JOURNAL 0/ uman Relations Spring & Summer 1960 VOLUME EIGHT NUMBERS THREE & FOUR The Journal of Human Relations is published by CENTRAL STATB COLLEGE, Wilberforce, Ohio, four times a year-Autumn (November), Wioter (Febru· ary), Spring (May), and Summer (August) . Subscription rates $3.00 per year, $1.00 a single copy. Copyright by CENTRAL STATE CoLLEGE, 1960. Entered as second class matter at the post office at Wilberforce, Ohio, on November 17, 1952, under the Act of August 24, 1912. • • JOURNAL of Human Relations This publication will endeavor to give voice to specific findings and reasoned opinions as well as to practical progwns integrally related to the betterment of human living. It will seek to contribute to socw integration- that condition of growth in unity and harmony by which our adolescent hu- manity may consciously progress to full maturity. It will reflect no racial bias but rather testify to the truth that all men are of one race-that which we call h"m"". We Invite contributions to its pages. The sponsors of the Jo.rn4l of H"m4" FI la/ions do not accept responsibility for views expressed by its con- tributors. EDITORIAL BOARD ANNE O·H. WILUAMSON, Chairman SECIIONAL EDITORS MOLLIE E . DUNLAP MABEL M. SMYTHE ROBERT M . FRUMKIN RALPH T . TEMPLIN HUGH H. SMYTHE HENRY WINTHROP EDITORIAL ASSOCIATES ELIZABETH ANDERSON CLARA A . HENDEIlSON ALBERT H. BERRIAN JAMES T. HENRY VAL DORA FACCETT RICHARD D. Kmo LEONORA C. LANE CONTRIBUTING EDITORS ROSE HUM LEn PETER THOMPSON OMAaJ JOSEPH S. ROUCEIt • • JOURNAL 0/ uman Relations fi)awn !in :I/ze fi)a'lk Continent ANNE O'H. WILLIAMSON, Editor SPRING & SUMMER 1960 VOLUME EIGHT NUMBl!l\:s 1liREl! & FOUR • PREFACE Despite the abundance, even to the point of plethora, of material mrrently appearing on Africa-some for commercial profit, some out of international concern, and yet more out of sincere intellectual mriosity and interest to see and measure this Continental Giant that is but now stretcbing itself out of its long lethargy and isolation-we feel that it is entirely fitting, even at the risk of duplication, that our College periodical, dedicated to "Better Life in Larger Freedom" , add its query, comment, and commendation. Thoughtful and sincere reiteration can function as a factor in spotlighting conditions and problems that need increasing and continuous emphasis. To this end our Journal of Human RelaJiollS presents this Special Issue, DA WN IN THE DARK CONTINENT, with the hope that its editors may have culled, in addition to factual, run-of-the-mill material, some significant wayside gleanings. • There has been no studied attempt to clock the progress of the kaleido- scopic happenings among these eager indigenous peoples who seek self-determi- nation and Independence from colonial rule. Pnmarily, three motivations under- lay the exploration for essays and illustrative material pertinent to this project: 1. To serure expression from native or residential Africans and scbolars who could report out of systematic firsthand observation and ex- pen•e nce. 2 . To present the findings in fact and judgment of non-African scbolars engaged in research in the African continental laboratory. 3. To accumulate in one place references to and quotations from many -. widely scattered sources of information. Many circumstances have delimited a complete realization of the scope and content of the Special Issue as originally planned. The impact of important local proble~pecially governmental-in the African countries, prevented the materialization of maoy promised contributions. Distance also created a time lapse that acted as a deterrent in communication. If, however, busy students find herein some wares that function to their needs, our purposes are adequately fulfilled. We wish to express our appreciation to all who collaborated with us. Our Journal of Human RelaJiom sends forth this Special Issue in the spirit of sincere concern and goodwill fot the courageous and detetmined peoples seeking as theit inalienable tight, "Bettet Life in Latger Freedom." We salute them and wish them Godspeed! in their Africa of yesterday, remote and largely unknown; of today, the Laboratory of Self-Determination; of tomorrow, the Community of Btotherhood. v. • .. • CoPYRIGHT, 1960 By CENTRAL STATE COLLEGE PRINTED IN U. S. A. CENTRAL STATE CoLLEGE PIlESS WILBER FORCE, OHIO • • CONTENTS PREFACE ArRICA"S CALL TO THE WEST LOUIS IGNAQO-PlNTO FOREWORD EMORY ROSS AFRlCA-A CONTINENT OF CONTRASTS ANCIENT AFRICAN CIVILIZATIONS THE CHANGING AFRICAN HISTORICAL TRADITION . . . . . . . . . • CHARLES H. WESLEY ANCIENT KUSH, OLD AETHIOPIA, AND THE BALAD ES SUDAN . ................................................. 357 WiLLIAM LEO HANSBERRY TRmAL ROOTS AND INFLUENCES ROLE DIFFERENTIATION IN THE AMARA FAMILY IN ETHIOPIA ............................................... 388 SlMON O. MESSING TRADITIONAL AND MODERN PATTERNS OF SUCCESSION TO POLITICAL OFFICE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • 394 ELLIOTT P. SKINNER THE CONTRIBUTION OF TRlBALISM TO NATIONALISM IN WESTERN NIGERIA ...................................... 407 RICHARD L. SKLAR KOFORIDUA. A WEST AFRlCAN TOWN.................... 419 DANIEL F. MCCALL THE SINE QUA NON: THE MATURE MIND AFRICA'S HEALTH ." ......... " ......................... ,. 437 REPRINTED FROM WORLD HEALTH (WHO) • • • CONTENTS THE AFRICAN MIND IN HEALTH AND DISEASE . .... ..... 443 J. C. CAROTHERS ·"THE AFRICAN PERSONALITY·'; MYTH AND REALITY . .. . 455 CHARLES FRANTZ THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRESSURE UPON MODERN AFRICANS . . ........ ........ ...... . ............... . LEONARD W. 0008 OLASH OF COLOR AND CREED THE RACIAL CONFLICT IN SOUTH AFRICA . -. ..... 473 rREVOR HUDDLESTON, C. R. THE INDIANS IN SOUTH AFRICA •• ••• ••• • • . . 479 N T NAiCKER CRISIS IN CENTRAL AFRICA • •••••• •••••••••• • • EDWARD G. OLSEN THE RHODESIAN ··EXPERIMENT·· IN RACE RELATlO!'1S 509 C. FRANTZ AND C. A. ROGERS URBANIZATION AND RACE RELATIONS IN AFRICA • 518 ROSE HUM LEE TOWARD SELF·DETERMINATION EMERGENT POLITIES ' ............ ..... ............... -. 534 THE EDITOR VOICE OF AFRICA .. ' , . ' . . . , - . ' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . AFRICA . WHAT Anl'R INDEPENDENCE .. '.- ........ . FRANCIS K" NOfTI AND OCHON(j OKELO SOUTH AFRICA REALITY AND UNREALITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V10LAlNB JUNOD • • CONTENTS APARTHEID, MULTIRACIALlSM, OR COMMUNISM IN AFRICA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 568 KALU EZERA SOCIAL FORCES IN WEST AFRICAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT .......................................... 576 MARTIN L. KlLSON, JR. THREE AFRICAN CAPITALS . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 599 JOHN A. MARCUM THE FEDERATION OF MALI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 606 MERCER COOK LIBERIA'S ROLE IN A CHANGING WEST AFRICA . . . . . . . . . . . . 612 HENRY B. COLE BASIO ASPEOTS OF AFBIOA'S EOONOMl' AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: ADVANCED TECHNOLOGY AND THE STAGES OF GROWTH . , . . . . . . . . . . ARNOLD IUVKJN BRITISH EAST AFRICA: DEVELOPMENTAL PROBLEMS . . . . . .. 646 EDWARD MARCUS THE AGRARIAN SITUATION IN NIGERIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . H. A. OLUWASANMI SOOIAL SEBVIOES DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL WELFARE INSTITUTIONS AND SERVICES IN AFRICA ....................................... 668 EDWARD WARNER BRICE THE SOCIAL SERVICES IN GHANA .....................•... 682 T. PETER OMARl • • • CONTENTS WOMAN IN AFRICA HER BABY OFF HER BACK . . -. . . 700 G. ALISON RAYMOND THE SPHERE AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN AFRICA • • • 709 J . ADUKE MOORE YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS IN AFRICA • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• • • 7 18 JOSEPH ADEJUNMOBI ADEGBITE OULTURAL ARTS THE MUSIC OF AFRICA .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . • • • 730 J . H. KWABENA NKETlA AFRICAN TRIBAL MUSIC : A STUDY OF TRANSITlO~ . . .. 739 DORJCJ EVANS MCGINTY THE MEANING OF AFRICAN SCULPTURE • • ••••• • • • • • 749 LADISLAS SEGV EVIDENCES OF AFRICAN SOURCES IN MODERN ART • •• ••• HAYWARD R. DINSMORE AFRICAN LITERARY TRADITIONS • • • • • • • • • • ••• ALBERT H. BERRIAN RELIGION AND EDUOATION THE ROLE OF THF CHURCH IN THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN GHANA . . "' -" -. 0 · ···· · , · ····· · · · 793 JAMES D. TYMS EDUCATION IN AFRICA SOUTH OF THE SAHARA.... ....... 810 JOSEPH S. ROUCEK • • CONTENTS SOME EVALUATIVE CONSIDERATIONS AFRICAN DEMOCRACY AND THE LEADERSHIP PRINCIPLE . . .. 819 CHANCELLOR WiLLIAMS AN AFRICAN BALANCE SHEET: 1960 ....................... 831 H . H, AND M. M. SMYTHE THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF STATE AND AFRICA.. 844 MARCEL VAN ESSEN RESEARCH CENTERS AND SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF AFRICAN HISTORY ...................................... 854 DOROTHY B. PORTER THE WEST'S CALL TO AFRICA o AFRICA, MY AFRICA! .................................... 864 RALPH T. TEMPLIN OUR CONTRlBUTORS ......•............................... 866 • • Ji/~ica~ Call to the CWest LOUIS IGNACIO-PINTO The march of events today in Black Africa must ar- I est the attention of even the most cynical Western colon- ialist. These events prove that the colonial era is dead and gone. Soon all of Black Africa will find its freedom. The twentieth century will leave this mark on history. Just as the nineteenth century saw the abolition of slavery, so now we are seeing the end of colonialism; all Africa totally set free from foreign domination. The Western countries have nothing to fear from the leaders of this new Africa as they step forward to take the helm. On the contrary, it is vital for the West to recognize that its own best interest lies in supporting and speeding the liberation of all these countries which have been held under colonial rule until now. To try and delay the march of Black Africa to freedom, either directly or indirectly, would not only be a grievous mistake on the part of the West; it could leave Soviet Russia alone in the field as the champion of the Africans in their fight against colonialism, their only ally in the cause of libera- tion. It will no doubt be argued that of course such "help" from the Soviets carries a heavy price; and that if Russian "aid" to Africa is the same as what happened in China, it would be as well to think twice about economic factors as well as quick political results. Viewed from this angle, there is a great danger here for the future of Africa and the world. Taking these factors into account, one would imag- ine that the Western powers would drop their suspicions at the prospect of a free and self-governing Black Africa, and would adopt a policy of hastening this liberation by • • • JOUI\IIIAL OP HUMAN IlBLA110NS offering Africa their help. Such help would aid greoatiy in the mllximum development of the undeveloped resour- ces of the continent. And now that Europe is at last strug- gling towards her own unity after centuries of division and costly wars, why should not the West unitedly support such a scheme as a Common Mllrket with Africa if noth- ing more or the creation of a great federation of Afri- clln stlltes like the United States of America or like Cana- da? Besides the filet that the great countries of Africa with their vast populations would obviously constitute a limitless new market, their contribution to the maintenance of world pellce could well be decisive. But the millions of Africa need not only material development, for man does not live by bread alone. The urgent issue is whether the West today con offer anything to the young African States which can raise men above the motives which are at present driving their lellders. Africa needs in- corruptible men, whose only IImbition is to give good public service in the countries until now under colonial rule. The truth is and we must have the courage to face it-thllt the example the West today is offering Africans falls lamentably short. It is, in faet, the division and incoherence of the Western system which we in Africa see most pillinly, and Africa can hardly fail to pass ad- verse judgment upon the West in comparison with Soviet Russia; 1111 the more so since today the West is no longer blindly accepted in AfriclI as the best of 1111 worlds, and "Western civilization" is viewed with very great reserve. By their failure to live a decent ideology during the colon- ial era, the Western powers have defaulted on their pri mary duty to the African: for now Black Africa is ing from her long slumber, _~ eking her own voice, .. • • AFRICA'S CALL TO THE WEST hesitating between the atheistic materialism of the East and the capitalistic materialism of the West. We feel that there is little to choose between the two systems, since both seem to lead to the same results-the denial of all that is noblest in humanity and in the spirit and soul of men. It is, therefore, quite understandable if doubt grips the minds of Africa's political leaders as they look at the two systems of East and West, and are convinced by neither of them. The capitalistic system, on the one hand, cannot suit them since it has led to the very colonialism which has been and still is their mortal e,nemy. On the other hand, the , system of Soviet Communism is far from acceptable, in spite of a certain attractiveness and in spite of the solicitous attention which the Soviet and their satellites are giving to certain young African states. This is why many of Africa's statesmen are still trying to find their way. The confusion of the West, and the frightening monolithic states behind the Iron Curtain drive them to hope for a middle way between two blocs which appear inevitably irreconcilable. Many of these leaders, in the light of unfolding world events, are aiming more and more to lay the foundations of a totally new kind of de- mocracy-one whose citizens will learn the reality of God's control; a democracy where discipline springs both from what was best in the world traditions and from the standards learned under colonial rule. Africa par- ticularly wants to keep the high moral principles which the colonial powers often proclaim, but forget to apply, and which Moral Rearmament i~ restoring as the order of the day. This is why many are seeking to create "a third force" in this divided world-one which can prepare the way for more fruitful union between Europe and Africa • • • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS and a stabilising, reconciling force between the two war- ring blocs. In such a perspective no Western nation- whether a member of the Inner Six or not-could stand aside. No one could afford to neglect the potential offered by Africa on the march towards her liberation. As Black Africa stands at the crossroads, we can only issue an urgent appeal to the West to make a new beginning. We urge them to bring their behaviour in this modern age into line with the moral principles which up till now they have only proclaimed in beautiful , windy speeches, whose application is always postponed sine die. Certain Africans , and I am one of them , have as our ambition to make our newly liberated continent a land set free from hate, fear, and greed, peopled by men of dignity who owe their primary allegiance to spiritual values . And now when everything seems to be thrown off baiance, and the West in its confusion seems fearful of the future , a new force is springing to life-Moral Re- Armament. In Caux, Switzerland, and Mackinac Island in America, this force is training men of goodwill who realise the lateness of the hour. These men , drown from all races , creeds, and notions, live lives dedicated to the four absolute moral standards of honesty, purity, unselfish- ness, and love; and they obey the guidance of God. Such principles are already held in common by all the great faiths. It is a matter of urgency that Africa should herself live the ideology of MRA. This is glaringly obvious. As we look at the world, we see the division among the na- tions. In the lifetime of some of us, we have watched a succession of wars- every twenty or thirty years. We seek a new way for our continent: the true way for men who know we are all children of God. We watch in ap- • • AFRICA'S CALL TO THE WEST prehension and anguish the clash between the two great power blocs. And we in Africa are asking ourselves: "Whose game are we playing if we go on killing each other? Who gains if hatred is perpetuated between man and man?" We see the faithlessness of the West to the great principles they have proclaimed. "Liberty" and "Brotherhood" are carved on their public buildings. The Statue of Liberty stands at the gateway of America. We cannot reconcile these ideals with policies which lead men to go on killing their brothers in Algeria. I turn with hope to Moral Re-Armament for this solution. In situations just as hopeless, honesty and open- ness of heart have brought honorable solutions. Thro,ugh this force many men like myself have lost their bitterness; and I have found a totally new conception of the libera- tion of Africa. I know what bitterness means. For ten years the French authorities hounded me. I had the honor of being convicted by a "Correction Tribunal" of disrespectful conduct towards them. But unless we change men, there is no chance of finding a new understand- ing. And I am grateful to the men of M RA. They have helped me to find in my heart a freedom from bitterness, • a freedom from hatred, and a freedom of mind that equips me to play my part along with this force in the fight to build a world where men can live at peace. Today the battle is for man himself. Will material things conquer man? Or will man rise above himself to new life? We statesmen of Africa have to face that question. Men are at work throughout the continent sowing hatred in the shadows. We urgently need to do away with our dishonesty and corruption. Then we shall free our continent from the grip of subversive forces which feed on our moral weaknesses-our love of women • • < JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS and wine and worse-so that little by little we slide to disaster and slavery once more. Today Moral Re-Armament is calling the roll. Afri- ca will answer, "Present." And we challenge the peoples of the West to face us, eye to eye, and say whether they intend to let us be eaten up by Communism or whether they will fight by our ~ide till the values of Moral Re-Arma- ment triumph. If the West would accept the application of these principles in every sphere of life, both political and eco- nomic, and above all in their relationship with Africans, tomorrow would dawn for the world upon an era of true prosperity in the service of the brotherhood of man. Such at least is the appeal which one African is mak- ing in the hope that his voice will be heard, and that tomorrow, through the change in men and their motives, a new Africa will be born. It will be an Africa healthy in body and mind " whose citizens will be led by incorruptible statesmen publicly pledged to fulfill the destiny which God has designed for Africa in a world set free, where peace and harmony reign over all mankind . • • FOREWORD EMORY ROSS Today a reappraisal of Africa and of its peoples and potentials is in process at varying stages in almost every country in the world. Scores of universities and learned societies, and thousands of scholars and researchers are now through- out the world studying the land and peoples of Africa with an eagerness and Ultenslty that IS new. New, because they think they have found something very old in Africa-cu1ture, art, artifacts, kingdoms, cities; perhaps the skull and tools of the oldest man yet unearthed-one who may have died a million years ago, perhaps the first type of man ever to live upon our globe. Basic reappraisal of many things African seems to be in order, and in process. A journal of human relations in an eminently appropriate vehicle to aid intelligent and interested AmeCleans in making their own such personal reappraisal, because the greatest, most remarkable, basic change throughout Africa in this past decade or two has been the change in human beings and the consequent change in human relations. Strategic, economic, political, and social changes are occurring within Africa al- most everywhere. But they gather force, speed, and meaning as human beings learn and grow, strive and reach; as minds are freed, as spirits soar. For spirit is the spark for all change. No cbange South of the Sahara has been deeper and more powerful in African life in the past two or three generations than has the one introduced by the emphasis of Jesus on the individual, on the person, on the right of every individual to think, reflect, choose, decide, act, then to bear his share of re- sponsibility for the results of that choice and action. Coming two or three generations ago into the animistic communal society of Africa South of the Sa- hara and accompanied everywhere there by the introduction under Christian mis- sion auspices of the Western-type education, which itself is the direct product of Christianity, it has imbued several million Africans with a desire to enlarge their knowledge, experience, and vision. And this impulsion is now becoming ir- resistible. But the Christian mission, although the first, was by no means the only vehicle bringing Western-type individualism into Africa. Almost every aspect of Western life and activity which has been introduced so rapidly and widely in Africa in the last two or three generations quietly demonstrates the role of the individual. For the Christian emphasis on the power and responsi- bility of the individual has been at the base of much of the West 's most attrac- tive achievements in social, economic, political, and other fields. Such a role for the individual has been largely unknown in the animistic communal societies of all peoples in all ages. Africans now in wide contact with Western lands and peoples and recognizing its value for Africa's changing society, tend to like it, and respond to it. Especial emphasis is due on at least two elements in Africa's current change which, both singly and in combination, create a situation without precedent in _. nu_ • , • FOREWORD !IWl's history. One is the speed of Africa's change from the prim.ryaniDllSbc communal society, through which all peapl .. have come, to the begtonlOgs of a re.forming into something like the IOdividualistic society of the West,. aod tIw in the space of two or three genecations. The second IS the populatIon mass involved to tIw change (perhaps 180,000,000 people), eluefly South of the Sahara. It would appear to this writer that no such mass of closely.connected peoples in history has ever undertaken so speedy a change in all these aspects of life; aod this in a period when much of the rest of the world IS Itself chang· ing in many elements faster than ever before. This combination of speed and mass creates special problems in the human as it does in the meclwtical fields. Aftlca aod its rapidly changing society is no exception. But the fact, neverthe· less, appears to be that these problems of speed and mass are being progressively manipulated. There are, perhaps, those among us 10 the West who feel that our patterns aod programs are fairly useful, and should be welcomed and adopted by Africa. Such Westerners may already be dlSappomted and critical that our multi.party, univer,.J·suffrage, free·speech, separation·of.church.and.state type of government is Out being dearly and wholly adopted by the new states III Af,ica-no, by the two oldest ones either: Ethiop" and libena. No ,uch complete duplication of one society by another is likely anywhere in Africa, any more than one can find It else .. here in the world . Peaples as peoples are different some such Impll. cation as thi, needs always to be kept in mind. Right here Ifi North Amenca look .t the two countries of wnad. and the United States ' Both were "settled" by somewhat the same stocks though with more french I~nuence in the North than in the South; each has developed differently f,om the Other and both >te different f,om their forebears . The most important thing for Africa is that the \\"cst continue to giye Af,icaos ftlendshlp on the basis that cao be recip,ocated, partnership on a basis that can be shared, and loyal aid for doing the constructive things that Af,icaos want to do. A people early resent being urged to do things that others think they ought to do. A basic thing for emerging nations, as for individuals, is to learn what is best for them aside from what is best fa, others . Nations, like individuals, cao only gain their best expenence by making their own mlS' takes. There is no substitute for such experience. for making one's o". . n mistakes. European nations with territorttl~ in Africa ha\"e had and lu\'e given the - peoples of Africa variou.'i experienco" There have betn seven such ru.tions: Portugal, Spain, Britain, France, Germany, BelgIUm, Italy. In addition, Holland. though not a colonial power in Africa, furni'hed the coloni,ts origmally goin/l. to what is now the Union of South Africa, where the" descendant> are presently 10 complete thou,l1h rather unea.,), control. Of the se"en European colonial powers, <;"rmany Wa.$ thrown out by the European.North American allied forces 10 WOrl.d War I ; Italy Wa" .. milarly ou'ted 10 World War II ; Britain is dnin,!; • good Job of transferring control to African, .. except where resident European • • FOREWORD settlers are present; France did a sudden and in some ways surprising, turn-over to Africans in various degrees m 1959 and earlier, with the painful exception of Algeria; BelgIUm is in the midst of this process now; Portugal and Spain appear to be still firmly entrenched in their African territories, largely due to the fact that the Chnstlan forces dominant in edutation in their home countries and their African territories do not believe in mass education either at home or abroad. With people ill,terate and ignorant of malienable rights, the dangers from self-expression, self-determination are greatly reduced. A half dozen years ago thele were four self-governing areas in Africa: Ethiopia, Liberia, Egypt, the Union of South Africa. In none of these countries did the mass of the population have responsibility for the choice and conduct of government. The situation is substantially the same now, somewhat bettered in Liberia, rather worsened in the Union-for in the Union today no non· Europe- ans at all ha\'e a vote; the European minority of about 3,000,000 rule the other 9,000,000 or so. At this writing there are ten self-governing areas in Africa~ the four abo\'e and Tunisia, Morocco, Libya, Sudan, Ghana and Guinea. With- m a year or so there will be another half-dozen, perhaps more. But there are 49 African territories . all told. With an extraordinary diversity of territorial history and political forms, they have at least one thing in common. Almost none of them have come to their present structure and position by their own \'oiltlon and design and effort, or by that of fellow Africans, almost all of them hne been formed, and framed in their present pattern-geographical- and to some extent, ideological, cultural, economic, political-by forces from outside of Africa, forces uninvited but applied over a period of two or three or more generations. No other continent in modern history has had an experience quite paralleling that of Africa. To some degree. Africa's unusual experience with the outside, particularly the \Vestern world will gIVe Afncans an entree and welcome to the West that many other peoples would not so naturally receive. This can be important for Africa and for the world if co-operation and mutual aid are to form the world 's pat- tern of the future. America's vigorous population of African descent might conceivably playa strategic part in tomorrow's mutually helpful relations with this second largest continent of the world, and its continuously mounting mil- lions of competent and co-operative people. Indeed America's total population should gain this sense of common interest WIth Africa and its peoples . For Africa's peoples show great promise. Africa's wealth is as yet but touched. Africa's land bridges West to East. And with all this, Africa's outline on the map resembles a great question mark. America's answer, the world's answer, the right answer is Africa's ques- tioning peoples can be a power for peaceful progress, for common strength . • XlX. • • ~/'Zica-- Jl Conti/lent 0/ Conhasts This second largest land mass of the world. comprtSlng eleven and one·haJf million square miles, exhiblb marked contrasts within itself and With other world areas. Contmentally, it is different in location and latitudinal position, 10 nature and arrangement of surface features, and in character of its shore hoe. Because 01 .ts IatJtudlllal po,;t.on (rout::hly between 350N. and 35°5.) and its greater extension longiluJlfl.llly north of the Equator. AfrICa Ites pnmarily In the temperate zonee;;. It IS JocJ.ted chicfl), in the Ea.. .. tcrn Hemisphere, and is connected by 1 iandbudge .It It!. northeast point With the primary land mass of that hemisphere (furasia) Its interior 'iurface is predominantly plateau; and its mountain areas follow no S)' .. tcllu.tie .urangement. Its littorals are reguJ.u and abrupt. re5uJtlng in the absence of extcnS1\'e coastal plains and mdentations fuorabJc to commerCial h.ubor'l. AlthouJ:::h the continent can boast of the longe.:.t nHf In the 'Aorld (the Nde) and several others of 8ro.te-t length. interior climatic and SUrfJlt features h,ne determined their continental im- portance;:. PhysIcally, Africa pre'lL'nbi many 'ii,gnlficant contrasts: I Th~ r.1J1ge of Jllrj.ue eltl.llinll runs from Mt. KtIimanpro (Tangan- y.l..!) that n"'S ncarl), '0.000 feet abo\'e the Equator to the Qattara De· p",,;on ([~rt) that I·., 400 reet below ,ea level. 2. CI"'J~/J(" ((JII..JiliOl •. r \al) from torrential equatorial £lJnfall to and or desert rc:,glom "ith ~pJ.r.lt}· or J.b.,enre of preclpltatlon. from extreme equatorial hc.lt to moderat(o and low temperature;, 3· Rew/11l1I1 p/lllll lij~ \'Mie., from dense jungle.;; (If gigantic grov.1h to open for~t ... Jnd J.tr.lv. . y plaim; from absence of plant growth to ~cattered o.ue in desert areas. CultucJII),. the Contlntnt prco;,cnts interotlOg contra50ts. 4· In popllltlllrm· frl)ln blJlk to white With lOnumerable mlxtur('S. 5· III IdllKlloIf{t!-- from multlvarted Indl~enous tribal dlJ.lects to the Pri- mary tongue ... of the colonizing nations. 6. lu Rt'IIKIn'I-from paJ.!an .loll tnn.ll beltef~ Jnd £ituab to adherents of all the t!reat world reli~lom . 7· 1,1 EJII(,IIIon from the unkttered primitive to the literate eltte • (many holding doctor.]1 dl'grel:~ from European a.nd Americ.ln Uoi ~ versities) • 8, III Cit·iliZltI/OII- from the C:on,L:o Pygmie'i to the ~reat tr;~al or.C..lOl - lation ... of thl' B.ultU"'; from loo ... e trib:tl linkage to £'O,,'('rful gc"l\"ern- mental ,grOUp'i where (I\'ic prinCiples perme.lte and determine ~ocial rr.'(tin: · from rm'mg nonudit tribes to Itgitimatc kingdom ... and moJo ern Ind(:penJcnt \itate3 . • ANCIENT AFRICAN CIVILIZATIONS THE CHANGING AFRICAN HISTORICAL TRADITION CHARLES H. WESLEY They found th.m slav.s! But who that title gav.? The God of Nature never formed a slave! Though pride or force may acquire a master's name Nature and justice must remain the same; Nature imprints upon whate' er we see, That has a heart and life in it-be fre.! -Cowpor The dramatic emergence on the world scene of African peoples seekmg self-government and independence has been accompanied by a change in the tradition that Africa is without a history. This traditlOn created by non-Africans had made Africa into "the Dark Continent." This designation, with its connotations, was continued through centuries not only on account of the dark hues of its peoples but also because little was known of Africa except that It was a land of the unknown, of mystery and legend. It was in its first discovery the land of "Sheba", "Ophir", "Prester John" and "King Solomon Mines", and was a rich and fabulous area which could become also a land of potential slaves. It was regarded as a land of savagery and barbarism. These opinions became a tradition, fixed and unchanging. The neglect, disregard, and omission of the African people from history's accounts contributed to the building of this tradition and to the dilemma created by differences in culture and color. Such people, • )OUBNAL 0' HUMAN BLADONS it was believed, could not have had a history until their bid beRn by Europeans. These views of Africa were readily accepted and '" writers in the years of the slave trade and slavery and ,I. .......h · im- perialism and colonialism. In 1891, a Berlin author dcd.ftId ...· t "the history of civilization on the continent begins, as CMCeIIll its in- habitants, with the Mohammendan invasions," and that "Africa is poorer in record history than can be imagined.'" A similar view was adopted later by the Eleventh Edition of the EncyriopeJill Bri,,,,,· ni(II, which included the statement: "Africa, with the exception of the lower Nile Valley and what is known as Roman Africa is, so far as its native inhabitants are concerned, a continent pncticaUy withont a history and possessing no records from which such a bittnty might be constructed. . .. The Negro is essentially the child of the mOl •• nt; Iild his memory, both tribal and individual, is very short." And again it was stated, "If Ancient Egypt and Ethiopia be excluded, the story of Africa is largely a record of the doings of its Asiatic and European cooquerors and colonizers,'" It was not unusual to have the statement made at school. and subsequently, that there were pell>XlS who had been taught the idea that pre· European Africa was a place of com· plete and anarchic savagery and entirely without any civilizltim. Booker T. Washington gave an impression typical of most collo children in the United States when he wrote of his JOUth at school: "As I recall my first definite impressions of my race in Africa, the books I read when I was a boy always put the pictures of Africa and African life in an unnecessarily cruel contrast with the pictures of the civilized and highly cultured Europeans and Americans. One I recall vividly was in the first geography I studied. It wu the piCh¥e of George Washington placed side by side with a naked Afri- can having a ring in his nose and a dagger in his hand. Here, as . where, in order to put the lofty position to which the white lace bas Ittained in sharper contrast with the lowly condition of I .,ami- tive people, the best IIIlOI\8 the white people was contnstecl the w-orst IiiIOD& the black ...• These OpiniOlll, aIthoup mlde originlUy dcades .. ban 111m and adopted by many historians and writera, and their d,,"ioo" have rarely that Africa baa DO hioto«y. 0. of • THE CHANGING AFRICAN TRADITION the well-known modern historians, Arnold Toynbee, writes, "The Black Races alone have not contributed positively to any civilization as yet.'" A government administrator, a Deputy Director of the International Cooperation Administration, who is interested in African assistance is quoted as saying of Africans in 1960, "They have no history, no literature, no continent-wide religions of their own, no traditions of the past apart from the sounds of the jungle_'" Contrary to such dogmatic statements and their acceptance by people over the world, Africans have kept their history alive for themselves by continuing its oral transmission_ They were never the savages they were said to be, and never was there an Africa of the old geography books. The councils of the elders kept the true record act- Ive ill the legends and stories of tribal histories· These accounts with their facts, myths, legends and unagery were often terminated when an African state was conquered by another and its historical traditions would pass away wIth it. This past is described by Leo Frobenius in his Voice of Africa, "The ruins of the mighty past lie slumbering with- in the bosom of the earth but are glorified in the memory of men who live beneath the sun." He directs attention to the "god-like strength of memory in those who lived before the advent of the written word," and he adds, "Every archaeologist can quote examples from the na- tIOns of the North. But who would imagine that the Negro race of Africa possessed an equally retentive mind for its store of ancient monuments. "1 Tribal and group histories of Africans were not regarded as im- portant by historians. However, the history of European expansion ill Africa was written and published as African history, and it was as- sumed that there was no history of any value among black men prior to the arrival of white men. Descriptions of this penetration of Africa and its Europeanization have been readily received by the read- ing public, but there has not been even incidental reference given to the history of the African people' Is there any wonder that Africa is said to have had no history until the coming of Europeans? African Historical Sources Factual historical materials are slowly being supplied in recent years. Archaeological discoveries and reports of excavations have been • )OURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS added to travel descriptions as sources. Numbers of books and scientl' fic magazine articles have been written concerning the mateClal reo mains whicb were discovered in Nigeria, East AfClca, French Equa· torial Africa, the Ivory Coast, RhodesIa and South AfrICa. These reo ports show that there were evidences of cultures whIch flouClshed in ancient and medieval Africa and that Africa has a history. In addition to a loog line of excavations in various parts of the African Contment, there were historical writings whicb have descClbed parts of AfClcan history. AfClcans had no extensive written languages and developed the art of writing only in exceptional cases. However, before Afri· cans knew of writmg and printing m Asia or Europe, some Africans had produced written languages. The Ekoi people In Nigeria develop· ed "wring in the Usibidl language. This was a SCClpt of ideas used mainly by African secret socIeties. The Va. people, the Bassa in L,· beria, the Mendi in Sierra Leone devised systems of writing. lhe basic reason for thIS neglect of recording In wCltten form generally was the memory of the leaders, the use of drurru for commum· catIOn the use of pIctographs, and ideographs, and the s)'mbollsm of ideas in sculpture. Instead of developmg wCltlng on bark, arumal skin, or papyrus, these AfClcans created a stronger representatIOn In space and 10 carvings. Ladlslas Segy says that t!us lack of wCltmg by the AfClcan does not SIgnIfy Intellectual Infenonty but that "sculp- lure was most suited to gIve expressIon to what was most tmportant to him, and th,S great intensIty shared by a hundred and fift), mIllions of people over many centuCles was the force behmd the magruflCent quality of h,s sculpture ... • Herodotus, the so·caHed .f ather of h,storr:' d,rects attentIOn to Egyptian expedItIons into EthIOpIa to find "the Table of the Sun." and refers to EthIOp' ..1 S as "the taHest and handsomest men m th~ whole world,' as "long-lived, and as dweHU1g southward In "the • last mhablted land In that dlCettlOn.'" However, the aClOunts of Afn- can dIscovery began with the CIrcumnaVIgatIon of Afnca b) the PhoenICIans in the sixth century, B,C., and b)' Pemans under Sataspe. Another voyage around the West Coa,t of AfCle'} to the S,erra Leone Coast was undertdken by Hann", the CarthaginIan, In 520 B.C." Arabi.: wnters and travele", Ibn KhalJun, n Bekri, and Ednsl, g,ve references • THE CHANGING AFRlCAN TRADITION to the AfrICan hIstorical background. Tbe T"rikb-EJ-Solldan by Es-Sadi which Felix DuBois notes IS "the greatest work of all literature of the Soudan, . the T",.ikb [f-Fd/acl, by Mahmud Kati, Ibn Batuta's Traveh in AJta ,lIld Afnc". and Tbe H/J1orr alld DeJCIipfion of Africa by Leo Afncanus, are valuable Arabic sources which confirm the histories of Afncan tribes_ states, and peoples l " A change in the African l1lStorical tradition began as scholars, scientists, ami specialists worked successfully in the search for the histoncal truth about Africa. They began to dig beneath African soil unearthIng material objects. studying the available documents and reports of excavations, checkIng these with oral traditions, and hold- Ing meetIngs for the presentation of prepared Illstorlcal papers on aspects of African pre-history and hIstory. African scholars in the universities expanded this work and InspIred others to additional researches. The British Government. the new African governments, and the Carnegie Foundation undertook to support research in the his- tory of Afnca. African governments have undertaken steps to safe- guard theIr monuments and materials for history. Use IS beIng made by researchers of archaeological materials, oral traditions, lInguistic evidence, ethnological data, and material culture. As the African peoples achieved self-government or Independence and were admitted to the United Nations, their histories became factors of Importance to them. Since World War II, the independent and re- public movements in Africa have been rapid and have IIlcreased In rapidity. During 1960, the old colonial map of Afnca IS scheduled to be completely changed as black natIOnalIsm spreads over the en- tlfe contment eIther as independent governments or as governments withm the Empire or the Community. These Africans are devoted to their present and future, dre IIlteresled In lIftIng lhe curtaIn of silence about AfrICa's past; and they are contIlbutlllg to the passmg of the old traditIon about African history. In this connection, it was reported by historians and social scientists meeting 10 London, England, In 1953: "With these people seeking III our time to manifest political ambitions for themselves, there should be endeavor made to create a history for them in pre-European periods and pnor to the devasta- tions of the slave trade. There should be some outime of this history prepared from such sources as were available through the work of • , JOURNAL OF HUMAN ULAnONS historians and archaeologists . . ., We no longer tee • wbjcb lies beyond the reach of interest in the history of the wwexnrid, in a state of deplorable apathy. asleep to progress and dreaming its day away. What we see is that the African and his civilizatim are an important factor in transmitting forms of culture. .... This was a belated and long overdue statement. It is unfortun- ate that it has come mainly through the emergence of African independ- ence rather than through the purpose of history-the pursuit of truth. Now that there is motivation. we may expect historical activity in Europe and the United States and perhaps in Asia-concerning Africa's past. Already Soviet scholars arc engaging in research on Africa. Their pro- gram is being conducted under the USSR Academy of Sciences. The first known work in this field was presented in 1956 at the Acldcmy's Insti- tute of Ethnography. This meeting was called to' Ijablish agree- ment for the plan of scientifc research work on Africa in the Institute of the Soviet Academy of Sciences. It was attended by .." nil" ethno- graphers. orientallsts. geographers. and historians. One section of research will treat the "HIstory of Africa Before ImperialistIC Parti- tion" and will include the excavations and Arabic sources. Works are scheduled for release in 1960. Potekhin states of this work that it will "give the lie" to .. impenalist propaganda wbjcb has always maintained that Africans had no history of their own ..... Another source has produced new knowledge coacerning Africa. This is due to the interest which has developed in African art. In the first decade of the twentieth century. a widespread interest in th~ sculpture of Africa arose in France and Germany. Artists and art collectors in books and articles described African art from the ethn0- logical and artistic viewpoints." The museums of Berlin. and London exhibited African sculpture. and books were published on the arts in Africa. There was a growing conviction that the people . who produced this art must have been less barbarous than was supposed and that their alleged inferiority was subject to It is now acknowledged that Africa has sources for a history aod eft. dences of valuable civilizations, which could no longer """.in from students and ruden. However. there have groupa of people of color 11M! yean who have known and were confident in their Imowlcdae !:lilt • THE CHANGING AFRICAN TRADITION Africa had a history comparable to that of other peoples and beyond the publication of the penetratIon of Livingston and Stanley, the agents of colonial government and the partition of Africa by European powers. The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History has been active in this field of resealch and publication since 1915. It is also advIsable to note that African history has been closely related to its geography and its climate, and its apparent backward- ness has been dependent upon these factors. In tl1lS respect Africa can be compared to other continents, but in its case there is a more pro- nounced relation. A determining characteristic of the history of the continent is the fact of its inaccessIbility. A cursory glance at the physical features will reveal thiS fact. The history of a people can- not be understood properly apart from its geography. Sir Harry H. Johnston gives a graphic descripuon of this histonc relatIonship, "Afnca is the chief stronghold of the real DevIl-the reactionary forces of Nature hostile to the upme of HumanIty. Here Beelzebub, Kmg of the Flies, marshals his vermIform and arthropod hosts-in- sects. tIcks and nematode worms-whICh more than on any other conttnent exceptmg Negroid Asia, convey to the skm, vems, Intestmes, and spinal marrow of men and other vertebrates, the ll1lcro·organisms whIch cause deadly dIsfiguring or debilitating diseases, or themselves create the morbId conditIOn of the persecuted human being, beast, bird, reptile. frog, or fish."16 Much of this condItIon has been changing through the Introduction of modern health methods. Pl'ehiJlory According to the conclusions of some archaeologIsts and anthro- pologists who have studied material remams. the Nde Valley and the territory farther southward in Afnca wele the locatIons of the first home of mankind. Another location for the origin of man was in the TigriS-Euphrates Valley and a third origin was suggested tn ASia. There are scholars who assert that the first men developed in Asia and migrated through Persia and Syria mto Arabia, and from there into Africa. However, the first theory noted above maintains that this first human species developed in Africa thousands of years ago. There have been the discoveries of skeletal and material re- mains for a half-century which have formed the foundation for • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS theones concerning the African origin. One of the theories of this appearance is that these people came from Asia through Afnca to Europe by land whIch IS believed to have connected Afnca wIth Italy and Spain." The earl,est known historical traces of man have been found recently In Tanganyika. Dr. Louis B. Leaky, Curator of the Croydon Museum of Natural HIstory in Nairobi, Kenya. has found materials which re-enforce the VIew tbat man ongInated in Afnca. This report was made to the Pan-African Congress of Prehistory at Leopoldsville, BelgIUm Congo, in August, 1959. Dr. Leaky report- ed that human fossils about 600,000 years old and crude tools were found In East Africa whICh revealed an early form of human culture. He said that a reconstruction of the skull showed that tbe man be· longed to the second balf of the Plistocene geological (ra. This finding I. older than Pi/hecolI/hropJIJ eree/lls, Homo held~/berge/1l1is. and HO/llo lIeallder/baiensis. 