CHAPTER
Consumer Expenditures on
Fresh Fruit and Vegetables 7
Wojciech J. Florkowskia, Anna M. Klepackab, Padmanand Madhavan Nambiara,
Ting Menga, Shengfei Fua, Ghanna Sheremenkoa and Daniel B. Sarpongc
aDepartment of Agricultural and Applied Economics, The University of Georgia
bFaculty of Production Engineering, Warsaw University of Life Sciences-SGGW, Warsaw, Poland
cUniversity of Ghana-Legon, Ghana
I Introduction
The sustained demand for fresh fruit and vegetables is reflected in consumer
expenditures on this food category. Expenditures are a function of income and
prices and vary across countries, reflecting their level of economic development
and disposable incomes. The general relationship between income and expenditure
on various foods has been captured by the Engle curve (for some new applications,
see Chai and Moneta, 2010). Empirical verification of the general relationships
depicted in the Engle curve indicates a fairly steady growth in expenditure on fruits
and vegetables as incomes increase. The objectives of this chapter are to: discern
differences between expenditures on fruits and vegetables as separate categories,
illustrate preferences for specific fruits and vegetables and evidence the differences
in choices of various fruits and vegetables across countries with different income
levels and climatic zones. The information will demonstrate similarities and oppor-
tunities for international trade and the challenges to postharvest handling. Insights
from this exercise provide an additional justification for using the systems
approach to effectively meet consumer expectations across various income strata
on a global scale in the delivery of fresh produce.
Expenditures on fruits and vegetables, along with fresh produce preferences
are illustrated using data collected by the Central Statistical Office (CSO; in the
case of Poland) or data collected via household surveys from urban consumers (in
the cases of the Republic of Korea, Ghana and Uganda). The countries studied
represent a diversity of consumers in the contemporary world in terms of dispos-
able income, preferences, consumption and natural resource endowment condi-
tioning the supply of domestic fresh produce and indirectly determining the
potential for trade. Incomes in these countries have been growing in recent times
and fruit trade has been increasing. In comparison to some post-industrial econo-
mies, the consumption of fruits and vegetables in these countries shows a ten-
dency to increase. For example, fruit consumption in the United States has been
Postharvest Handling. 147
© 2014 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
148 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
fairly steady and changes affect the type but not the total volume of consumed
fruits and vegetables, while in countries with growing incomes the drivers of con-
sumer purchases are preferences for fruit variety, convenience and novelty (see
Chapter 2). All three features create opportunities for increased trade in fresh pro-
duce, but require that produce retain its quality and are safe, traceable, accessible
and affordable.
II Recommended daily fruit and vegetable consumption
The World Health Organization recommends a daily intake of about 400
500 g of
fresh fruits and vegetables (WHO, 2003; p. 89). Few countries actually meet that
level. Various consumer education and food programs have been developed by
national governments to encourage greater fruit and vegetable consumption
(EUFIC Review, 2012). In the United States, a food pyramid was presented in
1992 to promote the desired eating patterns and make fruits and vegetables a siz-
able part of the healthy diet (Neuman, 2011). It was modified in 2005 and has been
recently replaced by a logo in the shape of a dinner plate. Other countries adapted
graphic guidelines to promote proper nutrition, emphasizing the importance of
fruits and vegetables familiar to their societies (Figure 7.1). Such efforts to empha-
size the importance of fresh fruit and vegetable consumption coincided with the
systems approach for delivering quality fresh produce to satisfy consumer expecta-
tions. Yet, the differences in fresh produce consumption across countries reflect a
multitude of factors including demographic and socio-economic status, personal
factors (e.g., perceived time constraints) and social environments (e.g., meal pat-
terns, attitudes towards fruit and vegetables) (EUFIC Review, 2012). The lack of a
standardized data collection methodology for fruit and vegetable intake across
countries is a major obstacle for cross-country comparisons (EUFIC Review,
2012) and should be kept in mind when reading this chapter.
The average consumer in the Republic of Korea consumes about 197.5 g of
fruits and 283.5 g of vegetables, giving a total of 481 g daily. This level is one of
the highest amounts of consumption in the world. But among Asian countries the
average consumption varies widely and a number of countries do not meet the
WHO standard. In Europe, the average Polish consumer eats 577 g of both fresh
and prepared fruits and vegetables per day (EUFIC Review, 2012). This amount
is higher than the average in many other European countries, where the most
fruits and vegetables are eaten in countries of the European Union (EU). Among
countries outside the EU, for example in Ukraine, the average consumption of
fruits and vegetables in 2005 and 2006 decreased by 3.2% and increased by
3.3%, respectively (based on State Statistical Service of Ukraine, 2007) and does
not meet the WHO recommendation. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the average con-
sumption of fruits and vegetables is also relatively low as compared to the WHO
recommended daily volume.
II Recommended daily fruit and vegetable consumption 149
FIGURE 7.1
An example of the “food pyramid” concept adjusted to improve communicating the
message about fruit and vegetable consumption to Chinese consumers (poster placed at
Shanghai Academy of Agricultural Sciences, China).
