) Belief in witchcraft (iii) Theories of Witchcraft (iv) Motives of Witches (v) Functions of Witchcraft. 2.1 Concept of Witchcraft Literature on witchcraft in Africa appears to be interdisciplinary. Scholars from disciplines such as psychology, anthropology, sociology, history and religion have conducted research into the phenomenon. Such scholars include Evans-Pritchard (1937, 1965), Debrunner (1961) and Parrinder (1963), to mention but a few. Unfortunately these eminent scholars have delved into the subject from the vantage point of their respective disciplines. Emphases and conclusions, rightly or wrongly, have reflected the worldview of the authors and not those of the people studied. 21 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh W"ttdIcra4u a subjlct Ills been studied extensively, but there is no agreed meaning on what it is. There is DO single description of the witch or the sorcerer that may be taken as an authoritative picture fitting all societies (Waibel, 2001). In most, the witch is characteristically depicted as female, but in many, either sex may be conceived of as witches or wizards. One common notion underlying witchcraft, is the belief that supernatural forces may be used as a means to achieve a personal goal (e.g, harm, profit, fertility). In other words, witchcraft beliefs embrace a wide range of ideas, practices, and motivations, but in their various forms, they usually share the idea that the power to inflict injury and benefit could be exercised through unobservable, supernatural means (Waibel, 2001). Evans- Pritchard (1937) is one of the most influential writers in the area of witchcraft. His work among the Azande yielded several concepts that have been used extensively by other scholars. Evans-Pritchard (1937) defines witchcraft as an innate psychic ability of an individual within a community to affect the supernatural and natural world. Sorcery is the skilful use of substances to affect the supernatural and natural world. Evans Pritchard's (1937) definitions of sorcery and witchcraft have been used to clarify other aspects of these phenomena. Among the Azande and some other central Afiican peoples, the source of this evil-working capacity is believed to be located in the witch's stomach, and its power and range increase with age. It can be activated merely by wishing someone ill and is thus a kind of unspoken or implicit, curse. At the same time, the Azande believe that evil deeds can be wrought even more effectively by the manipulation of spells and potions and the use of powerful magic. In anthropological terminology this is technically "sorcery," and thus, like the "witches" in Shakespeare's play 'Macbeth' who dance around a pot stirring potions 22 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh aud m-.ing spells, the Azande practitioners may more properly be termed "son:erers" rather than "witches"(Pritchards, 1937) According to Evans-Pritchard (1937) sorcery is always a conscious act. Defined within several East-African cultures as the skilful use of substances to harm another, the practitioner usually knows exactly what he or she is doing. The necessarily conscious nature of sorcery and the possibility of unconscious witchcraft establish an important distinction concerning how society deals with them. In many societies a witch acting unconsciously may return to society after restitution. However, because of the conscious nature of sorcery, a sorcerer may not always have this option. Moreover, this distinction between witchcraft and sorcery is somewhat flawed. The distinction used by Evans-Pritchard does not exist in every society. The intention to hann another individual is more important than the use of substances in detennining sorcery in many East-African societies. In addition, in many East-African societies many individuals practise both witchcraft and sorcery simultaneously. However, Evans-Pritchard's distinction is applicable to some cultures (Pritchard, 1937). Writing on witchcraft, Nukunya (1992) defines witches as people, both male and female, who are believed to possess inherent supernatural powers which they use knowingly or otherwise to harm others to benefit themselves. Sarpong (1992) agrees with Nukunya but adds that a witch mayor may not be conscious of the fact that he or she possesses witchcraft. According to Sarpong (1992) a baby could be a witch even 23 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh IreIOIv it is born. NuJamya (1992) mentions features associated with witchcraft to include ageing, persons with red eyes, excessive wealth, abject poverty and senility. Jackson (1998) argued that, the Beja of Sudan do not conceptualize witchcraft as malevolent substance used to harm people. He points out 'although the notion is present among Beja people, they have never heard of a concrete episode where people applied a specific incidence to a witch' (Jackson 1998). Although Jackson makes a point, this does not mean witchcraft activity in one area cannot shed light on such activity in a different region of Africa or within the same country. On this issue, Geschiere (1997) and Wilson (1973) have explained that, the terms for witchcraft in different parts of Cameroon reflect the impact of urbanization and of an industrial, capitalist economy. According to Pool (1994) and Rosny (1985), in Cameroon, witchcraft and divination are seen as 'meaning-making' activities and attempts to come to grip with reality. The problem with this approach is that religious issues are integrated with healing, medicine, and divination .T his situation shatters the demarcation of religious questions from human experience (Rosny 1985; Pool 1994). Debrunner (1961) defines witchcraft as some supernatural power of which one can be possessed, and which is used exclusively for the evil and antisocial purposes. Witchcraft according to Debrunner (1961) is only one of the ways in which Africans react to upsetting challenges. 