The HuJver Library on War, Revolution, and Peace Publi~ation No. 23 - THE GOLD COAST PUBLISHED UNDER AUTHORITY OF THE PUBLICATION COMMITTEE OF THE HOOVER LIBRARY ON WAR, REVOLUTION, AND PEACE ) I THE GOLD COAST A Survey of the Gold Coast and British Togoland 1919.1946 By F. M. BOURRET 1949 STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS STANFORD, CALIFORNIA LONDON: GEOFFREY CUMBERLEGE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS STANFQRD, CALIFORNIA LoNDON: GEOFFREY CUMBERLEGE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS THE BAKER AND TAYLOR COMPA N Y 55 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK 3 HENRY M. SNYDER & COMPANY 440 FOURTH AVENUE, NEW YORK 16 W. S. HALL & COMPANY 457 MADISON AVENUE, NEW YORK 22 COPYRIGHT 1949 BY THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES OF THE LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY PRlNTED AND BOUND IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS AFRICAN A LIBRARY REFERENCE ONLY <1 ) 9 i; 1: ;-1 I I 5 c . 'l XI PAGE TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE FOREWORD .. . .. . . ......... . .... . .... .. Harold H. Fisher v CHAPTER I. THE LAN D AND THE PEOPLE ... . ............ 3 - . Geographical Characteristics of the Gold Coast, I-Map of the GoYd- Coast, 5-Agricultural and Mineral Resources, 8-Native I Tribes and Languages, 1000Administrative Divisions, 13- Politi- cal Institutions, 14 j CHAPTER III. THE GOLD COAST YESTERDAY ... :..J ' . .. ...... . 15 ) ~ Early Traders ~nd Castles on the Gold ~oast, IS- Gold and Slave '-fTradmg, 16-Rlvalry Among Local Tnbes, 1r-.tVacI!latmg BrIt- ish Policy (1821- 1874) , 19- British Annexation of Gold Coast Colony (1874), 23- Ashanti and the Northern Territories (1820- ""f 1901), 24-Annexation of Ashanti and Northern Territories (.1901), 25- Political and Economic Development (1900-1919), 25 v'" CHAPTER III. THE GOVERNORSHIP OF SIR GORDON GUGGIS- BERG, 1919- 1927 ........... .. ...... . . . ........ 29 Sir Gordon Guggisberg, 28-Ten Year Development Plan (1919- 1929), 29-1920 Depression, 30--Problem of Taxation, 31- Fi- nancing the Ten Year Plan,31- Railroad Development, 32- Har- ./ ' bor Facilities, 34-Public Utilities, 34-Increased Commerce, 34- ~ Land and Forestry Problem, 34-Educational Progress, 36-Achi- mota College, 37- James Kwegyir Aggrey, 37- Increased Social 'Services, 38 CHAPTER IV. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, 1919-1927 .. . .... : 39 \,...--' British Crown Colony Government, 39- African Desire for In- creased Self-Government, 42-Fanti Confederation, 42-Aborig- J ines' Rights Protection Society, 43':='NiilimalJ:O)lgress QLBriJish _ ~ Af!:!<:a, 44-Guggisberg's PlanIOr Increased Self-Govern­ ment, 44-Municipal Corporations Bill, 44-Higher Positions for Africans, 45 - British Policy of Indirect Rule, 47 - Problem of Native Administration, 49-Constitution of 1925, 51-Native Ad­ ministration Ordinance (1927), 55 CHAPTER V. THE GOLD COAST COLONY, 1928-1939 . . .. . . ,x' Political Situation Resulting from the 1925 Constitut; Economic Problems and the Depression, 60- Questio' tion, 61- Water Bill, 63- Sedition Amendment, 64- THE GOLD COAST position to 1934 Legislation, 6s-African Delegations to London, 66---Governorship of Sir Arnold Hodson, 67-Native Stool Treas­ uries (1931-1939), 69-Joint Provincial Councils, 70-Cocoa Holdup (1937-1938), 70 - Higher Government Positions for Africans, 73-African Societies and Gold Coast Development, 74 PAGE CHAPTER VI. ASHANTI................................ 77 Ashanti Government (1900-1924), 77-Economic Development, 78--Social Problems, 78--Anthropological Studies of Rattray, 80-The "Golden Stool," 81-1924 Native Administration Ordi­ nance, 82-Return of Prempeh and Restoration of the Ashanti Confederacy, 83-Question of Union Between the Colony and Ashanti, 85 CHAPTER VII. NORTHERN TERRITORIES AND TOGOLAND ... .. Northern Territories and North Togoland: Early History-An­ nexation, 87-Native Life and Customs, 88--Historical Back­ ground- Rattray's Investigations, 91-.Anglo-French Occupation of Togoland (1914-1918) , 96---British Mandate, 96---Political Reorganization Under Indirect Rule, 98--Economic Improve­ ments, lOl-Education, lOS-Health Conditions, 1 06---Indirect Rule that Succeeded, 107 I South Togoland: Geographical and Racial Aspects, 108--German Administration, 110-British Administration,_ 110-Introduction of Further IndirectR:ule (1932) , 112-Social and Economic De­ velopment of South Togoland, 114-Mandate Versus Colony, 116 ~United Nations C]:Jarter and Trusteeship, 117- Ewe Petitions for a Single Trustees,hip (1946-1947), 119 CHAPTER VIII. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS OF THE DE- PENDENCY Economic Development: Economic Background, 121-0ver-all Picture (1919-1939), 122-Cocoa Industry, 124-Co-operative Movement, 128--0ther Agricultural Products, 13O-Land Ques­ tion, 133-Mining Industry, 134-Need for Local Industries, 136 Social Development: Missionary Activity, 138--Education, 141- Health and Sanitation, 147-Labor Problems, 148--Economic and Social Development-Conclusions, 148 v 121 j ,cHAPTER IX. THE GOLD COAST IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR 150 ~ Strategic and Economic Position of West Africa (1939-1945), ISO-Gold Coast Loyalty, lSI-Military Service, ls2-Depart­ ""~ut of Information, ls4-British Council, ISS-Military Instal­ ·,0 ; .. the Gold Coast, ls6-Resident Cabinet Minister in West CONTENTS Africa (1924-1945), 157- West African Cocoa Control Board, 158-Introduction of Income Tax, 160-Economic Acceleration ~ring War Period, 161-Demands for Increased Political Powers, .,/l63- Results of the War on the Gold Coast, 164 CHAPTER X. THE GOLD COAST AND THE NEW CONCEPT OF EMPIRE Colonial Development and Welfare Acts, 165-United Nations Charter and Nonself-Governing Territories, 167 - Map of the Four Colonies of British West Africa, 168-West African Re- o / gionalism, 170-Governorship of Sir Alan Burn,s, 171-Develop­ (- ment Plan and E:Conomic PrjJgTess, 171-Cocoa Problem, 176- Expansion of Social Services, 179:"=Hlgher Education, 181- Prog­ ress in Local Government, 182-Political Demands, 188-Nana Sir Ofori Atta, 189- Political Advance (1942-1945), 192-The 1946 Constitution, 193- 1948 Riots, 199- General Conclusions, 202 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . ..... . .. . INDEX .. ............ . ..... .. ... . . . Xl PAGE 165 205 219 The Gold Coast CHAPTER I THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE The roughly oblong block of territory known as the Gold Coast lies midway on the Guinea littoral of West Africa. The usually accepted limits of West Africa are the Senegal River on the west, and the Niger Delta on the east, while the Sahara Desert forms a convenient boundary to the north. From the geographical point of view the divisions of this vast territory are latitudinal: first, a band of humid tropical forest which is interrupted near the coast by areas of mangrove and savanna; second, a wooded savanna to the north; and third, a dry, treeless savanna stretching f.ar into the interior where it eventually merges into the Sahara Desert. In spite of these horizontal zones, the political divisions, along the Guinea Coast, cut directly across them. They have been likened "to a terrace of narrow houses some closely walled-in at the rear, others-the French cQlonies-opening on to a vast court, the well­ nigh limitless hinterland of the Western Sudan."1 The Gold Coast is one of these "walled-in" colonies, situated between 3°15' W. ~ longitude and 1°12' E. longitude, with the French Ivory Coast to the west, the French Mandate of Togoland to the east, the Upper Volta district of the French Sudan to the north, and the Atlantic Ocean to the south. This type of political division, ignoring as it does both economic and tribal areas, has created many difficulties for both the French and British administrations and has led to some discussion of a possible exchange of territories or of a federation of existing units. 2 1 Walter Fitzgerald, Africa, a Social, Economic and Pol·itical Geography of Its Major Regions (New York, 1939), p. 323 (hereafter cited as Fitzgerald, Africa, a Geography). Gold Coast Survey Department, The Atlas of the Gold Coast (Accra, 1945). D. A. Chapman, The Natural Resowrces of the Gold Coast (Achimota, 1940). 