Photo: Zweling Kong.
In the two countries representing East and West Africa in this chapter, the con-
sumption is quite different and illustrates the differences not so much in terms of
location, but ability to purchase fruits and vegetables and their relative importance
in daily diets. Ghana, a West African country, reports the daily fruit and
vegetable consumption level close to the WHO recommendations at 400
500 g
per day. Using per capita consumption of fruits and vegetables converted from the
FAO statistics (FAO, 2013) to daily per capita consumption in grams, an average
person in Ghana consumed 456 g of fruit and 88 g of vegetables per day in 2009
(excluding roots and tubers such as sweet potato; calculations made for this
chapter are by the authors). However, one has to recognize that spoilage and waste
(including peel) lower the volume, as most vegetables are cooked rather than eaten
raw because preparation lowers microbial contamination (Wright et al., 2009)
and increases the availability of nutrients (Wrangham and Conklin-Britain, 2003).
In Uganda, the daily per capita consumption of fruits and vegetables is estimated
at 425 g and 77 g, respectively, using the same calculation method as in the case
of Ghana.
150 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
However, the figures seem to be much higher than the observed consumption,
and figures from the household survey support the view that the calculated
figures are far too high and, because of the calculation method, ignore the waste
from preparation and spoilage. More importantly, casual observations suggest that
daily consumption is highly variable across regions and between seasons.
Regional differences reflect the variation in household incomes in Uganda. As is
the case in many lesser-developed countries, the highest per capita income is
enjoyed by residents of the capital city, making that urban market particularly
attractive for fruit and vegetable sellers. In all countries considered in this chap-
ter, there is a wide variability in the variety of consumed fresh fruit and vegeta-
bles, and to a varying extent it includes fruit and vegetables that are obtained
outside the formal distribution channels. However, all countries considered in this
chapter are experiencing an increasing presence of formal retail outlets, including
supermarket chains.
A Income growth
In the case of all four countries, the growth of per capita income has been a pre-
requisite for the growth of fruit and vegetable consumption. In the Republic of
Korea (South Korea), incomes grew substantially between 1990 and 2011 and the
per capita income (measured as Gross National Income, GNI, in current $)
increased by 360.3% during that period (KOSIS, 2013). The economy in Poland,
after its transition to a market economy, has been steadily growing (Florkowski,
2013). Similarly, the Ghanaian and Ugandan economies have been expanding.
From 2003 to 2012, the average GNI per capita (in current $) increased 20%
annually in Ghana (calculation based on World Bank, 2013), while Uganda main-
tained an average real Gross Domestic Product, GDP, growth of 7.48% from
2003 to 2011 (World Bank, 2012).
Increasing incomes have been reflected in fruit and vegetable expenditures
and consumption. For example, in Poland the average per person monthly
expenditure on fruit increased by 26.8% between 2006 and 2011, while the corre-
sponding expenditure on fresh vegetables grew by 14.7% during the same period.
Vegetables are a main or side dish of many meals and are ingrained in culinary
traditions. Fruit is often consumed as a snack or dessert. Given the place of fruits
and vegetables in the diets of many countries, the consumption of vegetables
tends to be more stable than that of fruit. The essential role of vegetables in the
diet means the expenditure on fresh vegetables tends to be more important for
countries or households with lower incomes than expenditure on fresh fruit. Fruit
expenditure is more responsive to increasing incomes (assuming prices remain
constant) because it is viewed as less essential to the diet and weakening house-
hold budget constraint allows more free choice by consumers. A recent study of
consumer demand for fruit in Scotland supports the influence of prices on both
short- and long-term demand for fruit (Revoredo-Giha and Florkowski, 2013).
III Expenditure by income quantile in selected countries 151
B Average expenditure on fruits and vegetables
Average expenditure on fruits and vegetables are illustrated with figures from
four countries. In the case of Poland, the figures refer to the average monthly per
capita expenditure on all fruit and vegetables and are based on time-series data
for the period 2007
2011 obtained from Główny Urząd Statystyczny (GUS)
(CSO). Fresh fruit and vegetable expenditure in case of the Republic of Korea
and Uganda refers to weekly household expenditure in the week preceding the
interview with a respondent. The figures are cross-sectional data obtained from a
survey of urban residents in selected large cities in each of the three countries,
seven in the Republic of Korea, three in Ghana and five in Uganda. The figures
illustrate the relative importance of fruit and vegetable expenditure in different
countries and contrast with the figures by income quantiles or groups discussed in
the next section.
