See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/308694898 Housing maintenance in multi-habited low income houses in Accra. Article · November 2016 CITATION READS 1 149 1 author: Irene Appeaning Addo University of Ghana 15 PUBLICATIONS   26 CITATIONS    SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: British Colonial Architecture in Ghana View project Adult Learning and Entrepreneurship in the Communities View project All content following this page was uploaded by Irene Appeaning Addo on 13 March 2017. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Journal of International Real Estate and Construction Studies ISSN: 2153-6813 Volume 4, Number 1 © Nova Science Publishers, Inc. HOUSING MAINTENANCE IN MULTI-HABITED LOW INCOME HOUSES IN ACCRA Irene Appeaning Addo Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Ghana ABSTRACT Globally, the rising maintenance cost in buildings poses a great deal of challenge for homeowners. The UN Habitat Global Housing Strategy framework identifies housing maintenance as one of the thematic areas that require special attention and improvement if the building life will be sustained. In Ghana, maintenance of buildings is often neglected in housing development and research shows that a large proportion of residential buildings in public institutions have maintenance problems. Although these buildings are publicly owned and maintained, they still have challenges maintaining them. The challenge becomes heightened when the buildings are privately maintained by low income households. The paper sought to interrogate how maintenance occurs in multi-habited low income houses in some urban low income communities in Accra. Both quantitative and qualitative research approaches were employed in the primary data collection. The results show that multi-habited low income houses in Accra are poorly maintained and this problem is pronounced in the family houses in the indigenous communities like James Town and Tema Manhean. House owners often adopt the reactive maintenance approach, while waiting for the building component to completely spoil before replacing. Housing maintenance is strongly correlated with the incomes of the households. It is recommended that households should have access to maintenance loans and this will greatly improve the physical condition of multi-habited low income houses in Accra. Keywords: housing, maintenance, urban, low income, multi-habited, Accra 1. INTRODUCTION The UN Habitat Global Housing Strategy framework identifies management and maintenance of housing as one of the key objectives in developing an effective national housing strategy (UN Habitat, undated). The framework identifies housing maintenance as one of the thematic areas that requires special attention and improvement if the building life will be sustained. Globally, building maintenance is of great importance to most countries  Email: iappeaningaddo@ug.edu.gh. 40 Irene Appeaning Addo given the urgent need to preserve existing housing stock and address the housing needs of the people as the cities become more urbanized and population increases (Ali et al., 2010; Lind and Muyingo, 2012; Rocha and Rodrigues, 2016). Rising maintenance cost in buildings poses a great deal of challenge for homeowners. In Ghana, maintenance of buildings is often neglected in housing development. A research conducted by Cobbinah (2010) showed that over 80% of residential buildings in public institutions had maintenance problems. This is because, housing maintenance is not factored into the building production. According to Obeng-Odoom and Amedzro (2011), great emphasis is placed on the gap between housing demand and supply but little attention is paid to the maintenance of existing housing stock. The authors argue that successive governments in Ghana are more interested in delivering new housing units rather than maintaining existing ones that have fallen into disrepair (p.128). Similarly, Adarkwa and Oppong (2007) observed that maintenance of houses in the rural areas of Ghana is low and this has resulted in the deterioration of the existing housing stock and the physical environment. Konadu-Agyemang (2001) suggests that the poor structural quality of some houses in Accra was not due to the use of poor building materials, but rather due to lack of maintenance as a result of lack of capital and unresponsive financial institutions. In one example, Addai (1998) calculated that about 0.6 houses per 1000 houses had their roofs ripped off annually and this was estimated to be about 1.8 billion Cedis ($800,000) in 1998, sufficient to build about 200 new average fast-track low cost houses. Observance of housing maintenance in Ghana is often associated with public buildings. Very little attention is paid to the maintenance needs of privately owned low income houses (Addo, 2014). These multi-habited low income houses, incrementally built by petty landlords, are deteriorating due to lack of maintenance. The question is how has the supply of compound houses evolved and how are they maintained today? What have been the extent, nature, and causes of deterioration in compound houses in the urban context? Answers to these questions are not only vital for policy. They are also of profound importance to understanding maintenance approach in informal housing in Ghana. This paper explores the practice of housing maintenance in multi-habited low income housing in some urban low income communities in the Greater Accra Region. It posits that housing maintenance is low in these communities not only because rents are low but that other factors may also contribute to the poor state of the buildings. It is anticipated that the other factors that contribute to low maintenance in multi-habited low income houses in five low income communities in Accra will be identified. There are three objectives for this paper. The first objective looks at the socioeconomic status of the households in terms of gender, age of household head ownership, tenure and length of stay. The second objective examines building maintenance of major building components including the roofing, walls, floor, plumbing, electrical works and the external compound. The third objective examines the system of maintenance prevailing in these multi-habited compound houses. The next section describes the research methodology used, followed by a section that reviews existing literature on multi-habited housing situation in Ghana. This is followed by a section on data presentation, analyses