2 There was some discussion of the advantages of federating the four ' British West African Colonies, especially after the appearance of an article by Field Mar­ shal Jan Smuts suggesting African regionalism; Life, December 28, 1942, pp. 11-15. Netther the British authorities nor the majority of the Africans however favor a federation. They believe that regional councils for both intercolonial and' interna­ tional coll~boration will be better suited to West African needs. See Parliamentary Debates, 5th. ser., Commons, Vol. 391, col. 142-43. 3 4 THE GOLD COAST . The term "Gold Coast," first applied to this area in the fifteenth century by the Portuguese traders, has since come to include more than just the strip of coast line. The name is now given the entire dependency which includes the colony of Ashanti directly to the north and, beyond that, the protectorate of the Northern Territories. Throughout these pages the term "Gold Coast Dependency" will be used to refer to all three divisions while "Gold Coast Colony" will be reserved for the section on the littoral only. After World War I a fourth unit, the mandated area of British Togoland, was placed under the administrative control of the governor of the Gold Coast Dependency. The area of the Colony is 23,490 square miles, of Ashanti 24,560, of the Northern Territories 30,600, and of Togo­ land 13,040-a total of 91,690 square miles. s The population of the Dependency is unevenly distributed, as will be seen in the tabulation' given below, which gives population figures according to the 1931 census. Gold Coast Colony. Ashanti ...... . N orthern Territories Togoland Total .. . .. . .......... 1,571,362 578,078 . . . . .. 717,275 .... 293,671 ... 3,160,3864 The geographical and economic characteristics of the several divisions of the Dependency are largely responsible for this unequal distribution of population. Physically the entire territory can be divided into four easily recognized areas-the coastal lands, the Ashanti plateau, the plains of the Volta and its tributaries, and the northern plateau grasslands. The coastal lands, averaging from twenty to forty miles in width and including the greater part of the original colony, contain over half the population of the entire Dependency. This is because most of the important urban centers-Sekondi, Takoradi, CaRe Coast, and Accra, the capital, lie within this area. It is rolling country covered with scrub and grass. The agri­ cultural products include such foodstuffs as cassava, com, and other vegetables. There is also growing interest in citrus fruits and S Annu.al Report on the Gold Coa.st for the Year 1946, p. 83 (hereafter cited as G.c. An. Report). The French and British Mandates over Togoland were changed to trusteeships in 1946. 4 G.c. AI>. Report, 1938, p. 12. At mid-year 1938, the estimated population for the Dependency was 3,786,659. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 5 A--ST c:: :z: tJ ~ IT1 ~ V) "J ~ * Z n C) :.: >-l \.J {l (Jl >-j '" M ~ CI) ;t: ~ :;; C) ~ $0 100 200 300 [Adapted with permission from Rita Hinden, Pia." for Africa. London: George Allen & Unwin.] 6 THE GOLD COAST bananas for local use and export. Coconut palms-useful for both kopra (dry coconut) and coconut oil-grow well on the more level tracts of the coastal zone, especially in the western and eastern parts. Fishing in the Atlantic, in the coastal lagoons, and in the rivers is another occupation of the peoples o f this district. That portion of the coast to the west, beyond Cape Three Points, has a far heavier precipitation (up to 100 inches) than the rest of the littoral, and rain forest is dominant. As a result, the population of this western section is less dense, and its economic and social development has been slower than the eastern part. The Ashanti plateau, as a geographical division, should not be confused with the political section of the same name. They are not co-terminus. The plateau contains most of the rain forest of the Dependency which is to be found not only in Ashanti but in the Gold Coast Colony as well. It averages 500 to 1,500 feet above sea level and has a high rainfall , usually exceeding fifty inches. The forest itself consists of tall, massive trees, often 200 feet in height, whose thickly entangled branches form a green roof overhead, impenetrable by the sun. A network of vines provides so close a vegetation that the heavy rains cannot cause erosion, and thus the rich soil is preserved. The moist, twilight atmosphere within the forest is ideal for the growth of cacao which requires great humidity and shade. The preservation of the forest is therefore essential to the economic prosperity of the people. Devastation caused by rail­ road building, mining activities, and wasteful agricultural and timber­ cutting methods has already made serious inroads on th is precious natural heritage. There is evidence, moreover, that the Sudan type of vegetation-which is infinitely less valuable-is gradually moving southward. The creation of fo rest reserves and systematic re­ forestation is, then, one of the most serious problems of the De­ pendency. The Gold Coast Government' s attempted solution will be the subject of a later discussion. The third physical division includes the plains of the Volta River and its tributary, the Black Volta. This stream takes its rise in the French Sudan to the north and runs the fu ll length of the De­ pendency, emptying into the Gulf of Guinea near Ada, some sixty miles from the eastern frontier. The Black Volta forms the north­ western bQundary line of the Northern Territories; turning eastward, it meets the main stream just north of Ashanti. These plains, then, extend north and northeast of the Ashanti plateau. Th'eir supply of THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 7 rainfall is low, precarious, and confined to a short season. Population density is under ten on the average, while large areas are completely deserted. There is little agriculture, and cattle raising is prevented by the widespread prevalence of the tsetse fly. Modern irrigation methods and tsetse clearance could greatly raise the economic value of this poorest section of the Dependency. The last geographical division, that of the northern plateau grasslands (500-1,500 feet), has a more dependable rainfall than that of the Volta plains. Its light soil, suitable for agricultural purposes, and its tsetse-free cattle lands make possible some economic prosperity and hence a higher density of population which is as great as 170 per square mile in some parts. The climate and vegetation of the Dependency are determined by these same physical divisions. The coastal and rain-forest areas have constant heat throughout the year, accompanied, as has been said, by a high degree of humidity except during the winter when the harmattan, a dry northeaster from the Sudan, may bring some relief. The vegetation of the forest belt is, of course, tropical. Besides cocoa, the oil palm, the kola tree, wild rubber, mahogany, and other valuable timber trees provide exportable products. For local con­ sumption yams, plantains, sweet potatoes, beans, and peanuts are also grown. As it is not possible to keep cattle in the forest area, there is an insufficient meat supply. Fishing and hunting only partially remedy this deficiency, and lack of protein is a recognized source of much of the malnutrition found among the inhabitants of the Gold Coast. Both the Volta plains and the northern plateau belong to the savanna belt of West Africa and therefore have a Sudan rather than a forest type of climate and vegetation. While there is a high level of temperature throughout the year, the atmosphere is dry instead of moist. In these sections the harmattan, with its load of fine sand particles, is dreaded, while it is the moisture-laden monsoon of the summer months which brings the inhabitants the bulk of their rainfall. Whatever precipitation there is is quickly absorbed, how­ ever, and the growing season is a very short one. In the most northern parts millet, guinea corn, peanuts, and