18 1 he excavabons of skeletal remainS and the dIScovery of matenal objects bave raIsed tbe poSSIbilIty of a comiderable mIgratIOn of peoples from Afnca to Europe in these early periods of hIstory George Peter Murdock repeats thIS generalizatIOn in 1959 with, "Afri- ca wa> probabl)' the cradle of mankind ."" Africans themselves are of thl> same opUllOn. Tbe Ghalld Times, November 14, 1959, states the following . " For some 30 years now, the continent has )'Ielded dis- covery after d,scovery, which have revolubol1lzed urller concepts of the remote ongIns of humanIty and whICh mdltate that it mar well be that the whole human race had its parentage m Afne. -that all of us, Europeans, Amencans, ASIans, as well as the present popula- tions of the contment, are the descendants of ,m Afncan race.' 1 he Negroid characterIStics of the early peoples who mhablted Furope m the Aungnacian Age have raised the assumption that [urope', early people lame from Afnea. Th,s theory asserts that Sram and North AfrICa were once Jomed by lanu anu that acn", till> neck of land there came wanuenng tnbe, \\ ho settltu in Furore anti bC ot the first r.lces there. The Nile Valley is be- lIeved to hdve bem occupIed by human bemgs from the earliest times. anu through thIS .1Ie,1 the paltohthic men of Afncan onglll migrated to Furope anu i\"a. Negroid eviuences h,lve also been found in the peoples who have lived along the Tigris·Euphrates anu the Ganges • THE CHANGING AFRlCAN TRADITION Rivers, indicating relationships of Africa with other parts of Asia. These relationships are based upon ph),sical differences, such as facial features, color, and hair texture, as seen in lOck carvings. cave drawings and skeletal remains. These have been the conventional criteria used to distinguish the races of mankind. These racial surface differences so fade into one another and individuals vary so widely within racial groupings that it has been difficult to determine African race charac- teristics on a strictly scientific basis. What a commentary this would be on raCial theoCies if It could be proved that Africans were the an- cestors of Europeans! African Peoples Africa has been a colorful background for the development of many raCial types. although the continent is usually regarded primarily as the home of the darker people. However. the migrations of peoples which have taken place and the contacts of peoples within the conti- nent. together with the blending of the population. have added further confusion to the indefinable problem of race. Delafosse believes that the indigenous peoples of Africa were "Negrillos." a non-Negro people. and concludes from the testimonies of Herodotus, Hanno. and Sataspe. that by the fifth century B.C., the Negroes of Africa had reach- ed their ethnic formation, almost absorbed the Negrillos and attained a degree of early civilization?· While Africa had been popularly associated with the Negro, many other races have inhabited the continent. Five major racial groups in Africa have been noted over long periods: Bushmanoid, Caucasoid. Mongoloid, Negroid, and Pygmoid, but it is also well known that even this classification has no scientific basis for racial definition. for groups fade off into one another. There have been populations in Africa of non-Negro ancestry wbo bave been crossed wltb Negroes and bave been claimed, in spite of their dark colors. as beionglllg to tbe group of Caucasian peoples. ThiS is especially the result with reference to a great part of the peoples of East and North Africa, and it is often alleged of any group manifesting evidences of culture. It is impossible to tell how much of these color variations are due to race. climate or intermixture. In popular notion, the typical African is an individual who is black in color with broad features and wool), hair. Contrary to this • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS belief, many Africans have not conformed to this type. Scientific investigators have found it difficult to give an adequate coneeption of the African type because of the numerous variations among Afri- can peoples." Persons of various colors and features have been found in Africa. Many of the Bantu-a term which has no pure racial significance have been known to have had "Caucasian·like features." The Pygmies have been described by some observers as coffee·brown, and at times by others as red and light yeUow. The Fellatabs and Nigritians vary in color from light brown to dark brown. The Fel- latab girls were described by one traveller as having beautiful forms which, with their complexIons "of freshest bronze," gave him the unpresslOn that they could not be "excelled in symmetry by the women of any nUler country." Another seventeenth century contemporary wrote, "The women of Nekans (10 North) are handsome bod)" d and falf, with black and shining hair, which makes them take a pride to frequent the Bathes." The Bahima people are a "tall and finel)' formed rdee of nutty brown color with almost furopean features," As early as 1660, John Ogilly descClbed the dIfferent colors of these Afri- can peoples Th,s descriptJOn was written pnor to the rise of the concept of the five races or the color assumptions of racIal dIfferences. He wrote, "Some d,v,de the Afncans IOto black and white, but a cunous eye may easily observe a great difference In the colours of those people, as not being under the same (llmate. Such as inhabIt in and about Guinea, and the Negroes land, between the Equllloctial and Tropick, are black; who live In Prester John's country are brown and olivaster, but the natives of the Cape of Good Hope (which of all Africa IS the most southward) are the bl~ckest. Nature in this case hath frustrated the fancy of the Learned by a vIsible contrary, g,vlO8 diverSIty of colours to the InhabItants of the same degree; for the Patagons, a great people near the StraIts of Magellan. are totally whIte, whereas at the Cape of Good Hope, under the same latitude, they are very black, .... The physical differences between the races in Africa have been marked by their locations, In every part of the world, man has be- come a part of his physical environment, and his physical distinctions have depended upon climate, diet, and environment. The Semitic • THE CHANGING AFRlCAN TRADITION inhabitants of the North with their mixed white, brown, and black colors were not unlike the South European nations. The differences became more evident as the equator was approached. Where the Great Bantu families were found, the color was darker, the hair more wooly, the profile and form were altered. When the equator was passed, the figure and color were again modified in many degrees, as represented by the Hottentots and the Bushmen. The Hamites who were regarded by some authorities as having a Caucasian origin appeared m East Africa and have also had Negroid relations. How- ever, through nearly all of the tribes, the Negro strain was persistent. Such tribes were: The Berbers of the North; the Bantu tribes of the tropics and the South; the Bushmen, who were a reddish-brown people; and the Hottentots, who were a tufty-haired yellowing people of the Southwest; the Fulani and the Haussa of West Africa; and the races which include the Somales of the Northeast; the Kaffir people of South Africa under the various names of the Basutos, Bechuanas, and Zulus, with the hundreds of other famtly, tribal, and sub tribal names. It is equally difftcult to give a fixed and defmite meaning to the word "Negro." It has been used in its strictest sense to include the major groups of darker African peoples, characterized by dark skins, curly hair and broad facial features. Their colors varied from nearly black to light brown and yellow. Their original habitation was Africa, south of the Sahara and north of the line running soutl1east from the Gulf of Biafra to the Tanna River. In its widest sense, this word has been used to embrace all the peoples-not only of dark skm, but also any person whose ancestors have been of dark skin. In the United States, one could be called a Negro and be seven- eighths or predominantly white. In Africa, one could be called a Negro only if he is one of the definite Negroid types, who perhaps have never been in relatively large numbers. The brown, the yellow, and some of the black peoples of Africa were excluded in the his- torical African connotation of the term. In no case of racial desig- nation is a term more loosely used, and in no case is it more difficult to fix an established meaning. • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS African f',ligratiollJ The conclusions are inevitable that there were migratIons 10 all d,rections by these peoples of the continent of Africa thousands of years ago. Tribal histOrians and oral traditIon tell of these extensl\'e ffilgrations. As a result of these wandermgs of people 10 Africa, there were settlements made first m the lower Nile region, the MedI- terranean Coast and the more favorable Northern sectIons. Other migrants moved south and west and back and forth through the contI· nent, changmg homes and agricultural lands. The mIgratIOns of these peoples continued through centuries from North to South ano from East to West across the continent and to other sections of the world. These contacts have been so numerous wlthm Africa that Sir Hany H. Johnston has asserted, "From the little we possess m the way of fossil human remains and other evidence, It seerru probable that e"'ry reg,on of Africa, even Algena and Egypt, once possessed a Neg'" populatIon." Traces of these early migrations hne been found III Ind,a, the Malay Penmsula, and the Eastern Ardupelago; m the peoples of Haly, France, SpalO, Wales, and Southern Ireland- "the anCIent Negroid strain has never been completely ellmmated. African IOfluences have been found 10 the Medo-PefSlaIl LmplCe, the first of the great Ancient Empires whICh extended mto I~ypt, Ethiopia and the AfrICan desert. AsSyria and Babylon were touched and 1Il- fluenced by African peoples whose faces and wo<>ly h~Ir have been noted m the stalures, sculpture, and material remalllS of these ge- ographical areas. With greater directness, Joseph P WIdner, in Race ufe nf the Aryall PeopleI, asserts, "Back m the centuries whIch are scarcel)' hl>- toric, where history g,ves only vague hll1tmgs, are traces of a WIde- spread primItIve CIVIlizatIon, crude, Imperfect, garish, barbar/(. let r~lmg the world from Its seats of power 10 the valle), of the (.anges. the Euphrates, ano the NJIe, and it was of the bl.lck races. The first Babylon seems to have been of ~ NegrOId race. The earlle't F.l:yptlan CIvilizatIOn seems to ha\e b~n NegroId. It was 111 the dolI'S before the • Semite was known III either land. The black seems to h.lve bullt up ~ great empire, such as it W.lS, by the waters of the (;anges before Mongol or Aryan." Rawlinson also mallltams that there was a strong Negro 334 • THE CHANGING AFRICAN TRADITION strain in early Babylonia and that "a Negroid race" had migrated from AfrICa to Chaldea, passing from East Africa, by way of Arabia to the Valley of the Euphrates, shortly before the opening of the historical period." The later migrations of the Aryan peoples in the third and second mIlleniums B.C.. led to the absorption of the darker peoples in Asiatic territories: and with the beginning of the period of recorded hIstory only famt traces of the African stock remained. African traders in gold, ivory and gum crossed the Red Sea eastward. and trading flour- ished between Arabia and Egypt, the Sudan and Ethiopia. Africans were makmg gold implements from about 3000 B. C. The use of copper and bronze developed after gold; iron smelting began about 600 B. C. Meroe became a center for this industry. Franz Boaz be- lieved that Iron was first smelted and used in Negro Africa; and Basil Davidson is of the opinion that "It was the smelting of iron that hammered on the tloors of ancient Africa and broke them down. "2< The invasion of Egypt by the Arabs in the seventh century and again in the eleventh century also brought numbers of Arabic tribes into Africa. They mingled their blood with the people of Egypt and the Sudan and became essentially Africans, dark-skinned, with closely curled hair. Egypt and Ethiopia Egypt's civilization had its origin in the lower Nile Valley, moved northward and was paralleled by the associated culture which came by way of the Arabian Gulf from the east. The civilization of the Nile Valle)' began in the southern part of the area among the blacks of Ethi- opia and passed, as the Nile flows, northward to Egypt. Expeditions and migratIons were also made from Egypt south"'ard into the lower Valley of the Nile. The opinion persists that the ancient civilization of Egypt spread from south to north and that black peoples in the south in- fluenced the building of the Egyptian civilization. Alexander F. Chamberlain, Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Clark University, \'iV'orcester, Massachusetts, expressed the view that Egyptian civili- zatron may be said in some respect to be of "Negro origin." Egypt and Ethopia were closely associated in prehIstoric periods. Petrie asserted that at the earliest perrod in which human remains 335 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS have been d,scovered, Egypt and lower Nubia appear to have formed culturally and racially one land. After centuries had passed. a separa- tion developed . EthIopia, with its mountainous country and limited agricultural facilities, held to the old ways and followed the old cus- toms. Egypt, with better land and through contacts wIth the Med,- terranean countries, advanced. However, Ethiopian civilization was praised by the ancient world and the term Ethiopia was first applied to all African people of dark complexion. Egypt, EthIopia and Nubia had close relatIOnships throughout history and these relations were contmued by invasions, wars, and trade. During the Classical period, all the land south of Egypt was called EthiopIa and was known as the land of the darker people. George Peter Murdock believes that to ndude Egypt, Eth,op,a, and North Africa from tbe consIdera- tion of Afnca obscures the mfluences whICh have affected Dark Africa from the north and norU,east and II1jeets an element of un- necessary guesswork mto their mterpretation.'" flora L. S Lugard guite cogently states, "When the history of Negroland comes to be written 'n detaIl , it may be found that the kmgdom. lymg toward the eastern elld of the Soudan were the home of races who Io>pired, rather tban of races who receIved, the trad,tIon> of uVllIzatlOn aSSOCIated for us with the name of anCIent Egypt. For ther cover on eIther SIde of the Upper Nile, between the latitudes 01 10" and IT', territories m whICh arc found monuments more anCIent than the oldest Egyptian monuments. If thIS should prove to be the case, and the civilized world be forced to recognIze m a black people the fount of ItS o(lgll1al enlightenment, It may happen that we shall bave to revIse entirely our vIew of the black races, and regard those wbo now eXI.t as the decadent representat"'es of an almost forgotten er., rather than as the embr)'onic possibility of an era yet to come."" Far to the south of Egypt was the city of Meroe on the NIle 111 the land of Kush whICh was m the Sudan and was a major center of African wlture It had trade relations WIth Egypt and Its influence, and contacts were also extended southward to Central and \\'c st Africa. llerodotus calls it "the great city of Mcroe, which is "lid to be the capital of the other Ethiopians."" The spot on which Meme stood has been deSCribed as "'the cradle of tbe arts and sciences," and tbe carvings on ItS monuments were said to reveal a people in posses- THE CHANGING AFRICAN TRADITION sian of the arts and crafts of civilization. The relations of these two regions. north and south in the Nile Valley. Egypt and Ethiopia were also manifested in the coins. the implements. the remains. and the records of trade. There were invasions of Egypt by the Ethiopians. and the result was the interchange of cultures and the appearance of Pharaohs of black AfrICan origin on the Egyptian throne. There were marked Negro influences and intermarriages blending the two types so that there were few lines of division between them. Chamberlain wrote of this union. "Ancient Egypt knew him (the Negro) both bond and free. and his blood flowed in the veins of not a few of the mighty Pharoahs." He also adds: ". . . there is the fact that the EgyptJan race itself in general had a considerable element of Negro blood. and one of the prime reasons why no civilization of the type of that of the Nile arose in other parts of the continent. if such a thmg were at all possible. was that Egypt acted as a sort of channel by which the genius 'of Negro land was drafted off into the service of Mediterranean and Asiatic cultures."'· Nefertan (1700 B.C.). the beautiful Queen of Aahmes. the Pharaoh of Egypt, who founded the Eighteenth Dynasty was of Afri- can Negro descent. She was a woman of "great beauty, strong per- sonality. and remarkable administrative ability," and was called by Sir \VI. M. Flinders Petri "the most venerated figure in Egyptian hIstory." At the death of her husband, Aahmes (1580-1577 B.C.). she shared the government with her son, Amenhotep I (1577-1536 B. C.) who conquered a part of Ethiopia. Amenhotep III (1411-1375 B. C.) was a remarkable builder among the Pharaohs and construct- ed the temple of Ammon at Luxor and the Colossi of Memnon. A triumphant stele of Amenhotep III in the Cairo Museum shows the kmg in his chariot as it "overthrows Negroes on the one side and men of the Semitic race on the other."'· Negroes were in the armies of King Shishak when he led them against Rehoboam in 971 B. C. Herodotus states also that two nations of Ethiopians were in the army of Sesostris, who was king of Egypt and Ethiopia, and in the armies of Xerxes."" The successors of the ruler, Pianki (728-715 B.C.), who was an Ethiopian and reported as of "pure Negro blood," headed Egypt's Twenty·fifth Dynasty, control- led its towns with his Negro troops, founded this Ethiopian Dynasty 337 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS and governed Egypt until they were driven out by the invading Assyrians. Steindorff and Seele observe that when these Ethiopians came into Egypt, ,·the throne of Egypt was occupied by a Negro king from Ethiopia:' Pianki was succeeded by Shabaka, then by Shabataka about 700 B.C.; and Taharba, whose features show Negroid origin, then followed him on the throne. He was m command of the Ethi- opian army whICh assisted King Hezekiah of Israel against the Assyrians under Sennacherib. His reign was one of the great periods of Ethiopian history. The relations of Egypt, Ethiopia, and Africa southward were mamtained for centuries, and this period of Egyptian history IS known as its Ethiopian period. Under Thutmos I, Nubia was Incorporated In the third millennium B.C., when a HamitIC race stront:ly mIXed with Negro blood pressed northward from the Sudan and established itself in lower Nubia between the first and second cataracts of the Nile." These connections are shown not only In rulln~ uf !:lIfl1P" nrtgllliltcd 111 Afnea and the baslll of the Mediterranean was thc chief (enlcr of l110vcment when the ACncan migrations reachcd Ihe lcnler dl1d north of 1'.1Irop<.· ... " Georgc \\'ells Parker contmuc, thi, 01'"110" With thc startllllg loncluSlon that the great Greek epl(; 342 THE CHANGING AFRICAN TRADITION were "the epics of an African people and Helen, the cause of the Trojan War, must henceforth be conceived as a beautiful brown skin girl. ""-the modern movies to the contrary notwithstanding. The early inhabitants of Italy were the Etruscans who migrated from ASIa and the Carthaginians from Africa. These people were later of mIxed Mediterranean and African groups. The Italian penin- sula was one of the European areas for many centuries to which Afri- can migrants found their way across the Mediterranean Sea, and Roman expeditIons to Egypt also promoted trade with Central Africa as well <1S ArabIa and India." Shortly after the Romans annexed Egypt to their empire, efforts were made by them to increase their conguest of the Nile Valley. They advanced southward to the Nubian kingdoms of Napata and Meroe. Emperor Nero was interested in this expansion and dis- patched an expedition to locate the origin of the Nile. When these troops reached Meroe, they were furnished with men and boats by the Nubian and Ethiopian chiefs" The opposition increased as they went south, with the travel becoming more difficult ; and the expedItIon returned to Egypt with discouraging reports. African Negroes marched in these Roman armies and participated in Roman conguests. The wars with Carthage in the second century B.C., led to the Roman occupation of Tunisia and to alliances with the Numidian and Mauretanian kings. This step was followed with the creation of a Roman province in Africa. By the middle of the first century of the Christian era, Rome was the dominant power over the whole coast of North Africa. The Roman explorers of this era pushed southward again; and the Roman generals, Suetonius Paulinus and Septimus Flaccus, reached the Niger basin and "the country of the Blacks." The Emperor Diocletian persuaded the Nobatoe of Nubia to move from Libya to the Cataracts of the Nile for the purpose of guarding this frontier of the Nile against the opposing African peoples. Septimus Severus, Emperor of Rome, was described as having retained "the imprint of his African birth and education all his life."·7 North Africa was the site of much colonization. Some towns were colonized by veterans of the Roman Wars. Land to the south of the coast colonies was also occupied for colonization and cultivation. 343 •• JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Estates were established and slave, were used upon them. However. the central African drea was not included in tillS Roman Mediterranean . empire. While this empire control of l'iorth Afma was maintained. there were continued penetrations II1to the south. Sir Harrr II. Johnstun notes that "intercourse had been gOll1g on for hunJreds. if nut thuu- sands of years between the Libyans and Hamites of northern and north·eastern Africa on the one hand. and the Negroids and l'iegroes of the uke Chad anu fknue regions and of the whole Niger baSin on the other, there can be little doubt. from a vanety of evidence." He adds that Roman beads dug up 111 Ilausaland ami from the graves of Ashanti chiefs differed little from those found 111 the mud of the Thames or 10 the ashes of Pompen" Captives were brought to Rome from Afnca as well as from [urope and were used as slaves. Anglo-Saxons \\ ere snld in the Rnman markets as slaves as were other peopl~. These Britons were deSCrIbed as barbarians br the Romans. Thl'}' painted their boules. made war on one another. and were accu5('u of human sacnflCes Similar accusations were widely circulateJ as typical of African tnbes. A/fic"'l SlaleJ ill Ibe ,\fIddle AgeJ From the [lrst century of the ChrIStian era to the penetration of Af",:a by Luropean explorers. colonIZers and we,tern slave traders, there were states anu governments "llIch can be compareJ with the contemporary kingdoms of Luropt'. These states "erc ,table for long years; their (lvdlzatlons, governmt'nts .Inu (amlly life wele as durac· tenstll of them J' were those 111 other geop.l'hlt·al area,. fhere were simddr developments III the medieval historic!> of I:ulopc and Afrita. There werc bnguoms. 't.ltes .1IIt! Ieoder> in ,\fri,a .IS glOriOUS • .I, bnlllJl1t ,lnd.IS la'ting.1S th",e "f the G.IUI" \'.1I1dal,. Ilun5. AlIsle, • .)JXOI". Jutes. ,lIld ' ·ranks. There wue law, .1Ild lII<1u,tn.rJ al1d eto- lIIJ1nlt 'lstuTIS whith have rivaled the C"rI) klllj;Joms of 1'11101'<'.'" Africa IS more than .1 contincnt which gave tht· worlJ ;1 labur suppl)·. It IS J contlllcllt with 0 Imtor), coll1l'at.lblc to the I"'torir' of the (uuntrl(,\, LIst anu WI.: ... t, whu..h h~ld n.HI\'(.' ,tou IIH.lI~t'n(}lIS lIVJlllations. I'uropc had it> (1\,\Ilcm,lgnc, Its Chade, the Great, and Africa had its A,kia the GIC.lt. i\S Africa IS colllpareJ With l.urope, rnor to the 344 THE CHANGING AFRICAN TRADITION period when it had become the possessor of the heritage of Greece and Rome for upon these CivIlizatIOns Europe built its civilizahon- there will be no occasion for the continuance of the belief in a superior race or people. For many centuries In the MIddle Ages, African states showed a Significant continuity. G hal/a alld lila/i. In the Western Sudan and In the regIOn of the Niger, Negro kingdoms arose in the medieval period which flounshed for centUries, with thm walled and fortified cities, their markets and fairs, and their permanent political organizations. This is one of the sections from which many of the Negro slaves were brought to Amenca. The earliest Negro kingdom was Ghana, also known as Kumbi and later as the Gold Coast, which goes back in traditIOn a thousand years and in history to about 300 A.D. Idn- Khaldun, fourteenth century historian, gives an account of the Almo- ravid conquest. Discoveries at Gao In 1939 of dated tombstones add more histoncal facts. Ghana's rise began with its trade relatIOns for it was at the southern part of the Western Morocco trade routes. The Kingdom became an empire as it spread from the Niger westward and north to the Sahara. Delafosse describes the boundanes of Ghana and states: "On the South, the dependenCies of Ghana stretched to the other side of the Senegal River and as far as the gold mines of the Faleme and of the Bambuk, whose product fed the treasury of the Sisse and served to operate fruitful exchanges with Morocco caravans coming from Rafilait and from Dara; they extended even as far as Manding, on the upper Niger. Toward the East, the limits of the kingdom reached nearly to the region of the lakes situated to the west of Tirnbuktu. To the North, its influence was felt in the very heart of the Sahara and its renown had penetrated as far as Calf 0 and Bagdad."'· In 1076, tribes from the North invaded Ghana and the king- dom was converted to Islam. Ghana had by this penod buddings of wood and stone with glass windows, surrounding gardens, and Immense wealth. Most of its people, however, continued to live in African huts. A large export trade was mamtained with the Medi- terranean countries. Arab historian, Al-Bakrl, who wrote about the time of the Norman conquest, gave an account of Ghana, "The 345 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Capital consisting of two tow os, about six miles apart, one Pagan, where the King lived, the other Moslem, containing twelve mosques; the court, wbere the King held auclience, surrounded by his horses in gold trappings, his bounds, pages holding gold·hilted swords, the sons of vassal princes, his VIziers, who were mainly moslems, and the governor of the city; the army conSISting of 200,000 men, of whom 40,000 were archers; the royal monopoly of gold nuggets and the use of gold dust for currency." Excavations in 1914 by Bonnel de Mezieres gave basic proof of this report." The Influence of Gbana under the Almoravids from North Africa reacbed not only southward but northward into Spain. Africans intermarried with the Spanisb people. Moorish dominance mainly from Africa lasted in Spain from 711 until 1248 and continued to exist until 1492 with the fall of Grenada. Towards tbe twelfth century, tbe empne of Ghana gave way be· fore the growing Influence of the Mandlgan kingdom of Mall whIch existed for more than thirteen centuries, and Its last federated king- dom extended from tbe eleventh to the seventeenth centuCles. The Mandlngoes occupied the valleys of the Niger, the GambIa, and the SenegaL Its territory is today occupied by parts of french and Bntish West Africa . Its people were war-like and l ..f ed a wandering predatory lIfe. BoVIll asserts in Corou1IIS of tbe O/J S.1boro that no people in the Western Sudan are more entitled to the tItle of "empire" WIth usual accompaniments than l-faLI or Mande or Mellestlne. There are tradItIOns that these peopLe set out upon the hIgh seas to the, Canary Islands and drifted with the trade Winds to the \Vest IndIes and to tl,e shores of the Americas. Tbey also later became slave merchants for the Portuguese, the EnglIsh, and the AmeClcans and many of then people were sold IOtO slavery. The first great emperor of Mall was Sundlata Keita, (1230.1255) who IS a legend in West Afncan hIstory, He conquered and annexed the Sosso Kingdom mc1udlOg Ghana 10 l235, IOcorporated Gambia IOto hIS empl[e and establIshed Mall as a new capItaL The kmgdom reached great heIght dunng tbe reign of Kankan Musa (1307·1332). whose government lIves m oral traditIon and Arabian lore with fame for the encouragement of tbe arts and for IllS bUIlding. He encouraged agriculture and the cultIvation of cotton. VIsits were made to Mall THE CHANGING AFRJCAN TRADITION by Ibn Batuta, Cadamostoa, a Venetian, and Leo Africanus in the latter sixteenth century, and descriptions were written of this period m history. The wealth and splendor of this kingdom was revealed again when ItS king, Mansa Musa or Gonga Musa (1307-1332) who was "distmgUlshed by the power and saintliness of his life," made a pilgrimage to Mecca according to Mohammedan custom, which spread the knowledge of his kmgdom. He took a caravan of sixty thousand persons and eighty camels each carrying 300 pounds of gold dust valued at a million pounds sterling. His wealth and magnificence impressed the East greatly. Mansa Musa was regarded as the greatest king of Melle because he developed the military and political power of the kmgdom. He duected a building program which led to the erec- tOn of palaces and mosques. Timbuktu was rebuilt, and learned men from the University of Fez were invited there. Mosques and schools were established in many towns. It was said that this great black king was distinguished "by his ability and by the holiness of his life;" that "the justice of his administration was such that the memory of it still lives;" and that he left "an empire which in the history of purely African states was as remarkable for its size as for its wealth and which provided a striking example of the capacity of the Negro for political organization ... ·' The kingdom of Mali (1238-1488) began its decline in the latter part of the fourteenth century, giving way to the growing power of the Songhay Empire. Its decline was slow, however, for travelers could still observe its greatness in the sixteenth century. The 1I1ossi Empire. About the middle of the eleventh century there were the two Mossi states constituting the Mossi empire, each of which consisted of several kingdoms and governors of provinces. These states, unlike Ghana and Songhay, were not characterized by conquests of territories, but their armies made attacks on others. The history of these states was almost entirely within their own frontiers. They were never seriously attacked even by the French. Delafosse concluded that they represented "in all of its integrity, a civilization which is uniquely and really Negro."" The SOllghay. Another of these West African kingdoms was the Kingdom of the Songhay, which from 700 to 1335 A.D. , was rising in power and between 1488 and 1591 was at the height of its power; 347 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS but the Mali and Mandingan Empires at first overshadowed it in West Africa. Its first thirty kings ruled from 700 to 1335, the second list of eighteen klOgs from 1335 to 1492, and the third group from 1494 to 1591. After being a vassal to the kingdom of Mali, the Songhay Empire conquered and absorbed both Ghana and Mall. Prominent among its rulers was Sonni Ali, statesman and warrior, who began his reIgn 10 1464 and ended it In 1492. During his reign, he changed his small kingdom into a strong empire, uniting peoples and tribes under his rule. He was successful, especially 10 his military efforts, developed the largest known empire In Western Africa, and was near the creation of a United West Afroca. H,s fleet on the Niger kept the area near thIS rover under h,s direct control. He conquered Jenne, Tuubuktu, the Mossi, and subdued all surrounding territory. The last dynasty of the Songhay Empire, the Askw, reigned from 1494 to 1591. Askla Mohammed I, known as Asha the Great, was one of tbe remarkable kings of thlS penod. He ruled from 1493 to 1528 and his dynasty was to last almost for the remainder of the century. He was not only a conqueror whose empire at one time ex- tended from the Atlantic to the lakes in the East, but he was also a patron of learning and an able administrator. Lad)' Lugard described hun as 'more remarkable for the qualities whlch usuaJlv characterize great CIvilians." Askia establlshed the UniversIty of Sankore, the medieval unIversity of West Africa. He made Intellectual centers of Goa, Walata, Timbuktu and Jenne and InVlted scholars to them. Tolerance for rellgion was practiced by hIm so that Mohammedans. Jews and ChristIans were extended InvitatJOns as learned men. Laws were invoked by him controlling banklOg, credIt, and commerce. HIS kongdom was divided into provlOces over which the governors were placed. Trade in goods from Europe and Arab lands was encouraged. Askia LOterested himself LO taxation, weIghts. measures, and markets; and encouraged the study of law, surgery, geography, and Ilterature. H,s mterest LO agrIculture mduced hlm to dlg and budd canals to brmg water to the desert sections of h,s kingdom. The UniverSIty of Timbuktu was famous in Afm·a. Black stu- dents studied literalure, geography, law, surgery, and SClence under black scholars. This was at a time when Northern Europe WIth its population was largely illiterate. Leo Africanus wrote TIlL' HlJlo,y I TIlE CHANGING AFRJCAN TRADITION alld DeJCripfioll of Africa in 1550, and his account of Timbuktu stated that there were "at Timbuktu numerous judges, doctors and clerics, all appointed by the king. He greatly honours men of learning. More profit is made from the book trade than from all other branches of commerce ... •• This period was described as the time when "black poets were welcomed at the Court of Cordova, and the University of Timbuktu exchanged knowledge with the universities of Spain." The scholars of Askta's schools at Goa and Timbuktu made visits to the universities of Fez, Tunis, Cairo, Morocco, and Egypt. Askia is described as the greatest sovereign who ever ruled over Negro-land and that he "was certainly the equal of the average European mon- archs of the time and the superior of many of them;" he also has been referred to as "perhaps the greatest monarch that ever ruled in the Western Sudan:'" Military expeditions, Ctvti wars and tyranntcal rule characterized the reigns of the successors of Askia, and the general decline of the Songhay Empire began. Invading Mohammedans contributed to this declme. Slave raids were undertaken, and the peoples of the Songhay and the Sudan were sold to Arab and Eu ropean slave dealers. A blight was thus placed upon the promising developments of Afncan culture in these areas. The Songhay Empire, however, had shown its stability and had continued for centuries in its building of a unique African culture. Hatlsa, Booltl, alld Y omba. In the West African area, now known as Guinea, which extends from tbe Bambia to the Niger, there were other Negro kingdoms founded. At the same time in which the kingdoms of Ghana, Melle, and Songhay were developing, the Hausa and Bornu kingdoms were rising. The Hausa kingdom extended from the Niger to Lake Chad in the Eastern Sudan. There were seven original states constituting the kingdom, which was a confederacy of semi-independent states. Representative government was in operation and the courts heard disputes."" Bornu, in tbe same area, bad an historical record which dated from 1000 to 1645 A.D., and extended farther into the modern period than the other states of West Africa. The causes for the rise and decline of the Kingdom of Bornu are similar to those which characterized the Songhay Empire. It was conquered by the invading Fulani who were Mohammedan converts, 349 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS and the tribes of the Sao. The Bornu King was compelled to abandon his palace and capital which were destroyed by the conquerors, but the kingdom remained intact into the seventeenth century. Yoruba, the inner territory from Lagos, re~ched a high degree of culture. Its people came from the middle Nile Valley originally. They lived in walled cities and its farmers were good tillers of the soil. Writing of these people \\ ho lived South of the Sudan between the Nile and the Senegal, Frobenius notes the), "are the chastest and most ethically disposed of all the natIOnal groups in this world which have become known to me. ,," Bellill. D"bollll·), . t/lld .. I ,ball/i. Uenin was another of these powerful medIeval states tracing Its kings back over one thousand years. TheIr Industrial arts, espccially the work in bronze dnd ivory, reached unusual heights. As seen In the museums of Holland. Germ- any. and England , It \\,,'5 the rIval of the products of better known CIvilizations. The bronzes of Benm were saId 10 have been 'worthy of Cellini. " Berlin (ulture IS desmhed by Frobmius In the follo\\,lOg. "Here was an IIldlCatlon of ,,,metillng ewlic and the exIStence of an extremel) am.:ic:nt lJvih:tatlulI .", Dahomer dnd Ashanti were also states \\ hich Iud bUIlt strong klOgdoms lasting into the modern penods.'" These stales welc organIzed and adminIstered as efi«live governments. Hodgklll notes thaI III tillS p reat belt to the torical tradition, and It IS no\\' bemg recognized that Afflca should also have a place 10 the stream of hJ5tory, not orlly because of European penetratIOn but also becau.e of histOrical truth. This acceptance has value for Africans as they [,tee new futures m freedom and enter tht IIllernatlonal scene, :rnd It -,. . II have value for all people who [eallLe that they ilve actuall) 10 one world. It IS well known that Afnca's present IS changlOg and the fact should not be neglected that the knuwledge of Afma's past has also changed_ NOTE.> AND REFERENCE.> I. lto Frobt:nlu\, TIJ, "C1Ift' u/ A/rir.1: Btu" 0111 AUGlo" o/Ihe T,.lIelJ 61 the G"eTffIJ" 111n" Iflr;(~n ExplortllWH Exh,h,llo" In the )''''''1 1910·1912. Llln~lun . 1913. 2. Elu)rloprdlJ 8f11-1",1I(ht'nlus, vI' , ril" I'f' . 27, 29. H. Jnhn G. ),ld.\nn, }J",u/'l.I .mJ ,JJ(' 011818 ,,1 ('1'111::.1/108. 1'. 2, 9· 1.1I.JUlo1S St.-gy. "Aftll,an Swlptun: ao.1 \X'IIIIn".:"·, j'be' /I)/I"14) o/lIJ1l1Urt R.I,JJio.s I (19H) 13·21, Dtl An.1ng, ·'L. lulturl' J\fm;jlfw wmme NS(' J'unt manit"~ tJ't\lItun.· origmdh:". PrtSC"(c' AJ,hIlU/~. Nn. l1'~H (19")9) )·111. 10. George Rllwlm~un, [he lJiJlt.Jrl o/lJnuJcJIJlJ. f'P, l).!, IH. 183. 1tl7. 379. 352 TIlE UIAJ'.;GING AI'RICAN TRADITION 11. fbld .. PI". ~16, 217;. H,mno--The P~ipluJ 0/ Hanna: A Voyage uf DiuotJ"y down tht Ir eH AfJ'l{:1n C04JI b) d C,trlh.tgi"ian Admiral 0/ Ihe Fifth eenlury, B. C. Phila- de/.' 1;1, 191]: H.Jnrro-- Tra,/Jlaled from the Plmie inlo 'he Gred Tongue,' and from It'e Gred In/O Ilt.' Eng/ilh b)' Dr. F.:J/coner. Phenix. New York: 1835. pp. 199-213. 11. Hugh Murr~y. N.:rrdJU'e of DiuOl,try and Ad,'enlure in A/rha from Ihe FArliest Ages /0 the P'I!I,n/ '[If'll'. Chap. III. Edinburgh. 1832; Felix DuBois, Timbuklu Ihe MYJleri. QUI. p. 310; Tle L'NESCO COl/rier, XII (1959).24,27. 1 ">. HtJlor:r ;I'IJ • f,chal'Q/ogy III A/ric,z: Reports of a Conference held in July, 1953. St-hool of Oric:ntal and Mrlfan Studies, liniversity of London, 1955; M. Achufusi, 'Devoir .. ct Re~pon~abibties des historiens Africans" Presence AJrieane, II (1952), 81-95; Ibid., 96-99; D. H. Jones, Hislory alld Arch.teology in Africa_ London: School of Ori~nt.ll and African Studies, 1955. 14. Chn..,toph~r Bird: "Soviet Scholars Embark on Major Program of Mrican Research", A/ri'" , StU/a/ Report, III (1958), 12-14. l'i. Paul Guillaume and Thomas Munro, Primilir.'e Negro Sculplure, New York, 1923; Ladislas Segy. AfricJn Sculplllfe Speaks. pp. 68-69. 16. Sir Harry H. Johnston, The Negro in the New World. pp. 14-15; W. M. Macmillan, Africa Emerge"l. Chap. 2. Ii The "'tW }"f)r.e Timer. Oduber 12, 1930; H. Alimen, Prehislorie de l'Afrique. Paris: 1955. 