and discussion. The paper concludes with recommendation on the strategies required to address maintenance challenges in urban low income areas of Ghana. Housing Maintenance in Multi-Habited Low Income Houses in Accra 41 2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 2.1. Study Area The study communities lie within the Greater Accra Metropolitan Area (GAMA) in the Greater Accra Region of Ghana (Figure 1). The cosmopolitan nature and economic importance of GAMA have made it a destination for both inter-regional and intra-regional migration. GAMA has a total population of 3,756,423 out of the total regional population of 4,010,054 (GSS, 2012). Approximately, 16.3% of the national population lives in GAMA (GSS, 2012). The population density for the Greater Accra Region is 1,236 persons per square kilometer (GSS, 2012). GAMA is an urban coastal city bordered on the southern side by the Gulf of Guinea. Hence, spatial expansion of the city is limited to only three directions, which are the north, east and west. Source: Adapted from the Survey and Mapping Division of the Lands Commission in Ghana. Figure 1. Location map showing the study areas. James Town and Tema Manhean are predominantly high-density indigenous settlements with mainly family houses while Madina, Ashaiman and Accra New Town are predominantly high-density low class migrant settlements with overcrowded multi-habited houses. A significant proportion of the population in James Town and Tema Manhean are Gas. While the average household size in Accra is about four persons per household, the household size in James Town is about six persons per household. James Town and Tema Manhean have a combined population of 72,385 and 17,130 households. Accra New Town, Madina and Ashaiman are all migrant communities with a combined population of 272,139 and 58,596 42 Irene Appeaning Addo households. While Accra New Town is located closer to the central business district, Madina and Ashaiman are in the peri-urban areas. Accra New Town developed as a migrant community when Ghana gained independence in 1957 and many people migrated from the hinterlands in search of jobs in Accra. Madina was founded in 1959 by Muslims from Northern Ghana and elsewhere and subsequently developed into a mixed suburb with residents of different ethnic background (Quarcoo et al., 1967). Ashaiman developed due to the spillover of migrant workers from Tema searching for affordable accommodation. The 1967 Tema harbour construction coupled with the establishment of industries in the city made prices of accommodation very expensive. Migrant workers who could not afford to rent a house in Tema but needed affordable accommodation chose to settle in Ashaiman. The predominant housing in the indigenous communities is the family houses. These houses are owned in common and they provide free accommodation for the less privileged family members. These houses are often enclosed with single room units surrounding a central courtyard and shared wash rooms are placed at the corner of the house. Cooking, washing and other domestic activities are performed in the courtyard. The family head acts as the symbol of authority in family houses ensuring that there is some continuity to the mutual obligation of giving and receiving assistance from extended family members and ensuring that all social affairs, including festival celebration, funerals and outdooring, pertaining to any extended family member in the house is performed. Some vacant rooms in the family houses can be let out to tenants. These tenants are expected to conform to the norms of conduct prevailing in the houses. Generally, the patterns of social relationships in family houses are closer than in compound houses occupied by migrants. Tenant compound houses, on the other hand, are heterogeneous in nature with various ethnic representations from migrant tenants. Mutual assistance is provided to members of the house. In these houses, the landlord or landlady is usually the head of the compound exercising the power of administration and overseeing to the smooth running of activities in the house. Households are committed to follow the regulations operating in the house and set by the landlord or representative. The arrangement of rooms around a central courtyard in the house is often similar to the family houses. Facilities are shared in common and domestic activities are performed in the courtyard. 2.2. Data Collection Both quantitative and qualitative approaches of primary data collection were adopted in this research. The research first identified the critical factors associated with property management through literature review. A multistage stratified random sampling technique was used in sampling households. This was followed by a household survey that collected information on household preferences and socioeconomic characteristics. The questionnaires were administered to household heads and adult representatives of the household heads. The household head was defined based on the spatial (within the housing unit), functional (as the main provider for the household) and structural terms (the societal definition of the household head, and this is often the male adult if present) of a household (Yaro, 2004). The selection of the study sites was informed by both historical and current studies and reports, which focused on the social, economic, environmental and residential situation in GAMA. Although the selected communities were generally classified as low class residential Housing Maintenance in Multi-Habited Low Income Houses in Accra 43 areas in 1999 (Songsore et al., 2006), some parts of the communities are now described as middle-high class residential areas. The sample size was calculated using Yamane’s statistical formula (Isreal, 2008). From Table 1, using proportional sampling 290 households were selected from only the high density indigenous sectors and high density low class sectors. Every 10th house was included in the sample space subject to the availability and willingness of a household head or responsible adult to take part in the survey. However when a selected house was not available, the next house was selected. Table 1. Classification of Residential Areas Showing the Sample Share and Size Classification Total Total Sample household share Sample houses households (%) size High Density Indigenous 5451 17130 23 68 Sector High Density Low Class Sector 18499 58596 77 222 Total 23950 75726 100% 290 Source: Figures generated based