beans do well. Farther south yams and rice can be added to the local diet. The trees of the savanna grow in open forests or are sometimes widely scat­ tered. Among them the shea tree is highly valued. Its nut, contain- 8 THE GOLD COAST ing a rich fat called shea butter, is used for cooking purposes by the inhabitants. As for the mountainous areas of the Gold Coast the main fea­ tures are (a) a range of hills running southwest to northeast from near Accra to Togoland, and (b) the steep scarp face of the Ashanti plateau which runs from southeast to northwest. Of the Volta River and its principal tributary, the Black Volta, something has already been said . The smaller tributaries, the Red Volta and the White Volta, flow from the Sudan into the north­ eastern corner of the Dependency. The other rivers are smaller and of less importance than the Volta. Among them it is sufficient to mention the Tano and the Ankobra, in the far western section of Ashanti· and the Gold Coast Colony, and the Pra River which forms a portion of the boundary line between these two colonies until it turns southward and flows into the Gulf of Guinea near Sekondi. N one of the rivers of the Gold Coast are navigable except the Volta, the Tano, and the Ankobra, and even these can only be used by steam launch or lighter in their lower reaches though there is also a certain amount of canoe traffic. The inhabitants, therefore, must depend almost entirely upon railroad and motor roads for trans­ portation. The coast line provides no natural harbors and, until the 1920's, surf boats and lighters carried all cargo out to the ocean-going vessels, which added to expense and often resulted in salt-water damage to the cocoa and other perishable goods. Since then, harbor facilities have been provided at Takoradi and, to a lesser extent, at Accra. In this need for more extensive communications lies the explanation of the considerable debt which burdened the Dependency for many years . The natural resources of the Gold Coast can be considered under four heads: agriculture, forestry, livestock, and mining.' Among the agricultural exports cocoa holds first place. The Gold Coast produces almost one-half of the world's supply. Although no accu­ rate survey has been made, it is estimated that one million acres, or 1,563 square miles, with 400 or more trees to an acre, are devoted to this crop. There is economic danger, however, for a one-crop country; and efforts are being made to stimulate the cultivation of • C.C. An. Report, 1946, pp. 34-46. Each year the Annual Report contains a full account of the progress in the development of natural resources as well as a survey of the political and social situation in the colony. ----------------~----------- ~ THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE other exports, especially since the cocoa industry has been seriously threatened by the development of "swollen shoot," a plant disease. From the magnificent forests of the Gold Coast mahogany and other valuable timbers are cut for both local and foreign use. Rub­ ber is also exported whenever the price in the world market is high enough to make the tapping of the trees profitable. Cattle raising is successful only in the tsetse-free districts of the Northern Territories and in a small section 011 the eastern extremity of the coast. As this does not provide a sufficient meat supply, much importation is necessary. There ~ be great possibilities for the development of this industry if sufficient revenue ~e available for further cattle breeding and clearance of the tsetse-ridden areas. Among the mineral resources gold, which has given its name to the Gold Coast Dependency, has been exported since the arrival of the Portuguese in the fifteenth century. Though accurate statistics are not available it has been very conservatively estimated that between 1483 and 1903 over £21,000,000 worth of gold reached Europe." Since that time the industry has grown considerably and in some years the value of the annual export has nearly reached the £5,000,000 mark. Its purity gained for it a premium of one shilling to the pound as early as the reign of Charles II and its use for English money was responsible for the name "guinea" being given to the old 21-shilling piece. In 1915 large manganese deposits were first discovered. Because of the war, mining was immediately begun, and today the Gold Coast is recognized as possessing the world's third greatest supply of this mineral as well as the largest single manganese mine. By 1937 production had reached over 500,000 tons a year. The diamond-mining industry, begun in the early 1920's, has now developed to such an extent that the Gold Coast takes second place after the Belgian Congo in its supply to the world market. The 1938-1939 exports amounted to 1,440,322 carats of industrial dia- monds, valued at £595,989. . Large bauxite deposits were discovered in 1921 in the regions "A. W. Cardinall, The Gold Coast, 1931. A Review of the Conditions in the Gold Coast in 1931, as Compared with Those of 1921, Based on Figures and Facts Collected by the Chief Census Officer of 1931 Together with a Historical Ethno­ graphical and Sociological Survey of the People of that Country (Accr~ 1931) p. 76 (hereafter cited as Cardinall, The Gold Coast, 1931). " 10 THE GOLD COAST south and northeast of Obuasi-a town in southern Ashanti. Fur­ ther deposits were later found in the western sections of the Northern Territories. The entire supply is now estimated to be over 290,000,000 tons. Prior to the war, lack of suitable transportation had prevented exploitation but with the outbreak of the conflict the government built a spur line to one of the bauxite deposits and started mining operations. More recently a British company has made surveys in the Volta area with a view to a possible aluminum manu­ facturing plant. Smaller deposits of other minerals add to the potential wealth of the Gold Coast. Tin has been located near Winneba, and there are evidences of oil in the area between Axim and Half-Assini on the western littoral. Deposits of limestone and granite and of a high-grade clay suitable for pottery and tile manufacturing also exist. The native people of this land so rich in natural resources belong, for the most part, to that pure type of Negro which is found in the forest areas of West Africa. Anthropologists believe the peoples of Africa to have been derived from three principal stocks-Bush­ man, Hamite, and Negro.7 Due to the wandering of the tribes throughout the centuries, these groups are now somewhat mixed. The Negroes of the southern portion of West Africa, in the area stretching from the Senegal River to the eastern frontier of Nigeria, have been protected by their forests, however, from the invasions of other peoples and have retained, therefore, a purer form of their natural characteristics. Among these characteristics are a dark brown skin (popularly called black) , woolly hair, broad nose and wide nostrils, thick lips often everted, and, in the male, a height averaging sixty-eight inches . In West Africa, the Negro usually lives in walled compounds often containing several family groups under the authority of a senior member. They are agricultural, not pastoral, and the hoe rather than the plow is their farming implement. They have achieved a high development of arts and crafts. ( Politi~ally , every degree of centralization or lack of iti§ found among them, as wi11 be seen-in a Cat er dIscussion) ----rncoiitrast to-the pure Negro of the forest belt is the Negroid type of the Sudan. There the open character of the savanna vege- 7 Lord Hailey, African Survey: A Study of Problems Arising in Africa South of the Sahara (London, 1938), p. 18. c. G. Seligman, The Races of Africa (London, 1930), p. 19. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 11 tation made possible the southward movement of the Hamites of the Sahara and of North Africa. As a result of the mingling of Negro and Hamitic peoples a less pure type has resulted. Members of this group are taller and have lighter skins, more aquiline noses, and narrower nostrils than the forest Negro. These characteristics become even more pronouncedly Hamitic in the northern parts toward the Sudan. When living in tsetse-free areas, these people sometimes turn to pastoralism although they often keep their agri­ cultural habits as well. 11'1 some sections the influence of Islam has been very strong, while other groups have resisted any Mohammedan encroachment. The population of West Africa, then, can be divided roughly into two great groups-the pure Negro of the forest area and the Negroid type of t.he Sudan. In the Gold Coast we find this same division­ the Akan-, Ewe-, and Ga-speaking peoples of the south are Negroes, whereas the Moshi-Dagomba-speaking groups in the Northern Ter­ ritories are Negroid. There are, of course, areas where the two types have intermingled and characteristics are less c1ear-cut.8 V It is probable that, in most cases, the present peoples of the Gold Coast were not the original inhabitants. Tradition, which can in many cases be substantiated by what we know of the early history of West African kingdGms, holds that the Akans were the first group to migrate into the Gold Coast. Driven southward by the pressure of Hamitic tribes to the rear, they came from the north and north­ east. During the period between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries, three successive waves of Ak~fered the forest area of Ashanti and the plains of the Volta with some tribal groups penetrating to parts of the coast itself. Originally they had been a nomadic, pastoral people but the character of the land they settled determined a shift to agricultural pufsuits. These Akans fall into two great groups, the ·Twi-Fanti · gro'trp wh5ch is found principally on the coast and in the forest area, and the Twi-Guang group which 8 There are many small tribal divisions in the Gold Coast and over fifty lan­ guages or dialects. The treatment given in this section follows the work that has been done in recent years by various anthropologists and ethnologists. Their study is far from complete, however, and further research may reveal other classifications. Moreover this discussion considers only the outstanding linguistic groups, as it is considered sufficient for the purpose of a general historical survey. Further details can be found in the excellent articles which appear from time to time in Africa, Journal of the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures as well as in separate monographs. See, for example, Robert Rattray, The Tribes of the Ashanti Hinterland (Oxford, 1932),2 vols.; Gold Coast Atlas, 1945. 12 THE GOLD COAST settled the plains of the Volta and the Black Volta. Many Akan tribes developed centralized yet democratic forms of government in which a paramou~h his council ruled over large areas of land. Outstanding among these was the Ashanti confederacy, a highly organized group of states which dominated much of the present Gold Coast Dependency during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries until its power was broken by the British. The Akans, moreover, often possess marked trading ability, and many of the Fanti on the coast served as middlemen between the European merchants and the tribes of hinterland, and were later to be largely responsible for the remarkable development of the cocoa industry of the twentieth century. The second group to descend upon the Gold Coast were probably members of the Moshi9 kingdom to the direct north. By conquest and peaceful penetration, they established themselves as rulers over the original inhabitants of northern and eastern sections of the present Northern Territories and Togoland. They set up several kingdoms, principally the Mamprussi with its capital at Gambaga, and the Dagomba with its capital at Yendi. Most of the principal chiefs were killed, but eventually their rightful heirs were allowed to resume positions of religious authority, while the foreign invaders kept political contro!' Thus a double set of rulers was established. The holder of the sacerdotal office known as the tendana was the / priest of the earth god, and as such retained some control over the land and almost as much power as the political head. These people have successfully resisted all Mohammedan invasions and have pre­ served their original animistic belief, which they share, in its principal tenets, with the other tribes to the south. Though the 1931 census recorded 54,622 Mohammedans for the entire Gold Coast, the majority are so in name only. South of the rain forest and to the east, the Ga- and Ewe­ speaking peoples are found . These tribes appear to have migrated 1 ~hither from the east during the seventeenth and later centuries. V The Ewe people came from Oyo in Nigeria and by a series of stages moved westwards to their present home. The British mandate of Togoland presents, in almost every case, the same ethnic classifications as does the Gold Coast proper, for the international boundary along the Volta and Daka rivers is merely 9 The term Moshi is often spelled Massi and even Mole or More. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 13 an arbitrary one drawn with no reference to tribal groupings. Thus we find representatives of the Mamprussi, Dagomba, Gonja, Akan, and Ewe peoples on both sides of the frontier. The union of the two territories under a single administration has, in many instances, reunited tribes which had been split by the former Anglo-German divisions. There are other instances, however, where the problem is still unsolved, and portions of some Gold Coast tribes are to be found in the French territories of Dahomey, Togoland, the Upper Volta, and the Ivory Coast. Besides the gnat linguistic groups of Akans, Gas, Ewes, and Moshi-Dagombas there are a number of smaller tribes whose lan­ guages are still unclassified. Representatives of these people are found along the eastern boundary of British Togoland, in the far north, and in several pockets on the western frontier. Negroes of Hausa and Fulani stock, usually Mohammedan in name at least, are found scattered throughout the towns and along the trade routes of the Dependency, and are almost invariably engaged in commercial undertakings. At the present time there is only some degree of correspondence between political and linguistic divisions. Thus all the Moshi­ Dagomba peoples are found in the Northern Territories, or in the northern province of Togo, which areas are now united under one administration. On the other hand, the Twi-Fanti groups are di­ vided between the Gold Coast Colony and Ashanti, and the Twi­ Guang between Ashanti and the Northern Territories. In both cases, however, the frontiers have respected the integrity of the lesser tribal divisions. These are so numerous that the Gold Coast Colony con­ tains sixty-three different native states, Ashanti twenty-five, and the Northern Territories twenty-one. Thus it is evident that though several groups may speak the same or closely allied languages, they are often politically autonomous. For administrative purposes each of the four sections of the Dependency is now subdivided into provinces. The Gold Coast Colony has three-the Western, Central, and Eastern Provinces ;'o Ashanti has two-the Western and Eastern; and the Northern Ter­ ritories also has two-the Northern and Southern Provinces. Togo­ land is likewise divided but its Southern Province is joined as an administrative unit with the Eastern Province of the Gold Coast 10 In 1946 the Gold Coast Colony was redivided into two instead of three admin- istrative districts.