18. The Nru." York Times, August 24, 1959; March 20, 1960 19. George Peter Murdock, Africa-III Peoples and their Cultural HiJlory. New York: 1959. p. 7 . .w . Maurice Delafo .. se, Negroes of Africa: History and Culture. pp. 12, 15·16. 21 \X liliam O. Brown and Hyland Le~"is, "Racial Situations and lssues in Africa:· pp. 141-142, The Ulil/ed Slafes and Africa. The American Assembly, Columbia University, 195R. 22. j. Ogilly. Alr{(.:.I. bein" an accurate description of Ihe regions of A/gyPt, Barbary, Lyb,Q ,md 8illedJJlgerid. tbe land of Negroer, GUillet, Aesthiopia and the AbYJIineJ, 'I'ilh Ihe dIi;areni IJ/Jndr, either ill the Medilerrallean, Allantirk, Soulhern or Orienlal Sea, belongi11g there/o, collected and Iram/ated from moIl all/hen/ick aUlhors and augmenled u'ilh laler obUrt,t:llionJ. London: 1660. ~,. Sir Harry H John .. ton. A Histnry of the Colonizalioll of A/rica by Alien Races. p. ·1"5; JmC:'ph P. Widne)., Race Life of the Aryan PeopleJ. II, pp. 238-239; William H. Ferris. The African Ahroad or HIS Evolulioll ill Tr-'es/ern Cit:ilization. I, pp. 507, 509, 512; George Rawlinson. Fir'e Orienlal Monarchies. II, pp. 397. 500, 50l. 24. Sa\il Dairdson, The Loll Citie.r 0/ Africa. p. 70. 25. MurJolk, op. Cil., p. viii; Drusilla D. Houston, lY'onder/ul Elhiopia"s of Ihe Ancient &rt. pp. 18, 21, 94; Franz 8oa7., "\X'hat the Negro had done io Africa"; The Elhical Record, Much 1904; MIChel Leiris, Race dnd Culture. New York: UNESCO, pp. 30-3l. 26. Flora L. Shaw LugarJ, A Tropical Dependency-An OUlline of the Ancienl Hillory of Ihe It"ertern Sudan-u·ilh an Account 0/ the Modem Selliemen! of Northern Ni· geria. pp. 17-18; Davidson, op_ cil. Chapt~r 2. 27. The HiJlory 01 Herodotus. p. 90. 28. Alexander F. Chamberlain, "The Contribution of the Negro to Human Civilization," fnurnal 01 R.ICe De1elopme1ll, April, 1911, pp. 483-4R4. 29. Nefertt:r(s Bust preserved in colors is in the We.st Berlin Museum; M. Rostovtzeff, A HiJtory oj the Ancielll Jr7orld; the Orient and Greece. I, p. i6. ~O. The HiJlo,.y of HerodoluJ. pp. 378·379. ~1. Georg'" SteinJorff and Keith C. Seele, op. cil., pp. 96. 97, 98, 101,271. 32. Edward and jthephine Carlj_~le, Hislorical Sketches of tbe Ancient Negro. p. 44; Chamber!'lin, {IP. cil.; A. H. Sayce, Slruggle of the N.,liotls j p. 233; Rawlinson, His- IQry oj A,uiellt Egypt. VoL II, states that Pepi called "on the Negro tribes of the South to furnish him with a contingent:' 33. See aho. "'Xl, Flinders, Petrie, 'The First Circuit Round Mrica and the Supposed RecorJ of It." Tlu Geographical !OUfU,IJ XXXII (1908) p. 48. 34. The Hwo,y 0/ Herodolus. p. 216. JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS 3). Joseph J. Williams, Hebrtu.!l1ms 0/ Wesl A/rlclI-From Nile 10 Nil" wilh Jh.'~J. pp. 23, 3'). 36. Monro~ Work. "'The Passing Tradition and African Civiliza.tion'·, lo.mlll 0/ N~,ro HIlIO'Y. J (I9t6) 38. n. ] . C. DeGraft·)ohnson, Ajrwsn Glory: The SIO', 0/ VaniJhed CUl/bUlIO"J. p. 20. 38. GrocSC: ''''dis Parker, "The African Origin of the Grecian Civilization," The /oll,,,aJ 0/ Negro Hislory . 11 (1911) 33:5. 39. William MeuorJ, The HIIIOr] 0/ Greece. I, pp. 27-28; Michel [.euis, op. Cil., p. 30. 40. J. A. Rogers. Sex alld Rac •. I, p. 80; Sir Harry H. Johnston, Ii HislOf} 01 'he Co. Jo",zlIlIon 0/ A/rica by Alien R(t(ts. pp. 42·43. 41. Grace Bardslty, The Negro 111 Greece and Romom Ci"ibUJ;oll. Chapter 1. 42 . Carter G. \X'oodson., The A/riran BJrk"olllld Ou/lintli. p. 236, 43. Quoted by George Wells Parker, op. al., pp. 336-337. 44. Ibid., pp. 341·342. 4~ . Rosto\,tuff, If HIIIDrY o/Ihe Ifllcinl World. 1I, Rome, p . 196. 46. Sir Harry H. Johnston, 01'. cil., pp. 4)-46, 4; . 47. }. C DeGraft·Johnson, op. cil., pp. 34, 80-SS. 4S. Sir Harry H Johnson, op. cil .• p. 48; M. Rostovadf, op. CII., II, Rome, pp. 2)1·2)2, 286. 49. Raymund Michelet, Ajrmm Empi"s Illld C".iliuliolls. London. 1945. p. 1. David E. Apter. Th~ Gdd COll1l in Trt",siJiOll. Chapter 2; J. D Fage, A" blrtH/.ai"" 10 Ih. Hw. .y 01 Wefl A/,iclI, London: 19~~. pp. IS·24; Basil Davidson, op. Iii., pp. ~4. 59. 81, 88. )0. Dtlafo"!le, The Negr(J~J 01 Aj';{'4, Hislo" 4111J CIIIIII,e. p. 4S; J. D. F~~, Gh4114, A Hmo,i(41 Jnltrp,el.tIlOIl. Madison: 1959. ~l. Thomas Ho P F ~i -- -, • ,, -- - , - ... ~-r----- • • • • • -, , ,' • I . +T--' •• , -- - -- -------- -------- -- - - - I 1 - --- -- AFRICA IN HISTORICAL ANTIQUITY PL.A TE I ,- 0 o;i!O "ida • , -. • , , " , 5 A H A .( 1. BAi,W) ES 5 JD"'i~ h .'1 0 "N G ' ,_ .... • • - ... , nA GnlJNA ~iALI ' ;1-:1!. ~10St , , I .... T, .-• E A " , -, • , , -, , , • , , THE • • , ETHIOPIC \ CCEAN \ • , t \, t • • , \ • I i \ ~, t - - -- AFRICA \ IN THE MIDDLE AGES - ANCIENT KUSH, OLD AETHIOPIA, AND THE SALAD ES SUDAN \VILLIAM LEO HANSBERRY Where was Ancient Kush, what was Old Aethiopia, and where and what was the Balad es Sudan? The origin and original meaning of these nowadays seldom used and obscurely understood geographical and bistoClcal terms are not certainly known. It would appear, how- ever. from the now available sources of information, that "Kush" was ultimately derived by the ancient Hebrews from the word "Kash" or "Kesh" which was one of the ancient Egyptian names for that part of Nilotic Africa Iring directly to the south of Egypt and frequently known 10 Our times as Upper and Lower Nubia. The name Kush was also applied by the ancient Hebrews not only to Upper and Lower Nubia but to the territories embraced by modern Ethiopia and parts of western and southern Arabia as well. • The term "Aethiopia" is generally believed to have been derived from two Greek words meaning "to burn" and "the face", which were combined into "Aethiopes" meaning roughly the "burnt faced" or the "black faced" men. By extension the term became "Aethiopia" or the "land of the black-faced men." The term was employed by Greek and Latin authors in historical antiquity and in the early Middle Ages as the collective designation of practically the whole of the then known parts of Africa which bordered Egypt and the Great Sal.ara on the ~outh. That is to say, the designation included not only modern Nubia and the present-day Ethiopia but vast regions in central and western Africa as well. The central African area was called simply Aethiopta Interior while the westernmost regions which bordered on the Atlantic Ocean were regarded as the homeland of the Hesperii Aelhinpes or the Western Ethiopians. In Homeric and early Hellenic times the name Aethiopia was also applied to extensive regions in western and southern Asia-notably southwestern Arabia, southern Persia, and parts of India-which were then occupied primarily or substantially by peoples whose skin was dark brown or black. In other words, the term "Aethiopia" .)r "Ethi- opia" was used in earlier times in a much more inclusive sense than at the present day. 357 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS The term Bn/"d eJ Sudan, which IS Arabic in origin, is generally translated "countries of the blacks" and was employed by Arab authors in the Middle Ages as a generalized desIgnation of those vaSt African regions l)'lng to the south of Egypt and the Sahara and extending from the middle reaches of the Red Sea coast westward to the Atlantic. In the endeavor to curtail confusIOn, It IS customary to dIvIde the medieval Sudan (JeI/JU /"10) tnto three parts: first, the Eastern Sudan which included the regions designated on modern maps as Nubia, Kordofan, and Darfur; second, the Central Sudan which comprised the countries known toda), as Wad ai, Kanem, Bornu, and Hausaland; and th'rd. the Western Sudan which was made up of the extensive lands comprising the broad river basins of the middle and upper Niger, the Gambia, and the Senegal. In other words the African territories known to the Arab authors in tbe MIddle Ages as the B.t/ad eJ S ..i ddn included almost the the same African regions to which the Greeks applied the inclusive designation' Aethiol'la " N one of the African regl(lns Just mentioned has been p3rtcularly nuted for outstandlng rolitic.1 or mditary activIties nor for dlstlllctive cultural achievement> in modern times; but according to the testimony of some of the ablest of the earlier devotees of Clio's art the situatIon would seem to have been vastly different in historical L'ltiquity. in the r-fiddle Ages, and in the earlier centuries of the modern crn From their own annals and from writings of dassical authors we learn that in the re- gions IYll1g to the south of Fgypt. which were know n to the ancient He- brews as Kush and to the Greeks and Romans as [astern r·hloria. there flourished In historical antiquit), a great complex of ethnically and culturall), related peoples who fashioned for themselves three of the most famous and long·llved ktngdoms of the Ancient \'\'orld. These three old Kushite or !:thiopian ,tates were: first , the kingdom of :-\a- pata which was SItuated in that part of tbe Nubian Nile bastn lying between the fiN and fifth cataracts; ,ecnnd. the kingdom of Mem" wbich emhraced nearl)' all of the territories lyin!! between the lower .lOd mIddle rt.,ehes of the river Athar" anJ the RIII(, NIle: and thIrd. the kingdom of AXlIrn whidl W:lS more nr I('''i~ co-tcrminous in In area with tn<>Jern IthloI'I". rotre;l , .1nd the Som.llii.1nds. Although "line were mOre .,,,Iicit tiun oth~rs. m,)st of the cI."'i- c.1i and Oriental .lllthnrs who (nn(crnc-d themselves WIth slI(h fllJtters were J;spt, to the second millenium B.C.; and it has long been believed in EthIopia and elsewhere that Queen Makeda (C.1005-9S~ B.C.) . one of the anCIent rulers ofAxum. was the Queen of Sheba of whom the Bible speaks. From the same primary sources of InformatIOn we also learn that Ezan. (~28-356). one of the greatest of the Axumlte klllgs, transformed his kingdom into a Chnstian state about the year 333-which \\as. it will be remembered. only about a decade after Chnstianity had been made the stdte relIgion of the Roman Emplrc. A part nf tl", kmgdom, that o\'er "hith the Emperor Halle Selassle now reigns. has remained a ChcistLln kingdom down to the present day; in other words, Ethiopia is htstory's second oldest Christian statc. In the tOurse of its Ions 1m tory there were pCrlods when the ChristIan kingdom of Axum cnJ")l'J wiue renown for Its great internal development and Its rre-emmcnle III world affalCS. In the SIXth century It shared with the By/antIne empire the uistInctlon of bemg ooe of the two most powerful states in the whole nf Christeou<>m: .lnu Kaleb the • • Great. who ruled the klngdol11 from ( ~ '-I to 5.1.!, \\ J, pne of the ver), ablest of the eMly "Defenders of the Faith." The remarkable 111000- lillllc churchcs buIlt hy Lallb"I.! at L.!,ta between approximately 1170 and 1220, and by sOl11e uf IllS pred('(es"lrS .1ml successors elsewhere in the tOuntr},. h.IW hem rIghlly of that peuod. The klllgdom of 5onghay, as such, was establtshed between the years 670 and 690 through what was apparently the vol- untary unIOn of one of the old royal famIlies of Nigutia with some un- known prmcely house from the north or east. For the next eight hundred years Songhay remamed, when compared with Axum, Alwah, Ghana. and Mall. a comparatIvely small state. But beh\een '464 and 1516. first the great warrior-prince 50nrn Ali-"one of the boro soldiers of the world"-and then Askla the Great--<)ne of the ablest political admll1lstrators of all time transformed 50nghay mto one of the largest. best governed. and most effectIvely orgalllzed empICes of whICh hIstory up to that tIme had any record. In thIS expanded form the Songhay emplfe [cmamed III existence unttl it was shattered by armIes of musket- hCJnn~ ~[oors from r-(onxco between 1 ~91 and 1604. In the course of Its long history of over nme hundred years. 5ongha)' was ruled by sIXty-two kings bclongln~ to three different dynastIes but to only two fOpl Lundle,; .lnd. remarkably enough. the names of all of these king> have come dll\\ n to liS. The reli~ious afftllatlons of the first fourteen . kings who rel~ned for a total of nearly three hundred and fift), )'ears are not .t1to~ether clear; there are. however. mdicatioo that some may have been Omstians and others adherents of the ancient "pa~an' faIth. In about the ycar 100<). the relgl1ln~ pnnce, 7~~ Kosei is reported til havc heen cllnverted to Islam. and most. but not all. of his successors \\'ould seem til have followed, nommally at least. hIS example. Althnugh Ask I.' the Great was a devollt Moslem hIS predeces,,". Sonnl All (the ~rcat empire huilder). though also a nominal Moslem. was and always remained at heart a pa~an. and the same was true of his own and hIS successors' subjects for many centuries. As ha, been reported by J number of observers, everywhere that Islam was es- KUSH, AETHlOPIA, AND BAlAD ES SUDAN tablished In the Bolod es Sudan in the Middle Ages, it had come to terms with and adapted itself to Africa's anClent and indIgenous religious and sOClal instItutions; it is indeed reported that not even the devout Askia the Great was able to put the women of Songhay in vetls and force them to gIve up their anClent African privileges of associating on terms of equabty with the men. In historical antiquity and in the Middle Ages, African lands to which the term Ethiopia was applted were situated almost entirely to the north of the equator, but with the coming of the Age of Explora- tion and the attendant expansion of Europe's knowledge of Africa, the name EthIOpIa and its derivatives were also employed as designations of lands and peoples throughout the southern parts of the continent. Although the earliest attempts to represent the southern projection of Afnca and the shape of its coast lme on the west-whICh make a rea- sonable approxImation to geographical fact-appear, first, on the world map of Marino Sanufo, dating about 1306, and second, on the Lauren- tIan portol,"/O whICh was first published in 135 I, it is nevertheless true that certam of the classical authors would seem to have had some rudi- mentary, though substantially erroneous, awareness of both the Gulf of GUlOea and the continent's extension towards the south, On some early maps the body of water lying to the south of the Hesperii Aethi- opes, or tbe Western Ethiopians, and corresponding roughly to the Gulf of Guinea is named either the Silil/s Et hiopiclIJ or the Mare Ae- thiopiwlII, meanmg respectively the Ethiopian Gulf or the Sea of Ethiopia. Following the Portuguese explorations, these names, as originally used or in such modIfied forms as the Ethiopic Sea or the Ethiopic Ocean, were applied not only to the Gulf of Guinea but ex- tended to the whole body of water bordering southern Africa on the west; and, as is indicated on the map by John Senox, the practice con- tinued down to at least 1720, The application of the term Ethiopia to the southern half of the continent itself had an even longer duration. On Fra Mauro's celebrated lIIappe-lIIollde, published in 1457-')9, a vast area, corresponding roughly to parts of French Equatonal Africa, the Belgian Congo, and Angola, is designated as Ethiopia Occidentale; what is now the Union of South Africa was called Ethiopia AI/strale; and that part of the continent which faced the Mare IndiC/l/ll or the Indian Ocean is deSIgnated simply Ethiopia. In Livius Sanuto's Geography, JOURNAL OF HUMAN R£LATJONS publIshed ill 1588 and known as the first African atlas, one sectJon IS concerned pClmaClly with the EthiopIan kingdom of "the ChrIStian Emperor, Presbyter Johannes," in whose "mountaills are many emer· aids"; and 10 another sectIOn there he desIgnates practically the whole of eastern AfClca south of Prester John's empire as Ethiopia Interior. In what is one of the earliest European references to Great Zimbabwe he says of tillS monumental and celebrated RhodeSIan structure, whIch he places In EthIopIa InfeClor, that it was reputed to be not the work of human bemgs but the handiwork of the devd; but It was nonetheless "of much greater perfection than the fortress of the Portuguese by the Sea." Nicholas Sanson in a map publIshed in 1655 designates practICally the whole of Afnea south of the equator as BaHe Aetblop/ae which he makes the seat of several kingdoms includmg not only the Empire> Ju Monomalap" of COl/go m west AfClca. Four· teen )ears later RIChard Blome pubiJshed m r66') a map on "hICh the northern half of Fast Africa is named Higher Aethiopia. and the south· ern half, Lower AethlOpla. Some delllldered parts of Christendom were not only better IIIformed about eJch other's wap of life than is commonly thought but were disposed, on the whnle. [0 nuintain toward one another attitudes of mutual 3dnmation ,Ind respect Nor \\.IS tl1l5 general situation Itmited to the Ch"stlan peoples of the two continents. for there is a substantial amount of eVidence dating from the Same general period which indicate, tlut I'urope.n rel;llionships with and knowledge of other p."ts of Africa were likewise mud, more intlllute than is usually suppo,ed. The re- lords concerned also make It dear that the interrelationships between non Christian Africa and Chmtlan Europe were generally attended, KUSH, AETHIOPIA, AND BALAD ES SUDAN particularly during the earlier part of the period, by much mutual re- spect and good will. It is generally supposed that medieval Europe's earliest contacts with Africa south of the Sahara were established during the middle of the fifteenth century by the Portuguese maritime explorers under the directIOn of PrInce Henry the Navigator; but there have come down to us a number of documents of an apparently historical character which if taken at theIr face value would make it reasonably certain that tropIcal Africa had been visited many times by other European nationals long before the Portuguese first set foot on that part of the continent. Added to this is the fact that much detailed information about the interior of Africa is found on maps made by European cartographers whose works antedated Portuguese contributions to geographical knowl- edge by nearly a hundred years. In his famous work, the Blallguema, Raymond Lull (1236-1315), the celebrated Span'ish philosopher and missionary to the Moslem Moors of North Africa, mentions a journey which is alleged to have been made by an envoy of a certain cardinal to the trans-Saharan king- doms of the Western Sudan in about the year 1221; and the much better known Libro del COllocimielllo is alleged to be an eye witness account of an extensive journey which an anonymous Spanish friar claims to have made in the first half of the fourteenth century while traversing practically the whole of that part of Africa lying between the Western Sudan and the basin of the Nubian Nile. Although some scholars are inclined to doubt that these two reported Journeys were actual historical occurrences, it is nevertheless generally admitted that in neither of the accounts except for a few misplaced geographi- cal regions in the second account-are there any significant observations or alleged experiences which are inconsistent with what are known to have been the real conditions in the areas concerned during that period. It is, therefore, evident that even if the reported journeys themselves were fictitious, the geographical details mentioned in each of the ac- counts must have been ultimately derived from informants who knew the regions at first hand and rather well. Though of a slightly later date, there has recently come to light a well authenticated account of a European visitor to western Africa who might well have conveyed reliable information about the interior • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS of tbe contment to Interested Europeans of lus day, The reference here is to travels by the French nobleman, Anselme d'Isalguier, through much of the Western Sudan between 1405 and 1413, In the course of hIS travels he assembled much information about the geography, plants, manners, customs, religion, and languages of the regions through which he passed, When not engaged m travel, d'isalguler appears to have spent most of IllS tlIDe m Gao, the capital city of the 50nghay em- pire where he associated on intimate terms with the nobility of the country, There he met, fell In love with, and married the daughter of one of the leading princely familles of the empHe, Some years later, he along with his wife and their daughter and a distinguished 50nghay physIC Jan returned with much gold to France where the Af[J- can phySICIan became a practitIOner to the royal family and where the descendants of d 'lsalguier and h.is Af[Jcan wife survive to the present time, In a somewhat dIfferent category is another story of French ongln to the effect that two groups of French merchants with headquarters In Rouen and Dleppe had completed at least eIght sU((el>sf ul trading voyages along the west coast of Afnca-some reaching as far as the Gulf of GUinea- long before the Portuguese made thelf fust appear- ance in these part>, The first four of the voyages IS r ported to have taken place in 1,39, 1364, 1365, il.nd 1380 and the last four are alleged to have occurred In qRr , 1383,1402, and 1410, The nldest survivmg account of these voyages dates from 1666-67 but It is saId to have been based upon the ongtnal records whICh were preserved in the Admiralt), . RegIsters In Dleppe; these were destroyed, however, b)' fire when the British bnmbarded the port of Dleppe in 1694. ThIS explanatJOn of the loss of what are alleged to have been the original records is ac- cepled by some scholars WIthout question, and the)' are, accordingly, dIS- posed to credIt the French rather than the Portuguese WIth haVing been the first tn estahllsh dlfect relations with tropical Africa by wa), of the ,ea Other >chlliars. however, reject the whole French account and e1l11g tn the generally accepted view which awards the palm to Portugal for thIS pIOneer endeavor. This IS not the place to argue the merits of these conflicting claims, /lilt It may he pnll1ted out 111 passing that on a number of the maps of this period there appear for the flCSt time many geographical facts KUSH, AETHIOPIA, AND BALAD ES SUDAN about the interior of Africa whose origin can be best explained by as- suming that many of them haJ reached Europe through just such means as would have been provided, on the one hand, by the reported African voyages of the French merchants and, on the other hand, by such overland travels as are recorded in the Libro del COl/ocell/ielllo and In the Blullqllefll or other bud dings representmg the tov n ,Ir CIty whJCh stands nearby; and 10 the nlldst of the area represent in,!; the Sahara is deplcteJ a camel on whICh is riding a man with a veiled ra ce and a tur- ban on his head, Near thIS IS lnS<.rlbed a statement whICh IS one of the earhest ['uropean descnptlons of the vetled Tuareg of the Sahara that bas come down to us out of the past: "All of this region IS occupied by people who veil thetr mouths; one only sees their eyes, Ther live 10 tents and have caravans of camels," It was by these camel caravans that merchants "travel" as is mentioned In an assocIated statement "to the land of the Negroes of GUinea" On the part of the map cor, respondtng to the Sudan IS placed the effigy of a black monarch seated on a throne and holding a sceptre In one hand and a nugget nf gold 111 the other, The klllg wears a long heard and has an elaborate crown On his head , Ncar the picture is an IIlscnpttnn whICh reads-"Thls Negro lord is called MUSil Mall, Lord of the Negroes of GUllle.. So abundant is the gold whICh IS found III h,s cOllntry that he is the nchest and the mo't noble king 111 all the land," In '37~ when the Catalan 37 2 KUSH, AETHIOPIA, AND SALAD ES SUDAN Al/us was completed and released, the emperor of Mali and the chief "lord of the Negroes of GUllea (Ghana)" was Mansa Musa II (1374- 1383); It may well be, therefore, that the II1scflption refers either to him or to one of his predecessors, the great Mansa Musa I (I307-1332) who was universally renowned in Ius own and later times because of the great fiches of his vast empire. On the map·s area representing the kll1gdom of Kanem Its king IS depICted holdll1g an orb of sIlver mounted on a staff of ebony; and on the Vallseccha plallisphere which was pub- lIshed in 1439--Just about the time the Portuguese were establishing thel( first dued contact by sea with GUll1ea-the king of Kanem is de- pICted wearIng a crown and carrymg a battle-axe, and the king of Nubia IS shown carrymg a somitar and weanng sandals. From the evidence supplIed by the maps and reports wluch have been here brIefly described, It would appear that most of medieval [uropes earlIer efforts to establIsh contacts with and to acquire in- formatIOn about the non-Chustlan peoples of Africa were sponsored by p(lvate agencies or II1dvlduals; but WIth the emergence of Portuguese II1teresb In such matters, pnncely houses and royal agenCIes became the thief sponsors of such endeavors. From Prince Henry the Navigator·s tIme onward, Portuguese annals contain numerous references to voy- ages made to various points on the Afncan coast at the direct behest of or with moral and finanCIal support by the royal family or the nobilIty or the nation as a whole. Similar mantime undertakings are known to have been sponsored by other countries when the Portuguese were forced to share with other powers the profits and other benefIts de- nVlng from African contacts and trade. Accompanying the masters of the main on these voyages were usually ambassadors or envoys head- Ing prIncely or papal or monastIc missions to Guinealand, the kingdom of Congo, the empire of the Monomotapa, and to one or another of the score or more of flourishing city-states and larger principalities which dotted the coast of East Africa and took the Portuguese by complete surprise when they first appeared in these parts. But not all of the missions during these periods originated in Europe, for many of them were sent by African kings chiefly to Portugal but also on occasion to other European countries. One of the earliest of the Portuguese missions to visit a west Afri- can court was that made by Cadamosto, Prince Henry's famous Italian , JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS navigator, m 1445-1446 to the Jollof kingdom of -'Lord Budomel who IS descrlbed-desplte some rather unsavory traits of character-as an "Emperor so honest that he might have been an example to any Chlls- tian." A httle over a quarter of a century later, Sequeira made in '472 the malden Portuguese voyage to the kingdom of Benin and dispatched m the name of his king, so it would seem, an embassy to the Oba Ewu- ara (1450-1475) who was then nealing the end of Ius long and brilliant lelgn. Although the Oba, 01 his agent, appears to have received the embassy courteously and treated its members with kindness, it would seem that they were not permitted to enter the capital city itselL In 1482 an offiCial Portuguese miSSion, after extensive diplomatIC nego- tiations, secured from King Ansa of the Gold Coast permission to bUild the port of Sao Jorge da Mina which was Portugal's first permanent settlemcnt in GUinea; and in 1486 another official Portuguese embass),. whICh may have numbered among its members Martin Behaim-the dlstmgUlshed German geographer of Nuremberg-again vislled the kingdnm of Benin and was, on this occasion, granted permiSSIon to enter the (Jp,tal (Ity. \'t of their klOd- -created a sensatIOn in the country. III the ('dl of 1488 cven greatcr excitcment was (a used In Portul;.t1 by the "'rival of Prince Bemoy. a high ranking membfC of one of the co)'JI houses of the Jollofs (Walofs) whose domllllom then included a ,ul"t.lnti,,1 terntor), corresponding roughl)· to modern Sencgal Pnnce lIemoy. altompalllcd by a number of the nob",t}' of IllS (ountry \\.IS rcccived in l.IShon. III keeping with the royal commalld. "by Dom Fr""C1,es Coutinho. the Count of Marialva and • _ all thc 10rUs and nohlemen of the court whom the klllg purposel)' ordered to be robcd Jnd .Idorm·d .IS well .IS pOSSible." The printe and I", pMt\' wcre then tIlnduded to the court where the king Iud comnl.lnded that'.bund.lnt proViSions" he m.lde for their entert.linmcnt. Thc PfllltC \\ as to be served "With "Ivcr .Ind .Ittend.nts" and accorded "every (i\'ilit)' whICh \\' olS propcr tn I", st.llIon." At the ceremony III which the "frican plince was formally prescntcd to the king. John II (qRl·ql)~). manr of the titled lords. including Duke Pmanuel (later fmanuel I). and churth dignitaries were present. The king and the duke IlJd "adorned 374 KUSH, AETHIOPIA, AND BALAD ES SUDAN their persons with ver)' rich robes, , ,all trunmed with gold and pre- ClOUS stones" .Uld the other 'titled lords, and bishops and otber nobles" were' robed with much gent"lt)' and exact perfectIOn," Prince Bemoy, deswbed as bemg about" forty years at age, of great stature, very dark, with a ver), long beard, and with limbs all well proportioned", is also said to have been a man of 'very graCIous presence, \\fhen Prince Bemo), entered the royal SUite, Klllg John ' came forward two or three races from the dais to receive hlln, raising his cap a I1ttle," When the two met, the klllg led the prince back to the royal dais and after an exchange of formal greetIngs the prince was Ulvlted to speak, This he cl1d-wlth the aid of interpreters-"at great length," What tbe AfrIcan prInce said on tIllS and other occasions and the objectives and results of his mission are matters of considerable interest but too in- volved to be discussed en thiS review; It may be said, however, that dur- IIlg the remaender of Pnnce Bemoy s stay in Portugal he was accorded 'ever)' Clviltty that ,,'as proper to IllS station," Durmg the next one hundred years the exchange of miSSIOns be- tween ChrIstIan courts m Europe and non-ChristIan klllgdoms and em- paes 111 GUlllealand and the Congo area occurred with a frequency that was hardly surpassed by comparable exchanges that were taking place between Christian Ethiopia and Christian Europe during the same per- iud, Between 1487 and 1500, King John II sent diplomatic missions to tbe emperor of Mall, the city of Timbuktu and the kings of Tekrur and Temale in Guinealand In 1487-88; to the kIng of tbe Congo in 1590- 9'; and ambassadors from the Congo arrived in Portugal in 1494, In l'j 10 the klllg of Congo sent an embassy, including his brother, to King Emanuel of Portugal and to Pope JulIus 11. The kIng's brother did not return to the Congo With his countr),men but remaIned In Europe where he studied, took holy orders, and W;IS ordained Bishop of Utica In 1518, In 1515 another royal embassy from Portugal arrived In the kingdom of the Congo bflnging man)' lllterestmg and useful gifts from KIng [manuel I. In 1526 and agam In '5:10, two more ambassadonal miS- sions went from Congo to Portugal carrying, among other gifts to the roral family, jewelry which had been fashioned by Congolese craftsmen out of silver. Ten years later a Cnngolese miSSIOn was sent to Pope Paul HI; and In the same year 1 'i~O, an embass), arrived in Portugal which gave to King John III among other gifts a cross, which was re- 375 JOURNAL Of HUMAN RELATIONS ported to have reached Benm from a powerful ruler 10 the Interior and wluch was said to be held in great reverence in their country. The Portuguese king, supposmg that the cross had come from Prester John, was quite elated with the gift, but It would appear that the croSS had been actually receIved from the Onl of Ife, the spirItual head of the Yoruba empire of which the k1Ogdom of Benm was an associated mem- ber. In '544 yet another embassy was sent by the king of Beilin to Portugal prlmardy for tbe purpose of escorting the crown prmce to tbe country w here he remamed for several years in pursuit of a Cllllstian education. On the death of his fatber m 1))0, the crown prmce was mvested WIth royal authonty, and, under the throne-name of Awhrogba, reigned for a penod of twenty years. Three years later tbe kmgdom of Benm was viSIted in 1)33 by the first Bntish shIps to appear in the Gulf of GUlllea. Captam \'\fmdham, the commander of the fnglish ShIpS, say> of Kmg Awhrogba that he was "a black Moor" and "could speak the Portuguese tongue whICh he had learned as a chIld. \X'md- ham further reports that the "great reverence' whICh the pt.-ople of Benm "glve to their km!) IS such that if we should g,ve as much to our savIor Chmt we should remove from our heads many plagues willch we Jad)" Jeserve for our contempt and Impiety." Srace WIll not permit specific mention of the man)" mISSIons of one kmJ or another whIch travelled to and fro between AfrICa and Furope In the (Ourse of the next one hundred years; but from what ha> al read), heen salJ about inter-continental relatiomhips durmg late medi- c"l and cady modern times, It is eVIdent that the mi'named "dark (ontmcnt" was not '1uite, in the eyes of many Furopeans of thJt age, the ' than did those parts wluch tell of the humane marUler in w Iuch the Etluoplan kIng treated the wounded and worsted Persian VICeroy follOWing hiS defeat and capture after the war"s de· CISIVe battle. At their first meeting the EthIOpian kIng says-among other things, to the Persian pClnce "Friend I grant your life. I hold It honorable to subdue my enelllies by my arms wlule they resist, but to overcome them by my liberality when they are fallen." In their last meeting the king addressed the defeated Governor in part as follows: "Now that I have obtaUled the object of my going to war, I shall not indulge that passIOn so common to most ambitious men. I shall not make my good fortune the mlOlster of covetousness, for my victory creates In me no desue to extend my emplfe. I am content with the Itmits whICh nature seems to have placed between Egypt and EthlOpia- the [fIrSt] Cataract. Havmg recovered, therefore, what is rightly mine and wishing to further Justice and equity, I shall now return peacefully to my own dominions. In the event that your life is spared by your master and you continue in your present post, take care that you do not attempt in the future to upset the arrangements now and here made. In your report to your lord, the king of Persia, say to him that although Hydaspes, king of East and West Ethiopia, has overcome you by superior might he has nevertheless restored to you what is justly yours. Say to him, moreover, that I am most anxious to preserve the peace and friendship that should exist between the two kingdoms. But say to him further that if he is disposed to renew the war, I shall not be found backward. " Along with Herodotus' reference to the Ethiopians as the most just of men and Homer's allusions to them as a "blameless race," the Aelbiopicn was primarily responsible for the modern European revival of the ancient Greek notion to the effect that no ancient people, despite their skIll at arms. were more humane and compassionate in spirit than was Aethiopia's high souled folk. 379 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Though not quite so influential m this revIval as were the works already mentioned, Renatssance editions of Qumtus of Smyrna's Fall of Troy-reissued first in 1472 and subsequently m 1496, 1505, and 1604-did have a signtficant Impact on Renaissance opinions about the EthiopIan concept and practice of fal[ play. The reference here is to that portIOn of Qumtus' celebrated epic whICh tells the story of the part played in the TrOjan war by "Memnon, Prince of AethlOpla," and his "numberless hosts " of "Aethiopla's swarthy sons," On one occasion, so the story runs, when the Greeks on one side and the Trojans and thetr Ethiopian alltes on the other are locked m grtm and bloody battle, Memnon, the EthIopIan prince, slays to equal combat first Pheron, next Ereuthus " battle revellers both", and then the godlike AntiLochus, the darllllg son of the aged Nestor and the bosom friend of mighty Achtlles. On seemg Antllochus fall, the whlte·hatred Nestor, feeble and totteClng though he is, endeavors to rush toward Memn 10 with the mtensllln of avenglOg hIS mortally stClcken son. \Vhm the)" are face to face, the youthfuL Memnon, observing aged Nestor 's feeble frame exclaIms: . , Back old man It would be to me a shame to fight With one so much mine elder : 1 am not Bhnd unto honor . ' , draw thou back Afar from battle-toIL and bItter death. Nay, fall not thou beside thy son FightIng agaInst a mIghtIer man, lest Men with folly thou should charge, , For folly It is that braves o'er rnasterlOg mIght. And the solICItous wamor-prince was as good as his kindly words, for the lon~ · ltved Nestor', life was spared , This and other references by QUlOtuS of Smyrna to Memooo's exploits at Troy recall the fact, of whICh mentIon has already been made, that PI iny the Elder states that fth,op,a was a "famous and powerful country as early as the TrOjan war"; and here it may be added that in 111\ I/IJ/oria Na/llraliJ or Natural IIlstory from which this statement IS taken, there are man)' other references whICh reveal wlMt the anCIent- knew .111d thought about the ~eograrhy and histor), I)f Hhiopliln lands In "lillY'S day. Although it would appear that Pliny's great work wa, avatlable here and there 10 the West before the great KUSH, AETHIOPIA, AND SALAD ES SUDAN RevIval of Learning, new edltlOns were, nevertheless, Issued in 1469, 1525, 1601, and 1669. These, lIke the geographical and historical writ111gs of the other classICal authors which were reissued dunng this period, are known to have influenced profoundly Renaissance thought about the early hIstory of both the eastern and western parts of Africa upon winch eye-witness reports by contemporary explorers were just then shedding so much new and revealmg light. Although the fact has been all but completely forgotten m our own tImes, it is nonetheless true that on the strength of IOformation derIved, on the one hand, from the rediscovered and reissued writ- lOgs of Greek and Roman authors, and, on the other hand, from chroni- cles reportlOg the results of early modern exploration-most of Europe's leadmg antiquarIans and hIstorians in the earlier centuries of the mod- ern era were dIsposed to accept and advocate the ancient point of vIew to the effect that the black race was not only the oldest division of hu- manklOd but It was that branch of humaOlty whICh took the lead 10 lay- mg the foundatIOns and 10 supplymg the basic Ideas upon which the ear- lIer civilizatIOns of the ancient world-mc1uding primeval Egypt-were origlOally built. One of the earlIest of the more eminent exponents of this pomt of view was Charles Rollin (1661-1741), the learned author of His/aria anrienne-pubiished in twelve volumes between 1730 and 1738-who attrIbuted the establishment of Egypt's earliest civilization to members of the Negro race. In 1791 the celebrated French human- ist, traveller, and historian, Francois de Chasseboeuf-better known as Count Volney-published hIS famous work Les Ruines des Etllpires in which he sets forth, along with many other matters, his opinions about the position of the EthiopIans in the outlmes of world history. Of their ancient land he writes, " ... there a people now forgo+ten dis- covered, while others were yet barbarians, the elements of the arts and sciences. There a race of men now ejected from society be, ause of their sable skin and frizzled hair, founded on the studies of the laws of nature those civil and rei iglouS systems which dominate the cultures of humankind." It may be of interest to note, in passing, that four years later while travelling in America where attempts to abolish and efforts to preserve the African slave trade were then the cause of much internal tension, Count Volney discovered that the passage in the Les Ruilles in which he expressed his views about the black man's contributions ----,--------------------------------------------- JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS to early civdizatlons had been omitted from the AmeClcan erutlon of the book; and ill response to this dIscovery he halted distClbutJon of the volume until the passage could be restored. In 1790, just one year before Volney"s Les RUI/les des Empires ap- peared, James Bruce, the first and, in many ways, the ablest of all mod- ern explorers to travel in Ethiopian lands, published in h,s Travels to tbe SOllrce of Ibe Nile, what was a remarkably brilliant, If largely specula- tIve, explanatIon of the various geographical cond,tIOns and historical processes which caused civilization to origmate and pass through its earlier stages of development in Ethiopian lands rather than in other parts of the world. Although the first edition of Bruce's TrJl"elJ, for reasons whIch cannot be explained here, met with an exceptIOnally poor receptIOn, the intrinsic merit of his great work was eventually re- cogmzed; and new edItions had to be Issued, fIrSt m 180~ and again m 18r3, to meet the publIC demand. In thIS war the great explorer's thoroughly origInal and most engagmg conclUSIons about the elemental tontClhutlons made b)' [thiopia to the uphuildlllg of civdlZatlon were d,ssemmated far and WIde throughout the [ngllsh·speaklOg world. About th" same tIme that Volney and Bruce were publiCIzing thel[ op,,"ons about the pnmal position of the black race during the early hIstory at man, John Hunter, the great Bntish anatomIst and n.lturalist. astonished many of 1m less scientIfic and antiquanan-mlllded countr)- men by champlOnll1g the vIew that all of the sclentlk and hIStorical eVIdence then avadable pointed strongly to the conclUSIOn that the an- ginal color of mankind was black. , In the first half nf the nineteenth century there appeared a large number of publIcatIons 111 whICh many of the world's pre·eminent con- tnhutors to the study of mankllld's storied past expressed some type of allegiante to nne or mnre points of view which were In essential accord with those to whICh RollinS, Volney, Bruce, and Hunter-and others that could be named-had subsCflhed. The space here available will permIt however, only very bnef mention of a few repre~entatJve authors whose published views were particularly Influential In thIS respect. James Cowles PCllhard (r786-11148), an eminent Fnglish ethnologist and physiologISt and one of the founders of the science of anthropology, after much thought "bout the matter, concluded, as did his distinguished countrYlllan, John Hunter, that early man was black, and that the other 382 KUSH, AETHIOPlA, AND BALAD ES SUDAN races of mankmd were derived from the ongmal black stock through physlC,,1 modIficatIOns Induced b) respollse to dIfferent types of cultural and envIronmental U1fJuen~es. The celebrated French antiquarian and esotenc philosopher, AntOIne Fabre d'OLvet (1768-1825), in his once very well-known volume, L'lmloire pb/lowphiqlle dll gellere hll11lalll, mformed his wide urcle of readers that in the primordial epochs of hu- man hIstory the black race was "very powerful" and dominated the greater part of the ciVIlIzed earth. It covered, he writes, "the whole of Africa with powerful natIons sprung from it, and it possessed Arabia and planted its colonIes all over the southern coasts of Asia and far into the mterior," and when at the height of its power, it overran and establIshed Itself in much of southern Europe as well. Except for pass- Ing references to the EthiopIan cities of Meroe and Rapta-presumably Napata-whlch are mcluded among the great cities of the far-flung emplIe of the blacks, d'OlIvet makes few other specific references to Ethiopia in Africa, not does he enter into any specific diSCUSSIOn of the relationship between the ancient Egyptians and the ancient Ethiopians; but he says enough to indicate that he considered the two peoples to have been, in earlier historic times but nationalized units of the one great ethnic complex whlCh he distinguished as the Sudeen or Black Race, and which in IllS opinion anciently dominated the greater part of the civilized earth. Arnold Hermann Heeren, (1760-1842) the professor of history and politics in the University of Giittingen, published in German in 1826 a volume whICh was republished in 1833 in English at Oxford UnIver- sity under the title HlSlorlcal ReJe"rcbes iliiO Ibe PoiJlics, llliercol/rre, and Trade of Ihe Cttrihagllliam, Elbiop/allf, alld Egypl/alls. Th,s volume had a profound influence on historical thought not only In Germany and England but throughout the whole of the \l(festern world, Among the facts and theories to which he gives special attention are those which led him to the conclusion that it was among the ancient black peoples of AfrICa and ASIa-as James Bruce had also surmlsed- that International trade fIrst developed. As a by-product of these internatIonal contacts there was, in his opinion, an exchange of ideas and cultural practices which provided the haslc elements out of which early civilizations were built. He was also disposed to believe that the Ethiopian ambassadors, with whom Diodorus Siculus held his cele- • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS brated intervIew while in Egypt, were right when they contended that it was from Ethiopia that Egypt's earliest civilized inhabitants and the basic elements of its early civilization were derived. He thinks, how- ever, that the ideas, the cultural and religious practices, and the knowl- edge of the sciences and arts imported into Egypt by the migrating Ethiop,ans were of an essentially rudimentary character when first carried into the land of the Pharoahs and were subsequently lifted to levels of perfectIOn never qUIte attained in the country of their origin. In the very same year that the original German edition of Heeren's HIS/O"','; Reu"rcbeJ appeared, Frederic Cailliaud, after four years of first-hand study of Ndotic Ethioplas ruined monumental remains. published a four-volume report of his travels under the title I'o .rag' J Meroi' etc., in which he concludes that most of the basic elements of Egyptian civIlizatIOn were of southern and Ethiop ..n origin. but under- went, in some IOstanees, addItional development and rcflOernent after their amval in the northern country. A lew years after Caliliaud's reveal 109 report on h,s Journey to Meroe wa, publIshed. another two of Europes most emment pinneers 10 the stud), of mankllld's storied past, shared the honor and responsi- bilIty or dlfcchng a well financed archaeological expedItion to the Nile Valley tor the purpose of maklllg an extended study of the monumental remains and other relics of by-gone tImes that were still to be seen above ground 10 rgypt and III northern NubIa. One of the directors of this expedItIon was the great French scholar Jean [ranlOls Champollion (1790' 1832) who shared WIth the Englishman. Th(lmas Ynung (1773-. 