In the Republic of Korea, based on responses from 1100 urban women, the aver-
age expenditure in a week preceding the survey amounted to $109.8 on fresh
vegetables and $157.4 on fresh fruit. The data from the survey of Polish households
suggested the average monthly per capita expenditure on vegetables amounted to
26.67 zlotys ($8.33 at the exchange rate $15 3.20 zlotys) and fruit expenditure was
13.60 zlotys ($4.25) (at current prices) for the period from 2007 to 2011 (Central
Statistical Office, CSO; Polish acronym: GUS, various issues). Among the 1076 con-
sumers in three urban centers surveyed in Ghana in the first half of 2011, the average
weekly household fresh vegetable expenditure amounted to 12.90 cedis ($8.31),
while the household fresh fruit expenditure was 5.71 cedis ($3.68). Another survey
among 1646 consumers from five cities (Kampala, Gulu, Lira, Soroti and Mbale) in
Uganda implemented in 2011 shows the average per person weekly expenditure of
fresh vegetables and fruits as UGX 952.82 ($0.42) and UGX 694.49 ($0.31),
respectively.
III Expenditure by income quantile in selected countries
Preferences for fresh fruit and vegetables vary, but from the produce marketer’s
standpoint, the ability to purchase is the key indicator in stimulating the delivery
of preferred quality. The analysis of consumer purchases based on income quan-
tiles leads to insights that distinguish various segments of the population. In gen-
eral, the quantile analysis shows markedly different consumption or expenditure
pattern as income increases. Often, consumers in the highest income quantile,
whose expenditure is constrained little by income, display a distinctly different
choice of fruits and vegetables. In other words, the highest income group presents
market segmentation opportunities for special quality fresh produce that differ
from consumers classified in other income quantiles in a given country. This pat-
tern will be illustrated in this section using data from four countries from three
different continents and from different climatic zones, income levels and dietary
152 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
I II III IV V
1.4
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
Cabbage Tomatoes Carrots
FIGURE 7.2
Per capita consumption of selected vegetables by five income quintiles in Poland,
2007
2011. Note: GUS defined per person income levels for each quintile in 2010 as:
I 
 644.88 zł ($195.4) or less, II 
 from 645.00 zł to 898.57 zł ($195.4
$272.3),
III 
 from 899.00 zł to 1182.61 zł ($272.4
$358.4), IV 
 from 1182.65 zł to 1600.64 zł
($358.5
$485.1), V 
 1601.67 zł ($485.2) or more; the applied exchange rate: $15 3,3 zł.
Source: GUS, Budżety Gospodarstw Domowych w: 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, Warsaw, Poland. 2008;
2009; 2010; 2011; 2012.
patterns, namely Ghana, Poland, the Republic of Korea and Uganda. The similari-
ties and differences have implications for the supply of specific quality produce
to specific consumer groups and highlight the benefits for a systems approach to
the postharvest handling of fresh fruit and vegetables.
The CSO in Poland provides details on per capita consumption only for a lim-
ited number of fruits and vegetables. However, the data are reported in various
configurations. For the purpose of illustration, three fruit and three vegetable cate-
gories have been selected. The vegetables are tomatoes, cabbage and carrots
because they are commonly consumed not only in Poland, but also in other
European and non-European countries. The selected fruits include apples (the
most commonly eaten fresh fruit internationally, although some argue that mango
is eaten by a larger number of people across the globe), berries (which include
several varieties including strawberries, blueberries, and red and black currants),
and a broad category of exotic fruits. The name of the latter category was
assigned by the CSO and includes citrus, bananas (two main types of imported
fruit), as well as other sub-tropical or tropical fruit (e.g., pineapple, pomegranate,
persimmon and kiwi). Therefore, the term “exotic fruit” refers to the interpreta-
tion of the data-collecting agency and this interpretation should be kept in mind
while reading this chapter.
Figure 7.2 shows per capita consumption of three vegetables by five income
quintiles in Poland between 2007 and 2011. Consequently, each plotted line
shows the amount and changes in the amount consumed over the period of
kG
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
III Expenditure by income quantile in selected countries 153
five years. Each vegetable is eaten both fresh and cooked although, traditionally,
carrots tend to be eaten cooked in larger quantities than fresh, while cabbage is
eaten both cooked or pickled (sauerkraut) in larger volumes than fresh. Tomatoes
are eaten fresh and processed, because fresh, high quality tomatoes have become
readily accessible year-round through the expanding supermarket chains in larger
quantities than in the past. All quintiles show very similar tendencies in consump-
tion. In terms of quantity consumed, tomatoes are eaten in larger volumes than
cabbage, which is consumed in larger amounts than carrots (except for the lowest
and the highest quintile in some years). Moreover, the volume of tomatoes
increases rapidly across the four lower quintiles, but the increase in volume con-
sumed in each quantile does not show a steadily increasing tendency. The volume
of the other two vegetables increases from quantile to quantile, but at a much
lower rate than tomatoes and in the highest quantile it is not much different from
that of the middle quantile (Figure 7.2). It appears also that the per capita con-
sumption of cabbage and carrots has been declining in all quintiles. Such a
decline is not necessarily desired from the standpoint of nutrition and disease pre-
vention (see also Chapters 3 and 5), but consumers have an increasingly wide
selection of fresh vegetables 
 a manifested success of proper postharvest
handling procedures.