· " 14 THE GOLD COAST Colony, while its northern sections are linked with the two provinces of the Northern Territories. The boundaries of the various prov­ inces have been so drawn as not to cut across the frontiers of any native state. There is great similarity in the political institutions of these various native states. Each Akan tribe owes allegiance to a para­ mount chief elected or enstooled from a definite group of families by a council of elders which in turn represents the common people. ~ He is aided in government by divisional chiefs, chiefs, and village headmen and, in theory at least, is not expected to interfere in the internal affairs of these subdivisions. I Any Akan chief may be _ destgoled by the people who elected him~a peaceful and democratic ~thod but one which, in -practice, leads to- a cerfaifi instability in political affairs. While the institutIOns of the other peoples of the CYold Coast are less compact and less democratic than those of the Akans, many of them have paramount chiefs and have adopted the custom of destoolment./ CHAPTER II THE GOLD COAST YESTERDAY Sailors and traders of the ancient world had some slight contact with the Gold Coast, but it was the Portuguese who first made it known to Christian Europe. ' Early in the fifteenth century these hardy seamen, with the inspiration a support of Prince Henry the Navigator, had courageously ed It e unknown and ventured down the West African Coast. B 1434 e dreaded waters of Cape Bojador had been passed and ex . n begun in earnest. When Henry died twenty-six years later, much of the Guinea littoral was known, and fortifications and trading posts already marked it as a Portuguese monopoly. In 1471 men in the pay of Fernao Gomes, a merchant with a government permit for the trade of the coast south of Sierra Leone, landed on the Gold Coast and obtained from the inhabitants a supply of that precious metal for which the country was later to be named. They called it "Mina," the mine, so great was the quantity of gold that could be purchased, and eventually the site of their first settlement became known as Elmina. During the next decade the export of gold dust and nuggets to the homeland con­ tinued. The fame of the place spread and with it came danger of rivals. In 1482, then, King John II of Portugal sent an expedition under Diego d'Azambuja who was accompanied by Bartholomew Diaz and .Christopher Columbus, to ' build a fort at .Elmina as a protection against both natives and possible foreign pirates. Sao Jorge da Mina, St. George of the Mine, was soon completed-the first of that long line of forts which were eventually to be built by 1 For the early history of the Gold Coast the full est account is by a former gov­ ernment official, W. Walton Claridge, A History of the Gold Coast and Ashanti from the Earliest Times to the Commencement of the Twentie th Century (London, 1915),2 vols . W. Ward, A Short History of the Gold Coast (Lcndon, 1945), is a textbook for African students and stresses tribal history. Charles P. Lucas, A Historical Geography of the British Colonies (Oxford, 1900), Vol. III, West Africa, gives a shorter but authoritative account of early history of the Gold Coast. A brief account can also be found in Hor Evans, The British in Tropical Africa (Cambridge, 1929). For the story of the European activity in the earliest days the best history is John W. Blake, European Beginnings in West Africa, 1455-1578 (London, 1937). 15 16 THE GOLD COAST European traders, and many of whose picturesque ruins remain ' to this day. In the beginning there was little need for the grim protection of Sao Jorge's great stone walls, but by the early six­ teenth century the French and then the English were venturing down the Guinea Coast. In 1530 William Hawkins did the first British trading on the West Coast, and twenty years later another expedition returned to the homeland with gold from the Gold Coast and pepper from Benin. News of commercial profit spread rapidly in Eliza­ bethan England and before the reign was over, Hawkins' son, Sir John, had carried off the first English shipload of slaves to the West Indies, and two chartered companies had obtained monopolies for the trade of various parts of the Guinea Coast. Dutch, Swedes, Danes, and even Prussians followed the French and English example, so that eventually forts of half a dozen nations marked their trading posts to east and west of Sao Jorge. The Dutch, most aggressive' of all , succeeded in driving out the Portuguese in 1642 and setting up their own headquarters at Elm ina. Though rivalry led to many quarrels among the various European groups- I as when the Dutch burnt the English forts in 1664 and 1665-the competition was of a commercial nature and there was never any question of opposing territorial or political rights. The unhealthy climate that was later to give the Guinea Coast the name "white man's grave" had already taken a heavy toll of lives. Traders, as a consequence, came seeking spices, gold, and "black ivory," but without a view to colonization. This same treacherous climate accounts, to a great extent, for . the fact that the men who entered the service of the trading companies were not usually of a type to give good example to the Africans. In the absence of adequate medical knowledge the tropical fevers worked havoc with their con­ stitutions. Heavy drinking and- lax morality aggravated the situa­ tion. It is not surprising that most men who went to the Gold Coast did so with the conviction that they were never to return. Across the Atlantic, however, permanent colonies were now being established, and the demand for slave labor grew year by year. The Hawkins' slaving venture of the sixteenth century had ; only been a start. It was not until the middle of the seventeenth century that the English began the systematic business of transport­ ing annually thousands of Guinea Negroes to the New World. For a time, chartered companies under royal patronage held the African mo.nopoly and built forts at such places as commercial convenience THE GOLD COAST YESTERDAY 17 or the exigencies of international rivalry made necessary. After the Glorious Revolution, however, monopolies became increasingly unpopular, so that the Royal African Company lost its privileges, and the government opened the slave trade to all British citizens alike. During the eighteenth century this trade in "human raw material" increased yet more. While the merchants of many nations took part, the English had the lead and in some years transported as many as 50,000 slaves. Though the Royal African Company lost its monopoly, it was still expected, with some government aid, to keep up the English forts as a protection for British citizens. It found difficulty .in 1 meeting expenses and was therefore replaced in 1750 by the Af-ciGan Eompany of Mer~ts! This new venture was open to any mer­ chant who paid .a 40-shilling fee, and resembled the regulated com­ panies of early modern times in that each member traded as an individual, rather than as a part of a corporation. A government subsidy supplied the upkeep of the forts, and the organization re­ mained in control until the early years of the nineteenth century. By the eve of the French Revolution, only the British, Dutch, and Danes held posts on the Gold Coast proper. The other nations had either confined themselves to other parts of the Guinea littoral or had left the area altogether. Slave trading continued but was begin­ ning to arouse criticism in Europe. On the continent, philosophers of the eighteenth century preached a doctrine of human equality. In England opposition arose from another quarter. The Quakers, and later the Methodists and Evangelicals, objected to the nefarious traffic for humanitarian and religious reasons. In the 1780's some of these antislavery agitators succeeded in getting the British govern­ ment to consent to a settlement at Sierra Leone for freed slaves. The movement grew. Though delayed by the wars following the French Revolution, parliament in 1807, finally abolished the slave trade in all British possessions. ! This change in the attitude toward slavery was not without its effects on the fortunes of the Gold Coast. The local tribes had co-operated with the Europeans by acting as middlemen in the trans- fer of slaves from the hinterland. Principal among them were the Fanti. There was a bitter enmity between this tribe and the powerful Ashanti federation to the north. As the British used the Fanti as . 2 E. C. .Martin, British West African Settlements 1750-1821 (London, 1927), gIves a detaIled description of the Gold Coast during these years. 