182'}), the renown of having been the first to fathom the mysteries of Egyptian hleroglrplllcs: and the other W,IS IppolJto Rnselli", (IROO- ,843) who was PlOfessor of Oriental I,mguages at the University of P,sa and one of the I'rlOcipili founders of the science of Egyptology Champollion dIed before he lOmpleteJ his formal report on the find- ings of the expedItion , but in letters written from Egypt and Nubia he gave It as IllS "I"nlnn th'll the anCIent Egyptians were not, as some scholars were then beglOning to contend, of Asiatic origin. but rather members of a thoroughly indigenous African race, The earliest in- habitants of the (nuntry, he thought, were colonists from Abyssinia, Sennaar. and Nubia. In Rosellini's monumental report on the ex- pedition's achievements, published in twelve volumes between 18}2 KUSH, AETHIOPIA, AND BALAD ES SUDAN and 1843 under th title I i\101IJ1/1/e!ltl dell' Egillo e della Nllbla, he too expresses the view that the earliest Egyptians were members of an Atri- can race, but he does not suggest any special Afncan areas from which they may have come, In 1834 G. A. Hoskins, a learned English antiquarian, also made an extended flfsthand stud)' of Nubla's monumental remams, and on the strength of his own findmgs he declared himself to be, with respect to Egyptian orgins, in fuJI agreement with the conclusions his pre- decessors had reached. In his published report Travel in Ethiopia, published in r835-and which is stIll one of the classics in its field- Hoskins wntes, "According to Heeren, Champollion, Rosellini, and other eminent enquirers, whose judgments were confirmed by my own observatIons, this"--old Ethiopia or Ancient Kush, sellSlI lato-"was the land whence the art and learnmg of Egypt, and ultimately of Greece and Rome, derived their origin. In thiS remarkable country we behold the earliest efforts of human science and ingenuity." As the preceding review, incomplete though it IS, clearly mdlCates, thcre existed, in the earlier decades of the nineteenth century, a quite respectable body of historical opinion which supported the view that Ancient Kush, Old Ethiopia, and the Balad eJ SlIdan had taken a signi- ficant-indeed, a leading-part in directing the course of human affairs in earlier times. By the end of the nineteenth century, however, this well-receivcd and widely-accepted point of view had been, in the West- ern ,yorld at least, almost universally rejected; and the evidence and tes- tinlony upon which it had been based had either fallen into academic disrepute or were being almost totally ignored. Africa south of the Sahara. in which the ancients had placed the cradleland of civilization and where papal and Portuguese annals of the fifteenth and sixteenth centufles and European mapmakers as early as the fourteenth century had placed mighty kmgdoms and empJ[es . had become in most \Vest- ern eyes. "a savage land" which had been since time Immemorial, filled With "savage beasts and still more savage men." \Vhat were the forces and circwnstances wbich were responsible for such a complete reversal of the Western world's thoughts and attitudes toward history's eldest, the world's richest, and nature's most favored continent> The answers to these questions, even m summary form, would exceed by far the allotted limits of thiS entire article; a • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS full dIscussion would require man)' volumes. Here it is onl)' possible to list, with the brIefest comment, one or two of the more ullportant circumstances which were responsible for tillS extraordmary sItuation. One of these was the expandmg mfluence of the concept ex ',l'ieJl/e It,.,. "out of the east [comes] lIght, as a resul, uf the epochal dIScoverIes which were made in the Near and Middle East following the intensI- ficatIOn of archaeolugical actIvIty 10 these regIons durmg, rough I)" the penod between 1840 and 1910. As a consequence of certam of these discoverIes and related studIes and actIVItIes 10 these regIons, there was brought to hght a considerable amount of eVIdence whICh seemed to m- dicate to some eminent scholdes that mankind and civIlizatIOn were older 10 the fast than elsewhere, and that It was from the East, bl' wa), of Suez, that the earilest EgyptIans had come. A second development, and one dosely related to the events Just mentioned, whICh dId much to shatter faith 111 the ancient and deeply entrenched wncepts to the effect that Ethior" was the fountamhead of the world's oldest, .lnd fgypt's earlIest. civiiIl.Itlnlh were the laboc~ and pronouncements of Karl RIChard LepslUs ..1 young an.! exceptional- ly able GermJll .l!chaeologist and rgyptolngist, who as the head ot an unusuall)' well ec]ull'l'ed expedItIon srent the yea" 1 4~ 45 III f.~')·pt and NubIa or N,l!)t,c I th,nl".1 where he ca(flcd nut the most exteoSlve stuci\' of the monumental renMIn' I1f the two wuntncs that Iud ever becn made ur to that time. Largely as J LOn,e'l"cnce of IllS brilliant acillevcments 111 (gyrt and l'tillol'ia, he was named shnrtly ,.fter re- • IlIrnlng home. Prof(·"Of "'traordllla,)' of j 'gyptology .>oJ Arch'lcolo~r . •I t the Un'H'rSlty of Berlin. "he,e he relllalned untIl IllS death 111 tIlS·' l'i"l 111 leiters sent home from rt11l<1p,.1 .II1J latcr Ifl IllS "rItlngs and 111 IllS Icdures .,t the lJIlIvccSlt)' Ler'lUs. Oil Ihe b."i, of IllS own field in'·csI'J.:;!t,oll' .,nd ,el;!ted ,tucl,es. rele(lCcI (·ml'h.lI".tll), the traditioll.11 v,ew th,'t I gyrI h.ld derIved the b.lsl( dement- of ils edrl)' u"illz"tinn from !'thiol'i.,; he IIldecd cond"ded Ih.,1 the ('"idrnlt' JS he could d,~­ (ern it. In.llie It dear that Nilo(ll rthlOpl,lll (Jvilil.ltlnll. as it was excm· pl,f,ed In ,ts sunwing mOllumenlal ,,·'n.""'. W.IS ,n rca(,ty lurdll more Ihan a cultural hackwash from l'g),l't wh,ch occurrecl in (0011'",.1Iivel), late historical tllllCS. nein~ the mn,t emin!'nt T'grrtnloglSt of his a~l' alld the man who tra,ned mnst of the younger schnl;lCs in Ihe field, hIS v'ews. (,nlh through his own I'ronoullecmmts .Ind through those of hIS KUSH, AETHIOPIA, AND BALAD ES SUDAN students, had a tremendous influence before which the older vIews totally collapsed. It IS quite true that on the basis of the eVIdence which he tooki into account, Lepsius' conclusions were in the main quite justified; but it is now known that much of the evidence which was indispensable to a uefinttive Juugment on the matter was either overlooked by the dis- tInguished savant or was inaccessible or unknown in his times. During the years that have passed since Lepsius' death there has been brought to Itght a vast amount of evidence of many kinds which in its totality makes it patently clear that ancient Egypt did indeed derive a substantial part of its population and many if not most of the basic elements of its early civilizations from the regions represented today not only by the Nubian Sudan, and Ethiopia seIlS" Jlricto, but from many other re- gIons in the south and west of Africa as well. NOTES AND REFERENCES Barros, J. de, Da Alia, 24 vols., Lisbon : 1778. 1 Dec., Book I, Ch. 3. Beazley. C. Raymond. The Dau.:n 0/ Modern Geography, 3 vols. -----. Prince Henry the Nal'lgalor. London: 1897. Bovill, C. R. The Golden Trade of the Moor!. New York: 1958. Bovill. E. W. Carat'allJ 0./ Jhe Old Sahara. London: 1933. Bud;::e. E. A \Xl A HirJory 0/ Nubia. Ethiopia, and Abyuinia. London 1924. Cadamosto. Alvise da. Vo)age.r. London: Hakluyt Society. 1937. Castanhosa, Por/ugllese ExpediJion 10 AbYJ1inia in 1541·1543. Translated by Whiteway. London: Hakluyt Society, 1902. Frobenius. L HirJorie de 1.1 Cit-ilirallon Africaine. Paris: 1952. BOQk of Kllou'/edge. London: Hakluyt Society. 1912. Kat!. Mahmoud. TIJfii/J el-Fellarh. Trad. O. Houdaos et M. Delafosse. 1913. Kirwan, L. P. "Christianity and the Kura'an'." The jOllrnal of EgYPlian Archaeology, XX (1934). Lanc-pflole, E. H, Dircul'u.y III Africa: "'apr oj Ibe Rhodel-Lil"illg.rJone {nrlllllle, 1950. Leo AffJ{anus, HH/or.y alld DescriplIOII of Africa. 3 vols. London: Hakluyt Society, 1896. Math(;w. G. "'"Iamll Merlhant Cities of East Africa," The Times: 26 (195l) 6. ~1auny. R. "L"Afriquc Occidentale d'apres les Auteurs arabes anciens:' Nom de ,'[FAN (Octobec 1948) ----. The Queslioll 0/ Ghatla, Africa No.3 of 24 Montei!. C. "Les Empires du Mali:' Bulle/in dll Comi/e d'Eludes hiuort- qlles el uielllifiquel de l'Afrique Duiden/ale FrlwcalSe (1930) Newton, A, P. Tr,II'el and TratleUer.r ill Middle Ages, New York: 1926. Palmer. H. R. The 8..'",11, Sah4ra IIlId SudalJ. London. 1936. ----. Sud.;lllere A1emoirJ. 3 vols. Lagos: 1928. PiSJ.fette. F. A RepurJ 011 the Killgdom of COli go, etL (DCAwn out of the wCllmgs and diS{Qurses of Duarte Lopez. Translated by HutLhinsoD). London: 1881. PrC!ltds;:e, E. The Por/uguese Pioneers. London: 1933. Ronelere, Charles de la. La DecouverJe de I'A/rique 411 MO)efJ Age. 3 vols. Cairo: 1924-7. Sa'ol Ahderrhman es. Tarikb er·Sudllll. Trad O. HounJas. Paris: 1900 Shinn ie, P. Afediet'al Nubia. 1954. Thtal, G. M. Reeo,ds of SOlllh·EaJJern Africli. 1898 (Mainly voh. 1 to 4). 387 , TRIBAL ROOTS AND INFLUENCES ROLE DIFFERENTIATION IN THE AMARA FAMILY IN ETHIOPIA 'f. SIMON D. MESSING The extended family system presents a situation 1fi \\'blCh external and internal relatIons mterpenetrate each other to a much greater degree than in the secularized. urbanIzed. mdustrlaltzed sOCIeties of the \X'est- ern world where the bmdmg force of kmshJP has been attenuated to the vamshlllg POint. In many countries of the Middle East. and in the large CIties of Africa, WesternIzation has the latter effect on the family and the roles occupIed by Its members. But m EthlOpl. the extended family has not yet been affected. The Pamily ill Amhara SoC/al OrganizatIon The Amhara (North-Central EthIopian and Coptic Chnstlan) , family IS structurally and functIonally tied closely to the extended family on both the paternal and maternal side. The former IS some- what emphaSIzed In the oblIgation the indIVIdual owes and 1fi the bene- fits he can dalm . A sharp d,vis,on is made between consanguineal (wagan, Yasega zamad) and affinal (amachenat) relationships. not surprising In vIew of the ease of divorce from the common form of marriage (s~manya). Rut all degrees of kin relations give the ind,v,d- ual h,s greatest source of security. psychological and ecOnomIc. Regular and frequent visits to one's kinfolk are a widely observed pattern (and. Incidentally, the malor Coluse of absenteeism of Amhara employees) All events of the life cyde are occasIons for this viSIting. Seasonal • ROLE DIFFERENTIATION IN THE AMARA FAMILY events, notably the end of the rainy season, are important stimuli. The extended patrilocal, patrihneal family usually IOhabits its own hamlet, but may consist of only a few nuclear famllJes. Farm land sufficient for the needs of each nuclear family is allocated to it by the elders of the km group if the land IS prtvately, I.e., kin-owned Crest"). This type of land tenure IS found most typICally m the old Amhara provinces. Such kin·owned land is inherited only by sons, not daughters (unlike the feudal ··gult' · land). But If a kin group is defICient in young males, sons-m-Iaw may settle at the hamlet and pass the land on to their sons, \\'Ith klO approval. Otherwise daughters could inherit only movable property such as cattle. The villian in Amhara family tradition is not the mother-m-Iaw but the stepmother-IO-Iaw. Folklore IOsists that she seeks to create a cleavage 10 a happy marriage by advising her step- daughter not to fuss 10 the II1terest of her husband. In order to avoid such a situation, landless young brtdegrooms heSitate before moving to the hamlet of land-rich-in-Iaws. Kinship terms that are considered ' respectful" are usually also con- sidered "endearing." (In ParsoOian terms thiS would render them "instrumental" and "expressive' at the same time!) For example, the address "gashey" (lit. my slueld) expresses endearment and respect toward an older male relative, but it is instrumental in requesting and receiving protection also. On the other hand, a person without klO- folk is consideied barely alive. TIllS belief is so strong that Amhara society has formahzed several ways of establisiling artificial kinship (zamad hona) , foster-parenthood (enjara abbat) or complete adopaon (yatut abbat), requested not only for children, but rurectly by adoles- cents and even adults. The basIC requirements are that the applicant be of the Abyssinian Coptic religIOn, and "of good bones" (attentam), i.e., not an offspring of former slaves from the lowland, Shangalla tribe. Thus "expressive" and "instrumental " roles form a closely knit web of human relations in the Amhara family. Strati/icatiol/ b)' Sex a/Jd Clem Another set of interwoven mmplexities arises from the Amhara distinction between the roles of noblewomen and of commoner females. Noblewomen are granted almost all the prerogatives of male noblemen. They have been known to lead their feudal troops into battle. From ---- ,--------------------------- JOURNAL OF HUMAN IUiLATJONS eacllest chtldhood on, servants and retainers treat them with equal de· ference. After death, the memorial feast (tazkar) is as elaborate as that of noblemen. DUring life they are exempt from most of the s, her legal position IS not as weak as that of the MuslIm Arab woman. The Amhara divorcee may claim halt her husbands movable property. To protect her from undue phySICal .lbuse in mar· uage. the bride IS aSSigned two male protectors (mlze) from among the bfldegroom's kill. The proverb says: "For confeSSIOn-go to the priest. for (selfless) love go to the mlze." The SOCial infefloClty of the commoner woman IS aSSOCiated With her infenor position 10 the division of labor. Hers IS manual and memal. that of hauler of water and hewer of wood--or collector of cow dung for fuel. The baby she carnes on her back and nurses for two years renders the peasant house· Wife phYSically unclean In the long dry season. She IS not permitted to carry a flywl1lSk (ehera) made of horsehair or monkey hair, other· wise she would be cntlcized "' proud and "rudely presumptuous." Her social poSition improves somewhat with advancing age. She lords It over her Jaughters·in·law who have taken over the menial tasks. If she survives her husband she may take vows as a nun. nearly all of whom are nld women in Ethiopia. A young woman who marri~ a Coptic rriest shares some of the social dignity of his position. All women can daim protection from their kinfolk, even after marriage and ROLE DIFFERENTIATION IN THE AMARA FAMILY distant residence. She IS regarded as needing protection and imposed dJscipline because of "psychologlCal weakness." This ascribed weak- ness largely determmes the roles aSSIgned her m the tradJtional Amhara society. Role Differelltiatioll Tbrougbout tbe Life Cycle In many tradltlOn-onented societies role differentiation is regulated by a series of statuses correlated with one's age. The mdividual and others of this age group advance from positIOn to pOSItion assUffimg dJfferent responslbllities and powers at different ages. One is flfSt an apprentICe, then a wamO!, a married man, and finally an elder coun- selor. Thus role dJfferentlation IS closely connected with division of labor by age and with associated values. In the Amhara family, the role of the male adolescent IS equated With that of a person of the servant class (ashkar) and the same term IS indeed used in address. Sunilarly, the female adolescent pnor to marriage IS addressed as handmaiden, servant maid (leja garad). Even boys attendmg the tradJtional church school do chores of pasturing flocks, before and after lessons, and school is recessed during plowmg and harvesting seasons. The "ashkar" must always be at the beck and call of his father and elders. He is admonished by example and pro- verb, to trust his elders more than his peers: "A village full of young men in one year it will become a desert. " fathers feel obliged to defend their authority in the family. The proverb quotes a father addressing his son: "The hyena said: Sheep, If J do not eat you, you would de- vour me." Stratification by age can outrank stratification by sex, e.g., in the aforementioned exemptions grdnled aged women and nuns, from the social and religious disabdltles of sex. The safeguardmg of roles along lines of division by sex begins at birth. In many districts cli- torectomy is performed on baby gals, to assure later dominance of the husband in sexual relatIOns. for It IS believed tbat the operation re- duces the egotistical part of her sensuality, and that women not so operated upon are very difficult to satisfy. No marked distinction is made, however, between the care given baby girls and boys (unlike in Arab countries). Both infants are nursed for two years and are never out of touch of the body of the mother or her substitute. It is rare for ----- ,---------------------------------------------------------- JOURNAL 01' HUMAN RELATIONS an Amhara woman to conceive agaUl while still nursing an infant, and weaning is gradual and late. This warm care is not merely "expressive" (in Parson's term) but is considered her task, above that even of the ones she owes her husband. from age two to about seven, the chIld passes through an age grade of maximum freedom and expenmentation with all of life around lll.lll, limited by hardly any Imposed diSCipline. Enculturation during that peri. od takes place largely in the peer playgroup and with somewhat older siblings. Sanctions take the form of physical hazing and verbal insults-the latter a fine art In Amhara peasant subculture. Adults rarely interfere, and the children make thelf own toys, build their own little huts and play house m them. The next stage, from age six or seven onward, is one m whICh youngsters can and do perform a number of useful chores m the diVISIon of labor, and adult rusClplming begins. Role differentIation by sex takes the form of the boys follow 109 their fathers about to learn thelf tasks, while glfls imitate and help thelf mothers. The former soon take over the pasturmg of cattle and sheep, "-fld guard the gram from blfds and baboons. Negla:t of duty IS punished qUKkly and often harshly by an enraged parent, but there is no coldblooded "woodshed" punishment. Because of these chores, formal education 10 rural areas rarely begms betore age I!. Until the present generation. the Ab)'ssinian Coptic church had practically a monopoly on formal education, ilnd for the large malollty of children who receive any literate education at all this IS stili true. Enrollment In church school (of boys only) begms at age If, and lasts tor three years, at the nearest larger church. Tl,ose who wish to study beyond thot level must travel to a monastery school where the), receive trammg as chomters and scnbes (dabtara), or apply for ordmation II1tO the priesthood. For all young men, educated or not, church festivals prOVide occaSions to symbolize their emergence to warrior status . Christmas IS actuall), known as "ganna," the name of the hockey. like game played on that day; and on Epiphany, the major religious holy day of the year, a tournament is fought on horse· back with wooden lances (guks) . Adolescence for the female is an abbreviated period, for she is married, for the first time, usually by age 15. This transfers her to the heavier work load of the housewife, 392 ROLE DIFFERENTIATION IN THE AMARA FAMILY which includes the daily crushing of barley, beer-brewing, and spinning. The most common form of mamage is "oath" (semanya), a kin affair, which can be dissolved since It is without benefit of clergy save for a perfunctory blessing by the priest. Usually only priests and some noblemen marry in church (qurban) for tlus union cannot be dissolved. A third form, temporary marriage by salary (darnoz) is rarer now ex- cept among some travellers. In view of the relatively short lIfe span, a man at the age of 40 begins to regard himself as an elder (shemagalye). He is considered serious, WIse, past his physical prime but just reaching his mental prime in wisdom and human relatIons. His tasks include the parcelling out of kin-owned land to the nuclear families for use; arbitrating marriage negotiations, etc.; he is hIghly respected but if he were to try to prove his strength in warlike games agaInst young men he would be mocked. Old age is a far more clifficult perIod for old women of the commoner class, for they have no function outside the nuclear home. This is one reason why they tend to take vows as nuns, which opens a number of simple but respected tasks for them. Conclusion Roles, tasks, and expressive behavior in the Amhara family are closely interwoven. Kin visiting, for example, is a duty of both males and females, a task as well as expression of affection. Similarly, Am- hara kinship terms involve reciprocal principles of both obligation and affection. Role differentiation in the Amhara family depends on fac- tors other than division of tasks versus affective expression. One such important factor is the position of the family in the social hierarchy of nobility. The role of the commoner Amhara housewife emphasizes her tasks while her husband exercises expressive behavior; e.g., with viSItors even If the latter are her kinsmen. This is not the case among the nobilIty. By contrast, Western man finds security not in the closed circle of family relationships but 10 his job and the company. Western woman patronizes "less work for mother" retail shops, and dominates "expressive" conversation with visitors. This is almost the reverse of the Amhara situation, a fact that should be borne in mind when soci- ological generalizations are attempted. 393 • TRADITIONAL AND MODERN PATTERNS OF SUCCESSION TO POLITICAL OFFICE AMONG THE MOSSI OF THE VOLTAIC REPUBLIC ..... ELLIOTT P. SKINNER A characteristic of kIngship shared by early European monarchies and many AfrIcan sOCletie, has been the hazardous interregnum. In Europe thiS perIod was a time of shifting loyalties, IntrIgues, and bar- gained alliances; and the peoples cry "the kIng IS dead long live the king" was uttered without pause as if to abol ish a hiatus that made them uneasy The European monarchy later developed a strength and stability whICh enabled a kmg to rass on succession qUietly to Ius heir. In AfrIcan 5<)(letles where the political power of the court was not strong, and the line nf succession was not clearly delIneated. the attempt W"" made to avoid J hazardous Interregnum by keeping the people ritually I~norant of the death of a king. Onl)' when the electors were ready to choose I", successor were the people told of their mooarch's demise. Even then , there was 50me real or rItual Violence as the numerou> candidates Vied fm the vacant office. I AfrIcans have them- selves Int~rpreted these stormy Interregnums as being valuable for their SOCieties. AccordIng to Oberg. In the Ankole KIngd >f1l of Uganda, "The Bahlma demanded that the strongest of the kIng's sons should be their leader and that the test should be one of war. The brothers must fight among themselves untIl one of them alone remaIned alive in Ankole KIngdom of Uganda to claIm the drum and the mugabeship."2 Other AfrIcan populations believed that Violent Interregnums served . to conVInce the people that a ruler was neeessar)'. The Mossi of the Western Sudan was one of those societies which had a difficult inter- regnum, In this raper I shall try to show that this pattern COInciding as It did, With a fleXibility of ,uccession to power among the ruling gcoup, enabled this ropulatlOn to elect capable rulers before European conquest, helped them to insure the contInuity of the ruling dynasty under Furopean domination, and is now servmg them In good stead -This rarc:-r w.n read at fhe M«ting of the Arcino Studies A15OCiation held in [\o~tnn In Sc:rtl'lnber, 19)9. It i:t b,l~l-J Uptl" fielll work conducted 10 the VoltAic R~rubhr under the au~pl~t'S of tht' Ford FoundatIOn Arnell" Studic!o Proltram (19"'· 19)1) . The author alone is ft:spon~lblt for It.<. (Qntcnts. 394 • PA TIERNS OF SUCCESSION TO POLITICAL OFFICE during a period of transition to effective independence. The Mossi have the unique distinction of having preserved their ethnic identity and political autonomy thlOughout all the vicissitudes of Sudanese history until conquered by the French on September I, 1896. The origin of Mossi society is couched in mythological terms. According to theIr tradition they came flOm Dagomba in the Gold Coast (present day Ghana) sometime during the IIth or 12th century and moved northward towards the Niger River. During this migration they carved out three large kingdoms and many small principalities by conquering and absorbing some of the indigenous Ninisi and Foulse and Dogon populations, and by chasing the others into the cliffs of Bandiagara. In 1328, according to Es Sadi in the Tarikh eJ Soudan, the Mossi attacked, burned, and sacked Timbuktu, then held by Mali, and dunng the following century attacked Walata and Banku. They received their first setback by the Ali, and were severe! y beaten by Askia the Great, the usurper of the Songhoi throne, who lead a jihad against them in 1499. But their attacks into the Niger bend did not cease until the Moroccans became masters of Timbuktu sometime in the early 1590·S. FlOm that period until the French conquest, the Mossi remained relatively quiescent. They developed and maintained an economy based on grain cultivation, livestock rearing, cotton pro- duction, and trade between the forest zones and the desert. Their political system crystallized into a loose confederacy of fairly autono- mous kingdoms and principalities, sometimes tribute to the MolO Naba, the ruler of Wagadougou. Wagadougou, the most important Mossi political entity, was like the lesser kingdoms, pyramidal in political structure. At the top was and still is the MolO Naba, a lineal descendant of Wedraogo, the Dagomba conquerer who founded the Mossi group and Moro Naba Wubri, the first ruler of the Wagadougou dynasty. Paying allegiance to him, were the princes who ruled such autonomous provinces as Yako, Boulsa, Mane, Riziam, and Boussouma. These princes were all sons or near relatives of the early Moro Nabas. Directly under the MolO Naba were district chiefs who were descended from the cadet branches of the ruling family. The villages within the district were in turn ruled by the chiefs of the indigenous populations. In many of the villages, 395 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS the sons of the rulrng family. the lIukOll/ceJ. formed a noble class. above classes of commoners. serts. and slaves. Classed among the com- monerS rn many Villages were the descendants of former distnct chiefs who had been deposed by the Moro Nabas. 1 he reason that the rulers gave for the deposal of distrICt duets was always ctisloyalty; but every- one recognized tnat tills was an excuse wbereby the reigning sublineage deposed older branches and provliled POSltlOOS for Its cadet or collateral branches_ The governing luerarchy of the MoSSl was a lineage with Its com- ponent mmor and illlDlmal branches. LIke most lrneages. this ruling lineage possessed an Ideology that all of ItS members bad equal access to Its corporate assets. 1 be most tmpoltant asset of tlus lineage was. of course. ItS sovereignty. ItS ngot to rule. The lIam IS the symbol of Mossl sovereignty and IS descflbed by them as " that force of God wluch enables a mere man to rule over other men. The lIalll was the pos- sessIOn ot Wedraogo. the group s to under. and of Moro Naba Wubn. the first ruler of 'VI agadougou. and trus possessIOn became the patn- mony ot all theu descendants. Tlus bemg tlle case. the rullOg chief of any village. dlStflct. pIJJlCIpallt). or kmgdom dId not own the lIam of that area; be was considered the temporary holder Jr It. and on Ius death It reverted to the ,-olletllve descendants of the royal ancestors. A man ctid not have the fight to pas> the lIam on to an} person because • It was not 1115. Whenever a Mossl chief was bemg consIdered for of- fice hiS commoner electors asked hun the follOWing questions: "Before • hiS death. did Naha X deSignate anyone to replace h.tm as chief?" ThiS questIOn was asked three tunes. and the canctidate responded three tunes : "No' The Naha did not deSignate anyone. You may name anyone you wish; even If he IS a blind man or a lepeL" In actuality. thiS vaunted equality of access to the lIam by all mem- bers of the rulmg lmeage was J legal fictIOn. And despite the fact that all the nobles declared that they could go to Wagadougou to seek the lIalll whenever a duef died. In reality only the members of the dead chIef's mlOlmal !lneage (often the descendants of his grandfather) presented themselves as (andldates. Indeed, of all the candidates, the eldest son of the dead ruler was the one most often chosen to be PATIERNS OF SUCCESSION TO POLITICAL OFFICE chief. If he was not qualIfied then one of hIs younger brothers, or one at tather s brothers or undes was chosen. Yet, the fiction of equal access to the /lam was unportant to the Massi because it enabled them to adhere to thell most unportant political axiom whIch was that The only man who should rule IS one who can keep the country:' RegenCies were avoided, and persons with physical and character de- fects were barred. Moreover, this flexibility gave the electors a wide chOICe of candidates from whICh to choose the person best fitted for chieftaInshIp at any given period. The Massi have always believed that it IS diffIcult to rule men and this is what they mean when they declare: "Nanamse toumde ya yida fa fa"-"The work of the chiefs IS the most difficult of all. '" For example, it does not seem like an accident that the first ruler, Moro Naba Wubri, was succeeded by four of hIs brothers in turn illstead of by hIs sons. The Massi had not com- pletely conquered the ,territory, and the young sons were incapable of handling the complex political situation. The graves of each of the successors to Wubri in different parts of the country remain as markers to testify to the difficult task whIch the early rulers had in controlling their realm. The MaSSI belIeved, and still do believe, that it was only when con- fltct developed after a ruler died, that the people realized how necessary and valuable a chIef was. The death of a chief, especially of the Moro Naba, was kept a secret until tbe war minister arrived at the capital WIth bis troops. Only tben did the cry go up: "The fire has gone out! " ; and as soon as it was beard, violence broke out tbrougbout the land. Prisoners were released, tbieves rifled the markets, and the nakomces, or nobles, rode about tbe countryside doing wbatever they wished. Tbls custom persisted as late as 1942. Reporting to hIs superior in AblJan about tbe events tbat transpired in Wagadougou wben Moro Naba Kom died, tbe French commander wrote: "On Friday, Marcb 13. 1942, young people. profiting from old custom, tried to steal things. but tbey were stopped and about one hundred were arrested ... ' Throughout all the chaos which attended the death of a king. the war minister remained calm unless an attempt was actually made to seize power. He never attempted to stop the public disorder or to catch thieves or murderers. because everyone believed that out of 397 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS all the chaos would come a new appreciatIOn for the task of the chief, and a cessation of the grumblmg that the chIefs were greedy. The Mossl Interregnum also served another purpose. It gave the electors the opportwlIty to exhaust and redIstrIbute much of the patrI- mony of the dead ruler, which was brought to them by Ius heirs who were trymg to obtam the chleftamshlp through bribery. Sometimes, a candidates abIlIty to collect a great deal of goods WIth whICh to press his SUIt often revealed to the electors the strength of ills following In the district or vIllage, for had he been an unpopular man he would have had to use only his own resources. The Mossl electors were always concerned with the health and character of a potentIal chIef, and turned down the most proroising candIdates who were defiCIent In any of these qualIties. For example, when Moro Naba Sanum .lIed In 1890 WIthout leaving a male helf, his younger brother, Bokary Koutou, was the stroogest candidate for the I/all/. Yet he was passed over, at flfst, by the electors hacause of his reputatIon as a bandIt and a rebel. We know from Captatn Binger, a Frenchman who met Bobry m ISSR. that thIS pnn(e wa, Indeed a bandit and a slave ralJer. But Bmger, although deploring Bokary's conduct, exonerated 111m on the grounds that the Moro • 'aba had sent hIm into exile without an y means of support. ThIS "as true, but the reason that Moro Naba Sanum d,d so was because Bokary had raised a rebellIOn agamst hlln as an attempt to obtaIn theIr father's poSItion. Bokary was forbiJJen to appear 111 the capItal; but when he heard that hIS brother Sanum was deaJ, he took a force of soldIers and hurried · to Wagadougou fearmg that an attempt would have been made to pre· vent hIS election. When he fOllnJ that his fears were Justified, he became desperate and secreted a force of Gurunsi warriors around the elector's meetmg place, threatenIng to kIll them If he was not named Moro Naba. The)' succumbed to his threat Jnd he received the I/am. During the customar), speech 10 whIch a new ruler chose his official name, announced his program for the people and the country. or ridiculed his erstwhde competitnrs. Bokar), Koutou "id .. A hundred ghosts can· not frighten an elephant (Wohogo)." meaning that he was not afraid of any of his enemie, He thereafter hecame known as Moro Naba W'nbo,l!O. and he chose 00 live up to his boast when the French arrived and asked hIm to SIgn a treaty of protection with them. He refused PAITERNS OF SUCCESSION TO POLITICAL OFFICE and chose to fight, and when defeated, fled to the Gold Coast (Ghana). From here he mtngued with the Bril:Jsh against the French and even succeeded m having his brother pOIsoned for accepting the title of Moro Naba. It was only when the Bntish accepted French sovereIgnty over Mossl country that Bokary accepted hIS deposition and permanent exile. Once the traditional electors had chosen one of Bokary's younger relatIves, Sigwri as Moro Naba, the Mossl people themselves quietly accepted French rule. Thetr behaVIor was m this respect similar to that of many indigenous populations with complex political institutions who had been conquered by the Europeans. In contrast, the neighboring Dogon, Gurunsl, and Lobi, whose political systems were very simple, and who had been constantly raided by the Mossi for slaves, kept on rebellmg agamst French rule, and in some cases shot poisoned arrows dt french tax collectors and labor recruiters as late as 1941. The only opposItion whICh they offered the french was in 1910 when an attempt was made to reorganize the Mossi districts for administrative reasons. However, when the French changed thetr policy of direct administra- tion to a form of mdtrect rule, the Mossl remained so peaceful that by 1922 there was only one admmistrator for every 60,000 inhabitants. Moro Naba Kom who reigned from 1905 to 1942 skillfully pre- served the power of the rulmg dynasty durmg a period when the Mossi people were subjected to a rather severe forced labor regime. This was also a period during whIch the admmistration deposed chiefs who ran afoul of ItS WIshes or poitcies. The political ability of this ruler is best exempltfied by the order of succeSSIon that occurred in the Dou- lougou distrtct. In 189'; Moro Naba Wobogo had appointed his own son as Doulougou chief in place of Koabga Wedraogo whom he had deposed and lulled. However, when Wobogo fled from the French the next year, hIS son, the Doulougou chIef, lulled himself because he did not wish to follow 1115 father mto exile. The new Mora Naba Siguin placed a son of the former distnct chief, Koabga Wodraogo, as chief of Doulougou. This chief died in 1906 and was replaced by a brother Unfortunately tlus chief ran afoul of the French, was deposed and placed In "obligatory residence" in another district where he died in 1927 The Mora Naba then elected another son of ex- 399 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Moro Naba Wobogo as chief of Doulougou, but this chief was assas- sinated. Thereafter the Moro Naba placed his own brother as chief of Doulougou distnct only to have him deposed by the French in 1932 for abusing hIS power. Now the Moro Naba again turned to a de- scendant of Koabga Wedrago and named him chief, but the French also deposed and jailed this cruef for IOcapaaty. Finally in 1935, the Moro Naba named hIS own son, Etienne Kongo, as chief, and this man was still chief when I left the Mossi in 1957. The interesting feature of this succession is that the Moro Naba confined it to three specific families: his own, that of ex-Moro Naba Wobogo, and that of the ancient chIefly hoe of Doulougou. In no case did Moro Naba Kom attempt to elevate to chieftalOshlp the son or relative of a man whom the French deposed. He named a chIef from another one of the chiefly families, and when a member of this llOe was deposed, he quickly turned to another one. In this way. the Moro Naba never gave the French any cause for thinking that he disapproved of their action by placing as chief a relative of the man they had deposed. Tills type of succession was only poSSIble because of the flexibihty In the Mossi mode of chiefly succession. Furthermore, the dIstrict people readily accepted the chIefs appointed by the Moro Naba because he never de- viated from thelf cultural expectatIOns, or VIolated the ~ccepted norm of succession. A more serious attempt on the part of the French to IOfluence the traditional polltIc,,1 organIzation of the 1\10SS1 came when they tried to • enroll the sons of the Moro Naba and those of other chiefs in a special school U1 order to make these boys adjuncts 10 their administration. The eldest sons of the Moro Naba and of the officials around Wagadougou were all sent to school because they were well known to the French. However, 10 the rural districts. the chiefs hesitated to send their eldest sons to school. First of all, they regarded this plan as another form of forced labor from which their sons might never return. And secondly, because they also feared tbat If these youths did return as educated men, they would have been ChristIanIzed. and thereby would have been un- able or unwilllOg to perform the important roles which chiefs had vis- a-vis the ancestors. To palliate the French the chiefs sent their young- est or motherless sons to schools, or in some cases substituted the sons • PATTERNS OF SUCCESSION TO POLITICAL OFFICE of their former serfs and slaves who were theoretically also "their soos." The sons of the chiefs and those boys of commooer, serf, and slave oflgms who had gooe to the mission schools became the first group of educated Moss!. The educated commoners had no function in the tradttional political system and were readtly absorbed by the local French bureaucracy. However, since these persons were not sufficient to fill the admlntstrattOn 's need of literate Mossi, the sons of chiefs and even the carefully coached missionary catechists were encouraged to join the Civil service. The result of this policy was that almost no literate Mossl were elected to dtstrict and village chieftainship before the end of the second world war. The relatively rapid political development which came to French Africa as a result of the Brazzaville Conference of 1944 and the after- math of the war presented the traditional Mossi pohtical hierarchy with a grave problem: "Who should represent the Mossi people in the new French assemblies aO'd councils both in Africa and in metropohtan France?" There were three possibilities: They could be represented by educated foreign Africans; by the educated soos of Mossi chiefs whose loyalties were not known; or by the potentially hostile educated Mossi commoners. The first hint of the Moro Naba's policy was reo vealed when the Africans were called upon to select delegates to send to the French Constituent Assembly on October 21, 1945· Houphouet [Boigny}, who antiCipated the determination of the Mossi to support their own candidate, had vainly taken the precaution of sendtng an emis- sary to the Moro Naba prior to the September 8 meeting [which the Africans had called to plan strategy}. The Moro Naba proved un- amenable to the suggestion that he support Houphouet's candtdacy, and insisted on backing one of his own loyals vassals, Tenga Wedraogo or Baloum Naba' This action showed clearly that the Mossl had plan- ned to use educated chiefs who could also represent them in the as.