The strong preference for tomatoes among households as their income
increases is likely the effect of a combination of factors, which vary in impor-
tance to different quantiles. The factors include progress in postharvest handling
of good-tasting tomatoes (variety selection and postharvest efforts), tomato suit-
ability to the forms of consumption (sandwiches, salads), convenience (ready-to-eat
food with little waste), storability under home conditions and little, if any, waste. For
example, for the highest quantile, the taste and convenience could be relatively
important factors, while lack of waste and storability matter relatively more to lower
quantile income groups. Tomato attributes and accessibility resulting from increased
density of food retail outlets also encourages consumption growth.
Per capita consumption of fruit (Figure 7.3) also shows an interesting pattern
of differences across quintiles and over time. As could be expected, per capita
volume consumed of all fruits increases across quantiles reflecting income
increase and the weakening budget constraint. However, year to year fluctuation
in the consumed volume within a quantile show that households remain price sen-
sitive. The consumption volume of berries increases across quintiles, but is lower
than that of exotic fruits and apples. Because berries include a variety of fruits,
the change in consumption between 2007 and 2011 shows that the berry con-
sumption was declining in the second half of that period and the decline was
more pronounced in higher quantiles. However, berry consumption was consider-
ably higher in the highest income quantile.
The volume of exotic fruit consumed shows a big difference between the lowest
and the highest quintile 
 the amount in the highest quintile is roughly 2.5 times
higher than in the lowest quintile. The volume of exotic fruit consumed seems to
show less variability than that of apples. This tendency reflects the smaller variability
154 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
I II III IV V
2
1.8
1.6
1.4
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
Apples Berries Exotic fruit
FIGURE 7.3
Per capita consumption of selected fruit by five income quintiles in Poland, 2007
2011.
Note: GUS defined per person income levels for each quintile in 2010 as: I 
 644.88 zł
($195.4) or less, II 
 from 645.00 zł to 898.57 zł ($195.4
$272.3), III 
 from 899.00 zł
to 1182.61 zł ($272.4
$358.4), IV 
 from 1182.65 zł to 1600.64 zł ($358.5
$485.1),
V 
 1601.67 zł ($485.2) or more; the applied exchange rate: $15 3,3 zł.
Source: GUS, Budżety Gospodarstw Domowych w: 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, Warsaw, Poland. 2008;
2009; 2010; 2011; 2012.
in the retail prices of exotic fruit than primarily domestic apples. Apple prices
respond to domestic supply conditions, and the supply is determined by annual crop
affected by weather, primarily any late spring frost. More importantly, the consump-
tion of exotic fruit exceeds the apple consumption in the highest quintile, suggesting
a particularly strong preference for this fruit type among well-off households.
Still, per capita consumption of apples by households in the highest income quin-
tile is larger than in the other four quintiles suggesting that these households remain
important apple buyers. But the consumed apple volume shows a decline in each
quantile during the period under consideration. The pattern of the consumed volume
also shows that apples tend to be more important to households in the lowest quan-
tile, where the increase in the consumed volume is the largest (in 2009) in response
to the price decline that year. The increases in other quantiles were lower and in the
highest income quantile virtually muted. Florkowski (2013) showed that apples are a
much more important fruit for low income households than for well-off households
when measured by expenditure.
In the Republic of Korea, the expenditure on fresh fruits and vegetables in a
week preceding the interview with the respondents during the 2007 survey shows
the expected pattern of accelerated fresh fruit expenditure increase as income
increases (Figure 7.4). The increase in expenditure on fresh vegetables across six
categories suggests that households in the two lowest categories spent about a
kG
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
III Expenditure by income quantile in selected countries 155
209.0
200
170.0
161.2
151.0
150 145.2
135.1
128.3
119.0
113.3 111.7
102.5 100.6
100
50
0
<$2300 $2300–2899 $2900–3499 $3500–4499 $4500–5499 >=$5500
Mean of vegetable expenditure Mean of fruit expenditure
FIGURE 7.4
Weekly fruit and vegetable expenditures in urban households in the Republic of Korea by
six income categories based on the 2007 survey data, in $. Note: currency converted at
the exchange rate $15 929 Korean won as of September, 2007.
fourth more on fresh vegetables than the highest income category. The observa-
tion is important from the fresh vegetable marketing point of view, providing
insights about spending in terms of household income. In the case of the Republic
of Korea, it does not imply that households in the lowest income groups eat an
inadequate amount of fresh vegetables because the household size is not taken
into account and figures are measured in terms of money. In developed econo-
mies, the lowest income households contain a sizable number of one-person
households comprising individuals who are living on pensions. Therefore, it is
important to pay attention to the details of presented tendencies. Despite this pos-
sible household size confounding effect, households in the highest income group
clearly outspend all other shown groups (Figure 7.4) although the fifth income
group also spends more than other income groups. Because the traditional Korean
diet is heavily dependent on vegetables and the average person eats the WHO
recommended daily amount of fresh fruit and vegetables, the opportunities for an
increased intake of fresh vegetables probably depend on innovative forms of prep-
aration, eating occasions, or changes in the shares of individual vegetables or
vegetable categories, which is likely to demand innovative postharvest handling
to ensure high quality.