on 2000 Population and Housing Census. James Town and Tema Manhean were classified as high density indigenous residential areas. Madina, Accra New Town and Ashaiman were classified as high density low class residential areas. The sample size calculated for the two classifications were shared equally between the consisting communities. Hence, 34 households were each sampled from James Town and Tema Manhean, while 74 households were each sampled from Madina, Accra New Town and Ashaiman. In all, 290 households were interviewed however, 207 respondents were staying in multi-habited houses and sharing facilities with other households while the rest were single family households and not sharing any facility with other households. The questionnaires were administered by trained research assistants. The survey was done between November 2009 and September 2010. In instances where the respondents were not fluent in English language the questions were translated into two predominant Ghanaian languages (Ga1 or Twi) spoken in the study areas. The qualitative method, including focus group discussions, in-depth interviews and observations were used to understand the context of the answers received during the survey. Several in-depth interviews and two focus group discussions were held during the data collection. The interviews and discussions were conducted to validate and explain results obtained from the household questionnaire. The first focus group discussion was held in James Town at the Sea View Hotel on Saturday, 7th August, 2010 from 10am to 11am. The discussants comprised eight male adults and seven female adults. The age range was from twenty years to sixty years. Some were workers, students, traders, housewives, married and single family heads. Some were educated to the tertiary level while others had Junior High School education. The languages for discussion were a mix of English, Ga and Twi. Where necessary, some of the questions were explained in Ga because James Town is predominantly an indigenous Ga community. The second focus 1 The Ga are an indigenous minority ethnic Group from Greater Accra Region comprising just 7.4% of the national population (GSS, 2012). 44 Irene Appeaning Addo group discussion was held in Madina, a predominantly migrant community. It was held on Sunday, 26th March, 2011, after a church service on the premises of Emmanuel Christian Fellowship Church from about 1:30 pm to 2:30 pm. The discussants numbered up to eighteen and the group was made up of male and female members. Household heads and adults were targeted for this focus group discussion. Similar to the composition of discussants in James Town, the age range was between twenty and seventy years. The mode of communication was mainly Twi and occasionally English and Ga. In both instances the attitudes, feelings, experiences, perceptions and reactions regarding multihabitation were gathered. 3. MULTI-HABITED LOW INCOME HOUSING IN GHANA Multi-habited dwellings are shared dwellings typically referred to as compound houses (Korboe, 1992). The 2010 population and housing census show that most households (55.6%) in Accra reside in rooms in compound houses (GSS 2012). Multi-habited houses serve as a social housing that accommodates urban low income households with limited resources who might have migrated to Accra or were born in Accra. Schildkrout (1978) described a compound house in Ghana as a microcosm of the community since each house is composed of unrelated individuals from many ethnic communities who live together in a confined area. Research shows that households living in low income multi-habited dwellings are moderately satisfied with their neighbourhood characteristics (Addo, 2016). Cultural practices in these houses are changing as more family systems become westernised in Accra. According to Amole et al., (1993), the traditional family house is a resource that greatly benefits the urban low income households. Addo (2013), however, observed that the social organization in family houses are changing due to modernisation and urbanisation and this is resulting in individualism and the construction of single family dwellings. The benefit associated with this house form is the reduced cost of living and access to informal social networks or family networks that result from sharing space and sharing relationships (Addo, 2013). Andreasen et al., (2006) suggest that the relatively low construction cost, low maintenance cost of shared facilities, good value for money, and independent living at low cost and compact and less usage of urban land are some of the benefits of compound housing. Wellington (2008) have argued that the compound houses are culturally responsive and environmentally acceptable in urban land development and they promote sustainable development. These houses are often built by individual petty landlords who build incrementally and rent out part of their buildings to lodgers although they may not be formally recognised by policy makers (Yeboah, 2005). The limited resources available to these developers often lead them to build houses that are substandard and of poor structural quality (Fiadzo et al., 2001; Arku et al., 2011; Oteng-Ababio et al., 2013; Yankson and Gough, 2014) although some may be of good quality. 3.1. Housing Policy and Building Regulations The building regulation pertaining to the construction of low income housing in Ghana is very silent on housing maintenance. The local government act L.I. 1961 states that the Local Government through the metropolitan, municipal and district assemblies will encourage and Housing Maintenance in Multi-Habited Low Income Houses in Accra 45 facilitate maintenance of Public buildings and facilities in the district. Recently, the housing policy framework (MWRWH, 2015) has included home improvement of the existing housing stock as one of its core objective. Under this objective, neighbourhood level maintenance of housing will be provided through community management associations and property management companies. In addition, the government intends to establish incentives to encourage effective maintenance of family houses. Not only is this policy recent but it is also one of the many government political rhetoric. No plans have been put in place to ensure proper maintenance of existing housing stock. A similar policy was introduced prior to the structural adjustment era of the 1980s. The Five-Year development plan (1975 – 1980) under the Supreme Military Council saw the introduction of four rural housing improvement schemes targeted at individual houses. The scheme included: 1) Roof Loans Scheme to enable individuals to roof houses built to minimum standard specification; 2) Wall Protection Scheme where building materials were supplied to individuals to plaster or paint their swish wall and to provide windows and doors to such houses; 3) Non-monetary Technical Assistance where the Department of Rural Development provided technical advice on planning, equipment and machinery for good house building techniques using local building materials; 4) Co-operative housing based on the principle of self-help and site and services. 