- semblies. The flexible pattern of Mossi political succession enabled the Moro Naba and his advisers to meet this new contingency. In three districts, Manga, Sapone, and Kaya, the eldest sons of deceased chiefs were passed over, and their younger educated brothers were elected to the vacant chieftainships. There were some hard feelings over the appointment of Sapone, but the reason given was that the new chief was partially blind in one eye. I have no data for the reaction of 401 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS the Kaya people to thea new cluef. However, in Manga the proposed election of a young chief over his four elder brothers did cause some concern and talk about CatholIC rnachmations because the nominee was of that faith. But there was nO overt opposition to him once be bad been elected. His elder brother accepted the wishes of the Moro Naba with good graces even though he rernallS a rather tragic individual. The differential treatment that the Manga Naba receives from the administration IS obvious to everyone. Whereas the other district cruefs are still summarily summoned to the adCDlflistrative center, and kept waiting, the Manga Naba sends his assistants to represent bim. When the Governor of the Haute Volta came to Manga to make it an administrative subdIVIsion, he was entertamed by the Manga Naba while the nelghborllg dlstnct chiefs celebrated outside. It was the political power of thiS educated chief whICh was responsible for Manga becommg an administrative subdivisIOn even though it is located several miles from the highway whICh runs between Wagadougou and Ghana. Furthermore, the population of the neighboring district all complain that Mang. ·s populatIOn has gained a disproportIOnate share of aU tbe services prOVided by the governmental agencies whose headquarters are there. The fears which the Manga people and the other Mossi have haJ over thelf chiefs being CatholIC have not materialized in Manga. Of course, the Manga Naba does perform the rituals on the day of the ancestral feasts. These rites are now being performed by hiS father·s brother who has become the ntual head of the ruling line- , age (and It is poSSible that thiS line may become the line which performs thiS task for the no\\ "secular" chief). However, when the chief celebrates the ann.versar)· of his convemon to CatholiCIsm at the mission, afterwards he holds (Ourt in his house where he receives from CatholICS, Moslems, Jnd pagans alike, the gifts he normally would have receiveJ in the feast of the ancestors .' The most Imrortant fundion of such Mossi chiefs as the Manga Naba is to defend the Intele,ts of the Mossl people in the territorial assemblies and the French counnls nnJ assemblies while preserving the rulmg tradition of tht' descendants of \'\'edraogo and \'{'ubri. In his capacity as politiCian-chief. the Mang.1 Naba joined a fellow Mossi of rather humble origin in sponsoring several bills in the Assembly of PATTERNS OF SUCCESSION TO POLITICAL OFFICE the French Union including one to build up the capital of Wagadougou. At home he ha!> taken an at:tlve lIltereSt ill interclistrict politics, and has acted as a halson between Ius fellow tradJtional chiefs and the Mossi pohbuans of commoner OflgillS. It goes without saying that he only supports those persons who are not opposed to the Moro Naba. As a matter ot course, leadlllg Mossl pohticians fearing rebuffs from the distrlct cluefs seldom vislt an)' of the districts in the Manga subdivision unless they ale accompallled and Introduced by the Manga Naba. This kind of co-operation is what made it reasonable for a united block of pohtICal parties ill Upper Volta, the Unified Democratic Party (Parti Democratlque Ulllfie) to elect the late Moro Naba Sagha as it's honor- ary president before hls death in 1956. At that time, the new party stressed the point that its action was guided by the fact that only the Mossl people had preserved their political identity throughout African history.' The power of t!i.e traditional Mossi chiefs has been ably defended by thm new politician-chiefs against those Africans who would rele- gate the illstitutJOn of the clueftainship to ethnological musuems. The Manga Naba speakmg before the Congress of Traditional Chiefs in Dakar in 1956 declared: Without wishing to duect any reproach to those who are demanding the abolition of traditional chieftainships, and who severely criticize institutions of whose value they are to- tally unaware, we ask them to beware of blaming the desert for the grain of sand whICh falls into the eye. We ask them not to compare the chieftainship instituted among them only a few years ago, chieftainship which perhaps has been im- posed upon them, to ours which has existed for centuries. It is not our fault, if the manufactured chiefs among them have not known how to perform their tasks and have believed that to administer they had to resort to all sorts of extortions. One has never placed at the head of Our villages, districts, provinces, or kingdoms persons who have come from elsewhere (former boys, stewards, cooks, or interpret- ers), because it could not be done. If in our country there are chiefs who are former civil servants [like the speaker, I must add} it is that they are persons who have inherited these positions according to custom, and in the places of their fathers, uncles, Or brothers . • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS We Mossi cannot say that the Europeans have introduced chieftainslup among us; for we are old hands at it. Chieft am- slup has always eXIsted among us, and we mtend to conserve it in spite of anythmg one may say about it. Who better than we chiefs can hope for a rapid evolu- tion of our country? However, because of the pride we have m the organized society that we have known well before French occupation, we wish tlus evolution to take place with- in our specific cultural pattern, to harmonIZe with, and to take into consideration the wisdom which has permitted us to conserve the integrity of our homeland until French oc- cupation_ Without wislung to place ourselves against the demands of those who are wedded to an overthrow of local traditIOns, we endeavor to state our position cleaely: Let everyone scratch whatever itches him.' It is too early to predict what will be the fate of the trailltionai MoSSI chiefs. The factors which made for such weaknesses m their poLI- tical system-hazardous Interregnums and flexibility in succession- have certainly ceased to operate. But, as I have shown. by a curious coincidence, a form of succession whICh evolved to meet a particular set of circumstances served the Mossl in good stead dunng French oc- cupation, and is now being aJapted to serve the needs of a new political envl[onment. ThiS flexibility m succesSIOn may even provide the Mossi with a wide enough choice of candidates to preserve the tradi- tional ruling lineages 10 the fale of a changing political system. Further- • more, this flexibIlity In politICal succeSSion appears to be more com- pahble and less In conflict with the prInCiples of universal suffrage which have been IOtroduced 10 this sOCIety to serve the needs of the developIng parlIamentary system. The growIng use of Mos>I traditional cluefs .IS modern politiCians has not precluded the opportunit)' of Mossi commoners to take pact in the governmental orgaOIzatlOn nf the territory in which their group reSides. As a matter of fact. there are a number of commoners who are well educated. and indl\'idually have held high administrahve offices. However, despite a number of them who have been critical of the traditional ruling lllerarchy, they have not succeeded in breaking the strnng hold of the tradihonal rullOS lIneage on the people. Some commoners have even found it to their advantage to ally themselves PATTERNS OF SUCCESSION TO POUTICAL OFFICE With the Moro Naba and his chiefs. The Mossi commoner who be- came Miruster of the Intenor In the Mendes-France government re- ceived the treatment fittmg to his rank from French officials in Africa, but he bowed humbly and paid homage to the Mora Naba when he vIsited Wagadougou. In return he still receives political support from the tradItional Massi hierarchy. Whether or not this man and the other MaSSI politiCians of commoner origin will continue to honor and respect the chIefs in order to obtain their support is not known. It IS pOSSIble that this situatIOn will change if the growing number of urban Massi and some of their rural fellows attack the position of the ~hiefs. But for the foreseeable future it appears as though the tradi- tional dynasty will remain in power, and may even extend its power at the expense of the other non-Mossi groups who are now members of the Voltaic Republic. The apparent success of the ancient political dynasty of the Mossi • people to adapt itself to the requirements of the modern world shows the ability of African instItutions to adjust novelty with traditioll. It confirms what the anthropologists have always known, that Africa was not a labia rasa on which conquerors could easily impose their ideas and institutions. The cultures of Africa were meaningful to its peoples and when they could not be maintained, they were reinterpreted to meet new situatIOns· It is qUite true that because of historical reasons the Mossi did not come into as intensive contact with Europeans as did their neigh- bors to the south, and that this is possibly why their institutions have persisted. However, the experience of Ghana should make us pause before accepting such a facile answer. A British type of Parliamentary system was imposed upon that country, but it is changing so rapidly that one wonders whether it should have been imposed in the first place. It is still too early to tell what the Ghanaian and other modern African governments will look like; but one might speculate that within the bounds set by the exigencies of the modern world, these governments may resemble the traditional African ones much more than those of their ephemeral conquerors. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. According to C. K. Meek, among the Jukun "The IGng's demise was and is kept a cJo~e seuet, .and is not, in fact revealed until some months afterwards, when the body is formally buried. Various reasons are assigned for this secrecy, such as that • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS the counsellors may have time to choo!'>c a successor, that bloody contests between aspirants for the throne may be avoidtd, or that the royal slaves and wives may DOt run off," (A SlId.mest KIngdom, C. K. Mctk. London, 1931), p. 166. Among the Banyoro of L!ganJa, "When the King died, it was not made known (or some days and only those In attcndanlC' knew that death had taken place, that. as they said, "Kutuza," he "slept." (p. 21). And although there was some understanding as to who should be chief there was fightJ08 between the dlife-rent princes. "The fightmg amoDg pCinces mjght last only a few days while sometimes it would go OQ for weeks and enn montru." (p. 124) (The BllkllaTa 0/ B~"Jo,o. Jobo Roscoc. CambriJge Unlv<.:rsity PCe5S, 1923). Among the BaVenda. "None of the people are informeJ of the death of the duef, but when some months have passed and the people begin to grow restless they are told that he has gone away; often a yeu' or more used to elapse between the death of the cruef and any recognition of it , .. It appears tlllt during the tnterregnum any O:C1tM]ent or attempts at uswpatioo of power h.!."e time 10 work themsdves out before the heir is UlSwled.; Everybody has il shrewd ide-a as to the true state of affaus, although no one dares to speak of jt. . Th~ BQV~"d/J, Hugh A, Stayt, London, 1931), p. 207. 2. "The K1llgJom of Ankole ill UgiJlJa,·' by K. Oberg, pp. 1:;7·158, 10 Alrml. Poli. U(ttl SYllcmJ, tthteJ b)' M. fortes and E. E. Evans·Pl1tc.hard. Oxford Puu. 19.fQ, 3. "An Analym of the Political Organization of the MOSSI People" by Elliott P. SlUnner, in Tr.lfl/01{/fOnl 01 Ih~ N,w l'ork Arademy of Sriettr.l, Set. 11. Vol. 19. No.8, UU 740·7)0, June, 19)7. 4. Copy of Telegram In the ArchiVes of J.F.A.N. at \'t(fagadougou, Volwc Republic. 5. Fre"rh 1I't-J) AJruJ. Vugtnl1 Thompwn and Richard Adla£(. Stanford UnivenJty Press. 195Y, pp. 223-224, 6. "Chrisl1oUuty Jnd Islam Among the Mas:.!, • Ehott P. Skinn~ in A1kr'it.,. A"lhropolo- gill, Vol. 60, No.6, December, 1958, pp. 1102-1119. 1. Thompson and Adlo£(. op. rtl. p. 177. 8. L'A!rlfjlle Fr.J"raiJ~. Vol. 66, 1951, p. 21, Paris. 9. A1.m .;nJ 1/11 11"0,11, M<:h'dle J. Her,kuvlt5, New Yorlc, 1950, p. )42 fE, and Josepb H . Grl.'t"'nbt:rg, 'The 'nflucnle of Islam on a Sudanese Religlon," Motr0lraphs 01 IN , Amerirdll EJhtruJ,.IglcaJ SOrl~/l, Vol. X, 1946. • THE CONTRIBUTION OF TRIBALISM TO NATIONALISM IN WESTERN NIGERIA RICHARD L. SKLAR Tribalism is the red devil of contemporary Africa. It was con- demned by nationalists at the first All-African Peoples Conference as "an evil practice" and "a serious obstacle" to "the unity ... the political evolutiOn .. . (and) the rapld liberation of Africa."! The case against tribalism rests mainly on the premise that tribal movements thrive on ethmc group loyalties which undermine wider loyalties to emerging national states. Moreover, tribal loyalties are supposed to entail im- plicit attachments to traditional values and institutions which are thought to be incompatible with the requirements of social reconstruc- tion. These assumptiOns are questioned in this article which is limited to the discussion of two manifestations of tribalism in southwestern Nlgeria. The first, pantribalism, is a vigorous offspring of modern urbanizatiOn and the distmctive expression of ethnic group activity for the most pobtically conscious members of a new and rising class. The second, communal partisanship, is endemic to rural areas and old towns where traditional values are paramount and the socially cohesive ties of traditional authority are binding upon the people. Both manifesta- tions of tribalism have given impetus to the growth of mass political parties and the movement for national independence. It wdl suffice as background to outline briefly the political setting of Nigena, a nation of some 35 million people (according to a dated census) , and to identify the main tribal groups and the major political parties . Nigeria is a Federation of three political Regions, each of which has a Legislature and an Executive Council headed by a Premler. In every Region a single "nationality" group of cultural- ly related tribes' is numerically preponderant: The Yoruba in the Western Region, the Ibo in the Eastern Region and the Hausa in the Northern Region . There are three major political parties: the Ac- tion Group, the National Council of Nigeria, and the Cameroons (N.C.N.C.), and the Northern Peoples Congress; they control the Governments of the Western, Eastern, and Northern Regions respec- tively. The Action Group is the official Opposition in the East and in • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS the North; the N.CN.C is the official Opposition in the West and operates through an ally ill the North; the Northern Peoples Congress is restricted to persons of Northern orlgm. The Northern Region, how- ever, contains about 54 per cent of the population of Nlgena, and the Northern Peoples Congress emerged from the federal election of De- cember, 1959 with 142 of the 312 seats 10 the Federal House of Re- presentatives, followed by the N.CN.C with 89, the Action Group With 73, and 8 members who are IOdependent of the major parties. Presently the Federal Government consists of an N.P.C-N.CN.C coalition with an N.P.C Prime Minister, while the Action Group forms the Federal Opposition. Nigeria is destined to achieve independence within the British Commonwealth on October 1, 1960. Pal/tribalism The Yoruba People, or "natlOnailty," of Western Nibena com- prise a number of tribal sectIOns that have a long history of conflict with one another attnbutable largely to precoloOlal effects of the slave trade. Pan-Yoruba unity was an Ideal fostered by a twentieth century elite of educated men and women who followed entrepreneural, pro- fessional, managerml, and de"cal vocations In new urban areas, prin- CIpally 10 the commefCIal centers of Lagos and Ibadan. In 1944 a group of Yoruba students and profeSSIOnal men 10 London organized a Pan-Yoruba cultural society called fgbc 01110 041/4u"., (Sons of the Descendants of Oduduwa).' Four years later the society was maugu- rated 10 \'Vestern Nlgeru at a conference attended by dlustnous Yoruba personailtles who claimed to follow the example of pantribal orgaruza- tlOn set by other tribes and national1ties. 10 particular the Ibo people of Fastern Nigena. It IS not Improbable that the founders of the Egb, 01110 04114ulI,tI were motivated by interests that were political as well as cultural. Most of them were poiltlCally-orlented men of the new and mlOg class law)'ers, doctors, huslOessmen, civil servants, and certain far-s ighted chiefs who perceived that the locus of economic and politi- cal power was not local hut Regional and national. In '9W, leaders of the EX'" O/l/n Od"d1l11'd were among the principal organizers of a new politICal party called the Action Group, which came to power in the Western Region as a result of a general election held the following year. It was the chief 31m of the founders of the Action Group to ovec- • CONTRIBUTION OF TRIBALISM TO NATIONALISM corne the ingrained particularism of the Y oruba tribes and weld them together behInd a politIcal party that would serve their common in- terests. In the rural areas and in traditional towns of Western Nigeria, chiefs are among the most influential leaders of opinion, and the fate of a polltJCal party may hmge on the extension of their support. The Action Group applied that pnnciple and reared its mass organization largely upon the foundation of support by traditional authorities. Two powerful inducements attracted various chiefs into the fold of the Ac- tion Group: some of the chiefs were nonparochial in outlook and re- sponded to the cultural appeal of Pan-Yoruba unity; others were im- pressed by the political and economic power of the pantribal elite and embraced the new party with enthusiasm or with resignati)fl to the new facts of political life. The rise of the Action Group in the city of Lagos attest'd to the efficacy of collaboration between a traditional authority and the pan- tribal elite. Lagos, the capital of the Federation, is a Yoruba town that burgeoned into the principal port and main commercial cen 'er of Ni- geria. Prior to 1954 it was administered under the Western Regional Government. The population of Lagos may be said to corn) .rise three main ethnic categories: the indigenous Yorubas, the nonhdigenous Yoruba settlers, and other settlers who are non-Yoruba. 1 raditional values weigh heavily upon the indigenous community while ·he values and social perspectives of the settler groups are primarily nontradi- tional. For about 25 years prior to 1950, Lagos local politics !)ivoted on the rivalry between a majority of the Yoruba indigenous community and the main body of Yoruba settlers. When the Action Group was organized In 1950, it derived its following in Lagos mainly from the Yoruba ellte, most of whom were settlers. The vast majority of in- digenous Yorubas and most of the non-Yoruba settlers favored an older party, the National Council of Nigeria and the Camerooms (N.C.N.C.). Within a few years of the inauguration of its Lagos branch, the Action Group managed to obtain the support of a majority of the Yoruba indigenes, an achievement that was due largely to the efforts of the Oba (Paramount Chief) of Lagos. The latter was an enthusiastic proponent of pan-Yoruba unity and he applied his in- fluence among the indigenes effectively in behalf of the Action Group . • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Everywhere in the Western ReglOn, leaders of the Action Group • solicted the active co-operation of traditional chiefs. Those few chiefs who were hostile to the party or obstructed the implementatlOn of Its policies courted Jeopardy. A celebrated case of opposition by one para- mount chief, the ex-Alajm (lung) of Oyo, created a general impres- sion throughout the Western ReglOn that no chief could stand against the Government Party and survive. Oyo was once the capital of an ex- tensive Yoruba empire, and the Alajill IS one of the most exalted of the Yoruba chiefs. However, the ex-Alajlll was a conservative chief of the old order whose relationship with the Action Group detenorated rapidly soon after that party came to power. Supporters of the Alafm, including nontraditionallsts who opposed the Action Group for political reasons, tormed an Oyo Peoples Party and decided to affiliate with the N.C.N.C. In September, 1954, there was an outbreak of partlS.Ul VI(}- lence at Oyo In the course of which several people were killed. The Regional Government held the Ala/ill to blame and suspended hun from office; eventually he was deposed. In this context the substance of the Issue at 0)'0 is Irrelevant. What matters to us is the fact that a power- ful chief was suspended by the Goverrunent and barushed from hrs domain upon the recommendation of a cOmmittee of Ob"s (Paramount Chiefs) at a Joint meeting with the leaders of the Egbe Omo Oduduu·a. The Action Group may have resolved to banish the Ala/in ill any case, but the TIgbe, technICally a pantnbal cultural organIZatIOn, supplied a moral sanction from the most respectable elements In Yoruba-Iand, in- • • cluding the Ala/ill's traditional peers . It must be emphasized that the ActIOn Group as a political party, and the Egb~ 01110 OdllJlIlI!a, as a cultural organization, are technically distinct organlzatlOns. In theory the Egbe IS nonpartisan and its rela- tionshIp to the Action Group IS wholly unofficial; to prachce its service to the Action Group IS beyond compare. The two associations are virtual- , ly inseparable in certam rural areas where the tradittonal chiefs bless them both 10 the name of the cultural and political interests of the pe0- ple. Frequently, the pan tribal organization is employed to settle disputes between Yoruba personalities, in particular among chiefs, that might otherwise embarrass the Action GrOllI" OccasIOnally, it has been utilized by the pantCibal elite, as in the extreme case of the ex-Alttfin of Oyo, to coerce a recalcitrant chief. In general, the Egbe Omo Odudllu'" func- 4[0 • CONTRIBUTION OF TRIBALISM TO NATIONALISM It ions as a auclal link between the ActlOn Group, the chiefs, and other .J men of mfluence to facilItate the Implementation of party policies (in- dudmg poltcles affectmg the posItion of chiefs), with a minimum of c1ifficulty or resIstance. Communal Partisanship Communal partIsanshIp, unlike pantribalism, implies the affirma- tIOn of tradItional value. Yet the nationalistic parties have relied upon / .1 it for mass support in areas of traditional habitation. The Government Party of the Western Region has enlisted communal partisanship by means of a systematic program involving the co-operation of chiefs. '- However, there are examples of communal partisanship emerging in opposition to the Government Party and persisting in defiance of the communal chief. Two such cases, at Benin and Ibadan, are examined here. Bemn. the capItal CIty of the Edo people, provides an example of conflict between a traditIonal community and a rising class. The Edo are a ml110nty group in the predominantly Yoruba Western Region. Some years ago, Edo men of wealth and high social status formed a Benin branch of the Reformed Ogbolli Fraternity,' an exclusive society founded at Lagos by rising class Yorubas who were inspired by the ex- ample of European freemasonry. At first, membership in the Lodge was restncted to the town elIte, i.e., professionals, businessmen, employees of firms, and leading chiefs. Subsequently, the Lodge was transformed ) by its leadership into a politICal machine and opened to all administra- ttve and business offIcials, both hIgh and petty. From 1948 to 1951 the OgbolJiJ. under a dynamic leader, dominated the administration of the '" Benm DIvision to the chargin of its traditional ruler, the Oba of Benin, and the dIstress of the people. 0 gbollis are reported to have controlled the tax system, the markets, the police, the courts, access to the firms, etc. It is said that the members of the Lodge could violate the law with Impunity. and that they enjoyed special privileges in most spheres of political and economic actIvity. By 19';0 Ogbollism had become synony- mous with oppression. Moreover, the people of Benin identified it with the bugbear of Yoruba domination, and their anxieties mounted \ -J in 195T when the principal Ogbmzi leaders affiliated with the Action Group, a new political party under Yoruba control. Meanwhile, non- • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS ) IO gbonis formed a popular party, known as the a/II Edo (Benin Com-mumty) , dedICated to defend tradition and the sacred institution of aba-ship agamst the alleged encroachments of usurpers_ In 1951 the popular party swept the Ogbol1is from office in local government elec- tions and defeated them soundly m contests for the Regional legisla- ture_ However, the vmdICatlOn of traditional value by the electorate did not restore the polttlCal supremacy of the aba_ HJs attempts to control the a/II Edo were frustrated by progressive leaders of that party for whom the cause of tradition bad been an expedient means to further j \ nationalistic and other polttlcal ends. Since the a gbollis were partisan to the Action Group, the leaders of tbe 0111 Edo resolved to affiliate , with the N .C.N.C. The Oba spurned the tbought of affiltatlon with either national party. His pomary interest was the creation of a new state in the non-Yoruba provmces of the Western Region where £40 IOfluence would be dominant, and he organized an independent party to attain that objective. But It IS perilous for any chief to stand against the party in power. In the words of an official report, commentmg on the case of the ex-Ala/ill of Oyo, to which we have referred: "The i shadow of onc great Chief, now deposed and in exile. lies across the foreground of every Chlef's outlook today ... • In 1955 the Oba made his peace with the Western Regional Government; the Government en- dorsed the idea of a non-Yoruba state In principle, and the aba, in turn, agreed to JOin the Government as a Minister Without portfolio. • • A small fllinOrlty of the Benin people who supported hun against the a gbol1i menace to IllS authonty now followed hun lOtO the Action Group; but the vast majority remamed loyal to their communal party. the a/II £do. Their reverence for Benin tradition and the institution of aba-ship (Chleftiancy) persisted. but they condemned the incumbent Oba (Paramount Cbief) for his switch to the party that was associated 10 Benin With Ogb01llI111 and class Interest. Our second case of communal partisanship, at Ibadan, capital of the Western Region, reflects an underlying conflict hetween urban set- tlers and Sons of the soli. Ibadan. With a population of nearly 500,000, is the largest African city on the African continent. Urbanization at lbadan exemplifies the two sector pattern of development that is typi. cal of traditional towns. A vast maJoflty of the people dwell in the CONTRIBUTION OF TRIBALISM TO NATIONALISM teeming mdigenous sector; they live in family "compounds" of more than one hundred people in most cases, subject to the traditional authority of a family head. An average lbadan man divides his time between the town and the rural districts, where he cultivates cocoa on family land. Men of InItIative from other towns and villages have settled m the new sectors of lbadan for commercial and occupational reasons. Among them, the ljebu people are the most numerous. The Ibadan and the IJebu are neighboring Yoruba tribes; traditionally they were rivals and ill recent years the historic antipathy between them has been revIved by economIC competition. In I950 the indigene-settler confhct reached a climax over Issues involving land ownership and local representation. The non-Ibadan group formed a Native Settlers Union to press for the rights of settlers both to acquire landed property in Ibadan on a freehold basis and to stand for election to the Ibadan local government. These demands were supported by the pan-Yoruba tribal , association. We have observed that in I95I the Action Group triumphed in the Western elecllon and became the Regional Government Party. It is pertinent to this discussion of Ibadan politics that the Action Group leader, an Ijebu Yoruba, was the General Secretary of the pan-Yoruba tribal union and a highly successful barrister resident of Ibadan where he was a legal adviser to the Native Settlers Union. Six Ibadan indi- genes were elected to the Western House of Assmbly on the platform of an Ibadan Peoples Party. Following the election, five of them de- clared for the Action Group and one was appointed as a Minister in the new Western Regional Government. The Ibadan chiefs and people re- acted sharply. For several years the trend of events had run against their perceived interests; Ibadan chiefs had been shorn of their tradi- tional prerogatives by a number of administrative reforms; acres of cocoa plants belonging to Ibadan farmers had been destroyed by the Government in a well-intentioned but costly and unpopular attempt to check the spread of a contagious blight; Ibadan lands were acquired by settlers who supported various objectionable reforms; and a settler personality had suddenly become the leader of the Government. Tn I954 the single elected member who did not join the Action Group organized an Ibadan tribal party with the support of the chiefs and the leaders of an Ibadan farmers' movement. The new party, called the • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Mabolaje, which means in Yoruba, "[Do} not reduce the dignity of Chiefs," affiliated with the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons. SWIftly the /Habolaje established its supremacy in Ibadan; eventually its leader became the First Vice President of the N.C.N.C. and Leader of the Opposition m the Western House of Assembly. Only a small mmonty of the mcLgenous nsmg class embraced the popu- list MabolaJe. The great majority of entrepreneural, professional, and educated men of Ibadan gravitated to the Government Party. Further- more, in 1955, an Action Group supporter was elevated to the head chiefshlp of Ibadan , whereupon most of the chiefs and aspirants to chieftainc)", who requlfe the endorsement of tbe Head Chief for promo- tion or recognItion by the Government, traosferred their support fwm the party named m their honor to the party in power. As at Benin, the loss of the CItadel of chieftalOC) dId not weaken the party of traditional value. and the dommance of the MabolaJe at Ibadan has been evinced at every election of recent years. At Benm and Ibadan, communal partisanship emerged as a re- action to the politteal d"ves of a rtSmg class. In BenlD the new class was wholly IOdigenous; m Ibadan it was mainly a settler class with an mdigenous component. In both cases the outlook of tbe lOdigenous , rising class was supratrib.l, whteh led It to embrace a political party that the people at large Identtfled WIth mterests which they regarded as being inimICal to the values of thetr communal traditlC)J1s. The tribal parties affiliated with a rival national party, in both cases the National Council of Nigena and the Cameroons. They are properly termei tri- • bal party affil iates because their respective memberships are con fined to the indIgenous communal groups of Benin and Ibadan. NOllindl- genous supporters are considered to be partisans of the N.C.N C. at Benm or the N.C.N.C.-Ma/mlaJ" Grand Alliance at Ibadan, but not of the 0111 Edn or the MabolaJ' per se. The ordinary folower or member of a tribal party in an al ea of traditiOnal habitation IS likely to regard it as an extension of the social )order to which he IS spiritually. sentimentally, and spontaneously at- tached. In his mind, and in the minds of others with whom he lIabit- ually associates. the party is endowed with the values of the traditional order. PartisanshIp of this nature is rommunal in the classical sense.' It implies the Ideal of an integrated system of values involving tht' com- • CONTRlBUTION OF TRlBALlSM TO NATIONALISM bination or synthesis of political, spiritual, and cultural values into a unified moral universe similar to the symbolic universe of traditional society.' Consequently, supporters of a communal membership party are apt to view opposition to that party by a member of the community with moral indignation and to punish it as antisocial conduct. Of course, the concept of communal partisanship does not correspond exactly tc the psychology of any particular individual. It does not apply at all to the leadership of the tribal parties of Benin or Ibadan which was drawn primarily from the rising class, mainly from those populist and radically dIsposed individuals who rallied to the popular cause in principle or in consequence of a perceived advantage. The nature of their partisanship IS properly termed associatlOnal rather than communal; it inlplies ra- ! tional, deliberate affiliation without ritual significance in affirmation / of a political belief or in pursuit of a personal goal.' Owing to the in- fluence of radical leaders, communal participation parties have assim· ilated nationaltstic principles within their codes of traditional values. A prime example is the Mabolaje of Ibadan, which was conservative With respect to admnistrative reform but radical with respect to politi- cal nationalism, i.e., the movement for independence. Conclusion In Western Nigeria most rising class elements in every tnbal and natIOnality group are drawn by their interests into the fold of the party J In power. By and large, ethnic affinities are outweighed by class in- terests, as at Ibadan where most of the indigenous rising class joined their social peers among the settlers within the Government Party. Prudent chiefs normally go along, since the Government Party controls the system of appointment and deposition. In 1958 only one member in 51 of the Western House Chiefs (a co-ordinate chamber of the Re- gional Legislature) was identified as a supporter of the Opposition Party, while 31 elected members out of 80 in the House of Asesmbly belonged to the Opposition" Furthermore, Nigerian chiefs in general are asocsiated with the economic as well as the political interests of the rising class, and the number of chiefs in business is legion. Progressive chiefs and other culturally conscious members of the enlightened mi- nority reqUired an ideological nexus of their ethnic and class values that would supply a rationale for their nontraditional and supratribal JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS interests. That need was admirably satisfied by the theory of pantri. balism. Within its defined cultural sphere, pantribalism is cosmopolitan and consistent with the affirmatlOn of nontraditional interests or the negation of traditional interests that obstruct the policies of the pan· tribal elite. Pantribalism like Jewish Zionism, is innately secular, and produces a sense of " national" identity among peoples who are ethnical· ly or tribally diverse but culturally related. The pantribal spirit was ardent In the breasts of those who felt the most urgent need for unity beyond the parochial confines of their tribes These were typically men of the riSing class to whom the conditions of colonial rule were least tolerable. When theJr perspectives rise above the stage of ethnic "na· tionality," pantribalism may be expected to lose its class distinction and the magic of its political appeal. Communal partisanship is a social and psychological form of party· type tribal movement In areas of traditional habitation where the in· tegral values of traditional society have not been transformed by the process of social change. In many cases local parties based on com· munal partisanship have been brought into existence deliberately by nationalISts and nsing class elements with the co-operation of chiefs. Occasionally, as at Benin and Ibadan, the emergence of communal partisanship has reflected the repudiation of a rising class by the pe0- ple of a traditional community In transition where cla tionll appeal." After a consideration of psychological developlWPt in to malnutrition, it is concluded that all the mental attributes of pee- literate Africans, insofar as these differ from those of Wutero Jluso.. peanl, can be explained on cultural grounds, but that _, liso play. vital part in mlny , AFRICAN MIND IN HEALTH AND DISEASE In regard to psychiatry, studies of incidence of mental dis- turbance. when these are compared with studies made in England and America. show evidence of a lower total incidence, of an especially low incidence in women, and of a relatively high incidence in the age group 20 to 40 years. These findings are partly explicable on the grounds that, being based on hospital admissions, they fail to reflect the true situation in Africa much more completely than is the case in more developed countries. Reasons are given, however, for believing that only part of the difference is to be explained in this way, and that much of it can be seen as due to the stability of the indigenous African cultural background, especially for older age groups and for the women. who have been much less affected by deculturation than have younger men. As regards the psychiatric categories, the incidence of mental defect cannot as yet be assessed. Mongolism however, appears to be rare almost to vanishing point. Organic psychoses are common but related far more to infective factors, and far less to senility and arteriosclerosis than is the case in Europe. Schizophrenia is, par excellence, the chronic form of insanity in Africans as in Europeans- a fact reflected in all figures concerning inmates of African mental hospitals-but it tends to take amorphous and confusional forms, and anything in the nature of well-developed delusional systematization IS hardly to be found except in Africans who have become sophisticated on European cultural lines. Affective disorder is mainly represented by mania; while depression, at least in classical forms, seems to be rare in the rural population. Obsessional neuroses were also rarely observed. Finally, it is recorded that Africans are prone to develop a type of twilight or confusional state, which the author entitles "Frenzied Anxiety." This condition arises out of an acute anxiety which is related by the patient to bewitchment. The anxiety is not sustained as such for long but rapidly develops into a confusional state with a dominance of action by emotion and with the exhibition at times of the highest degrees of violence. The condition is self-limiting and recovery is usually remarkably complete, though subsequent amnesia for the episode is the rule. In general the distinctive features of African psychiatry are seen by the author as being an outcome of the lack of personality in- tegration at the conscious level, described in the section on psychology; 453 .JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS the individual being integrated in his socIety rather than in himself. His neuroses thus develop and resolve themselves on social lines and psychoses take amorphous and abortive forms. The final chapter discusses the whole questIOn of how and why the sort of cultural background that is seen in Afnca has developed. Attention is drawn to the fact that its general features are not unique1r African; that most preliterate groups seem to have developed something similar; and that it is probable that the earliest European cultures fol- lowed similar lines. The thesis is developed that cultures of this re- pressive ritualistic type are probably necessary concomitants of a certain stage in human social evolution and that this necessity is an outcome of the perils of social living for a species whose members are structurally similar. Finally, after a considerahon of the ways tn which the various environmental factors may have influenced the genetic constttution of peoples, the author concludes: "ClimatIC. nutritional. mfecttve. and cultural factors are thus all likely to have played their part in forming the constitution of humanity in Africa; and the effects of eadl of these are not likely to have been the same as thel[ effects tn Europe. These remarks have applied to bodies; but. perhaps sUIpnstngly. there is no evidence that they have applied to minds. Certatnly all these factors may, and often do. affect the mtnd directl),. but there is a striktng lack of eVIdence that adaptatIOn to them has IDfluenced the • genetic basis of mentation." I 454 "THE AFRICAN PERSONALITY": MYTH AND REALITY CHARLES FRANTZ It IS widely asserted today that Africans have a distinctive type of personallt), whICh is unlike that of other people. Various theories have been postulated to explaIn !l'by the alleged uniqueness has developed; others have onl), been Interested in describing it; and yet another group has used the term to rationalIze a supposedly dIstinctive contribution to Inlernational relations. How valid is this conception? Is there really such a phenomenon as "The African Personality" or is it simply a myth, an explanatory tale that IS used because it is convenient in political af- falIS? How much IS really known about the personalities of Africans and what remaInS to be Investigated? These are a few of the questions to whICh thiS article is addressed. PersonalIty has been variously defined, but the first two definitions given in the Diet/Ollar}' of Psycbology seem adequate for our purposes: "1. the integrated organization of all the cognitive, affective, conative, and phySICal characteristICs of an individual as it manifests itself in focal directness to others; 2. the general characterization, or pattern, of an individual's total behaviorl ... " Thus personality may, perhaps, be best conceived as the product of an interaction between the person and the situation. It is a process that is endless, until death, rather than a mere collection of "traits." There is more agreement shown with respect to the major determi- nants of the growth of personality, however, even though several theories are stIli widely current which vary in the relative importance assigned to these determinants. Kluckhohn and Murray' cite four major determinants upon personality, and brief illustrations of them may be useful. First, are the constitutional factors such as intelligence, tempera- ment, and physique that have a large hereditary component. Second, are the cultural influences that affect a person by virtue of his member- ship in a particular society or group. These include beliefs about causa- tion, whether personality is viewed as predetermined, the status of the child. how the child should be educated, and values concerning the ideal Or "socially requIred" qualities such as generosity, shyness, and courage. The third group of influences derive from the roles that a person carries out. In some societies there may be few or many specialized crafts- men or relIgious officials; and simple egalitarian or elaborate hierarch i- 455 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS cal social structures may exist within age groups, social classes, secret societies, clans, and so on. Finally, the situational or accidental factors, such as disfiguration from disease or injury, may be of critical impor- tance. The total result-the person-IS the product of the interaction of these and perhaps other influences. Others have been more interested in nongenetic factors, and much experimental evidence supports the idea that sociocultural mouldmg forces are of greater importance. One could add other variables (social class, in fact, is determined by multi- ple factors), that would contradict the idea that there is such a thing as "the" Negro personality. The concept of a unique Negro personality, then, is open to ques- tion. Much of the answer needs to depend upon the incidence of cer- tain patterns of behavior. The final resolution of the alternallve theories -which are reminiscent of the nature-nurture controversy about ill- diL·,dllah rather than rareJ or populations-must await more s}'StematlC research and the development of better theoretical models . The most common view now favored is that genetIC factors, like c1unate. provide some of the potentialities for personality growth and development, but that these potentialities are realized according to the stimulus from the society and culture In which an indiVidual is reared. Whatever factors were asserted to be primary, little research has been undertaken outside the \Xlestern world on the nature of Negro, Afncan, or other types of personality. Psychology and sociology devel- oped out of philosophy, and a corpus of generalizations arose that were • • claimed to be valid for all human hfe. On the other hand, anthropology and ethnology had their begInnings In the broader context of geo- graphy, travel. and biology. The less culture-bound studies led to the modification or rejection of many of the filst generalizations: e.g., that a "primitive" or "prelogical" mentality was characteristic of nonliterate peoples; that the Oedipus complex was inherent In every society; that urbanism was the sole product nf lIluustnalization; and that urban life inevitably produced ,lIImnie. a type of normlessness. among City dwel- lers Thus the study of personality-or of selected a5pects of it. such as intelligence, metaboli5m, and perception-is one of the latest behavioral disciplines to break through the shell of [uro-American provincialism. In large measure, this was due to the activities of Linton, M~d, Du Bois, and Benedict In the United States who began to explore with "THE AFRICAN PERSONALITY": MYTH AND REALITY others (especially Kardiner and a number of psychoanalysts) the rela- tIOn between cultural variation and personality or character3 Various terms were used to designate the commonalities found among individ- uals who shared a given culture, and these personality types were called "modal," "average," "typical," "basic," and so on. The observant reader will now recognize that the ancestry of the term, '·The African Personality," belongs to the species of "national character" studies. Many writers have sought to depict national charac- ter, but not until the 1930·s were the relations between culh're and I'ersonality systematically investigated. (The past had given SUI h fami- (Tar terms as "The Happy Italian," "The Amorous Frenchman," "The Dour Scotsman," and "The Noble Red Man"). These studies have been criticized because of their presumed kinship with racial deteJ ministic theories-and such theories were seen as "racism coming through the back door in a new disguise." In a political context, such theories may be used to divide rather than to unite physically heterogeneous people, .:5 illustrated by Nazism. But just as in the Shady of the individual (rather than the group or national) personality, genetic or racial cri- teria were not the only ones assigned a primary role. Others poshalated the overriding importance of a "national" identity, but they variously emphasized the various features of a "nation": language, religion, pol itical institutions. heliefs, child training techniques, and racial heri- tage. The task of discovering the importance of the many variables has seldom been undertaken, however. \'l/e have virtually no reliable knowledge about the nature of Afri- can personalities. Linton is one of the few who have investigated the lOfluence of culture and social structure upon personality, but his shady was confined to the Tanala of Madagascar' A recent cross-cultural in- vestigation found high correlations between the pressure toward com- pliance or assertiveness in child training and the degree to which food resources were accumulated or stored in 104 societies, many of which are located in Africa.' But this study did not attempt to provide an understanding of the personality structure in anyone ethnic group or society. It is obvious, too, that personality embraces much beyond com- pliant or assertive behavior. Biesheuvel undertook another study that showed the impact of \'l/estern culture upon African personality devel- opment in South Africa. With increasing education, Africans tended 457 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS to accept Western institutions and ethical, religious. and other values. even though they approved the reSIStance to discriminatory practices in their country." Thus In a broad perspective. it is doubtful whether Afri- cans have shown an)' greater lesistance to change ("Westernlzatioo" or "modernization'), and concomItant modificatIons In personality. than have peasants m Europe.' On the other hand. data are beginning to accumulate on Jome psy- chologIcal attributes of some AfrIcans in some parts of Africa. Para- doxical though it may appear to certain people. most of the reliable re- search has come from the Unton of South Africa. The National Insti- tute for Personnel Research (NIPR) m Johannesburg has undertaken a WIde sertes of mvestigatIons. A few mdependent psychological stu- dIes have al so been made since \Vorld \Var II; and two nev.