The increase in fresh fruit expenditure is more pronounced across the six
income categories (Figure 7.4) than is vegetable expenditure, suggesting a very
Weekly Exp in US$
156 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
16.00
14.10
14.00
12.00
10.00
7.98
8.00 7.57
6.63 6.67
6.00
4.10
4.00 3.19 3.30
2.00
0.00
25th 50th 75th 90th
Percentile
Vegetable expenditure Fruit expenditure
FIGURE 7.5
The weekly fresh fruit and vegetable expenditures corresponding to income quantiles in Ghana
(in $; converted at the exchange rate $15 1.52212 Ghanaian cedi as of June 1st, 2011).
high association between expenditure and household income in the Republic of
Korea. All households spend more on fresh fruit than on fresh vegetables.
Although the results could have been affected by the generally higher fresh fruit
prices as compared to fresh vegetables prices, the increase in expenditure on fresh
fruit is much more strongly pronounced across the six income categories. First,
households in the lowest income category spent much more (28%) on fresh fruit
than on fresh vegetables. This is interesting because, as shown later in this chap-
ter, households from lowest income groups in less developed economies spend
very little on fresh fruit purchases. The strong preference for fresh fruit among
Korean households is reflected in the rapid increase in per capita intake of fruit in
recent decades, which contrasts with the rather slow to stagnant growth in per
capita vegetable intake. The second, third and fourth income categories
(Figure 7.4) spend a similar amount on fresh fruit (expenditure ranged from $145
to $161) and about 30
40% more than they do on vegetables at the time the sur-
vey was taken. The fifth income category spend somewhat more than the middle
three income categories and considerably more than they do on fresh vegeta-
bles (43% more on fresh fruit). The highest income category (Figure 7.4) reported
much higher fresh fruit expenditure than any other category, $209 or about 63%
more than the lowest income category. Interestingly, a strong growth in fresh fruit
expenditure can also be observed among the surveyed Ghanaian households
(Figure 7.5), suggesting that in this particular income group, the budget constraint
weakens and allows more choice in fruit purchases. Consumers in the highest
income category may be open to trying a wider variety of fruit, but also may be
willing to spend more if the fresh fruit meets their quality expectations, an
Weekly expenditure in US dollars
III Expenditure by income quantile in selected countries 157
2.50 2.37
2.13 2.08
2.00 1.93
1.69
1.59
1.50
1.12
0.98
1.00
0.50
0.00
1st 2nd 3rd 4th
Income quarters
Vegetable expenditure Fruit expenditure
FIGURE 7.6
The weekly fresh fruit and vegetable expenditures by income quarter in Uganda (in $,
converted at the exchange rate $15 2273.7495 UGX as of June 2011).
implicit requirement of proper postharvest handling. The highest income category
spends more than other categories on fresh fruit (Figure 7.4) in the Republic of
Korea, and the amount was larger than that spent on fresh vegetables. It outspends
the fifth category by 23%, a considerable increase that should not escape the
attention of fruit marketers.
The expenditure on fresh fruit and vegetables by urban households in Ghana
refers to respondents surveyed in three large cities: Accra, Takoradi and Tamale.
For the purpose of evaluating fruit expenditure tendencies, the focus on major
urban centers is useful because such cities represent the largest domestic markets
for domestic suppliers and fresh fruit traders. Figure 7.5 shows fresh fruit
and vegetable expenditure based on the responses of 1076 households. Fresh
vegetable expenditure continues to grow as income increases from the first to the
third quartile, then the expenditure doubles for households with incomes in the
90th percentile. The relative increase in fresh fruit expenditure is largest between
the lowest and the middle quartile, and the rate of expenditure growth decelerates
in the two highest quartiles. Overall, the expenditure on fresh vegetables increases
more rapidly than that on fresh fruit.
In Uganda, the average fresh vegetable expenditure is higher than the average
expenditures on fresh fruit across all income quarters (Figure 7.6). However fresh
fruit expenditure has increased faster for the higher income quarters; average
vegetable expenditure increases by about 10% from the second to the third quar-
ter, and by about 14% from the third to the fourth quarter. But the corresponding
USD
158 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
increases in average fruit expenditure are 31% and 42%, respectively. The pattern
of faster increase in expenditure on fresh fruit than on fresh vegetables is similar
to that observed across income categories in the other countries considered in this
chapter.