3.2. Housing Maintenance: Causes, Strategies and Financing Housing maintenance or building maintenance is the combination of technical and administrative actions to ensure that building elements are in an acceptable standard to perform the required function. According to (Ali et al., 2010), implementation of building maintenance allows the building to serve its purpose effectively by retaining investment value; maintaining building in an acceptable condition and required standard; presenting a good appearance of building; generating income for building owner and surrounding activities; and conserving historical and architectural values of building. Housing maintenance strategies are essential to control the first stages of degradation and prevent the failure of building elements (Flores-Colen and Brito, 2010). The process of deterioration of building fabric and services begins immediately when a building is constructed. Constant exposure to the environment and continuous use of building leads to deterioration and decrease in life span. However, buildings may also fail as a result of faulty design, faulty construction, faulty maintenance, faulty materials and faulty use (Flores-Colen and Brito, 2010). Unfavourable political factors such as the removal of housing subsidies, rent control policies, expensive building materials, and absence of housing finance system also contribute to lack of maintenance and property neglect, dilapidation and neighbourhood decline (Olsen, 1988; Asabere, 2007; Ali et al., 2010; Arku et al., 2011). In addition, the absence of maintenance policies, budgets, skills and technology affect maintenance in buildings (Shabha, 2003). 46 Irene Appeaning Addo Reactive maintenance is undertaken to repair a broken down or failed building component. According to Flores-Colen and Brito (2010), reactive maintenance is associated with the correction of unexpected anomalies and is almost always an emergency procedure, leading to unavoidable extra costs. According to Horner et al., (1997), it is the simplest form of maintenance done in an ad hoc manner in response to breakdowns or user requests although it has a lot of negatives. This maintenance approach often leads to unavoidable extra costs and increase in the cost of maintenance as other building components also get damaged. Nita Ali et al., (2002) found out that reactive maintenance can have a serious negative effect on business productivity in terms of time, cost, and the health and safety of the users. Moreover, corrective maintenance can inconvenience the user and could happen at the time when the user may not have the financial means to undertake all the repairs. Reactive maintenance may be avoided through proper planning and implementation of maintenance tasks using appropriate materials and tools at the right time. Preventive or planned maintenance is scheduled, predefined and undertaken at regular intervals to ensure the building component’s continued good performance and prevent sudden failure of the building. Some of the identified benefits of preventive maintenance are that maintenance can be planned ahead without inconveniencing the building user, consequential damage could be avoided, the time when the building will be out of use because of maintenance works may be minimised, and the health and safety of the user may be ensured (Horner et al., 1997; Flores-Colen and Brito, 2010; Motawa and Almarshad, 2013). Au-Yong et al., (2013) observed that lack of preventive maintenance is currently the problem that implicates poor building performance and sustainability of buildings in Malaysia. Horner et al., (1997) suggests that preventive maintenance should be carried out only when necessary to ensure the continued, safe and profitable use of the building at acceptable levels of satisfaction. Hence, little maintenance could be carried out while at the same time making available the use of the building. Predictive or condition-based maintenance is based on regular performance of inspections, monitoring and visual inspections of buildings (Horner et al., 1997). The building components such as walls, floors, roofs are monitored regularly for any occurrence of change before a major failure occurs. Services are performed to detect possible building failures in advance in order to reduce any accident that may result from the failure. This ensures more efficient ways of using maintenance budgets. However, performing condition-based maintenance may be more involving, requiring robust analysis of data, understanding of failures and knowledge of different maintenance strategies (Ellis, 2008). Traditionally, housing maintenance, like housing finance, among urban low income households have been achieved through informal sources including renting, communal support, individual savings, families, friends, informal lenders, pawnshops, savings and credit associations and consumer credit from building materials manufacturers/retailer (Wapwera et al., 2011; Ferguson et al., 2014). However, with the rising cost in labour, building material, equipment and tools, administrative cost, overheads and penalties leading to increases in housing maintenance, informal sources of finance is becoming unsustainable (El-Haram and Horner, 2002). Hence, micro loans and mortgages secured from commercial banks and financial institutions can be used to supplement the cost of housing maintenance. Housing Maintenance in Multi-Habited Low Income Houses in Accra 47 4. DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSES AND DISCUSSION 4.1. Socioeconomic Status of Households A total of 290 households were sampled. The response rate was 99.3%. About 72% (207) of the sampled households lived in multi-habited houses, 45 houses were from the indigenous communities and 162 houses were from the migrant communities. The results focused on the respondents