24 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh For Standefer (1972), the maiD question that must be asked is why the image of the witch takes the form it does from society to society throughout Africa and indeed throughout the world. Hughes (1965) noted that there is similarity in the witch's images in all these societies. And the similarity of this image-one of evil, anti-social and somewhat abnormal being is not limited to East Africa; it may, in fact be universal. According to Middleton (1963, 1964) the characteristics of witches among the Lugbara of East Africa, are as follows: 'a witch has the characteristics of an abnormal person; his face is grey and drawn, like a corpse; he may have red eyes or a squint; he may vomit blood; he walks at night, and is associated with night creatures. Kaguru witches are characterized as possessing the opposite qualities relative to those of a Kaguru human. Witches associate with wild animals, prefer the night, commit incest and cannibalism and endanger the community. One interesting point concerning Kaguru witches is that they are always aware of their evil actions. This is opposed to Evans-Pritchard's notion that witches may not always be conscious of their malevolent dealings (Beidelman 1986). A witch is a person thought capable of harming others supernaturally through the use of innate mystic power, medicines or familiars, and who is symbolized by inverted characteristics that are a reversal of social and physical norms. The tendency of scholars is to give definitions that are normally comparable with those in literary studies. This, according to Standefer (1972:115), does not give one a clear idea of precisely what witchcraft is. 25 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh For instaDc:e. the Enc~lopedia Britannica of 1911 emphasized on black magic. Witchcraft was defined 'as magical practices of all sorts, but here confined to the malevolent (black) magic of women" (Volume 28: 755). The emphasis on black magic in the domain of woman was equally applicable to European communities as well (1911 Volume 28:755).The same volume refers to data from the Congo, Australia and India as classical examples of 'primitive' witchcraft. Among other things, similar images of witchcraft are that : they fly through the air; they use medicines concocted from human bones and herbs gathered from cemeteries; they eat flesh of the victim and so on. Bannerman-Richter (1982) stated that among the Fante and for that matter the whole of Ghana, a witch could cut part of her body in payment for her regular contribution to the company, which he belongs in place of a fuJI human being. This appears to be a gross over-simplification and generalization. Ghana is a vast country with different ethnic groups, diverse cultures and many languages. As a result of the diversity in Ghana, it would not be advisable to generalize on issues concerning traditional beliefs and practices. As Idowu (1973:87) rightly pointed out, it is foolhardy to generalize in so far as belief and cultural practice are concerned'. Probably reacting to the tendencies in scholars to oversimplify and gross generalize, Auslander (1993) pointed out that since witchcraft discourses are profoundly implicated in local and regional contradictions and conflict, they are not homogenous even with one particular community. 26 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Macfarlane (1975). poin~ out that the terms 'witchcraft', 'sorcery' and 'magic' are notoriously difficult to define. He maintains that there is no consensus of opinion on their meaning, either among present-day historians and anthropologists or among writers living in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Defmitions offered vary greatly and tend to come from a European point of view. The question is whether these definitions relate or are relevant to African experiences, particularly from the native perspectives. The question is whether there is any difference between African witchcraft and witchcraft in Euro-American world and elsewhere. African witches (in the generic sense, including sorcerers) are believed to harm others either because they have powers (of which they may not be aware) that come from their abnormal personalities or because they perform antisocial magic. At the same time they resemble witches in other continents since they are believed to utilise certain types of animals or familiars as their servants, spirits or messengers. Like their counterparts elsewhere, they belong to associations that meet periodically at night or around fire to discuss matters of common interest and to celebrate antisocial accomplishments. These associations are exact opposite of the societies in which they exist. They reverse the normal ethical standards by indulging in. acts of promiscuous activity, going naked, frequenting forbidden places such as graveyards, and by murdering and eating human beings who are relatives. 27 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ",,) ti"'M, .~ c,~ .i... R"~ AV