When calculated in terms of expenditure per household member (children under
four years old excluded; also, household size is highly variable especially across
Africa), the pattern of higher average expenditure associated with higher income per-
sists for fruit expenditure. This indicates that the income elasticity in fruit expendi-
ture is strictly positive across all four income quarters. However, the pattern of
vegetable expenditure is different. Compared to the lowest income quarter, higher
income quarters are, generally, associated with higher vegetable expenditure. But the
second quarter has the highest average vegetable expenditure of the four groups con-
sidered in this study. Such a result seems reasonable because higher income groups
are less budget constrained and thus are more likely to purchase other foods, for
example, fresh fruits, in addition to a certain amount of vegetables. This is also
reflected in the purchase pattern of the households in the top 10% income group (not
shown in Figure 7.6). The highest income households have the highest weekly total
and per capita expenditure on fruits (UGX 5437.1 or $2.39 and UGX 1034.2 or
$0.45, respectively), although their vegetable expenditure is slightly lower than the
calculated expenditure in the third quarter. The average weekly household total and
per capita vegetable expenditures by the top 10% income group are UGX 5191.4
and UGX 976.9 ($2.28 and $0.43), respectively. It is important to note that the fruit
expenditure in the first income quarter is substantially lower than in the highest
income quarter. The average weekly household total and per capita fruit expendi-
tures in the first income quarter are only about half (47% and 55%, respectively) of
their counterparts in the highest income quarter.
An important overall pattern to consider is that the share of expenditure on fresh
fruits and vegetables, although increasing from the lowest to the highest quantile or
income category, is decreasing in total household expenditures. That relative
decrease has potentially important implications for quality and purchase. Consumers
from well-off households may pay less attention to a single purchase of fresh produce
with a quality below expectations. The less well-off households, in turn, may put up
with lower quality if the price reflects the quality defects. The effects of the relative
share of fresh produce expenditure in total expenditure may have different implica-
tions for consumer choices and purchase in countries with varying per capita income.
Quality is placed in the context of affordability, allowing for different marketing
strategies, which could have implications for postharvest handling.
A Examples of other factors which influence the choice of
fresh produce
Consumption of fresh fruits and vegetables is conditioned not only by economic
factors, especially income, but also by socio-demographic factors, household loca-
tion, access to fresh produce and perceptions, including perceived health benefits.
III Expenditure by income quantile in selected countries 159
Urban Rural
1
0.9
0.8
0.7
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
0.1
0
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Cabbage Tomatoes Carrots
FIGURE 7.7
Per capita consumption of three vegetables by urban and rural residents in Poland,
2007
2011.
Cultural factors further condition fresh produce choices. The following subsec-
tions illustrate the relevance of various factors other than income to the consump-
tion or purchase of fresh fruits and vegetables. It is assumed throughout the
chapter that the purchase of fresh produce implies its consumption, although at
household level, spoilage constricts the actually consumed volume.
Education
The data from the survey in Ghana reveal a strong association between secondary
or higher education level and the reported fruit-eating frequency. The number of
households with at least secondary education level and the number of households
with primary and lower education are roughly equal, however, two- thirds of
households reporting eating an apple weekly are from higher education groups
and only a third are from the lower education group.
Urban versus rural household location
The available data also provide insights into differences in fruit and vegetable
consumption between urban and rural consumers in Poland between 2007 and
2011. Figure 7.7 shows that urban consumers ate more tomatoes than rural resi-
dents in per capita terms between 2007 and 2011. The difference was relatively
small in the case of tomatoes, but was much more pronounced in the case of per
capita consumption of cabbage and carrots. Rural residents ate only slightly more
cabbage per capita than carrots and the per capita volume of both was smaller
than that of tomatoes. Urban consumers ate carrots and cabbage in very similar
volumes in per capita terms during the period under consideration, but the con-
sumption level was considerably below that of rural residents. For both urban and
kG
160 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
Urban Rural
1.6
1.4
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Apples Berries Exotic fruit
FIGURE 7.8
Per capita consumption of two fruit and a fruit category by urban and rural residents in
Poland, 2007
2011.
rural residents, the per capita consumption has been steadily declining, with the
rural per capita carrot consumption showing the most pronounced decrease.
Apples are the most popular fruit among rural residents and they are consumed
in quantities that are larger per capita than for urban consumers in Poland
(Figure 7.8); even so, their consumption is declining over time. The most notice-
able per capita consumption difference between urban and rural consumers is the
exotic fruit category and the fact that its consumption per capita is growing for
both groups. Per capita berry consumption shows similar patterns among urban
and rural residents during the period 2007
2011. Overall, the pattern of differ-
ences in per capita consumption of major fruits between urban and rural consumers
reflects, among other things differences in accessibility and preferences.
City size and vegetable consumption
Urban consumers may have been offered a wider selection of fresh vegetables than
rural residents because of higher density and competition among retail outlets offer-
ing fresh produce. Figure 7.9 shows the per capita consumption of three
vegetables by residents in five town sizes in Poland in the period 2007
2011.
Cabbage and carrot consumption steadily declines as the town size increases.