living in multi-habited houses only. Overall 27% were female respondents while 73% were male respondents. However, there were more female household heads in the indigenous communities (34%) than in the migrant communities (23%). In the migrant communities, 13% of the residents in compound houses were landlords, 56% were rent-paying tenants and 31% were rent-free tenants. In the indigenous communities, 47% of the residents in the family houses were family members and non-rent paying households while 53% were rent-paying tenants. Considering the length of stay in the houses, 49% of the respondents in the indigenous communities had lived in their houses for more than 20 years, 41% had lived in the family houses between five and 20 years and about 10% had lived in the houses for less than 5 years. In the migrant communities, 59% of the respondents had lived in the compound houses for more than 20 years, 31% had lived in the houses between five and 20 years and less than 10% had lived in their houses below five years. Table 1. Amount of rent advance paid in the communities between 2010 and 2011 Rent advance Indigenous communities % (N = 45) Migrant communities % (N = 162) 0 (no rent) 64.4 41.4 1 – 100 8.9 1.2 101 – 200 11.1 1.2 201 – 300 8.9 4.3 301 – 400 0 1.2 401 – 500 2.2 15.4 500 – 1000 4.5 23.5 1000 and above 0 11.8 Total (N = 207) 100.0 100.0 (χ2 = 40.021, p > 0.0001, df = 7). The rental charges in these low income multi-habited houses are very low. Between 2010 and 2011, a majority of the households in the indigenous communities paid advance rents below 300 Cedis (214 US dollars) for three years while a majority of tenants in migrant communities paid rents above 400 Cedis (286 US dollars)2 for two years as shown in Table 1. Nine households from the migrant community paid above 1000 Cedis (714 US dollars) for four years. Average monthly rent in the indigenous communities was about 10 Cedis (7 US dollars) and monthly rents in the migrant communities was about 30 Cedis (21 US dollars). In 2 1 dollar = 1.4 Cedis in August 2010. 48 Irene Appeaning Addo recent times the rental charges have increased. Rents paid in 2015 for a single room in the indigenous communities was averagely priced at 30 Cedis (8 US dollars)3 per month, while the rent for a single room in the migrant community was priced at 80 Cedis (21 US dollars) per month. All these rooms share common facilities. Rental charges are generally higher in the migrant communities than in the indigenous communities. The facilities in the indigenous family houses are less than the facilities found in the migrant communities. For example, in James Town and Tema Manhean, some of the houses did not have toilets and residents have to use the public toilets. Table 2. Types of material used to construct various building components Building Indigenous communities Migrant communities component Material used % (N = 45) % (N = 162) Cement-based/ Screed 100.0 97.5 Floor Finish Tiles 0 1.9 Others (wood, mud, etc.) 0 0.6 Cement blocks 84.4 99.4 Wall Mud 6.7 0 material Wood 6.7 0 Others (metal, etc.) 2.2 0.6 No ceiling 26.7 4.3 Ceiling Plywood 68.9 91.9 material Others (concrete, metal, Plaster of Paris, etc.) 4.4 3.8 Iron/ aluminium sheets 13.3 90.7 Roofing Asbestos slate 75.6 7.4 Material Plywood/wood 8.9 0.6 Others (concrete, etc.) 2.2 1.3 Glass 22.7 13.6 Windows/ doors Wood 71.1 86.4 Others (metal, etc.) 6.2 0 No courtyard 46.7 1.9 Courtyard Cemented/ concrete 44.8 75.2 surface Bare ground 4.4 20.3 Others (brick, grass, gravel, etc.) 4.1 2.6 4.2. Building Materials and Age of Building The results show that most of the urban low income houses in the study area are built with durable materials. The wall material and floor finish are predominantly constructed with cement-based material. In both communities, the floors had cement-sand screed and the walls are constructed with cement blocks. Although the results showed that durable materials are used for roofing, about 75% of the buildings in the indigenous communities had asbestos slates. Asbestos slates are known to cause cancer (Jeong et al., 2013). A number of houses used iron sheets to roof their building. These roofing sheets are corrosive to the weather and 3 1 dollar = 3.8 Cedis in March 2015. Housing Maintenance in Multi-Habited Low Income Houses in Accra 49 the salty breeze from the sea. Table 2 presents the material finish of some of the building components in the study areas. Most of the family houses were built around 1950s. Few houses in the migrant communities were built between 1964 and 1979, but a lot more were built from 1980. The landlords mentioned that the houses were financed through personal savings, by building incrementally until the building was completed. They could not recollect the cost of construction. The duration of construction was between one and 10 years. The homeowners mentioned that there was no proper supervision of the construction process from the building authorities or from building professionals. Masons and labourers guided the homeowners during the construction. They were more interested in the number of rooms they could have rather than the quality of the building. A landlord in the migrant community explained the building process that First, I saved some money and bought the building materials over a period of time. After I had accumulated enough material, I went to see a friend who recommended a mason to me. I then approached the mason, we agreed on his charges and he began to build for me incrementally. That is how I managed to build. In the case of the indigenous communities, additional sleeping rooms are added to the existing building without any permission from the building authorities. 