18 THE GOLD COAST collaborators, they had adopted the policy of protecting them against their more warlike northern neighbors. This dependence on a foreign J power had weakened the loose alliance which bound the Fanti tribes together, and had lessened their military skill and initiative. They had, moreover, by this time acquired much experience as traders \ and, relying on English support, were determined to monopolize the southern traffic and force the Ashantis to work through them in all their dealings with the British. In contrast to these coastal peoples, split up into dozens of small native states, the Ashantis were mem- bers of a highly organized military confederacy. During the eight­ eenth century they succeeded in conquering some of the surrounding states, from which they henceforth collected a regular tribute. Their ealth came from this tribute, fr~ the..-p)under of war, and 'from he bstantial rofits of the sla.YUr.ade. For this latter activity they preferred to deal with the Dutch at Elmina, and thus avoid the Fanti middlemen. This, however, limited their scope of trade, and they bitterly resented the fact. It is this situation which explains the friendship of the Ashantis for the Dutch and their later anger when .; they heard there was question of the Dutch selling their posts to the British. ;: The abolition of the slave trade, accordingly, was not favorably received by the African middlemen of the Gold Coast. In order to earn a livelihood some of these men were now forced to turn to agriculture or other occupations. In the fOll~.ving years the value of legitimate exports somewhat increased but n t sufficiently to make up entirely for the lost profits of the slave tra e, so that the quantity of European imports soon showed a resultant drop. They declined, for example, from over £1,500,000 in 1806 to less than £600,000 in 1810.' The temptation to evade the British naval patrol soon sug­ gested itself . American and even English slavers, built for speed, and flying the Spanish flag, could sometimes slip past the slower British cruisers. It was not until after the Civil War that the co­ operation of the United States government and the use of .5peedy steam pinnaces finally enabled the British navy to end, once a'n1 for all, the white man's activity in the African slave trade. - While both the Fanti and the Ashantis kept up, as far as pos­ sible, illicit slave-trading activities, they found themselves forced to rely more heavily on legitimate commerce. Under these circum- • Claridge, History of th e Gold Coast, I, 283. THE GOLD COAST YESTERDAY 19 .\ stances tl~e Ashantis were m~re desirous than ever, not only to pre~ serve theIr trade contacts wIth the Dutch, but to break the ' Fantl monopoly at the British posts. Conflicts were bound to result, and in the seven wars which followed-marking the course of the greater part of the nineteenth century-the Ashantis could easily have defeated the Fanti, had not the British lent their aid to the latter. It is unfortunate that from the very beginning of the contest the African Company of Merchants adopted this policy which was later to be followed by the British government when it took over the territory from company control. In the early years of the century . \ it would have been easy to establish fri endly relations with the \ I Ashantis, because they ."ere willing to co-operate in return for free trade privileges. But the English merchants believed their commerce was safer with the Fanti, and supported their cause. When a dispute arose, they usually assisted in the ensuing war and later on even took the initiative. Once peace was established, the English would then revert to the convenient and inexpensive policy of noninterference in native affairs . This vacillation continued throughout the greater part of the century, and it was only in its last quarter that the British V government finally decided to take a definite stand and to annex the territory to the Crown. It will now be necessary to trace briefly the story of this development. J In 1821 the government in London, dissatisfied with the policy of the African Company toward the natives during the three Ashanti-Fanti ¥Irs of 1803, 1808, and 1813, and with its insufficient attempts to prevent the slave trade, withdrew its charter and united the Gold Coast settlements to the colony of Sierra Leone. For the first time these forts came under direct British governmental control. The governor of Sierra Leone, Sir Charles McCarthy, presently visited his new territory and rashly decided, though supported by J . insufficient forces, to plunge into a fourth war with the Ashanti. The English were disastrously defeated, and McCarthy himself lost his life. Though they eventually reversed the situation and conquered the enemy, they had fallen so low in the esteem of the Africans that relations were little improved. The expense and disasters of the campaign led to another change in policy, whereby in 1828 parlia­ ment decided to abandon the Gold Coast. But the merchants, who found it of some commercial value, now asked fGr a return to com­ .pany government. A "Committee of London Merchants" was there­ fore authorized to form a new organization which would control 20 THE GOLD COAST the trade and, with the aid of a government subsidy, keep up the forts. Under the remarkable guidance of Captain George MacLean, a British army officer who was employed as the company's represen­ tative from 1828 to 1843, the Gold Coast for the first time knew real peace and prosperity. He so gained the confidence of the Africans that he was able to extend British influence over the entire coastal area and up to the Pra River, the southern boundary of Ashantl. 12 lVIacLean belo These new means of transportation made possible the furthe~ spread of cocoa -farms, and freed hundreds of head carriers to aug­ ment the insufficient labor supply in both agricultural and mining fields. Nevertheless, there has been much recent criticism of what are now held to be overbuilt or unwisely financed railroad systems.10 Good motor roads would have provided sufficient transportation in most cases. The work ,Nas paid for, moreover, by private loans at high fixed interest rates when equity capital or, better still, govern­ ment subsidies or low interest rate loans would have done away with the heavy drain that the public debt service made upon the Colony's resources. Though it is unfortunate that Guggisberg was not suc­ cessful in borrowing at a lower rate, there is perhaps some excuse for the charge of overbuilding. Motor transport was not as developed in the early 1920's as it is now, and lorry rates per ton mile were 2s. 9d. in contrast to the 4 to 7Yzd. of the freight charge by rail. The governor can scarcely be blamed for not foreseeing that truck charges were to fall as low as 3d. per mile within the next ten years. In spite of Guggisberg's lack of appreciation of the full possi­ bilities of automobile development, he saw the necessity of good roads, as feeders for the railroads and for short hauls. At the close of World War I there were some 1,200 miles of roads in the Dependency­ many of them built by the chiefs in their desire to transport cocoa to the market-and suitable for only light Ford trucks. In the 1919- 1927 period, 3,388 miles of new roads were built and 1,310 recon­ ditioned, thus bringing the total to 4,688 motor miles. Some of them are tarred macadam, the best in British tropical Africa. Trans­ portation methods have changed in the Gold Coast from the days when cocoa was borne along narrow jungle paths by head porters, and palm oil was rolled in eighty-four. gallon casks from the forest to the coast, where surf boats carried all cargoes out to ocean-going freighters . 9 Legislative Council, Debates, 1930, "Governor's Address," pp. 139-40. No further railroad building was done until the second World War when the urgent ?eed of aluminum led to the construction of a SO-mile spur from Dunkwa to Awaso, In the heart of the bauxite area. Labor Department Report 1943- 1944, p. 3. 10 Frankel, Capital ["vestment i .. Africa, pp. 405-6 and 418-20. Hailey, African S1l1'Vey, pp. 1603-10. Rita Hinden, Pia .. for Africa: A Report Prepared for the Colonial Bureau of the Fabian Society (New York, 1942), pp. 149-55. 