Although the per capita consumption of cabbage is higher than carrot consumption
in the three smaller town sizes, the opposite is true for residents of the two large
sized cities. The importance of cabbage and carrot consumption for residents of
smaller sized cities is quite evident, and may also reflect different densities of large
retail outlets and shopping habits. The per capita tomato consumption is relatively
stable with town size, except for the higher consumption in the largest city category
(over 500,000 residents). This is an example of the influence of logistics and
kG
III Expenditure by income quantile in selected countries 161
1 2 3 4 5
1.2
1
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
0
Cabbage Tomatoes Carrots
FIGURE 7.9
Urban resident per capita consumption of three vegetables by five town size categories
in Poland, 2007
2011. Note: the plotted lines range from the smallest size on the left
to the largest on the right; the city categories are: 15 less than 20,000 residents;
25 20,000
99,000 residents; 35 100,000
199,000 residents; 45 200,000
499,000
residents; 55 500,000 or more residents.
postharvest handling tailored to supplying large urban centers where supermarket
chains dominate the retail landscape. Tomatoes, well liked, versatile, and easier to
handle than many other fresh vegetables, are the most frequent choice of consu-
mers, especially residents of the largest cities who also tend to differ in lifestyle
from residents of other locations.
Accessibility
Differences have been confirmed by results from the household survey in Ghana
in terms of distance from the potential supply source. The already mentioned
example of the weekly eating frequency regarding the domestic orange and
imported apple shows markedly different frequencies across the three large cities.
Accra and Takoradi respondents consumed oranges with similar frequency (the
proportions of households eating an orange weekly in these two cities are both
about 35%), while Tamale respondents ate oranges more often (45% of Tamale
households ate an orange weekly). Apple consumption frequency was the highest
in Accra, where 15% of households reported eating an apple weekly, followed by
Takoradi, 9%, and Tamale, 7%, respectively. The distance from the port of entry
(most likely Greater Accra or Takoradi) could influence the accessibility of
imported fruit and, eventually, the consumption frequency. It takes up to 12 h for
a truck to travel the distance from Accra to Tamale. Nevertheless, it also has to
be recognized that incomes and locally available fruit selection differ across the
three cities and could influence the choice of fruit.
kG
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
162 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
Regional differences
The review of urban Korean household survey data reveals that the weekly expen-
diture on fresh fruit and vegetables varies widely. The weekly fresh
vegetable expenditure in the surveyed seven urban areas in September 2007 were
$129 in Busan, $121 in Ulsan, $116 in Inchon, $114 in Seoul, $102 in Daejeon,
$93 in Daegu and $87 in Kwangju. Busan and Ulsan are located in the industrial-
ized southeastern part of the country and are densely populated, though relatively
far from domestic supply sources. The observed differences could reflect the pos-
sible local supply and demand conditions at the time of survey implementation.
The weekly fresh fruit expenditure shows a very different pattern. Weekly expen-
ditures were $176 in Inchon, $170 in Seoul, $168 in Ulsan, $165 in Daegu, $142
in Busan, $127 in Daejeon and $83 in Kwangju. Clearly, fresh fruit expenditure
shows a different pattern suggesting that the largest agglomeration of the capital
city and Inchon are likely to represent a highly concentrated demand area. This
illustration serves as a reminder that fresh produce marketing must recognize
regional differences, and that shipped fresh produce must be appropriately
handled.
IV Most commonly eaten fruits and vegetables
This section is based on household survey data from Ghana and Uganda. The
data illustrate similarities in vegetable consumption. The most frequently eaten
fruit shows larger differences than the most frequently eaten vegetables between
the two countries (and across countries overall).
A Vegetables
Figure 7.10 shows the percentage of surveyed households reporting weekly con-
sumption of the 10 most often named vegetables in Ghana. More than 44% of
households named yam, which outdistanced all other vegetables. Yams are very
popular and well liked and they are also domestically produced in Ghana.
Moreover, the country also exports yams, primarily to the European Union.
Exported yams are selected from the domestic supply to meet size and quality
requirements in the destination markets. The yams remaining in the domestic
market are highly variable in size and quality, but areaten boiled or roasted, not
fresh. Cabbage and carrots were also reported to be eaten weekly by 31% and
25% of households, respectively. The share of households reporting weekly con-
sumption of the next six vegetables ranged from 14% for cucumbers to 10% for
avocado. Only about 7% of households reported eating the Irish potato on a
weekly basis. The variety of fresh vegetables is affected by the season, but for
many of them, there is a nearly continuous domestic supply since there is usually
a region with suitable growing conditions.
IV Most commonly eaten fruits and vegetables 163
Yam 44.89%
Cabbage 30.58%
Carrots 25.28%
Cucumbers 14.59%
Salad 12.36%
Cauliflower 12.08%
Green beans 10.78%
Tomato 10.69%
Avocado 10.04%
Potato 7.53%
Percent of households
FIGURE 7.10
The proportion of surveyed households reporting eating weekly the 10 most-often-selected
vegetables in Ghana, in percentages.
Tomato 85.05%
Greens 76.06%
Cabbage 67.62%
Avocado 62.39%
Irish potato 55.83%
Carrot 39.61%
Green peas 28.25%
Squash/pu. 20.72%
Green beans 19.50%
Spinach/kale 15.61%
Percentage of households
FIGURE 7.11
The proportion of surveyed households reporting eating regularly the ten most often
selected vegetables in Uganda in percentages.