4.3. Defects in Buildings and Maintenance Schedule In multi-habited houses, facilities such as toilet, bathrooms and courtyards were shared, cleaned and maintained together by only the tenants or maintained together by the tenants and the owner. Other major components of the building, including roofing, walls, floor, plumbing and electrical fittings were sometimes maintained in a similar way. Table 3 summarises the most likely defects associated with the various building components. Households were asked to recollect when any maintenance was performed on the various building components identified. Households could easily recollect when maintenance was performed within the last year but not over the past years. They could also recollect that there had not been any maintenance since they moved into the house. The result is summarized in Table 4. From Table 4, almost all the building components had undergone some form of repair, but a lot more had not been maintained. However, most repairs are done on walls in both the indigenous (73.3%) and migrant (92%) communities. This is followed by floors (62.2%) in the indigenous communities and electrical in the migrant communities (82.7%). The building component that had seen the least repair is the plumbing component in both the indigenous communities (71%) and the migrant communities (60%). This observation may be explained by the fact that most of the indigenous houses had no pipe-borne water, no toilets and no kitchen in the house, and households were expected to fetch water in buckets to use in open drain bath houses. Hence there is no need to repair or replace any plumbing component. Maintenance of external compound is not significant. Mode of Maintenance Urban low income houses are maintained in various ways. They may be maintained by only the landlord or family head or be maintained by only the tenants or be maintained by 50 Irene Appeaning Addo both the tenants and the landlords or family heads. While it is a common practice for only tenants to maintain the multi-habited house in indigenous communities, both tenants and landlords share the responsibility of maintenance in the migrant communities. The mode of maintenance is summarised in Table 5. In both communities, resident landlords or resident family heads maintained the houses more than the non-resident landlord or family head. Table 3. Common defects associated with urban low income houses Building component Problems identified Leakages Roofing Rusty iron roofing sheets Rotten timber members Cracks Walls Dirty walls Peeling paints Floors Cracks Dents in the floor screed Leakages Plumbing Worn out pipes Worn out fittings such as sinks, basins Worn out wires Electrical Short circuiting Burnt sockets Table 4. Maintenance of various building component in multi-habited dwellings by communities Building Component Period of maintenance Indigenous community % Migrant community % (N = 45) (N = 162) Less than one year 6.6 27.1 Roofing Many years ago 46.7 42.0 No known maintenance 46.7 30.9 Less than one year 17.7 37.1 Walls/painting Many years ago 55.6 54.9 No known maintenance 26.7 8.0 Less than one year 2.2 27.1 Floors Many years ago 60.0 38.9 No known maintenance 37.8 34.0 Less than one year 2.2 8.5 Plumbing Many years ago 26.7 31.5 No known maintenance 71.1 60.0 Less than one year 8.9 64.8 Electrical Many years ago 37.8 17.9 No known maintenance 53.3 17.3 Less than one year 4.4 7.4 External compound Many years ago 37.8 42.6 No known maintenance 57.8 50.0 Housing Maintenance in Multi-Habited Low Income Houses in Accra 51 Table 5. Mode of maintenance in the low income houses Maintaining the house Indigenous communities % Migrant communities (N = 45) % (N = 160) Only resident Landlord/family head 8.9 15.6 Only non-resident landlord/family head 2.2 5.6 Tenants only 60.0 5.0 Both tenants and landlord/family members 20.0 69.4 Not maintained 8.9 4.4 Total (N = 205) 100.0 100.0 (χ2 = 80.150, p > 0.0001, df = 4). Where maintenance is a shared responsibility, contributions are made between tenants and landlords. The common practice is the institution of a monthly contribution that is saved towards future maintenance. Unfortunately, landlords spend the money which result in conflicts between the tenants and the landlord. The second form is the collection of monies for a particular maintenance required. In this case, the cost of maintenance or repair is estimated and shared among the households including the landlord. During a focus group discussion a respondent in a family house in James Town explained that In my house, when there is the need for maintenance, we just contribute and this contribution is usually from those working (gainfully employed). There is no fixed monthly or yearly charge, but when the need arise we contribute to repair or maintain the house. My sister and I usually buy paint. ….. We do not depend on the family head. The third form is through volunteerism. This form of maintenance usually takes place in family houses where most of the occupants are related. A working member will volunteer to repair the spoilt item at no cost to the rest of the occupants. Maintenance in family houses in the indigenous communities is often tied to the celebration of the annual festival, Homowo. The walls are repainted and cracks and dents in floors of the courtyards are patched because households expect their family members to visit. A respondent explained that We paint our house two times in a year, during Homowo and Christmas. The cost of painting could solely be from me or I can share the cost with my sisters. Other respondents explained that they paint their house when there is a child naming ceremony or a funeral in the house. Sometimes the collection of these monies results in conflicts because there is the notion that a gainfully employed worker living in the family house has money and thus, should solely bear the cost of repairs. A male respondent in James Town commented that They think you have money because you work in the government sector, so when you ask them to contribute towards the cleaning and maintenance of the house, no one is ready to do so. While we the men will want to quietly pay, our wives will quarrel with the wives of the other men and then this will lead to conflict. 52 Irene Appeaning Addo The situation is similar in the migrant communities. The owner solely maintained the house or shared the cost with the tenants. A respondent in a focus group discussion in Madina cited an example where contributions paid to the landlord was squandered. The tenants could not trust the owner to do the repair. The respondent explained that In one instance when all the contributions were collected and given to the landlord, he spent it and did not repair the spoilt item. We had to do a second contribution and this time we asked an elderly tenant to ensure that the item is repaired. 