- organiza- tIons have stImulated and co ordmated much of the research, The Com- mIssion for Technical Co-oper.ltlon in Africa South of the Sahara (CCTA) and the SCientIfic Council for Africa South of tht Sahara (CTA) . The Nll-R's extensIve program IS unrIvalled. howewr; and whde much of theIr research is oriented to practical tasks. basic or fundamental rescarch is also undertaken . The Union. and other multi- raCIal socIetIes III AfrIca. prOVIde almost unparalleled opportunities to test the significance of "raCIal " and cultural variables upon personality. Yet the task has only begun. and there are numerous opportunities for interested scholars to add new knm' ledge or to test the extant universal generaillatlons .,bout human lIfe. Let us briefly revIew some of the re- • • search on AfrIcan personalities . In the area of ph),siological characterIStics. dIfferences have been reported III energy levels. but the reasons for these are unknown. It is thought that the effects of ellln.He. for example. may he psychological. rather than physiological. Although the long-term effects are not yet understood. the conse'luences thai can be observed seem to derive more from sociological circumstances rather than an allen ellmate." Further research IS ullderwa), in various parts of the continent to study the ap- parent dIfferences in psychom"tm development between black and white African children ." Other ,Iud ie, are being made on the effects. causes. and treatment of malnutritinn diseases such as ktl'aJbi(Jko" and upon mental deficienCIes. but n()thing conclusive has been found as yet. The cogmtlve aspects of personal.t), are also being analyzed in a oumber "THE AFRICAN PERSONALITY": MYTH AND REALITY of studies. Numerous intelligence tests have been given and new ones devised, but it is not possible to report satisfactory data for cross·cultural generalization. No instruments have been devised that eliminate the biases of literacy, age, occupation, or Western, middle-class culture.'o Until two or more test groups can be equated in their backgrounds, no (ross·wltural compa[lsons of intelligence are valid. Differences in abilities, such as the construction and performance of musical composi- tions, have been observed in Africans and others. As in other peasant or tIlbal sOCieties, many Africans show a greater ability to memorize facts than to understand their interrelations or to appreciate the cultural context In which they developed and are transmitted. Sensory acuity rnJ perception have been found to vary; but again no accurate descrip- tion or understanding of these variations exists. Morgan reports, for eXdmple, II1consistent differences between South African Whites, Bush- men, and other Africans in the perception of illusions." More research than' upon any other topic has been focused upon testing the manual dexterity and other occupational skills and aptitudes fi{ AfriGlI1s. Perform,lnce tests seem most promising in this connection, ,'Ild an African Adaptability Test has been developed by the NIPR for screening and classifying African laborers. The test also promises to be useful in deciding whether pupils ought to be encouraged to begin im- mediate employment, or to continue with further vocational or academic training. Kenya and other countries have adopted the test for voca- tiollJl traillll1g programs. Because it is nonverbal and independt'lt of linglllstlc complications, it may be the first such instrument to be valid "nd acceptable 111 the whole of the Sub-Sahara.l2 In the affective and conative characteristics of personality, the re- cent extensive survey of incentives, motivations, attitudes, and per- formance among African workers published by the International La- bour Office is guite valuable." In a less systematic survey, HI dson found that leisure was often valued more highly by Africans tha 1 the cal ning of wages.1< Some tipes of incentive schemes were SUcCI '5ful, as 111 the \'Vest. while others were ineffective. Certain tribesmen such as the Masai of East Africa, want to undertake no wage labor, while others generally make a conditional acceptance or prefer and selel t only specific tyres of employment. The success of an incentive scheml often relates to the workers' conceptions of the value of money, the hythm 459 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELAnONS of work, the pClde of craftenanship, and the quality of relations b~tween them and the management" Some AfClcaos have not become a"are of thelC own limItations or are d,sinclined to "help themselves." Bllt tbese observatIons, conditIons, and conclusions are tentative, and are l'olikely to rem am statIC in the immediate future. Social and cultural changes accompanying Industrialization are wIdely suggested as transforming the personality and mental outlook of Africans. FraZIer thinks that land and labor have often been secu- larized, and that the traditional roles, responsIbilities, and sanchons, have declined or been thrown mto confusion. The "new" personality is viewed as more indIVIdualistic, occupationally speCIalized, self-consCIOUs and rational. FraZIer also suggests that "\'7hite domination" bas had a traumatic .ffect upon Africans.'· Powdermaker has shown, however, that African pupils In Northern RhodeSIa gradually acqulfe an Imagery of themselves and the '"[uropeans ' that IS mtegrated into thelC per- sonalitIes WIthout trauma." These are only general observations, how- ever, and need to be confirmed or rejected by controlled study. The bas- IC problem IS that the Import of the \\'estern world upon Af,i':an per- sonality structures is unknown. since so little has been recorded of pre- industrial personalities. This IS partJy the legacy of the provincialism in British psychology and anthropology: the former h" been interested 111 experimental and statistical data gathered primarily In Western so- ciety, while the latter has traditionally shied away frnm personality stud,es even though working in cross-cultural contexts. • • Thus the basic problem of psychological research 10 Africa is that unreliable test instruments and Inadequate controls of the test conditions have been used. And we still know so little about what the proper ones should be. \Vestern intellIgence tests arc not culture-free; problems of translation are often Insuperable, and yet necessary to permit cross- cultural generalizatIons; attitudes and motIves in testing situations are recurrent obstacles; and the fear of governmental interference, whether by whIte or hlack people, frequently prevents full confidence and co- operation. A recent attempt to measure African attitudes about Euro- peans In Southern RhodeSIa, for example, was forestalled because a State of f'mergcncy had heen procl,'imed 111 the Colony; and this in turn reflected tensIons that existed hetween the two major cultural-racial groups 111 the populatIon, A final intrusIve element in empirical re- "THE AFRlCAN PERSONALITY": MYTH AND REALITY search is the racial, cultural, and social class background of the research worker. The biggest challenge in studymg African personality is to control the variables being tested, to match the test and control groups on all but selected characteristics. Lack of knowledge about these vari- ables (such as due to the absence of a reliable census) and the social circumstances are largely responsible for the lack of success in many projects. It seems imperative that psychological research in Africa will have to embrace small and selected populations in the immediate future, and the large-scale generalizations will need to be postponed until later. \VIe have attempted to point to two major research interests in the study of African personahl:)'. The first is chiefly that of anthropologists interested m "culture and personality," and has focused upon the typi- calor modal personality within a given society or culture. Little has been done systematically on the personality patterns in any Sub-Saharan society, however. Rather, considerable attention has been given to the study of collective cultural products such as folklore, rituals, kinship systems, and social structures. No adequate sampling has been under- taken of the relattvely enduring characteristics of African personalities. The comment of Inkeles and Levinson is very applicable to Africa: "In our present state of knowledge and research technology, it cannot be assumed that any nation 'has' a national character" or typical per- sonalityl' The other focus has been more atomistic, but it may perhaps be more useful in the long run. Numerous studies have been made of selected attributes of personality rather than the totality of a dynamic configuration of an individual's action patterns. The whole may be lost in pursuit of the parts, but in the aggregate these findings indicate that Africans are not unlike Asians or Europeans given a similar cul- tural and SOCIal envIronment. There is nothing to suggest, in fact, that there is anything African about African minds. If genetically deter- mmed factors affect African mentality differently than among other peoples, they have not been scientifically isolated thus far. Yet un- charted variations may exist, and it is necessary to confess that our ignorance is still great. One must conclude, therefore, that "The African Personality" is about as useless a conception as "The African Tree" or "The African Butterfly." In fact, the phrase is a contradiction in terms. One part of it, "African," refers to a huge continent that is supracultural, containing }OuaNAL OF HUMAN ID .IlMIt endless variety of cultural and dim.1e, IDd other features. In ID area with soci.lstructures, population densities. 1M .. it is idyllic to expect that a common petQ'.lity structure ..... And again. are white Africans' personalities to be ill tbiI ... ception? The other word. "Personality." men to ID individu.1 .... the organization of his. and only his. patterns of Ktioa and ...... Certain elements of personality. of course. are shared with padi> cularly the members of one's kinship group. village or CQlIdIM.nity. ... persons who perform similar roles or have related disabilities ill or body structure. But as the size and breadth of poups w.esse from family through lineage. cIan IDd tribe. or from CQlIUD.mity ID • state and nation-many of the common elements of persooUltJ bet._ members of the smaller group likewise decrease. Scientia ue pd".I- Iy documenting this phenomenon on the basis of the tion of the discrete accounts of field workers and obseneu. au it is also confirmed by the experiences of persons who have ""Die th.n a passing acquaintance with a number of distinct societies &lid culbuel. "The African Personality," then, is a scientifically Iization. Only by overlooking critical differences Ind by to polemical or political the term have and sociological significance in Africa today. It is, in • _y. story that many people want, and perhaps need, to bel; he. Its • • f " .. are the sterotyped terms like "The Unassimilable Chin e," the , • Nordic," and "The Ugly American." , In the same manner, Cesaire, Nlcrumah, Sengbor. and atlas _n created the myth of "The African Personality" IDd This refers to a pan-African social and political movement that is a endeavoring to project a unique identity into world affain. It baa __ ously called a way of life, a philosophy, a counterrvial a vindication of the worth of Africans, a literary exaltation of African-Negro specificity. .... Under one 01 __ it reverberates throughout the Sub-Sabara. In its more We "- it asserts that "colonialism'" is dead, that Westfl4 cuitule is • and that the mechanistic and materiali,tic life of the W .... " .... can only be " ..v ed" by ID injection of the ..... ...... vitality. and sensitivity of Africans., "THE AFRICAN PERSONALI1Y": MYTH AND REALI1Y The term "The African Personality" should be used decreasingly in serious discussions as more research is undertaken and the almost in- finite variations are recogntzed. It is a myth that has little or no reality. However, it will undoubtedly be used for years to come for political purposes. It will be useful, as most myths are, to help reduce localism and to increase national solidarity in societies that have newly attained independence. It may also aid the growth of a Pan-African identity whICh will be relevant in the context of international affairs. In fact, speCIfic and "unique" contrtbutions may be expected from Africans. But to assume that they are racially Or genetically determined, rather than the product mainly of cultural and social forces operating through- out history, seems improbable. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. H. C. Warren (ed.), Die/iana,y of PJych%gy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co .. 1934), p. 197. 2. C. Kluckhohn and H. Murray. PerJonalily i" NaJure, SocieJy, and C,,/Jure. 2nd r~. ed. (London: Jonathan Cape, 1953), pp. 53-67. 3. See M. Mead, "National Character," in A. 1. Kroeber (ed.), An/Mapa/ag, Today (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 19'>3), pp. 642·67; A Inkeles & D. J. levinson, "National Character: The Study of Modal Personality in Sociocultural Sys· tems," in G. Lindzey (ed.) Handbook of Social Plychology (Cambridge, Mass.: Addison·Wesley Publishing Co., 1954), pp. 977-1020; and }. ]. Honigmann, CulJure and Personalily (New York: Harper & Bros., 1954). 4 R. Linton, "The Analysis of Tanala Culture," in A. Kardiner, The Individual and His Sociely (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939), pp. 291·351- 5. H, Barry, III, J. L. Child, and M. K. Bacon, "Relation of Child Training to Subsistence Economy," American Anlhropologisl, Vol. LXI, 1959, pp. 51·63. 6. S. Biesheuvel, "The Measurement of African Attitudes towards European Ethical Concepts, Customs, Laws, and Administration of Justice." Journal of the National InIIIJuJe for PerIonnel Research, Vol. VI, 1955, pp. 5-17; "Further Studies on the Measurement of Attitudes toward Western Ethical Concepts," op. cit., Vol. VII, 1959, pp. 141-155; and "The Influence of Social Circumstances on the Attitudes of Educated Africans," Soulh African Journal of Science, Vol. UII, 1957, pp. 309- 14. 7. H. M. Bond, "Commentary," in C. G. Haines (eel.), Africa Today (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1955), pp. 144-45. 8. S. Biesheuvel, "The Occupational Abilities of Africans," Opllma, Vol. II, 1952, pp. 21·22. )OUINAL OF HUMAN 9. M. Car, "The Psyc~ DuelopmeDt of Mm· OM ia_ lAd the Jaflu r¥'e of )I,traM' B he ...... T_ / .. d ., IMhl XLVII, No.2. l"B. 10. N. Xycliu. Soci.J 1""J;''';Olll 0/ lIu1MSJriJiuli• • I11III U,. is 'i,. ;" .'" ./,In S...,• . (Paris: UNESCO. 19'6). pp. 275-"7. II. P. Morpa, "A Study in Perceptual Diffaaus ...... Call HI C S J _ Soutbem Africa. Usioa TMs of Geometric DJulino," /A' t/ tJ/ ,. N t i /tlllil.'e 0/ P~so.",1 R,I• •r eh, Vol. VIII, '959. pp. S9-4" 12. S. BieshN. .l . "Th< Study .f African Ability." A/ric. . SIII/Ii. .. Vol. XI. I,n. .... -4)·)8. 10'·117; "The Measurement of Oca'p'tjmal Aptibr'n ia • Society," OUllplllio",,1 P11,ho/,o", Vol. XXVIII, No. ... 1".i aDd Pet_ pi .. lectioo Tests for Alliuns," SOll,h A/r;,. . /0'"'141 tit Sri. ." _ Vol. XllX, !PSI. pp. H2. U . IntcmatJotUIl Labour Of(ice, Alri,." LAbollr SMr#'7 (Gean,: I.L.O., ''''). 14. W . Hudson, "OMcnations on African l.lboW in p ...... <:ellitla!. ... W. A"· ....· · }ollr• .1 0/ Ih. Nlllio".J /twitll" for P~Jo •••1 "'s*,,", Vol. VI. 1''', pp.. 1. ... n . N. Xydiu, 01'. CII., and S. Bicsheuvcl. k,. e.I,,,,,, _ P"sn'" ()at ! ill: South African Institutr of Rac~ Rrlatioos. 19'9) . 16. E. P. Frazier, .. Commenta.ry." In C. G. H.iOf:S (eel.), tI'. m., pp. 1,,"71. 17. H. Powd<"nak ... "Social Chan", thtoup 1_ mel Vu- 01 T_~ Airican5 in Northern Rhodesia," A",lric• • 1f.,iwo/l%,iJI, VoL LVDI. 1"" pp. ,.,. BU. 18. A. 101«16 and D. J. Levin ..... • p. C;I .• p. 9BZ. 19. G , Balandier, "Rau: Relations in West and Ceotral Africa," iD A. .... 'b. (. ... ), luu R.J.uo.J ,,, U7 o,./J P"sp,oi.·, (HoooluJu: Ua.i+euitr of Has ;. PI 7, ."'), p. "0 . • • • • • THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PRESSURE UPON MODERN AFRICANS¥- LEONARD W. DOOB AnthropologIsts and other careful observers are, of course, correct when they indicate the futIlity of attempting to compose generaliza- tions about "the Afncan" or "the African mind." The simple, quick remmder that Afnca as a whole contains two hundred forty million people who belong to over eight hundred fifty distinct societies; who speak, perhaps, almost as many different languages; who experience climates rangmg from the arid to the moist; who possess fauna and flora that can be either scarce or bountiful; and who have been ruled by colonial powers with ideals and practices as far apart as England and Portugal suggests why the continent cannot be easily and validly tagged. Other than the color of their skin, what does a seminomadic "cow Fulani" in North.ern Nigeria who is a pagan and a polygynist have in common with a leader of the African National Congress in South Africa who is a Christian and a trained medical technician? In fact, the brown skins may also be shades apart. Anyone who has seriously visited more than one Afflcan countr)" whIle acknowledging such diversity is, nevertheless, unable to prevent himself from perceiving and detecting striking uniformities. The cheer- ful porter who carries your bags from customs to a car seems to be the same man whether he is at the airport in Leopoldville or Entebbe. On a less superficial level, the longer you stay in Africa and the more Africans in different societies whom you genuinely comprehend as friends or informants, the stronger grows your conviction that, regard- less of the intellectual peril, you must defy the anthropologists and generalize about sub-Saharan Africans. The conviction can then be justified, perhaps, by means of a syllogism whose major premise is: People subjected to similar pressures are likely to develop somewhat similar forms of behavior. The minor premise asserts an empirical fact: Africans south of the Sahara live in the midst of similar pres- sures. -The writer'S firsthand contacts with Africa have occurred as a result of generous grants from the Carnegie Corporation of New York and from the National Academy of Sciences. National Resear(h Council (Contract No. DA-19-129-Am-1309 with the Quarter- master Research and Engmeering Command United States Army). - JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS A thorough evaluation of the major premise would demand a tome in its own right. What, for example, does "somewhat similar" mean? A sudden, unexpected loud noise like the pop of a gun startles all human beings who are not deaf; their responses are not "somewhat" but virtually identical. When faced with severe adversity, people al- ways seek to reduce the pain; the forms of behavior that are adopted vary but are "somewhat similar" since they serve the same psychological function and since their duration and significance depend upon the severity of the trouble. Modal tendencies, in brief, are postulated: exceptions are not denied but must be viewed in perspectIve. The same courteous treatment must be given the elaboration of the minor premise. The specific argument of the analysis can now be summarized in a single sentence so that the direction of the elaboration can be clearly discerned in advance : Under somewhat adverse condItions, modern Africans are being forced to select alternate modes of eXIstence and therefore to undergo changes which produce feelings of uncertainty. The most conspicuous psychological fact about Africa is the si- multaneous and continuous exposure of Africans to traditional and Western forms of culture. Everywhere the traditional society mean- ingfully SUfVIVes. The most urbanized African knows that usually not far away is a village of his tribe where many if not most of the old ways are cultivated and practiced . His native language, like that of his children, is an African language, no matter ho\\ fluently both of them speak Enghsh, French, Portuguese, Spanish, Afrikaans, or a llOgua franca . At the same time even the remotest area in the interior. has experienced some contact with the West. Planes are visible over- head and roads are being built and tmproved . Someone often not an African but a family from the Orient or the Middle East-has a shop which sells the trinkets, the foods, the cloth, and the mechanical de- vices of CIvilization. The government from the capital and the mis- sionaries from the West are trYlOg conspicuously to induce or compel the mass of Africans to improve their health, to wear respectable clothes, to increase the cultivation of a particular crop, to pay taxes, to support more schools, to abandon many traditional beliefs, and in hundreds of other ways to crawl less slowly into the modern world. Under these circumstances Africans, even if they wished to. could not accept one society and then pay little or nO attention to the alter- PSYCHOLOGICAL PRESSURE UPON MODERN AFRlCANS native; they simply must experience both societies. Many, perhaps all of them, feel somewhat dissatisfied with the blend of cultures that inevitably occurs within them. \Vhether they wish to accept only a few innovations which they belleve they can add to the old without appre- ciably affectmg their adherence to the traditIOnal pattern, or whether they seek to become as European as possible those are the extremes in motivatIon between which Africans can be placed-they either re- gret the loss of the older forms, or are reprimanded by their more con- servatIve peers or elders for deviating. Simultaneously, they often be- lieve they really have been able to obtain only little more than a token from the West. The tin roof on the hut may be judged better than thatch, but Europeans have glass windows and electric lights. Exceptional Africans who are in professions like medicine, law, education, and the church may have prestIge and a high, European standard of living, but they know that in Africa they labor under handicaps which usually do not exist or can be circumvented on the European continent. This discrepancy between what is 00 the one hand and what was or what could be on the other hand must continue to persist during a pcnod of rapid change. It is a discrepancy, moreover, that becomes more disturbing when it is so often coupled with the value judgment that the European way is superior to the African. No African can doubt that European ve- hicles of transportation are more efficient than his own. Traditional methods of cultivating the land may seem sacred and desirable; yet many Africans can perceive the soil erosion now plaguing so many areas (without realizing that the causes are llllmerous and complex), and frequently they are told that the agricultural salvation can come only by following the scientific wisdom of the West. Not for a moment do Africans feel that the basic values of their culture are inferior to those of the Europeans, although some of the converted may whisper the suspicion to themselves. The press of the alien, however, makes them defensively assert confidence in themselves, whereas formerly no compelling alternative society was even conceivable. For centuries on the East coast but for less than a century in most other are.,;, all Afri- cans have been compelled to acknowledge the superior weapons, the supenor military and political organization, and hence the superior strength of outsiders. Now the power in many countries no longer - JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS belongs to Arabs or Europeans but has been passed to a microscopically small and not necessanly democratically inclined African elite. Most Africans must feel, consequently, that only the source but not the fact of their impotence has changed. These African leaders, not the traditional ones but the sophisticated men who are pushing their countries toward independence and then desperately groping to participate economically and politically in the community of nations, are spokesmen for change. For it is they who form political parties, who urge people to grow cash crops, and who struggle to reduce illiteracy and disease. Their activities may convince people that Africans can become Europeans or at least that they can act like Europeans. At the same time the pressure to change appears to come from Africans who are not quite African; again and ..g am the gap between people and their new leaders appears fantasticallv large. In- deed many African societies have had a tradition of extreme stratifica- tion, but the distance between the supreme leader who rna)' have been an hereditary sultan with absolute powers and the followers who may have been little more than serfs was diminished psychologically by the patent fact that bottom and top were encased in the same culture and hence were struggling to achieve common and appropriate ends. The external changes which Africans must make when they Yield to the pressures of Europeans or their own elite are too numerous to catalogue. The psychologICal underpinning for these changes, however, • can be conceptualized under three headings. First, there must be an • extension of knowledge and IOterests. Originally Africans, like other nonliterate peoples, knew and knew well the details of their own com- munity. Now news from the outside IS reaching them through their children who are at school, through thelf own leaders, and through the mass media of communication. It is relatively rare to find an Afri- can village which IS without such contacts. Someone who is literate and reads a newspaper, however irregularly, reports to others his version of what he grasps. One battery-powered radio set may be in operation; and local African stations broadcast not only in a European language but usually also 10 several vernacular languages that are considered quanti- tatively or politically important. Posters and public announcements are displayed on walls. A government agency. like the one charged with "community development," is likely to dispatch a so·called "mo- PSYCHOLOGICAL PRESSURE UPON MODERN AFRICANS bile CInema" van which displars educational and entertaining pictures accompanied by commentaries ill the vernacular. In many parts of Afnca the people themselves move about, for example, to markets, and thus widen theu contacts. Likewise the illtroduction of a material change evokes some CUriosity and leads at least a few artisans to learn something about a motor or a tool. Widening the base of information, though usually very slow, can also occur in marked spurts. Thus this writer has found Ifl villages In Northern Nigeria a close relation be- tween alertness and literacy that had been acquired in government- sponsored classes for adults: whether more alert people initially attended the classes, whether attendance at the classes made them subsequently more alert, or whether both sequences produced the relationship is not known or perhaps knowable, but the fact by itself suggests the reper- cussions which follow one another. The second alteratIOn required by European culture [S difficult to , specify without appearing to exaggerate, for it refers to an ability to postpone present rewards for the sake of future gratification or to eo- dure trouble at the moment so that [t may be avoided later on. No Afri- can, no human being has ever been able to live only in the moment; but here it is contended that the Western or modern ways which Afri- cans now learn place an especially high premium upon renunciation. Most public-health measures, for example, demand that action to ward off disease be taken by healthy people; as medical officers have been saying for decades in Africa, it is easier to persuade a man with a pain to swallow a pill that brings quick relief than it is to get him to dig the latrille that may prevent the recurrence of the pain. Similarly, saving is generally necessary before most of the attractive novelties from the West can be purchased It may very well be that the greater curbing of momentary [mpulses is effectively attainable only through the par- tial replacement of external by internal controls: conscience or super- ego may have to function more frequently, social sanctions less fre- quently. The unproven hypothesis just mentIOned relates also to the third psychological change discernible among modern Africans: the pressure to abandon some of the certainties provided by traditional society and to seek out or at least not tn resist innovation. Traditional societies In Africa obviously were not elysian Since they were troubled by natural JOURNAL OF HUMAN catastrophes, plagues, wars, slavery, shortages. and other !lilt people at least knew roughly what to expect. perKIn .1., MIl some assurance that the kind of existenn: which he bad followed •• child would last during his life time. Now many AfricaN haft ... perienced gentle or violent changes in their traditiooal ways. and they are urged in effect to keep changing. Faced with such pressures and forced mildly or markedly to leam such changes, modern Africans seem significantly uncertain. exaggeration, one hypothesis suggests, the greatest of their ties involves brute survival. Nonliterate peoples who live dose to a subsistence level are always vulnerable to natural vagaries. A severe storm or a larger than usual invasion of plant pests can produ.:e starva- tion and death. Many but certainly not all parts of Africa have an un- certain climate which can swing between the extremes of and floods. Tropical diseases like malaria, dysentery, leprosy, and bilbarzia- sis, though mitigated by European medical science, still coofumt pe0- ple, to which newer horrors-like kwashiorkor, a which results from protein deficiency-are added. Africus who modi- fy or abandon the traditional economy (usually subsistence fanning), in order to raise a cash crop or work for modern ind"iby find selves dependent upon employers or upon the prices of the wcnld mar- ket which they themselves can neither comprehend nor coatrol. Inter- vention by government, especially by stabilization boards, reduas but does not control the fluctuations. Even the African who is still • • intimately to his tribe is not completely safe; unlike his ··detrihali.."," . relative in the city, he is not deserted during an emergency, but his II)- ciety cannot guarantee that the welfare of all will ever be maintained. Other uncertainty arises from the dethronement of leaden. Tra- ditional chiefs are increasingly losing their power; the respect in which tlier are held varies with local conditions, but any ch.nge in statui is almost certain to be downwards. Modern politial no how great their power, must establish their d'ns to II1II veneration. and it is usually known that they caD lole • well • the power which they now enjoy. Evm the role of II!!!'III F_ is ., longer certain. Oearly. they are not blindly loved ex ._ of the early missionariel and aplocen nor are t:t., ....., PSYCHOLOGICAL PRESSURE UPON MODERN AFRICANS detested as imperialistIC oppressors or exploIters. In tbe multiracial SOCIeties wbere settlers and Africans have not yet stabilized the kind of relation to be evolved in the future, the actual, tbe potential, and the frequently noble contributIOns of Europeans are likely to be appreciated; but tbe ensuIng gratitude contains elements of reservation and suspi- CIon, even when tbe need for European assIstance IS desperately recog- nized, as In tbe mdependent countnes. Tbe Fathers are adored and bated. Afncans are also uncertalO because they cannot assess tbe outcome of thel! cntlCal decisions. The corn may grow taller after an applica- tIOn of a new fertIlizer, but in tbe past without the use of cbernicals good years have succeeded bad ones. Some Afncans may have a mod- ern house 10 town or in a company compound, and they may enjoy the comfort whICh It brings; but who knows whether they might not bave been happIer If they had continued to live in the village of their ex- tended family? The religIOn from the West appeals to theJf senses and to most of theIr convictions but not to all their beliefs: maybe there are sttll evtl Witches about, maybe ancestors intervene to bring help or trouble, maybe magIC IS Important. The pressures upon modern Africans to remain traditional and to become modern, In brief, are strong and unresolved. They are pro- dUCIng conflICt without a foreseeable outcome. They have added to traditional msecurity a host of new insecurities. Here is a bleak state of affairs. In truth, though, it is not as bleak as the analysis would suggest. For the consequences of the pressure upon modern Africans are not de- vastating. One has to see the entire picture, as it were, to be depressed by It. Only the African who has somehow achieved perspective is able to POInt to these difficulties. A person with such social insight IS like- ly to be part of the elite for whom living undoubtedly is tremendously eXCiting. He has learned enough of the spirit of the West to be thrilled by thiS pioneering period of independence and growth. He is pleased by bls new power, by the problems to be solved, and even by tbe toil whICh is demanded of him. The vast majority of modern Africans, it is felt, are making day-by- day decisions. the ultimate consequences of which-perhaps happily- they cannot foresee. The pagan wbo wants a bicycle to travel more 471 }OUDIAL OP HUIIAN quickly to marlcet or a radio to bear the drums does not know he is probably opelling the fateful box of civiliZlboo fcx hill self. fa. manner certainly not unique, relatively unacculturated African. able to tolerate contradictions without being appreciably disturber! The kind of situation which produces a conflict in the African elite, which might lead to neurosis in Europeans, or which may a"... the rader of this article to sigh with dismay, is not even inhibiting. The best and worst of the traditional and the Western cultures, however badly and inadequately mixed, can be enjoyed; and wonderful joy is still felt and exhibited in Africa. Africans can be friendly and attractive and lov- able because, although they clearly recoil from misery and aldlWgb they like hunger and insecurity no more than anyone else, they have not yet come to comprehend the dense, complex web in which, they must live. • • • CLASH OF COLOR AND CREED THE RACIAL CONFLICT IN SOUTH AFRICA"" TREVOR HUDDLESTON, C.R. "/ am a completely preJlJdlCed person. Although / am' a Soulh African Clllzen / do not love the govemmellt of South Africa, nor c/s polic;es, nor the general ralia! attit1lde of white South Africa toda}. In the eyes of Ihe government Ihal wns/iluleJ Ireason. And JO you ha,.:e before you a traitor to his co/mIry. I'm Jorry but there it is." What IS the drIvmg force behind the policy which has forcea South Africa to take a peculIar and unique position amongst the nations of the world? I use these words quite deliberately, although I realize that I can be CrIticized for doing so. South Africa has chosen a unique path among the Christian nations; and remember that South Africa quite definitely and categorically claims to be a Christian nation, for she alone among the Christian nations has based her policy squarely, firmly with determinatIon, upon the ideal of racial domination. I am not sayIng anythIng which the South African government does not itself say. It has said very frequently illdeed that its policy is that of WhIte supremacy for all time. The word which is used by the govern- ment. when it is speaking to its supporters, is the word "baasskap," or dominatIon It is quite true that this word does not export very well. It does not make such a good impression on democratic countries to talk ill those terms. But nevertheless, basically, that is the policy and the ideal of the government that there should be within the Union of South Africa. as a basis for its very life and existence. this great goal of White supremacy for all time. *Reprinted by permission of American Committee On AfriCA Ed. NO/e: AlthouRh this address was given four years ago, it bears re-emphasis for the status quo still holds. 