34 THE GOLD COAST It was the inefficiency of these loading methods and the crowded conditions on the beaches of the various ports-where thousands of tons of perishable cocoa were sometimes piled during the height of the season-that led the governor to make plans for better shipping facilities. The Gold Coast has no natural harbor, but Takoradi on the western littoral was chosen by consulting engineers as the most , suitable location at which to develop one. Preparations wcre begun ~ -in 1921 and, in spite of the business slump and much adverse criti­ VV' "" cism, the work was continued. It was not opened for commerce until ,/ 1928 and further extensions were added later, bringing the total cost up to £3,230,912." The harbor is formed by two great breakwaters \ enclosing an area of 220 acres and containing wharves for cocoa, 'timber, and manganese export, sufficient storage and loading space, and a petroleum berth equipped with pipe lines from ships to tanks two and a half miles inlan.d. During most of the 1930's the harbor operated at a loss because of the burden of its heavy debt charges and the competition of the cheaper surf-boat ports at Accra and other coastal towns. While this method of financing the undertaking has been subjected to the same type of criticism as that leveled at the railroads, the harbor has since proved itself invaluable in the eco­ nomic development of the Dependency. The Ten Year Plan called for extended communication facilities , J and both telephone and telegraph services were substantially in­ creased. The estimates for further water supply and hydroelectric developments, on the other hand, had to be greatly reduced as it was later seen that certain medical and educational requirements were even more essential. ... - --- - - - As Guggisberg had foreseen, new means of transportation brought with them an augmented commerce. The average annual value of the total trade (exports and imports) for the seven-year period 1920-1926 was over twice as much as that of 1913-1919. The Colony' s revenue also showed well over a 100 percent increase. 12 Guggisberg felt that he had been justified in undertaking the Ten Year Development Plan. The foundation of all this prosperity was, in large part, the export of cocoa; and it was necessary, therefore, to make every effort to safeguard the industry. The protection of the forests, an absolute 11 C.c. An. Report, 1928-29, p. 2J. 12 Events, 1920-1926, p. 174. Average annual revenue, 1913-1919, £1,635,650; 1920-1926, £3,829,705. THE GOVERNORSHIP OF SIR GORDON GUGGISBERG 35 essential to its well-being, was becoming year by year a more serious problem. Originally a belt of dense rain forests had covered the entire southern portion of the Gold Coast, but by the early twentieth cen­ tury the entire Ho district of Togo, three-fourths of the Eastern Province, and one-third of the Central Province had given way to a savanna type of vegetation. Experts found that deforestation was...,....-" going on at the rate of 300 square miles a year, and informed the ~ment that it would be necessary to set aside some 40 percent '-of the remaining area as reserves, if further dam;:tge was to be pre­ vented.l3 Because of African opposition to any official action, Guggis­ berg urged the chiefs to establish reserves themselves, according to'l the by-law power given them in the Native Jurisdiction Ordinance of 1883. As nothing was done in 1924 to carry out his request, he warned them again that he would give them but two years more. At the end of this period only six native reserves totaling 240 square miles had been established, whereas the Forestry Department had declared that 6,000 square miles were necessary. The failure of the chiefs was due to a number of reasons: ignorance of the danger involved in further deforestation, fear that the reserves would be­ come crown lands, unsettled boundary disputes between stools, and the fact that the chiefs of the Central and Eastern P rovinces had ... already alienated lands available for reserves. Forced on by the grave necessity of the situation, Guggisberg again conferred with the chiefs in order to obtain suggestions which might prevent a repetition of the deadlock of 1911. Though his For­ estry BiII met with local opposition in 1927, it became a law. It provided for the establishment of Forestry Department reserves whenever the chiefs failed to do so, but it did not deprive the Afri- ,. In 1910 a British expert made a thorough study of the forest situation for the British government. See H. Thompson, Reports of Gold Coast Forests Cd. 4993, 1910. This led the Gold Coast government to pass a law in 1911 autho:izing the establishment of reserves. Some of the Africans, however raised strenuous obj ections on the grounds that such reserves would be the be~inning of official seizure of tribal land. A delegation was sent to London to protest aaainst the legislati~n and i~ reply the secretary of state for the colonies appointed'" a special c0n:'mlss.lOner, SIr H. C. Belfield, to determine whether there was actual danger to native '.'Ights. See Report on the Legislation Governi"g the AlienatiM' of N alive La"ds ." the Gold Coast, Cd. 6278, 1912, and Case1y Hayford The Truth About the West Africa" La"d Question (London, 1913). ' Though Belfield reported that African rights were sufficiently safeguarded by the Ordmance, the government decided, in view of the opposition that had been aroused, not to apply the law. I' 36 THE GOLD COAST cans of ownership, as only the forest rights and not the land itself were bought by the government. From the very beginning of Guggisberg's term of office he had insisted that if a higher state of civilization was his aim for the people of the Gold Coast, the keystone of that progress was educa­ tion. In this field above all was he an enthusiast, and it is for his changes in educational policy and for the building of Achimota Col- "'- lege that he is remembered, as well itS for the T en Year P lan and for the inauguration of a new constitution and Native Administration Ordinance. While many still beheve that some of his decisions as to- prTmary schools were unwise, most are agreed that Achimota has proved itself a very worthwhile institution. One of his first acts on arrival in the Gold Coast was to appoint a committee to study the educational situation. Their report was identical, in large part, with that published by the Phelps-Stokes Commission which visited West and South Africa in 1920, in an attempt to suggest methods by which African education could be improved in line with those which had been successfully worked out j at the Tuskegee and other institutes in the United States H Guggis­ berg was encouraged by the fact that the two reports agreed to such a great extent with his own theories. He soon prepared, in conjunc­ tion with the Education Department and the heads of the missions, a very definite pl;m for the guidance of those responsible for the schools of the Dependency. / It was based on sixteen principles, 15 __ among which were the neces~ imgxoved teacher trllining, well­ staffed an.d equipped secondary schools,3equal opportunities for boys and girls f more stress on trade schools and training in agriculture and handicrafts rather than exclusive attention to literary subjects, the ~~alue of games and Scout method~nd, above all, the absolute neces­ sity of character training if the African was to develop personal worth and the power of leadership. \ To implement this policy a new education ordinance was introdu~in 1925 to the legislative council, \. - 14 This 'commission was financed, in very large part, by the Phelps-Stokes Fund. In her will Miss Caroline Phelps-Stokes had bequeathed her fortune to Trustees with the instruction that the income be used, inter alia, "for the education of Negroes, both in Africa and the United States, North American Indians and needy and deserving willte students." See Ed,,,ation in Africa: A Study of West, South, amt Equatoria./ Africa b31 the African Ed,.cation Commission; Report Prepared by Th.omas fesse f011es (New York, 1922); Edwin Smith, Aggrey of Africa (London, / 1929), chap. x. 15 "Governor's Address," Gold Coast Gazette, February 3, 1925; ibid., April 25, 1925, Pl'. 