4.4. Analysis and Discussion of Findings The results shows that urban low income houses may have maintenance issues because of the age of the buildings, poor building quality, cheap rents, no planned maintenance schedule, absentee landlords and less involvement of resident landlords. Over half of the occupants in the multi-habited houses are tenants, yet rents collected are highly inadequate, and rents are especially low in the indigenous communities. Most of the houses are constructed with durable materials but houses in the indigenous communities are generally older than houses in the migrant communities. This implies that there will be the need for regular maintenance in the old indigenous houses than in the recent migrant houses. Generally, maintenance in both communities are less frequent, however, buildings in migrant communities are slightly maintained periodically than in indigenous communities. This is explained by the income levels and rents charged in the migrant communities. Rents collected in the migrant communities were more than rents collected in the indigenous communities for a similar facility. The location of these houses and the surroundings of the buildings also affect the rent demanded. Indigenous communities are found in the old parts of the city with very old and dilapidated structures, undefined access roads, undefined drainage systems and with poor layout. The migrant communities are found in the peri-urban areas but lack proper planning and proper drainage systems. The poor neighbourhood conditions affect the rental prices of the houses. While maintenance of buildings is a shared responsibility between the landlord and the tenants in the migrant communities, the tenants in indigenous communities were burdened with the maintenance of family houses. The family members in the family houses in the indigenous communities shift all the responsibility of maintaining the house to the few tenants in the house. In the migrant communities, the sharing of maintenance cost is usually fraught with conflicts and mistrust because tenants felt cheated. Reactive or corrective maintenance approach is adopted rather than a planned approach. These findings partly support the assumption that maintenance of urban low income houses is dependent on the tenure patterns, rent, building quality, and household maintenance approach (Flores-Colen and Brito, 2010). However, the results did not support the general assumption that houses with non-resident landlords were not maintained because most of the repairs were done with tenants’ contribution. The nature of tenure in the migrant communities presents a relationship between a landlord or his representative and tenants. On the other hand, the nature of tenure in family houses in the indigenous communities shows a relationship between extended family members headed by a family head with few tenants. These family houses have either male or Housing Maintenance in Multi-Habited Low Income Houses in Accra 53 female family heads depending on the lineage of inheritance (Ardayfio Schandorf, 2012). The nature of tenure influenced the way houses were maintained. In migrant communities, the landlord ensured that buildings were co-maintained with contributions from the tenants. Although this process sometimes resulted in conflicts between the tenants and the landlord, some level of maintenance is achieved. The family houses, on the other hand, were less maintained because there is no landlord and it is the family head that is required to lead. Generally poverty has prevented most family houses in the indigenous communities to be maintained. Boamah (2012) made a similar observation in Offinso, a suburb in Kumasi, where he observed that only the elderly, the poor and the children were left in the family houses. As a result, the burden of maintenance fell on the few tenants staying in the family house or on the "well-to-do" philanthropic members of the family who may not be living in the family house. The situation becomes worse when it is a female-headed household with many dependants and limited resources to spare (Addo, 2013). Another reason why multi-habited houses are not maintained frequently is because of low rents collected. Landlords do not factor in the cost of maintenance into rents but ask for contributions from tenants. Low rents collected from tenants were highly inadequate to sustain livelihoods, let alone to maintain the house. Dinye and Acheampong (2013) observed that households living in compound houses in Ayigya, a suburb in Kumasi, did not frequently carry out maintenance on their houses because of low incomes. Thus, the houses were shabbily maintained through meagre contributions from occupants, including tenants, family members and landlords. Several studies have drawn the link between rent and the way buildings are maintained (Kiefer, 1980; Albon and Stafford, 1990). Although rents in the multi-habited houses were not directly controlled by the government, the location, community appearance and the amenities present in the house also influenced rent charges. In addition to low rents, the poor quality of materials, construction, no supervision and the age of building determine housing maintenance in urban low income communities. Though most of the buildings are constructed with durable materials (GSS, 2012), the buildings are often constructed incrementally under no proper supervision and no professional guidance. According to the UN HABITAT (2011), urban low income houses are in poor condition because of the manner in which informal houses are developed. In Ghana, developers acquire land and materials, contact a mason and just build with no proper professional guidance. This method often compromise the quality of houses built although durable materials are used. Furthermore, the buildings in the indigenous communities required frequent maintenance because of the age, constant exposure to the sea breeze, continuous use and the poor maintenance culture adopted over the years. According to De Silva et al., (2012), when there is lack of regular maintenance in old buildings, they tend to deteriorate faster and thus may require frequent maintenance. From the results, it is observed that the maintenance culture of the urban low income household in multi-habited dwellings is reactive rather than planned and preventive. This approach has been criticized as ineffective because it is an emergency procedure that leads to extra costs and has an effect on health and safety of the users (Flores-Colen and Brito, 2010; Nita Ali et al., 2002). But the reactive approach is adopted by the households because of the limited funds available. While family houses are predominantly maintained by tenants, compound houses in the migrant communities are maintained with combined contributions from both landlords and tenants. In recent times, a couple of building maintenance companies have started operating in Ghana. However, a majority