473 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELAnONS Banlu Education Act An example of this is the Bantu Education Act (BEA) whICh came Into force a year ago. (Bantu means native African). Its immediate effect was to end what to many of us was a very great and noble period m the life of the church in South Africa. It brought to a close, prac- tically speaking, the effort of all Christian missions to provIde Christlan education 10 that country. Until the passing of the BEA there was, practtcally speakmg. no education for the African people other than that supplled by the mission schools. Only in the last 15 years were there any government schools to speak of, and then in very small num- bers. And so the AfrICan people, the whole race of Afucan people, ha.d received their education, willy-Dilly, at the hands of the Christian . mJSSlOnanes. Why should thIS be something unacceptable to the government? Why should a government that proclaims so often and so loudly that It IS achvated by ChClStian prinCIples want to bring thIS system to a close when. 10 fact, only one child out of three could get into school anyhow; where there was a vast field for government educatton along- side mIssion educatIOn If it wanted it. Why should it be necessary to take control by force of the schools which had been established for as much as sixty years? The reason lies here, that the missionaries made the fatal mistake of tellmg the Afucan child that he was a child of God; that he had skills, abilitIes, and talents which he ought to develop; that he should • look forward even if not in the context of his own life span, to that · day when he should be allowed to develop those skills and abiltties and talents In the servICe of hIS country. That was the mIstake the mIssionary made. He dared to proclaim that education was somethmg whIch belonged to the whole process of civilization; that It was not the right of the European to bring the treasures that they had In the way of culture to another land, and to keep those treasures solely for them- selves. "Green PaJtureI" The major reason for the passing of the BEA was to make it as dIfficult as poSSIble for the African to believe that he is part and parcel of a WIder culture and a wider CIVIlization mto which he can enter, and 474 RACIAL CONFLICT IN SOUTH AFRICA which he can greatly enrich. The Minister of Native Affairs, Dr. Verwoerd actually said in the debate of the BEA that it was wrong to encourage the African to look upon green pastures in which he had no right to graze. And therefore it was most necessary for the govern- ment to gIve hun a rather dIfferent view. Those green pastures might be well enough when the tyrann), of thIS mortal life is over, but not within the framework of sOCiety in South Africa; for once you accept the idea of whIte supremacy it is totally impossible to encourage the African to believe that he can, In fact, enter upon a heritage which will lead him also to the heIghts. That IS the basic idea behind the BEA. Now don't mIsunderstand me. The BEA does not mean that the Afncan WIll get no education. Obviously if you are going to have an effiCIent labor force, a man must know how to obey an order and, therefore, ~speCJal1y If he has no AfrIkaans (the language of the non- English European comm, uruty), he must learn some. And, without being cynical, the basic idea of BEA is that it shall equip the African to t,ke his place in society-but in a society which for all time must be dominated by one race. Thus you have to work out a system of educa- tIon whICh will do just that, and because you have to do that, you can- not conceivably allow the ideas and ideals which inspired the Christian educators to cootioue. Refurn to Tribalism There IS another aspect of the BEA which is, I reckon, equally Important . Again, it is something which is not easy to explain to people who do not know AfrIca. Before the Act was passed a com- mission was appointed to study the state of African education. It was headed by the present Secretary of State for Native Affairs and was in many respects a very able commision. The only thing in which it was lacking was that it had no African or missionary membership. It mquired into the state of African education and issued a leogthy re- port whose facts were completely accurate and very valuable. But running, like a thread, through the whole of the report was the phrase, or variation of it, that the African must he encouraged to develop along his own hnes. The only trouble is that no one has yet been able to say what those lines are, or where they lead. In practice however, as Dr. Verwoerd h,S made very very clear, the idea hehind the BEA is 475 JOURNAL OP HUMAN aBLAll0NS a return to tribalism. It is linked very closely with another act the Bantu Authorities Act, whose express purpose is to ".i.e aad Ie- establish the powers of chieftainship in the many rural areas aad to give a local board similar powers in urban areas SO that tribal i_ may be re-established and the pernicious idea of liberal democracy may be rapidly forgotten. And so Bantu education is basically tribal educa- tion. Thirdly, it is conceded, and I have no doubt that this is a fact, tbat there will be necesarily certain professions amongst the African people in African areas which will be opened to Africans which have not I» " open hitherto or have been SO difficult of access as to be practically non- existent. Provided you can assure that the African will develop along his own lines in his own place, then you can give education up to the highest level for that purpose. Thus it is quite conceivable that the first fruits of Bantu education may be apparent increase in facilities, but the basic idea is abundantly clear and can never be altered in my society which accepts while supremacy as its goal and purpose. Siranger and Pilgrim In the same debate, Dr. Verwoerd who, to do him aedit, is _ afraId to say what he thinks, said very clearly, "There IS no r()OlD foe the African in European society above the level of certain forms of labor." Pause a moment and consider what constitutes European • society in South Africa. European society in the first place owns md • exists upon 8670 of the total land area. European society owns aad . grows fat upon the gold, dIamonds, and the uranium. European society own and occupies all the secondary industry. In other woeds, all the cities. Therefore, to say to the African, "There is no ronm for JIlU in European society above the level of certain forms of labor," is, in effect, to say to the African, "We want your labor, but we do not WIld you. Therefore, in our educational policies, we are going to _Ice it as difficult as posible for you to be attracted to European We are going to make it as obvious as possible that you are in European society, a stranger and a pilgrim with no city. N Soitis. The pass laws, those laws which were not sent government but which have operative • RACIAL CONFLICT IN SOUTH AFRICA South Africa and quite accepted by the European and recognized as the norm of life, operate upon every African male in a city like Johan- nesburg when he reaches the age of 16, and make it impossible for him to move freely at any hour of the day and night without a permit_ Every African boy of my knowledge, and I have known a good many, lives 111 fear of arrest from the moment he reaches the age of I6. This fear IS a real one. It happens day after day, week after week, and year after year, that thousands of Africans are arrested and charged on a enminal charge for no other offense that that they do not carry a parti- cular bit of paper in their pocket, or the fact that that particular bit of paper has not got the right bit of writing on it. There is no freedom of movement for the African in his own (Quntry today. One of my greatest friends, one of the few African lawyers in South Africa and a Christian of great integrity, is one of the many African leaders who have been banned from attending any social gathering; and a '''social gathering" means 4 or 5 people. He has to go to his office along a particular road and no other. He may attend to his bus111ess as a lawyer but only within a restricted and special area. LIke many another leader, he knows that if he breaks these regulations he can, in fact, be imprisoned for a period of up to three years, or he can be deported from his town to a village in the country two or three hundred miles away. There is no freedom of association. At every meeting I attended in the last two or three years, I was always met or accompanied by mem- bers of a special branch of the police. Our homes were raided and, although these raids were rather ridiculous , they had the effect of making people afraid. When I answered my telephone, the person at the other end would very often say, "I cannot speak to you about this on the telephone because I believe it is being tapped." What IS happen111g in South Afnca is dead simple. It IS that because the European for so long has allowed an encroachment upon fundamental human rights when they affected the Afncan people, he IS himself now lOSing, or has already lost, those fundamental human rights. There is at this present hour a Constitutional crisis, strangely enough over the Coloured people which, in many respects, has brought South Africa back to the same position she was in at the end of the Boer War, where one white group is at the throat of the other. And 477. JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS the reason for this is that European voices were silent when African rights were curtaIled and demolished. "The ChriJliall Comciellc'" I want to conclude by trymg to pomt a little way to the future. Where IS all this leading? What IS going to happen to the Union of South Afnca? Lverybody "hn knows that country knows that It is head 109 towards disaster. I beheve that very many of those 10 power know it and yet they beheve it is thelf mission, at whatever cost, to uphold white supremacy. Supremacy 10 what) That is the question that they never ask themselves. South Afnca IS governed b)' a strong government and I have no possible reason to think that there wIll be major changes in the Immediate future. I believe, for what it is worth, that things will get more diffICult before they get better. Yet I could not help 10 the last year havmg a seme of optimism for thiS reason; It IS becoming mcreasmgly nbvious that even inside South Afnca, even at the highest level, there IS an awareness that the UnIOn of South Africa is isolating Itself, not only from the rest of the continent of Afnca. but from the world. I believe that it is most necessary that the Chfl,tian conscieoce of the world should make that sense of isolation grcw and be felt deeply where It hurts most. I have been told that I am very unchristian for say 109 sUlh things, but I cannot help feeling that the only weapon that we have to fight aga""t this blasphemy of White supremacy is to , make Furopean South Africa feel the same kind of loneliness, 1I1 the , same kind of frustrahnn, the same kind of aloofness that she imposes upon the African 10 his own land. I believe this seose of isolation is beginning to make itself felt, and I pray God that it rna) go on. Although I love with all my heart that countr),. and. above all. the Afncan people amongst whom I worked so long, I a.m certain that It " the duty of the Christian conscience of the world to condemn South Africa, nol In anI' Iwpocritical spirit, not Without setting our o,,'n house In order, hut firmly and definitely to condemn her unless and un- td she turns ,'gain to the reali.atton that man, made in the image of God. " of Inrlnlte value, whatever IllS race color, or creed rna)' be; and that the State exists for man and not man for the State. THE INDIANS IN SOUTH AFRICA 'f. N. T. NAlCKER In the current year, 1960, the Indians in South Africa will observe the Indian Centenary--commemoratmg a century of settlement in South Africa. We all well know the arrival and settlement of the American people m theu contment and theIr growth and development through the centunes. Our growth and development carmot be comparable to that of the Amencan people. We are a mmority, the smallest section of the South African populatIon of 14 million; but we have in these 100 10 years made certam advances m many spheres of life. Our forebears came from a country which was under BritIsh rule and dommatIon. They were transferred to British territory in Africa under an indentured system of labour. This situation arose out of the British Government"s enactment in 1859 to import Indian labour to South Africa as replacement of the docIle indigenous labour on the sugar plantations owned by British people with strong British tradi- tIOns. Those were the years when Britain was in her heyday as a colonial power, and the peoples of the countries under such power did not enjoy the benefits of full citizenship within the British way of life. The Indians who came were called "coolies" ; the term "coolie" which is derogatory as far as the Indian people are concerned, originated with the "coolie" labourer who is still found in parts of India. But there was also an opportunity given to the Indian in this system to re- main after his contract in Natal and take up work as a free man. While quite a number went back to the home country, others chose to stay and make their homes in a country which offered them better opport,mities . The first acquisition by those who remained was land; later others fol- lowed these early settlers from India to open up trade. Today over 90 per cent of Indians have their roots extending back over five genera- tions in South Africa. \Vith the steady introduction of more labour, Indian settlers grew in number. These people came from areas closely connected with the main parts of India , and thus in South Africa today we have the Hindustani people with their roots in Calcutta and Behar, ·We wish to record our grateful thanks to your Journal foc allowing space to tell the American public the story of the life and happenings of the Indian in South Africa . We may say that we are not always fortunate in obtaining this privilege, but we do know that people in most parts of the world are taking an active interest in South Mrican affairs-(The author). 479 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS the Tamils from Madras. and the outlYlDg areas. the Telegus from Andra towns. and the Moslems and Hmdus from Surat. Kathiawar. and Kathor-O. and are quaLfled for the nghts. pnvileges. and duties that are inalienable for the Whites in South Africa. Numencally. the indIans consotute the smallest group in the multiracial society of South Afnca. representlDg only 2.9 per cent of her total populatIOn. Econol1lJcalh·. they share 10 common with the rest of the non-European peoples in the country. theIr massive poverty charactensed by slums. over-crowded d ...· ellings. and a low reSlStance to death and dIsease. Three quarters of the indIan breadwmners earn less than roo.£ per annum with an average famil)" of five dependents to support. Whde bIgoted whIte propagandists utilize the high indian btrth rate to fan fears of insecurity in the mmds of the , vote exerCIsing public. some SIXty-five Indian babies In every one thou- sand never survIve the first year of theu birth. and three at least never know the comforts of their mother's arms. In our multiraCIal country the Indians have come to hold theu own. They are the offsprings of a rich and varied culture. and while English IS a common language with most of them. they have not forgotten thetr vernacular which is imparted to the younger generatIon at thetr homes. In mosques. temples. and pnvate vernacular schools after normal school hou" \X'hen the IndIans of South Africa commemorate theu arrival m South Africa in the Centenary. they WIll have before them thetr achievements. their failures. and the prnspects for their future. The past has been a century of struggle Indians. being the off'prmg nf a tradition enured to stru/:· gle and endurance. have made reasonable progress under difficult cir- INDIANS IN SOUTH AFRlCA cumstances. They have enriched South Africa not only by their differ- ences but also by their progression in many aspects of life. As advance- ment is measured by progress and progress by achievement, one can without doubt say that the achievements of Indians in South Africa constitute their greatest contribution. Pohtically, the Indian alone of South African population remains voteless whlie tbe African has meffective native representation, and the Coloured has been placed on the communal roll. The United Party, which in 1946 had prescribed a form of dummy representation for Asiatics, has in a recent statement expressed its complete aversion to the granting of any pohtical rights to the Indian people. And yet of all the nonwhite groups in South Africa it is the Indian community which has within its rank, the most coherent and powerful economic group consisting of its merchants and professionals, constituting an effective DllddJe class, a class so vItal to any suppressed people in their struggle for political rights. It is in this unique class within the ranks of the non-European people that one observes the singular position of the Soutb African Indians and traces the distinctive history of their de- velopment in the country. As early as 1880, the Indian middle class revealed signs of entrenching itself as a non-European group of eco- nomic strength, and from that date onward, European sentiment com- menced its bitter history of Indian antagonism. From 1885 onwards the Indians in Natal and in all the provinces to which they travelled have been subjected to discriminatory legislation. The laws enacted against them were harsh beyond measure. The Transvaal observed them as pariahs who on grounds of hygiene were to be separated from the European community. The Orange Free State banned them com- pletely from its territory. In Natal, restrictions on licence applications and severe taxes crippled their freedom miserably. Indians still today require permits to move from one province to another. If anyone is caught without a permit he can be gaoled for a period of up to a month. All colonies made it abundantly clear that the Indian was an undesirable element and the reason for this lay blatantly in the fact that a restricted period of free development had led to their demonstrating the fact that non-European people, given the opportunity, could expand economically as well as their European counterparts. The European reaction and JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS cry was for Indian repatriation, a thought which still remams for~­ most m most Nationalist and United Party minds. All proples placed in a position of humiliating subjugation hav~ forged their own reactIons, their own weapons, thel[ own patterns of protest and attack agamst those responsible for their subjugation. Saty- agraha emerged as the answer of the Indian prople to factors of their unprincipled oppressIOn, an answer which exemplified the powerful personality of Mahatma GandhI and which bears testimony of the poli- tical preparedness of the Indian prople to engage in organised opposi- tion m South Af[lca m 1908. Politically, the Indians have been the most milItant m the expression of their opmions agamst unjust laws. Following the pattern of nonvIolence as propagated by Mahatma Gandhi in 1894, they have smce then won the admiration of many a nation. Like the Africans and Coloured they have been and are being disc[lminated against, by the passage of "unjust laws" too numerous to list here; however, a few will serve as examples: I. The Group Areas Act of 1950 which forbIds IndIans to buy land where they please and legIslates the" uprooting from lands on which they have long been settled. Under this Act the dIfferent racial groups will be grouped in areas where the Government deSIres them to be, and 0 'nershlp of pro- perty In an area of another group IS proh ibited. The Government has proclaImed the Group Areas Act for the three main economic centres of Indian settlement, namely Johannesburg, Pretoria, and Durban. In Durban alone, if thIS Act IS fully Implemented, over 100,000 Indians • • will be uprooted from their settled homes and will be expelled to bar- ren lands. 2. The Job ReservatIon Act of 1918 prevents qualified Indians and Africans from taking jobs reserved for Europeans only. Although the NatIOnalist Government has tried to clamp down the Indians m every way, they, nevertheless, make themselves heard through their organisatIons. Over the years, Indians have develnped a wide range of politically orientated organisatIOns which reflect their opposi- tIOn to the poliCIes or measures that affect them; of these the Natal In- dian Congress, founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1894, is the oldest, most active, and vociferous. The Natal Indian Congress is affiliated with the Transvaal Indian Congress, and the South African Indian Con- gress was founded in 1920. It is the long nursed fear on the part of those in governmental control that Indian labour threatened European INDIANS IN SOUTH AFRICA standards and dominance which resulted in the long series of restric- tions. In an effort to ameliorate the discrimination against them the In- dians undertook periodically passive resistance campaigns. The most impressive of these campaIgns was in 1914- In 1946 another campaign was started, the Passive Resistance Campaign, under the leadership of Dr. G. M. NaLCker and Dr. Y. M. Dadoo; and later in 1952 the De- fiance of Unjust Laws Campaign was jointly led by the African and In- dian Congresses, but the introduction of the Public Safety Bill brought the campaign to a halt. In 1955, the Congress of the People, which was sponsored by the Joint Congress composed of the African National Congress, South African Indian Congress, South African Coloured People's Congress, South African Congress of Trade Unions, and South African Congress of Democrats (Whites), passed the Freedom Charter at Kliptown, Johannesburg. The Congress of the People had among 3,000 delegates about 320'Indian delegates. The other obvious avenue in which to express their dissatisfaction is the non-European newspapers of which "New Age" is the most important. Other Indian weeklies are the "Leader," "Graphic," "Indian Views," and "Opinion" started by Manilal Gandhi, son of Mahatma Ghandi. No one can doubt the difficulties of the position of Indians in South Africa. Since a sub- stantial number of them are engaged in trade they are peculiarly vul- nerable to the restrictions on such activities arising out of the Group Areas Act. Imperative, however, to non-European political maturity in South Africa has been the alliance of the African and Indian Congresses. Whilst 1946 saw the organisation of progressive Indian sentiments which were prepared to free themselves of restrictive group inhibitions, it was not until 1952 that the Africans, through their political organisa- tion at least showed a likewise development. Concerted efforts initi- ated from the Indian camp led to the Dadoo-Naicker-Xuma pact in 1946, an alliance of the two peoples, which was consolidated in 1950 by the National Day of Protest when Indians and Africans jointly organised a hartal, mass stoppage of all activity, demonstrating against racial laws. Since the Defiance of Unjust Laws Campaign, there has been no turning back from the code of united action, and the Congress movement, growing more massive, has drawn within its orbit all shades )OU1lNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS of democratIC opinion and thought ranging in essence from the Marxist to the Christian. Central to the theme of uruted Congress action has been strong adherence to Satyagraha. The fact that the Indian aligns hImself with the Afncan IS a point of much rustress to the government; he IS also often accused of being a foreIgner and that his sympathies are wIth IndIa. Indo-African alltance, however, contmues its stength without any turnmg back, and the IndIan remains as much mtegrated into the life of South Afnca as any other member of multIracial popu- lation. The Indian people are marchmg forward as a vital section of the democratIC force of South Africa and theIr philosophy of Satya- graha, the phdosophy of GandhI, continues to have an mvaluable ef- fect in patterning their progress to freedom. EducatIonally the Indians have advanced agamst dIffICult odds. The early development of IndIan educatIon was 10 the hands of the misslOnaCles. Gradually IndIans were gIven land to bUIld their own "hools. Sastrl College 10 Durban, the first Indian secondary school for a long time, only came abollt by the constant cry of th,' IndIan people for hIgher educabon. IndlJns todar 0\\ n man)' schools budt by themselves. and they spend more money on education than the European , African, or Coloured . There has also been a need for higher education, but this has not been recognized b)' the Go_emment. The two open universitIes of \Vitwatersrand and Cape Town are now closed to non-Furopeans by the passage of the Separate l ' olversitr Act of 1959. Those who (Quid afford to send their children overseas have • done so. Only a trickle 10 a f1noc.l of student, reach the universities of rngland or America. The Indians have been pressing for opening of the now closed unIversities. HIgher education in Natal has its own colOUring. The Umver"ty nf Natal has a separate nnn-European section. founded by the late Dr. Mabel Palmer who was. until recentl)'. Its organiser. The ma)oClty of students are IndJ3ns. Onl), a handful of IndIans have postgraduate degrees and the), have not been able to a pply their knowledge Or teach in a university because of segregation. However. the tIde seems slowly to hc turning. and the number of stu- dents enterin,!! the postgraduate studlcs is gradually increasing. Lawyers and doctors eIther qualify overseas or in the South African open univer- sities. and complete their articles of clerkShIp and medical houseman- ship respectively in the Union. Even here there is restriction of numbers, INDIANS IN SOUTH AFRICA and also in the admittance into faculties of Civil Engineering, flne Arts, Radiology, etc. There is much scope for sUItable and carefully carried out research among Indians and at present there are only two Indians, one ill Physiology and the other in Economics Department, on the University of Natal staff who are engaged in research. As the pro- fessionals cannot play the role of the scientist in the strictest sense, they have come to rely more and more on research for facts and fig- ures whIch are lacking. Owing to the apprenticeship act of 1944, In- dians have not been able to take full advantage of technical training. The techniCIan has come more recently to play a greater role in se- condary industries, and it was the awareness of this which led to the establishment of the M. L. Sultan Technical College in Durban. In the sports field Indians have not been able to show their worth, as they cannot compete effectively with the outSIde world. The South Mrican Indian Football l}ssociation which made arrangements to play in India was refused passports for its members; and friendly matches with Europeans have been disallowed; but Indians, Africans, and Co- loureds play against each other; and among themselves Indians play many European games including tennis, table tennis, cricket, and golf. It was an Indian from South Africa that won the Dutch Open Cham- pionships in 1959. Hockey and Rugby are not popular sports with Indians. The absence of Rugby is interesting because the reasons are varied: the first, may be a lack of contact with Afrikaaners whose game it is; the second, may be the fact that it is a highly aggressive game in comparison with the other games; and as aggressiveness IS frowned upon, and looked at with the utmost distaste, this might be a more important cause. However, it should be noted that the sporting field is dominated by men and only a few women engage in sports. Nevertheless, on the whole Indians have in their ranks sportsmen of high ranking of which "Pawpa" who won the Dutch Open Golf Cham- pionship at the Hague is one. Sporting facilities are not plentiful, largely due to lack of money to maintain sporting enclosures, like bowling greens, for example. Cultural contact has done a considerable amount of good for In- dians. From the European he has learned the Western way of life and has adapted this to his way of living. Yet in spite of Westernisation, JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS the IndIans are an integral part of the South African life. They are known as a conservatIve race, but conservative only In the dress, reli- g,on, and culture. WhIle IndIans have been conservatJve they are contradictorily progressIve. Although It was the British government that introduced IndIans Into South Afnca, yet today it is the AfrikaMIer who wants them out. The reason for th,s IS quite obvious. The in- dians have established themselves firmly on South African SOIl as traders and labourers. W,th advancement in the educational and Intellectual spheres, the Indian is gradually proving his worth comparable to that of the whIte man. On the Plater land the Indian farmer IS looked upon WIth SuspICIon, where he has established hImself as farmer and trader, and also at the same time filling the role of local capitalist. Indian financiers have been lending money, giving credit. and opening up big businesses. This is an indICatIon of the prospeflty of Indians. Composed largely of Hindus and about thIrty per cent of Moslems. Indians have been extremely stable in their family life. ReligIon plays a very important part, and in Natal where there IS a concentration of Indians. Hindu temples and Moslem mosques are not an uncommon sight. Religion has given the Indian his personality and his in- dividuality, and he has aSSImilated largely the matenal aspect of West- ern life. Although the Ind,an has been highly Westernized, yet very dIstinctly he IS an IndIan. As 10 other cultures, relipon is most im- portant in marriage, birth, and death. The South African Indian has also assimilated many thmgs from • • Western culture. There IS some exchange of Ideas, although some Europeans are opposed to free cultural exchanges because the), fear it will lead to cultural equal it)', and from thIS an ineVItable claim for equal political and economic rights and privileges. But the future is per- plexing for WIth the Group Areas Act being implemented without the slightest regard for humanity. the recent proclamatIOns hang like a Sword of Damocles over their heads . \Xfith their homes and sacred places threatened and businesses and lIvelihood deprived , the Indian. face a new and grave challenge after one hundred years of settl. ment in South Africa. CRISIS IN CENTRAL AFRICA EDWARD G. OLSEN "Ready or not-here I come!" Do you remember the cluldhood game, so alive with excitement and a spice of danger? Afnca is much ilke that today. Most of her 220 million people are not "ready" for political independence, and the wlute world IS not at all "ready" to see them achieve it; but-ready or not-here they come and on the double! Afnca can be lost to the free world in this generation as China was lost in the last-and for essentially the same reason: the "master race" mentality, political policies, and discrimination patterns calmly accepted and daily practiced by most white settlers. Throughout the African continent contrnued wlute privilege and racial arrogance are rapidly alienating most Afncan leaders, and are everywhere producing a rising tide of reciprocal racial chauvinism. Inevitably, the result is a psychological climate of growing race tension which is readily ex- ploitable by Soviet Russia. Most Americans still think of "darkest Africa" in terms of Holly- wood's African Queen-as an exotic land of lush jungles and big game, peopled largely by childlike natives, devoted missionaries, and safari- bound white hunters. How very far from reality is that romantic no- tion! In our day, the darkest thing about Africa is our own ignorance of it as a fast-changing land, almost literally erupting from the Stone Age into the Jet Age within a single generation. Visualizing the Afri- can continent, most of us know that Egypt lies at the north, the Union of South Africa at the southern tip, Ghana on the West Coast, and Kenya on the east. But in between, and all about, the rest of Africa for most Americans is only a big geographic blur. Yet we had better become aware that Africa is larger than the United States, China, and India combined; that it covers one-fifth of the earth's surface; that nine out of ten of its inhabitants are still primitive and believed to be illiterate. Less than two per cent of the people in Africa are white. Even so, the whole continent now is being torn by anticolonial na- tionalist movements. Almost every year, it seems, some previously unheard-of countries are gaining political freedom. In I957 it was Ghana, in 1958 I2 French colonies, in 1960 it will be four more Afri- JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS can lands: Nigeria. Somalia. French Togoland. French and Bntlsh Cameroons. Black Africa south of the Sahara IS everywhere in ferment. The native African peoples from Sudan to the Cape are struggling hard against the exploitive grasp of past and present fear and greed. In varying ways they are striving restlessly toward independent futures. developing slowly a growing sense of contmental solidarity. and re- solutely demanding there shall be a speedy end to colonialism and ra- cial discriminations. As Dr. Charles H. Malik. President of the United Nations General Assembly, has recently said, "The age of crude ex- ploitation is completely gone, and there is open before us all today the prospect either of estrangement or of honest co-operation on the basis of equalIty and mutual respect." These stark alternatIves make it clear that because nf them Africa may well become the next battle ground in the enid war. LAnd of Livingr/oll and Rboder Nowhere in all Africa are these alternatives of estrangement or honest racial co-operation so apparent as in the FederatIOn of RhodeSIa and Nyasaland. Lymg Just north of the Un inn of South Africa, and inland between Portuguese East Africa to the east anJ the Province of Southwest Africa on the west, thIS is the country first brought to world attentIon a century ago by David Livingston, devoted medical mIS- sionary and intrepId explorer. Then, m r890, Cecil Rhodes sent a • • "Pioneer Column" of white settlers trekking north into Southern Rhodes .., where they settled by agreement with the powerful African chief, Lobengula . Three years after that, came bItter warfare between the white settlers and the ind,gneous black tribesmen, followed by final subjugation of the African natives. In the adjacent Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, whIte settlement was effected peace full)" through negotiations with the chIefs, solemnized JO formal treaties. This his- toric dIfference in basic mode of settlement-by military conquest in Southern Rhodesia and by di plomatJc treaties JO the other two terri- tories-IS SIgnificant today JO terms of factors underlying somewhat differing patterns of current racial attitudes. From the standpoint of democracy, the free world, and good hu- man relations, the most important plalc in all Africa is now this Federa- • CRISIS IN CENTRAL AFRICA tion of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Why? Because the Federation stands psychologICally and geographically between the black nationalism of Ghana and the white racialism of the Union of South Africa-two momentous Ideologies already colliding head-on throughout Africa. This Federation, only five years old, is composed of the three separate territories: Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Nyasaland. The area IS rich m natural resources, still large! y undeveloped, and the climate IS superb for European settlement. About twice the size of Texas, the Federation was created in 1953 by Act of the British Parliament and with the plebiscite approval of a small majority of the voters in the three temtories- virtually all of whom were whites. Most articulate African opinion opposed Federation from the outset and still continues to do so. Africans fear-and with reason-that the white-supremacy legislatIOn and practices in Southern Rhodesia (where most of the white have s7ttled and which has been self-governing since 1923) would be extended and strengthened in the other two territories, which are still governed largely by the British government through its Colonial Office. Because of this unique political structure, the Afri- can freedom movement leaders generally look to London for protec- tion against Salisbury-and " London" means the British Labor Party. Between the United States of America and the Federation of Rho- desia and Nyasaland, there are interesting similarities. Both are Fed- erations in political structure, and so both have their recurrent problems of federal-territorial relationship. In America, even after 170 years of federation and the long Civil War which challenged it, there are still occaSIOns of open State rebellion against the authority of the central government. In Nyasaland and in Northern Rhodesia, there is now much hostde seceSSIOn talk among the Africans, as there is among some Europeans In Southern Rhodesia. Both the United States and the Federation are multiculture countries. America is made up of people of all colors and creeds from every country on earth-and in tha t situa- tion it suffers serious racial problems as it strives to end discrimination In the North as well as segregation in the South. In Southern Rho- desia wh,te supremacy is complete, and is enforced by segregation legis- lation patterned after the earlier apartheid laws of the Union of South Africa. The Nyasaland riots of February.March 1959 and the result- ing "State of Emergency" repressive legislation in Southern Rhodesia JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS have greatly increased racial tensions throughout the FederatIOn during the past few months. A further point of s.mllarity is that white Rhodesians Ilke most Americans, are deeply consCIous of being caught up in times of fast social change. In Rhodes.a great mdustrial development .s underway, the Africans are "advancing" rapidly, and so there is widespread popu- lar confusion and continuing controversy about basic human values and group responsibilJt.es. The wh.tes generally are deeply afraid that they WIll be swamped politically, economically, and socially if they grant political and economic equality to the Africans and to the other non- whites. They, in their turn, are beginning to resent bitterly the con- tinuance of white domination, power, and privilege. Increasmgly they are convinced that unless they constantly protest and sometlmes re- volt they will be always kept down as a subservient and permanently underprivileged servant class. Here is a terrible testing ground for human decency and Western democracy I And the time for continued testing is likely to be much shorter than most whites 10 the Federation now think ~'hat happens there tn trends in race relations during the next few years may well determlOe the future of all Africa south of the Sahara for generattons to come. Africans ill Rhodesia and Nyasaland The African peoples of this area are of Bantu stock and are typi- • • cally dark brown. not black. as is characteristic of the \Xfest African Negroes who were ancestors of most Negro Amencans today Never cannibals. they fought mcessant and savage tribal wars before the wh.te men came. For centuries slavery was a wholesale practice within their tribes and also through WISe commerce with the Arab slave traders. When the Europeans first settled in Rhodesia a scant seventy years ago, they found that the Africans there had no wheeled vehicles. no plow. no written language. and no metal articles or tools except a very limited quantity of Iron spears and arrow heads. They were ruled autocraticall), by tnbal chiefs. lived 10 dread of the spirits of their an- cestors. were controlled b)' "'perstltution, and in all important decisions of life were advised by the witch doctors. \Xfith the exception of the Great Zimbabwe and similar fortifications, there IS no evidence that the • CRISIS IN CENTRAL AFRICA nattve inhabItants of Central Africa ever produced a civilization of theIC own. Apparently they had remamed in a state of arrested de- velopment for thousands of years. Then, almost m a single lifetime, the British settlers and colonial governments ended slavery and inter- tflbal wars, and successfully fought disease, poverty, and backwardness. Tbe wbite settlers bave built roads, scbools, factories, cburcbes, air fields, bosp,tals, and migation ditches for the Africans as well as for themselves. Tbese settlers, by tbe application of capital and skill, and WIth the manual labor of tbe African people, have in 70 years created a modern state wltb all the external marks of ciVilization. Missionaries of many faIths from Europe and America have belped to create a WClt- ten language for tbe use of the Africans, have introduced social-CIvic concepts such as community hygiene, soil conservation, individual re- sponsIbility and dIgnIty; and have converted many thousands of pagan AfClcans to ChristIanIty-thereby largely freeIng them from the fright- ful taboos. fears, and cQmpulsions of their primitive superstitions. Yet the majority of Africans in the Federation can hardly even yet be called CIvilized persons. in any real sense of that term. In many areas of RhodeSia the people are still untouched by West- ern CIvilizatIOn. Tbere are tbousands of Africans who have not yet seen whIte people, or who are only now beginning to meet them for the first time. The Batokkas of the Zambezi River Valley are an ex- ample. Europeans entered their lives for the first time in 1958 when theIr entICe tflbe. numbering some 50,000 people, had to be moved to a d,stant area to make room for the lake wbich would soon be formed by the damming of the Zambezi River at Kariba. In other regions the mdlgenous peoples bave been in slight contact with Western civi- lizatIOn for some years. but bave remained essentially primitive, living m their grass huts m traditional tribal fashion, almost unchanged since tbe Stone Age. But today an mdustrial revolution is fast underway in Rhodesia. Last year Nortbern Rbodes .. passed Chile to become the second big- gest producer of copper in the free world equaling nearly half the United States' production during 1958. Rhodesia is the world's fourth largest producer of tobacco. Iron deposits in tbe Federation are among the greatest in the free world. Water power is immense. Whole forests are being planted. The Fedration is said to have the greatest 491 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS economic potential of any underdeveloped area of the entire world. Hundreds of thousands of Africans are now employed in Rhodesian industry, as gardeners or house servants for the whites, and in all p0- Sitions of unslalled labor. Here as elsewhere in the world, industriali- zation is bringing rapid urbanization, and urbanization produces its attendent loss of traditIOnal social values and controls, increased de· linquency and crime, and oppressive racial discriminations by the do- minant white settlers. Segregalioll alld Discrilllillalloll In the FederatIOn there are four distl1lctive raCial groups: 71/2 million native "Ajricalls/ ' 300,000 white "Europeans," 20,000 "AJ;alls" (from India), and an estimated 20,000 "Coloureds," (a designation ap- plied to any person of mixed racial background). Nearly all the whites are from England or other British areas . Almost half of them have settled in Rhodesia since World War II. Racial segregation in Southern Rhodesia is as rigorous as In any Amencan community of the deep South. In this territory, where Afncans outnumber Europeans 12 to I. segregatIOn by race is both government poliC}' and standard private practice. To illustrate, there are three separate government school systems~ne for the whites, another for the Africans, and a third for tbe Asians and those of mixed race. Simllarily, there are three sets of ambulances in such towns as have that facility; if someone is hurt in an auto colliSIOn his race must be determined before the .. right" ambulance can be summoned to take him to the" right" hospi. • tal. Until a few months ago even the federal post offices main tamed separate entrances for "Africans" and for "Europeans." Hotels, res· taurants, tlleaters, swimming pools, and most jobs are all segregated by custom If not by law. No Afncans are admitted to the Civil Service, for example. A case in point is the teaching profession. Teachers are civil servants- if they are white and are thus entitled to such be- nefits as professional salaries, paid vacations, and pension provisions. But Afncan teachers, even those of equal training and experience, are all classed merely as subordmate "government employees" limited in salary, and with no tenure or retirement protection. The legal foundation for Southern Rhodesian segregation is a Land Apportionment Act. In effect since '931, this Act divided all the land of Southern Rhodesia about equally between the Africans on the one 492 CRISIS IN CENTRAL AFRICA hand and the Europeans on the other (Asians and Coloureds are techni- cally tolerated as "Europeans" under this Act), The result is that Southern RhodesIa IS now dmded into two bnds of land area; the African reJert'es (somewhat like our American Indian Reservations) tn the rural areas and the African lowmhips adjacent to the white settlements, and the European a"eas tn which all of the towns and cities are located. The Union of South Africa is notorious world-wide for its infamous apartheid government policy. "Apartheid" is an Africa- aner term which means, "separate." The story is often told that in Southern Rhodesia the white settlers were of English rather than of Dutch ancestry; so they, speaking English, called their plan for apar- theId the Land Apportionment Act. This Act precludes the owner- ship or occupancy by one race in the area preserved for the other. All exception is made, however, to permit Africans to live on European- owned property providing they are servants of the Whites, Nearly every white home thus can 'and usually does employ one or two African servants: a "house boy" (all African servants are called "boys" by Europeans regardless of their age or other attainment), and the "garden boy," These two men typically live in a kiah-a small house erected for them at the extreme rear of the large lot on which the white home stands, In Southern Rhodesia some 80,000 African men now work as servants to European homeowners, From one white point of view this is paradise I \Vhere else in the world-except in Asia--can one have two full-time, live-in personal servants to do the cooking, washing, house cleaning, ironing, gardening, car washing, shoe shinmg- and all at a total cost of $30 to $40 a month for them both! All of the 120,000 Africans who work in manufacturing, mining, road construction, as office messengers, and the like, are required by law to lIve in the African townships-segregated residential areas bordering on the whIte cities, Generally these men live in great dormi- tories erected by the CIty, their wives and children remaining back on the reserves in the rural areas. The social problems arising out of such racial and sex segregation are serious. Within the past two years , however, the government has developed legislative policies which per- mIt Africans of middle-class background and sufficient economic means to purchase their own homes on a 90 per cent mortage arrange- ment. Outside