580-<515. THE GOVERNORSHIP OF SIR GORDON GUGGISBERG 37 and put in effect two years later. Because the new law required a higher standard, which many were unable to meet, by 1930 some one hundred and fifty bush schools had been closed. There was much criticism at the time,' · especially because only about 10 percent of I the children of the Dependency attended school of any kind. If inefficient establishments were closed, through the lack of prop­ erly trained teachers, the government and the various missions made .every effort to fill the need by opening normal schools for both men and women. Outstanding among these was the Prince of Wales College at Achimota. The story of the inception and development of this remarkable experiment in African education is a fascinating one. The foundation stone was laid in 1924; it was dedicated by the Prince of Wales the following year and on-iJanuary 28, 1927, it was \ formally opened by Governor Guggisberg." Plannedo ri--afarge scale and equipped in the most up-to-date m~nner, it was finally completed in 1931 at a cost of £617,000., Though it was freed from govern­ ment control by the creation of an Achimota Council in 1930, it re-, ceives a grant of £48,000 a year from the general revenue of the Dependency.,. The staff was composed of both Europeans and Afri­ cans and every effort was made to provide on native soil for the best in English education, but at the same time to adapt it to African re­ quirements and to preserve all that was worth while in the indigenous culture of the past. Among the members of the original staff was James Kwegyir Aggrey, the African deputy vice-principal. A native of the Gold Coast, he went to America as a young man where he at­ tended a college for Negroes, and later . worked for his doctorate at Columbia University. His deep appreciation of the need for co-oper­ ation between the white and the black races, and his own personal gifts and charm gained for him so much admiration from educational leaders that he was chosen in 1920 as a 'member of the Phelps-Stokes Commission. While the group was in the Gold Coast, Guggisberg met Aggrey for the first time, and, impressed with his ability and per­ sonality, he later readily acquiesced in his appointment as the deputy vice-principal of Achimota. As a native of the Colony and yet with wide experience of racial problems in the rest of Africa and in the United States, he was able-not only to break down the misunder- ,. Legislative Council, Debates, 1929-1930, pp. 168, 218 . . '7 Report on the A:chimota College 1926-27. G.C. An. Report, 1926-27, p. 39. Sm1th, Aggrey of Afnca, pp. 225-45 and passim. A fuller account of Achimota College will be given in a later chapter. 38 THE GOLD COAST standing and opposition that grew up in connection with the new college-but also to further, to a remarkable degree, a mutual under­ standing between the two races. After his sudden death in the sum­ mer of 1927 Guggisberg wrote of him ·that "Africa had lost one of her greatest sons" and by his passing "a blow had been dealt to the progress of the African races .. .. Aggrey, indeed, was the finest interpreter which the present century has produced of the black man to the white."'8 During his lifetime Aggrey had often referred to the fact that it was necessary to use both the black and white keys of the piano to produce beautiful music and he used this simple figure as an example of the co-operation which should unite the two races. After his death Principal Fraser of Achimota had several artists on the staff design a shield for the college which would embody this idea. Black and white bars form the body of the shield while beneath is the motto, U t omnes unum sint. Besides Achimota these same years saw the opening of several trade schools throughout the Dependency. They were all boarding schools with European headmasters who used Baden-Powell Scout methods for maintaining discipline and building up school spirit, with the hope that not only technical t~aining but character development would result. The improvement of health and sanitation services were also in­ cluded in the Ten Year Plan, and a large modern hospital near Accra, -.-..eighteen smaller hospitals, and twenty dispensaries were completed before 1927. A start was made in infant welfare work and the Medi­ cal Research Institute was enlarged. Important as these additions were, they were entirely insufficient for the size of the population, and in view of the widespread incidence of malnutrition, and of malaria, tuberculosis, leprosy, sleeping sickness, and other serious diseases. The problem was a grave one which would require greatly increased governmental attention and financial aid, if it were to be satisfactorily solved. 18 Smith, Aggrey of Afr;ca, pp. 286--87. CHAPTER IV POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, 1919- 1927 .. In the preceding chapter a survey was made of the material advancement of the Colony during the years 1919-1927. A far more difficult problem faced Governor Guggisberg in the matter of political development and native administration. Before discussing his policy in these fields, it would be helpful, perhaps., to give a general picture of the method of government which existed in the Gold Coast at the opening of his period of office. An attempt will then be made to trace the improvements which he brought about through the new constitution of 1925, and through a completely revised native ad­ ministration ordinance. Shortly after the new ordinance was promulgated Guggisberg's extended term of office came to an end. The actual working out of the new laws and their results will therefore be left to a subsequent chapter. TS[" 5::".~tem of government of the Gold Coast has been described in official reports as a mixture of direct rule by the central govern~ ment and of indirect rule through the indigenous African institutions. There is a steady bias toward the latter. l The direct government, as in the majority of British Crown Colonies, is administered by a ( _~ern~isted by an ex'ecutive and jtlegislative council and a staff/"" of political and technical officials. Local government is largely in the hands of African chiefs and their councils of elders who are, generally speaking, representative of the variOUS sections of the community. Native administration was regulated by the 1883 ordi­ nance until 1927, when it was replaced by a new code. '/ The governor is the chief executive authority for the entire Dependency, but is responsible to the secretary of state for the colo­ nies and must refer all important matters to him. H e makes appoint­ ments for all positions whose salary is £400 a year or less, while 1 G.C. An. Report 1931-1932, p. 4. A detailed description of Crown colony government is given by Sir Frederick Lugard, Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (London, 1922) , chapters v-ix; Lord Hailey, African Survey, pp. 160-73, 224-.35; Martin Wight, The Gold Coast Legislative Cmmcil (London, 1947), is a : deta.!e~ and valuable study of constitutional development, 1925-1945. ,./;" 39 [ ~v' . \, 40 THE GOLD COAST those with higher remunerations are under the control of the colonial office. In case the Africans disagree with the governor on any point, they do, on occasion, send petitions or delegations to the colonial secretary . • The executive council, during the period under consideration, consisted of the following British officials: the colonial_secretary, the chief.c.ommissioners of Ashanti and of the Northern Territories, the ~tt9rney gen~ral, the fi.Qan_cial s.ecretarJ:" ~e d~rector of .medical serv- <, Ices, and the secretary for natIve affald?'it\;·\s~aJ:1...Jidyis.OIY body to \ whom the governor must submit ~Is before IJroposing them to tbe legislative council. The governor has the final word in case of '- disagreement, but the members may always report their views to the colonial office. The advantages of an executive council lie in the fact / 1hat the representatives of various departments may thus give their advice and criticism, while their viewpoint is usually broader than \ that of separate committees . ..... / The administrative branch is made u~ political and technical services. The former included, during this period, the colonial secre­ tary, the secretary of native affairs, and the division of the political " officers who reside in the various provinc