of the companies maintain commercial 54 Irene Appeaning Addo buildings and do sometimes require a monthly subscription fee. In 2015, a policy initiative, in response to deteriorating housing stock in poor neighbourhoods in Ghana, suggested the following measures; formation of community management associations, putting premiums on property taxes paid to raise infrastructure bonds, instituting punitive measures and rewards to compel family houses to be maintained and enforcing the compliance of the national building codes on building maintenance (MWRWH, 2015). These measures may not effectively ensure maintenance of urban low income multi-habited houses. This is because households are limited in their finances and may not have enough to pay to the community management associations. Furthermore, property taxes paid in the low income communities are so low4 that adding a premium will not be significant enough to raise infrastructure bonds. Probably enforcing the laws might compel the households to maintain the houses, but then the burden of maintenance will still be on the tenants. CONCLUSION The research is an exploratory study that sought to contribute to the discourse on maintenance in multi-habited housing in some urban low income communities in Accra. From the results, most of the multi-habited dwellings in urban low income communities in Accra are constructed with durable building materials yet the buildings required some form of maintenance. The tenure practiced in these houses, coupled with the low rents collected, affect the level of maintenance. Family houses in indigenous communities are less maintained than multi-habited compound houses in migrant communities. This is because rents collected in migrant communities are slightly higher than rents from the indigenous communities. Again, landlords in migrant communities claim ownership of the buildings while the family houses are owned in common. The research has also demonstrated active involvement of tenants in the maintenance of dwellings although their contributions may not be sufficient to ensure regular planned maintenance of the buildings but rather reactive maintenance. The poor maintenance approach has considerably affected and reduced the life span of some of the buildings in the indigenous communities. The research has yielded a set of implications for public policy on urban low income multi-habited housing maintenance. The implication for housing maintenance activities undertaken to improve such dwellings in the low income neighbourhoods is not just to improve the quality of housing and make the buildings safe but also to ensure regular supply of low income and affordable housing in the urban areas of Ghana. The recommendations for effective maintenance of multi-habited low income houses include the following: Rents and Micro-Finance The results indicate the petty landlords, tenants and family members have made some effort to maintain the buildings with the meager rents that they have been collecting. However, the rent collected is not enough to cater for the rising cost of housing maintenance. Hence, there is the need for landlords in low income houses to access other sources of finance 4 Property rates charged per year in James Town is between Ȼ30 and Ȼ50 compared to Ȼ200 up to Ȼ500 in some middle income communities. The current dollar to Cedi exchange rate is 1:4. Housing Maintenance in Multi-Habited Low Income Houses in Accra 55 to maintain their buildings. Apart from collecting market rents, homeowners should have access to some external support in terms of micro-finance. This can be achieved if homeowners build good quality houses. They could use their buildings as collateral for small loans and micro-finance that is instituted and disbursed through a Housing Micro-Finance Institutions (UN-HABITAT, 2005). Government Policies on Renovation and Maintenance of Low Income Houses Deteriorated and dilapidated buildings can be a threat to public health and safety. It can also affect housing and residential satisfaction (Addo, 2016). The research shows that most of the low income buildings in the indigenous communities are very old and roofed with asbestos sheets. Again, the houses are built or extended without any professional guidance. Asbestos can be injurious to the health of the occupants. Hence, the government should develop policies that will serve to maintain and preserve the old buildings by replacing components that are not safe and that are worn out. Components of the building should be accessed locally and local workmen should be engaged to reduce the cost of replacement with expensive foreign imported goods. Providing Expert Advice Local planning authorities should provide expert advice to the masons engaged in the construction of low income housing such that they will build with good quality materials and follow proper workmanship. Refresher courses should be held for the masons and their teams. Public Education Lastly, owners and family heads should be educated on the benefits of regular maintenance. Homeowners are of the view that maintenance is needed only to replace a spoilt item. They are not practicing preventive or predictive maintenance. Education on the need for regular housing maintenance and the approach could be done through the media, the Information Service Department, community leaders, opinion leaders and traditional leaders. Platforms such as community gatherings and festival durbars could be used. These strategies could help preserve the affordable accommodation available to the urban low income households in Accra and in other cities in Ghana. In the end if regular maintenance occurs in the low income communities, jobs are created and the communities become sustainable (UNESCO, 2011). ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Irene Appeaning Addo has BSc Design (1994) and Post Graduate Diploma in Architecture (1998) from the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, MSc in Housing and Inner City Revitalisation (2002) from the Institute of Housing and Urban Development Studies, Rotterdam, Netherlands, PhD in Geography and Resource 56 Irene Appeaning Addo Development (2012) from the University of Ghana and was a Post-Doctoral fellow at the Regional Institute for Population Studies. She lectures at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana. Her research interest is in Housing and urban studies, climate change, indigenous knowledge. 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