The survey data from urban households in Uganda reveal that the largest
share of households reported “regularly” eating tomatoes among the 10 top
vegetables (Figure 7.11). This result is consistent with vegetable consumption fre-
quency in many countries of the world regardless of their level of per capita
income. The tomato is a versatile vegetable (botanically it is a fruit, however) and
is universally liked, therefore it finds an almost unending number of uses. The
high share of households reporting eating greens supports casual observations and
the reported forms of eating selected foods. Greens are typically cooked and eaten
with rice or beans and peanut sauce. Meat is added to such a meal if it is
164 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
Banana 44.98%
Pineapple 40.80%
Orange 36.90%
Watermelon 25.75%
Mango 23.89%
Percent of households
FIGURE 7.12
The proportion of surveyed households reporting eating weekly the five most often
selected fruit in Ghana, in percentages.
available. Other popular vegetables are cabbage, avocados, carrots and green
beans, which were named among the top 10 vegetables eaten on a weekly basis
by urban households across Ghana (Figure 7.10).
B Fruit
In Ghana, bananas and pineapples were the most frequently eaten fresh fruit
(Figure 7.12). The southern parts of the country are suitable for growing bananas,
which require little effort to produce a crop. Pineapples have traditionally been the
major exported fruit from Ghana. Oranges are commonly grown and supplied in
large volumes to the open-air markets. However, a large portion of oranges spoil
before they can be eaten or processed. Oranges are competitively priced and avail-
able throughout the country. Watermelons, followed by mangoes, are also among
the top five eaten fresh fruits, but the reported consumption frequency is consider-
ably less than that of pineapples or bananas. It is possible that the time period of
survey implementation influenced the observed frequencies, but, in general, they
reflect the availability of fresh, domestically produced fruit. In terms of the post-
harvest handling system, the pineapple sector has developed a well-functioning
system stimulated by the export market. Other fruit is mostly consumed domesti-
cally, and postharvest handling procedures vary widely from supplier to supplier.
The Ugandan urban respondents provided answers about the “regular” consump-
tion of fresh fruits or vegetables (Figure 7.13). The phrasing of the question was
finalized after the pilot test, which suggested that the initially requested information
about consumption frequency measured on a daily, weekly, or monthly basis caused
difficulty in providing answers. In Uganda, the five most often consumed fresh
fruits, with the exception of passion fruit, are the same as in Ghana (Figure 7.12),
V Concluding comments 165
Banana 59.96%
Mango 52.31%
Passion fruit 46.42%
Orange 46.23%
Pineapple 44.65%
Percent of households
FIGURE 7.13
The proportion of surveyed households reporting eating regularly the five most often
selected fruit in Uganda, as percentages.
but the order of frequency is somewhat different. Not surprisingly, bananas are con-
sumed regularly by the largest percentage of households, 60%. Banana plants grow
unimpeded in Uganda due to favorable conditions in large parts of the country. The
plant bears fruit without any special care. Mangoes have been reported as being
eaten regularly by 55% of the surveyed urban households, while the three other
fruits have been eaten on a regular basis by 45
46% of the households, implying
little variation in regular consumption of passion fruit, oranges, or pineapples.
V Concluding comments
Huge discrepancies in fresh fruit and vegetable consumption across countries and
within countries across economic strata, socio-demographic groups and locations
create tremendous opportunities for fresh produce suppliers. Many countries are
far from reaching the goal of eating the recommended 400
500 g of fresh pro-
duce per day. Reaching various groups and consumer segments with quality fresh
produce they can afford poses postharvest challenges, many of which still have
not been addressed.
Globally, for the time being, consumer disposable incomes will continue to
drive the purchase and, subsequently, trade direction and consumption of fresh
vegetables and fruit. As the variety in the market place increases, competition
among various produce types will increase. To deliver the quality expected by
consumers will require cooperation among various players of the distribution
system and value chain. Consumer education will be increasingly necessary to
encourage sustained consumption because of the many choices even if price and
quality expectations are fulfilled.
A factor not considered in detail in this chapter is the fragmentation of
motives behind purchasing and eating fresh produce. Relatively more affluent
166 CHAPTER 7 Consumer Expenditures on Fresh Fruit and Vegetables
societies, but aging and experiencing declining health, will demand fresh produce
in expectation of disease prevention and health maintenance. Affluent households
across all countries will seek fresh produce as a tool to manage weight as the
problem of overweight and obesity becomes a global scourge inflicting increasing
costs on economies. The less affluent, as their incomes increase, will rapidly
increase fresh produce consumption simply because they want to eat more of it if
their budget constraints weaken. The interpretation of what is an exotic fruit or
vegetable will be defined locally, but it will remain an influential factor driving
purchase and consumption, requiring adjustment of postharvest handling for vari-
ous climates, cultures and distribution systems.
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