the capital city of Salisbury there is already a middle- , 493 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS class "development" of some 4000 individual African houses. Yet not many famIlies have the money required. Most employed Africans earn less in a year (about 280) than the average European does every month. The average African worker in Salisbury who is married and has children normally earns only half of what he needs for his family to live and remain healthy, reported the Urban African Affairs Com· mission in August 1958. However, the average monthly earnings of African mineworkers have doubled in the last ten years, and there are now more than three million men in Britain who earn less than the average advanced mineworkers-£480 (about $1350). Universal as this Southern Rhodesian segregation has been, it is breaking down here and there. The Minister of Law and Education stated in 1958 that the government would never repeal the Land Apportionment Act: ("To do so would be un·British'·). but is whit- tling it away by making successive legal exceptions to it. The establish- ment of the multiracial University College, for example, required an act of Parliament to make possible the housing of whites and Africans on the same campus. \V'hen the first African lawyer came to Salisbury, he required an office downtown if he was to have any bUSiness. So the government again amended the Act to make that a Ltgal procedure. Other very recent amendments have authOrized the erection of multI- racial hotels, and have terminated the color bar In railroad restaurants and waiting rooms and on the dining cars. Since the Nyasaland riots of early 19~9, segregation has been end- • ed in the federal post offices; the first African cabinet minister has' been appointed In the Federation government; nonracial trade unions have been authorized; nonracial apprentice training has been plarmed; and nonracial workmen's ompensation legislation drafted. Africans may now purchase tickets In the government lottery. They may also buy liquor even if they are not university graduates-which was the previous situation. Some theaters have opened to African attendance, though the cinemas have not. The provisions of the Civil Service barring Africans are expected to be removed soon. None of this li- beralization is "panic legIslation," the Prime Ministers of the Federa- tion and of Southern Rhodesia stoutly insist. Be that as it may, it is evident that since the Nyasaland rints some of the traditional color bars have fallen, and that others will soon go also. Whether those barriers 494 CRISIS IN CENTRAL AFRICA of racial discrimination are falling fast enough and far enough to make the offiaal government policy of "partnership" effective in time to de- velop racial harmony, on even a mlfilmUffi working basis, remains to be seen. African Nationalism Kwame Nkrumah m Ghana, Tom Mboya in Kenya, Hastings Banda m Nyasaland, and other African leaders are currently sparking raCIal revolutions wluch bid fair to shake the world. Bitterly resentful agamst wlute dominatlOn, inspued by a glowing vision of potential black power, and motIvated by political ambitions common to aggres- sIve men the world around, they are making African nationalism a mountmg explosive force. Surely this should not surprise nor shock us. Man does not live by bread alone. And "man" includes the two- thuds of the world's population who are nonwhite. Across the earth the dark skmned peoples are increasingly sharing and championing the age-old human ideal and vision: freedom for all persons to earn and enJoy equal opportunity, dignity, status, respect. The SOCIal force we call "nationalism" began in Renaissance Europe, spread to the new world In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, then to ASIa and the Middle East in the first half of the twentieth cen- tury. Now, in the nineteen fifties, nationalism has reached at last mto every part of the prodigious continent of Africa. First affecting indIVidual areas such as the Gold Coast and Kenya, "African nation- altsm" has ill the past two or three years begun to be systematized under the basIC phtlosophy of Pan-Africamsm: "Africa for the Africans!" The Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia, in 1955 ... the Afro-ASIan Peoples Solidarity Conference in Cairo in 1957 ... the All- African Peoples Conference at Accra of December 1958-these were momentous events symbolizing the increasing determination of all the Indigenous peoples of Africa to work together to eradicate every ves- tige of colonialism and raCISm from their continent. At Accra 170 delegates from 28 African territories voted to support passive resistance and civil disobedience campaigns throughout Africa. One of the ad- vIces of the Accra Conference to the European powers was to dissolve the Central African Federation. Dr. Hastings Banda, the African Nyasaland leader still in custody because of the 1959 rIOts, expressed earlier his basic outlook and that of 495 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS his followers. At a press conference he bluntly declared he had no use for moderates. "What about your Oliver Cromwell?" he cried. "Was he a moderate? No. He was a fanatic." At a mass meeting he ex- horted three thousand wildly cheering fans: "Go to your prisons in your millions, singing Hallelujah." The British, he said, wanted federa- tion. "Why? So we can be herded into reserves like animals in our own country. Don 't trust the missionaries. We must fill the prisons. That's the only way to get freedom. To hell with federation!" Dr. Banda attended the 1958 Accra Conference. After he returned to Nyasaland, organized anti-Federation noting began : buildings were burned; cars stoned; whites threatened; airfields were covered with obstacles to pre- vent the landing of planes; police and rioters fought in the streets, on the veld, ill the bush. The Federal Government announced it had discovered an African Congress massacre plot for an "R-Day" in Nyasalaod stIli to come a day of widespread violence including more systematic sabotage. murder of missionaries and other whites, of prominent moderate Africans, and the assassination of the Governor. T rnops were sent, rushed ioto the Territory. and in the fighting some 50 Africans were killed . In South- ern Rhodesia, the Government declared a State of Emergency, outlawed most A£ncan political organizations, and arrested some 600 African leaders who were immediately imprisoned. Then the Southern Rho· desian government proposed and passed a series of protechve measures including a Preventive Detention Act under which it may hold any • • African charged with conspiracy up to five years without trial. Another provIsIon defeated only after strong opposihon from bar, church, and university, would have reversed centuries of British jurisprudence by de· claring that any African so detained would be presumed guilty until he proved himself innocent. Since then a further ominous note has been disclosed. The British CommiSSIon of inqUIry sent to investigate the rioting in Nyasaland reported that there had been no "murder plot," although It was true that some Africans had decided on a campaign of violent action . Then- assessing the causes of that violence the ro)'al report blamed the British Colonial Office for its failure to follow through on constitutional reforms long promised but never effected. The report stated that NyasJland today is a "police state, where it is CRISIS IN CEN11lAL AFRICA not safe for anyone to express approval of the poliCIes of the (Afncan NatIOnal) Congress." For all of the rusturbances the RhodesIan governments blamed Accra, but the real cause was the raCIal color bar, as all Africans and many whites readily recognIzed. The Central Africall Examiner, an mfluentlal Saltsbury magazme patterned after the Lolldon EcollomiJt, put the matter m truthful terms which are blunt mdeed: Afncan leaders and their followers are as much citIzens of the Federaaon as any European. The Federation has, if it 15 to survIve at all, to allow them to work by all means in thel! power to achIeve their political and social objectives, provIded always theIr methods are legal. They should not be hindered merely because what the say, do, and aim at is presently unacceptable to many of their fellow citizens. But the moment legal limIts are overstepped firm action IS justI- fied and mevltable .... The present situation IS not merely a warning. It may' be the last warning ....T he Federal Gov- ernment of Nyasaland will certainly succeed in dealing with the present unrest and those who seek to perpetuate and ex- tend it. They are right to do so. But if they then fail, with an equal determination and sense of urgency, to proceed to a genuine unequivocal removal of racial discrimination ... the whole project of Federation will have failed and the sooner history writes it off the better. PartnefJhip Policy WhIte optnion IS by no means all segregatlOnlst. The FederatlOn Constitution actually enshrines racial "partnership" as a declared pur- pose and goal of government. There is a strong European minonty led by Mr. Garfield Todd, former Southern Rhodesia Pnme Minister, whICh clearly sees the danger signals and constantly seeks to speed up African advancement. After the Nyasaland riots Todd declared: "The whole future of the Federation is being threatened . . . .A ll that we have worked for over the years is in jeopardy and time has run out .. . There IS only one policy which can guarantee the safety of all our citizens and that IS the policy of partnership, but that policy cannot flourish in a country where there is a rigid color bar .. .. That color bar must be "broken massIvely and immediately" [or] . . . partnership will become an tmpossible ideal." 497 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS But what does this "partnership" actually mean? No two Rho- desians seem to agree. One Member of Parliament was qunted 1fl the press as saying; "Partnership IS like that association of persons for the purpose of business or jomt interest. Because of partnership every- thing is being done for the good of everybody. The development of mines, conservation works, agriculture, roads and railways is for the benefit of all the people who lIve in Southern RhodeSia .... ' While he agreed that people should live together, he did not think it nght fne Africans and Europeans to mix. For a group of visiting United States diplomats. the Minister of Law and Education In 1958 defined partner- ship as a sharing of the land and other benefits of the country. fClendl)" to-existence, free mixing in normal bUSiness relationships. the right to advance on the baSIS of character and ability-but alwars keeping separate racial Identities. He was careful to state that thiS d')es not mean Integration, which he conceived of as assimilation. HIS defini- tion seemed clearly to Imply that which Americans would understand as "separate but equal." In the Federation the suffrage is not universal. even f,J[ whites, since there are property and educational qualifications, To permIt more Afncans to vote, even if they cannot meet those standard qualifi- cations. a special voters' roll has been established for bla(k candidates. The requirements here are lower, but the voters on this roll mal' choose only Africans. and these are elected by a combination of both rolls About 7.000 Afflcans have now qualIfied for the electoral rolls of the three territories of the Federation. Only whites sit in the Southern . • RhodeSIan parliament. but the federal parliament has about one·third African representabves. Most pol itlcally aware Africans consider that the partnership policy is essentially one of sheer hypocrisy. They believe it as a fraud. desl~ned not as a bulwark against a/,.lI·,f,eid but rather as a subtle con- tinuance of Southern Rhodesian racial discrimination and as a wnekin~ basis for e'tendin~ and exrandin~ it in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasa- land. Some le~lSlative progress toward wider opportunities for non· whites has undeniahl)' been made. Nevertheless. white resistance is generally std I strong against any measures which rna)' seem to pro· mote African advance very far beyond the "hewer of wood and drawer of water" servant·c1ass stage. As Africans see it. the "partner. CRISIS IN CENTRAL AFRICA ship" unposed upon them is that of the rider upon the horse. Ex- tremIsts on both racial sides are now beginning to scorn openly both the concept and the spirit of partnership. Rising tides of fear and hate are becoming ominously apparent. The role of the moderates of all races who seek to build bridges of understanding is ever more difficult as tensions mount. Very recently the Northern RhodesIa African National Congress (still legal) offiCIally declared "social war" against the color bar in all its forms. In a planned "partnership or else" drive, they began a campaIgn agatnst hntels and cafes where they alleged there was racial discrimination. In Southern Rhodesia a similar group demands that racial discnminatlOn in all public places be made an offense punishable bl' law, that the Land Apportionment Act be repealed, and that Euro- pean Immigration be restricted to indispensable technicians. This Congress calls upon its members to defy the color bar in all its forms. An African moderate, the editor of the African Eagle, summed up the sItuation by saying: The country has become a multiracial society ... it is of the utmost importance that all our people co-operate. All that is required is a give·and-take attitude on either side of the color line ... the European in Central Africa is losing the fine op- portunity of creating an exemplary multiracial society in which all people have a common patriotism. Our govern- ments have lost this opportunity through not being ready enough to take with them all civilized men irrespective of color or race .... With Ghana and Nigeria as well as other self-governing African territories becoming important com- monwealth and international nations, the African in our coun- try will become very militant if he is not accepted into the stream of all civilized men. White FearJ and FailureJ Perhaps the psychic key to the whole situation is that nearly all Rhodesians think of themselves purely in racial terms rather than in that of a common nationality. Unless they are second-generation whites they do not really consider themselves Rhodesians (most deli- berately retain their British or South African passports), and even then they are always called Europeans. Everyone is classed in racial terms. Whites are "Euroreans;" natives are "Africans;" Indians are "Asians;" 499 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS others are "Coloureds." Such desIgnatIons, of course, contmue to ac- cent racial b,as, and never provIde the psychological baSIS for that sense of common unity wluch is essential to any community. Some members of all groups were astolllshed to learn that ill the UnIted States-despite our racial troubles-we generally underline the common Americanism o[ all; we speak o[ ourselves as white Americans, Negro AmeClcans, Jewish AmeClcans, Italian Americans, Polish AmeClcans, etc. even though we do say "whites:' "Negroes," "Jews," "italians," and ··Poles." Incidentally, white Americans are called Europeans In Rhodesia, but Negro AmeClcans--obvlOusly not 'Europeans"-are likely to be termed "Amencans! " Any American can feel qUIte at home In Rhodesia, for there he hears the same slogans and shIbboleths and stock phrases so common In our country: "They are not ready;" "These people are child-like;" "They must stay In thelC place;" "\VIe must maintain our standards;" Would you want your daughter to marry an African I" The daily press, both whIte and AfClcan, is constantly filled with stories report- Ing race relatIons. In eIght months In Rhodes .. I had hundreds of conversatIons, only two of whICh did not mclude at some juncture the problems of race American race inCIdents are front· page news In all papers In Rhodes... "\\fhat IS happening In Llttk Rock '" was the questIon asked after nearly everyone of the 35 puhllc addresses I gave In RhodeslJ. It is clear as never before that Amenean influence for democracy upon the nonwhites of Africa IS, to a large extent, pro- portional to \\ hat they hear of our race problems here at home. Starkly put, the human problem in Rhodesia is seen as a struggle for survIval on the one hand, and a fight for liberation on the other Most African people are extremely primitIve by \Vestern standards. and the [uropeans fcar that they Will be swamped polltlCall\', hounded socially, and destroyed economically if they extend equal opportum- ties to the AfClcans. Africans gener,111y see the problem wholly in terms of their essentIal struggle against permanent d'SCClmIOJtlon. The philosophy of the Afflcan milItants IS SImple and uneomplOmlsing: "Better an empty bell)' and freedom, than a full bell)' and serfdom:' Yet that chOICe is not an easy one, even if it were realistic. Riding with an Af Clcan teacher in Northern RhodeSIa, we were discussing that point. "Suppose you Afncans do throw out the Europeans," I said. sao CRISIS IN CENTRAL AFRICA "How long could you keep electricity fl.Jwing in those power lines be- side the road? And what would happen then?" "Not 24 hours," he answered somewhat sadly. "And then we would all have to go back to the grass huts, to the ancestral ways of livmg-and I don't want to do thaC-he murmured, almost to himself. An.."ious on the sldellOes of this race conflict stand the Asians and the Coloureds, not knowing with which group they can best identify, nor where their future Iles. Accepted by neither major racial group, largely rejected by both, they stand outside the power struggle, virtually helpless. Against this stark human problem of survival and liberation most whites in Rhodesia are confused, baffled and afraid-yet they still re- main largely complacent. Generally they recognize their fearful di- lemma: if they grant unusual suffrage they will be vastly outnumbered at the polls by a primitive people who are superstitious, prone to vio- lence, gullible, and with no experience in democratic procedures. ("Would you Americarts have given equal voting rights to the Indians 111 your \Vest 100 years ago?") Yet many whites know in their hearts that if they do not extend democracy, and that quickly, the Africans will build up such smoldering resentment that they will almost surely revolt. When analyzing this dilemma we in America must not ignore the population percentages. In the Union of South Africa, where apartheid is being extended with reckless abandon, the proportion of Africans to Europeans is only four to one. In Southern Rhodesia that proportion is twelve to one. In Nyasaland it is about four hundred to one. In the Federation as a whole, it is thirty-three to one. If that Federation percentage existed in the United States, we would have a population of some five million whites and one hundred sixty-five million Negroes, most of whom would be very primitive people, with a life expectancy of thirty seven years, utterly inexperienced in demo- cratic procedures, largely illiterate, doubling their number every twenty- five years, and for the most part unable, because of tribal language differences, tn communicate any but simple ideas, even to each other. [n the whole Federation today, for example, there are less than half a dozen African doctors, lawyers, and journalists. And the potential tragedy of the situation is that because of the rigid segregation system most Furopeans are totally unaware that some emergent African leaders are people of character, intelligence, culture, and charm. Such men 50! JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS will almost surely become increasingly cynIcal or militant if they are not accepted by their e<:Juals on CIvilized society. Just as many Ameri- cans still speak condescendingly of "the Negro;' and discriminate against all Negroes, so most Europeans in Rhodesia generalize falsely about all Africans and keep hIgh thel[ color bar against them all. Many Africans are aggressIvely hosule today because under the present segregation system they have lost hope for a better tomorrow. The Communist Appeal In Central Africa Communism IS a potentoal menace, not an im- mediate threat. Industrialization and urbanization are rapidly destroy- 109 the traditional tribal patterns of African Iofe. Yet the psychic security of the individual Afrocan still lies in these patterns. To be sure, the ChrIStian mIssIons and thel[ schools have g,ven large numbers of Africans some idea of Western standards and have tntroduced them to our ideals of democracy, our concepts of personal dignity, and free- dom. A few have attended univerSIties tn England and the United States. But even they-who have achIeved a high degree of Western culture still find that the unoversal color line denies them access to most Western provlleges and associations-the only war In which they as educated indIVIduals can now find a valid sense of belonging and of personal worth to supplant the old tribal self-image the>' have aban- doned. The ineVItable result) Exactly what we ought to expect in most cascs- a deep Inner bitterness, leading to explosive frustration. • The Afrocan Nationalost movement In Rhodesia. as in the rest of • Afroca south of the Sahara. appears to be purely Indigenous. It is not now CommunIst-led. controlled. nor even Communist· influenced in any real degree. Yet the Russians are making their Intensive plans for Afroca. and they mean bUSiness . At the Afro-Asian Conference they promIsed to help the Africans as "brother helps brother" and urged them to "nationalize" European properties. Will it be any wonder If polItICally ambitious Africans look increasingly to Cairo and to Moscow for moral and financial help? The flame of freedom IS burnong in the breast of even the illiterate African today. and neither guns nor preventive detention acts will serve to guench it. A Nyasa- land Afrocan recently sent a statement to the Rhodesian African press. warning his fellow Africans in the Federation against the attractions 502 CRISIS IN CENTRAL AFRICA uf Communism. He wrote: I know that the present talk among my people IS Communism and probabilities of setting up Communist regimes. Many Africans think they will be better off under Communist rule; It has a strong appeal, particularly 10 areas where they are color-barred by the Europeans who represent all that the West stands for. .. .I am not a strong supporter of the demo- cratic regune myself, nor do I in any way approve of the way Afncans are being governed, but I think it is nght to warn my people, 10 their despondent mood, not to fall from the fry- ing pan into the fire. Perhaps 10 response to that statement, the lead editorial in an Apnl I958 Issue of SaliSbury s Afncan-edited AfrICan Daily NewJ remarked: In our 0pilllOn, If ever Communism took root 10 Africa, say 10 our country for example, it would only be because the Euro- pean here had failed to establish democracy, failed to hdp the African improve his standard of living through imilroved and IOcreased opportunities for education and the el lute number of urbanites approximates sixt), million, an aggregation exceeding the concepbon of the populabon which most Westerners have of this por- tion of Africa. The above ,'ggregation illustrates another phenomenon: the rapidity with which rural-urban migrations have occurred and will oerur. Most of the urhanites, even though their residence is spasmtXlic, 522 URBANIZATION AND RACE RELATIONS have had thea contacts with urban living within the last three decades. The shortage of manpower for industnaltzatlOn is the most potent force propelltng rural dwellers to cities. They become laborers in mines and cities through joining work crews that are systematical Iy recruited from rural villages or reserves. The need to earn money by a contractual work arrangement to pay head, hut, or other taxes (levied against every male over 18 years of age, if there IS no steady income from which a tax may be deducted), has caused most of the laborers to migrate and remain outsIde of theIr VIllages and homes from three months to several years at a stretch. Many elect to remain in cities or enter into another contractual arrangement to earn money to repay debts, accumu- late the amount promised for a bride price (instead of heads of cattle), or to acquire more of the matenal goods and services from the cities. Of a certatnty, agncultural products and heads of cattle do not suffice as uruts of exchange. More and more, money is becoming a medium of • status. The destres for greater freedom and economic betterment are two of the other Important forces luring the rural population to cities. However much the initial impetus may have been furnished by the necessity to conttnuously pay taxes, the desae to live another way of life motIvates a great majority to turn cityward. Once ideational mo- bility has been cultivated, rural living has lost its lure. At the same tIme, many males-and, in ttrne, their families and relatives-become detnbalized through neglect of their farm plots and the failure to pay deference to theIr village chiefs. This happens when the head of the household rematns away too long. Settlement in cities is the only alter- native for the detribalized. Composition of Population and ReJidellllal Patterns In accordance WIth the historical settlement of cities, the popula- tlOn may be dlVlded by religious, tribal, raCIal, SOCIal class, or occupa- tional dtfferentiatlOns. However, the most common demarcations are religious, racial, Or tribal, rather than social class or occupational; the latter are often determtned by the former attributes. North Afncan CItIes place great emphasis upon religious ties, and persons espousmg the Muslimic faith supersede others numerically as well as pobtically. Mos'lues rather than synagogues or churches pre- dominate. Leaders of cities and states belong to the Muslim faith. JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Even after the Europeans acquired control over these areas and urban centers, they had to respect and retain the religious leaders whom the population would support. In Morocco, for example, there are four sections. Each has a capital administered by a Sultan, Caliph, or Euro- pean Governor-General. Although the latter was technically more powerful, he was careful not to offend the religious figureheads. To- day, these leaders have become the acknowledged heads of state as well as of their religion, while the Governors-General have departed_ These cities operate under the millet system. Each major religious group, Muslim, Jewish, and Christian, lives in its own series of quarters, often separated by walls, where the inhabitants perpetuate their own language, customs, laws, institutions, and behavior patterns. Although some of them work elsewhere during the day, they return to their respec- tive quarters at night. Hence, social, religious, and work hfe may be different in each quarter. In-marriages, too, have perpetuated the pre- ferred way of life. In the future when nationalism grows more en- trenched, this spirit may cause the weakening of present-da)" tJes and loyalties. The younger people will be the ones to promote and strength- en nationalistic sentiments. Europeans, regardless of national origin. live in the newer sections of Casablanca, Fez, Rabat, Egypt_ Tunis, and so on. A broad thoroughfare separates the new from the older quarters of the local population. As far as possible, the Western wa\" of life is transplanted. The spatial distance separating the Europe. .n s from the local population symbolizes the social distance (and often hostilities) existing between the various groups . • Cities in West Africa, in contradistinction, resulted from the local population's tradition of city building, long before Great Britain, France, and Portugal gained control of this section of the continent_ Today most of them have become seats of local administration. domi- nated by local leaders. It is of interest that these same colonial powers pursued quite a different policy here. in contrast to that of North Afri- ca. In the latter, the transition back to local control was persistently resisted until prolonged interracial warfare forced the removal of Furopean Governors-General and nationals. The reversion to local control of most of West Africa. with the exception, perhaps of Ghana. was effected so quietly and rapidly that many outsiders were hardly aware of it. URBANIZATION AND RACE RELATIONS \\1 est Afflcan urbanites are noted for their sophistication and pre- ference for urban living, even though many retain ties with rural areas where their wealth is located. Many live for months in rural areas to convert their resources into wealth, then return to reside in their urban residences. Some of the local urbanites, and especially their leaders, have studied abroad; they are very Westernized, therefore, in outlook and behavior. Many have taken an active part in the establishment of national and local self-government. Although some of the deposed tribal chiefs and their followers favor a return to tribal organization, their power and influence have become so reduced that their advoca- tion falls on deaf ears. One of the outstanding features of this area is the development and enlargement of a middle class composed of professionals, businessmen, wealthy farmers, white-collar workers, and civil servants. Hence when leaders agitated and strove for independ- ence, they had support from others who shared the same aspirations. Moreover, in this part of Africa, Liberia existed and served as a model for emulation. When European powers held sway, their citizens were mainly concerned with the tasks of political administration or the opera- tion of commercial undertakings. Few ventured inland. Climatic con- ditions and the prevalence of the death-killing tsetse fly restricted the length of their settlement. Many had to rely upon the local population for the exploitation of resources and the collection and distribution of their products. This brought about better intergroup relations, in some instances so favorable that a better educated and endowed African strove to be classified as "Europeanized natives." This coveted status was recorded in official documents and carried rights and privileges which were denied those who were yet believed to be "in the bush." Cities here, as elsewhere in Africa, often result from the merger of villages lying outside of municipal boundaries, where rural migrants clustered. These villages reflect tribal or linguistic affiliations, and the residents extend mutual aid and protection to each other. As they come to realize the benefits of creating a larger social organization, encompassing several communities, a city is formed. Later, the area may be annexed to, or by, the larger city. These processes of urban formation occurred when ancient cities were first organized over five milleniums ago, and they have been perpetuated. During these early stages of growth, the wealthier classes occupy the best residential sites, }OuaNAL OF HUMAN ULA110NI adjacent to the center. Sillms are at the outIkirts. As mn! ....... become integrated into the occupational structure of the manning the various enterprises, and the oeW.in. I refer to the creation of this country as a unit, I refer to the introduction of liberal education on the British pattern, the establishment of law and order, the e'10 has conveyed to us the benefIts of European science and t«hnolog) and made us share amply In the Sal"' of man's long and sustaIned strugsle for the master:y of nature, The evidence of thi!2-19:>9), Rhodesia and Nyasaland (19:>9), and the Union of South Africa. What then is the answer or reaction of the African to these situations? Socialiwl Seen aJ the Likely Amwer Leopold Sedar Senghor, the distinguished poet, scholar, statesman, and President of the Mali Federation has written: "We are socialists. In other words. we shall exclude neither Marx nor Engels from our sources; we shall start from their works as from those of the 'Utopian Socialists.' and we shall add to these sources the works of their successors and commentators ... [and) the method which can help us analyze our situation; the ideas which can help us solve our problems!" Africall Socia/iJm, p. 13). In the third clause of its aims, the Kenya Uhuru Party-the most powerful political organization in Kenya today, likely to take control of the governlI\ent On independence writes,"... the Move- ment shall press for full industrialization and enhancement of collect- Ive methods for the control of the means of production, distribution, and marketing by the people themselves under their democratically controlled organizations." There could be cited numerous writings and statements of these types from African leaders or states. Nearly all the former French colonies have declared themselves socialists. Imperialist exploitation of the workers (who in dependent terri- tories are all indigenous people) and racial discrimination have made the African highly suspicious of private ownership, control of means of production (the factories, mines, buses, railroads, telegraph, and telephones) and the means of distribution and marketing. There has grown a spirit of inverse racialism among some of the ordinary citizens in the states-almost to the same magnitude as the Whites used to have. But all African governments have pledged themselves to en- force seriously equality of freedom and justice to all without regard to colour, race, or creed. There is almost no political party without such a clause in its list of aims. It is the African's desire that the world shall never be polarized into two hostile colour camps. IJ Independence the El2d? Independence from the imperial ists is only the first step towards the goal. As was witnessed in Guinea, independence may call for great 549 ,----------------------------------- )OUJ.NAL OP HUMAN 1U!LATIONS sauificC$. It even goes beyond the sacrifices. Wages will not go up at once, nor shall every African be given a car, TV, or a refrigerator. Independence is the beginning of the real struggle to overcome starv- ation, diseases, exploitation, and to guarantee individual freedom. It must enrich the growth of African community and personality and provide an extensive internal market of and for the Africans. Behind us lie the bitter bread of slave trade, imperialist exploitation, and domi- nation, sapping our material strength and health. In front liC$ a United Africa, one nation, one flag. The far-sighted African politician is constantly working toward this manIfest destiny of Africa; other- wise, there shall be no freedom for the African. One Africa, one flag! That is the goal . • • SOUTH AFRICA: REALITY AND UNREALITY VIOLAINE JUNOD Events m Afnca move with such unpredictable rapIClity that what exists toda), becomes a matter of history tomorrow. The observer asked to comment on recent events and trends faces the herculean task of combining the insights of a social scientist with the visions of a seer withm the contracted time scale and framework of a historian. The African giant awakens from his long slumberous years of ·darkness·, and is on the move. Whatever outside well-Wishers may W Ish for them, the Africans are coming into their own and nothing can either hold them back or deter them from their goals. They want Independence, freedom, and the right to rule themselves, even if badly, in the Black states of the west and east; Interdependence, freedom and thea nghtful share In the governments of the multiracial communities to the east and south. They do not wish to be dICtated to. They take help from those quarters they judge will serve them best. They want to do It alone. They are out to carve for themselves a place of their own making In the world. What goes for Africa as a whole, goes for South Afnca. This seems too tClte a truism to even bear mention. Yet it is the very re- jection of thiS all too obvious truism by white South Africa, which gives thiS country its peculiar twists. Herein lies the core of South Africa·s ··Nat,ve Problem:· The apartheid policy of its government does not heed the tIdes of the times . All too real and purposeful to that white mlnoClty who create it, apartheid is tragically unrealistic when seen against the stark reality of the emergent continent of which it is so vital a part. It will be the purpose of this article to show the conflict at the root of our white made African problem. A conflict between the un- reailty of a wIshful ideology and the reality of an expanding modern socIety with its awakening black masses. Object LeJSon Though 'luiet has settled ove, the troubled, but still lovely Prov- Ince of Natal, it is an uneasy quiet and symptomatic of the unrest throughout South Africa. Only a few months ago, in the highly congested Cato Manor black slum of Durban, ang'y women armed 551 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS with sticks and fanatical purpose faced an array of white-manned machines; stenguns, small and larg•e armoured cars, tear gas, and batons_ Within three days it was officially stated that "the situation was well under control" _ Yet some thirty buildings valued at £250,000 had been burnt and ruined. Shops, churches, schools, creches, and administrative buildings still lay smouldering in heaps of rubble under a thick cloud of smoke. Then came the noise of battle from remote rural areas to the north, to the south of Durban, and inland. Wattle plantations and canelands were alight, more buildings went up in smoke, and frightened whites lay huddled together in protected school and church buildings. The demonstratioos seem to have stopped, but we cannot be misled by the silence which now reigns. The sparks which set off these blazes--refusal to dip cattle, slcirmishes WIth police raiding for illicit liquor-were far from frivolous. They were the ex- pression of deep resentment and frustration. Emotions which will continue for as long as Government refuses to face basic realities; the reality of African poverty; the reality of the permanent settlement of millions of Africans in our cities; the reality of African polItical de- mands. A closer look at the Natal disturbances is necessary. It will provide the emotional backdrop against which South African problems have to be seen and wIthout which little can be understood. It will also clearly illustrate the temper of African feelings at this particular pomt in our history. A most striking feature of the demonstrations both in • Durban and the rural areas, was the fact that women were the insti-• gators and not the men. Secondly, despite the official view that trouble was started by "agitators and subversive elements", qualified observers agree that it was quite spontaneous and unorganized. Finally, de- struction was aimed at all those material things representing whIte authority, be it administrative or concerned with beneficial welfare and social services. Statements made by administrative officers, social welfare workers, and others, following on the riots, all pointed to one basic cause POt'- erty. If this be true, and a subsequent section will suggest that it is, then the involvement and active participation of large numbers of wo- men become much clearer. It is the African women-mothers of children, wives of fathers-who are made to feel the pinch of subeco- SOUTH AFRICA: REAL/IT ANIl UNREAL/IT nomic living at its worst. It is they who hourly and daily have to live out the poverty which low earnings impose. The men are either away at work, 100k1Og for a job or else idling away their unemployed hours with fnends. Them IS not the task of makIng the home run, of seeing to the children's food and clothing, 10 its everyday sense. They merely provIde the wherewithal, however inadequate. It is the women who have to make the pennies and shillings stretch; who see their children's hungry faces and tattered clothing; who have to try and make do. It was sheer desperation which drove them to take the actions they took. Said an African woman demonstrator: "We do not get enough food. Our husbands pay more than £2 in taxes. The employers do not pay them anything. Our husbands are stuck at home. If husbands come from Durban because of illness they cannot go back to Durban. Because of these things we are dying." The upsurgence of African Zulu women is all the more SIgnificant if we recall that traditionally Zulu women were the most subordinate of womenfolk within the Southern Bantu complex, and Zulus are known to be the most conservative element. When trouble had been quelled and deputattons of women met with officials-Native Commissioners, Managers of local Bantu Ad- ministratIon Departments-the complaints were all the same: influx control, high taxes, hungry stomachs. This, it was officially stated, was good reason to believe that the disturbances had been organized. "Agitators and subversive elements" were mentioned, but the African National Congress came in for particular singling out. No one will deny that once trouble had started the Congress organisation did step 10: it sought legal defense, raised funds for the paying of fines and assisted 10 the organising of the deputations. Fines totalling almost £20,000 were imposed with alternative periods of imprisonment to- talling almost 300 years. However, the initial outbursts were, without a doubt, unpremeditated. Government lent a blind eye to the very obvious fact that in each instance human beings were being subjected to the enforcement of deeply resented legislation-influx control, passes for women, shack removals under Group Areas-and simila, causes make for somewhat similar results. As one non-white paper put it: "Government laws produce hundreds of "agitators" each month." (Dl"llm, October 1959) JOU\lNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS A feature of previous disturbances in Natal, more paracularly in Durban, was that African resentment and frustration were usually levelled against another political minority group, the Indians. One recalls the 1949 Durban riots when Indians and their properties were indiscriminatingly attacked by rioting Africans. This year there was no such evidence. This year they were certain about their fight and knew whom they were fighting-a whIte City Council, white Govern- ment officials, and whites in authority over them. Thus all those things which, in the eyes of the Africans, symbolised this white authority came under attack. Although a few Indian properties were gutted, there was an open expression of revulsIon by the Africans at thIS. The case is told of an African woman who, seeing the office of an Indian doctor alight, commandeered a lorry and herself saved all the medical equipment out of the holocaust at great personal risk. The Natal disturbances point to very significant undercurrents In the temper of Africans . The accumulation of repressIve legISlation over the years has reached a point where Africans are being affected in their most basic day-to-day needs. Life is no longer VIable for the African, and he IS fighting for his very existence. It needs no organi- sational machinery to light the sparks of unrest-it might be saId that agitation is in the air; it is rooted in the heart of every and each African and it takes little for this inner agitation to spark out 10 a blaze of fur),. In addition, the African no longer sees his problem 10 ISolatIon, that is isolated from those of other nonwhite nunority groups. Though • apartheid aims to divide and to separate all groups from one another. . it has had precisely the opposite effect m regard to the nonwhJtes. It has created a deeply rooted senSe of solIdarity between them. Where- as ten years ago unity between all nonwhIte polJtical groups seemed to be In eVIdence mamly, If not solely, at the leadershIp level, toda), there IS no doubt that the sense of unity has taken root 10 the masses. The issue is therefore much more clearly one of white against nonwhites . The Natal disturbances showed that there was a good deal of general antiwhite feel 109, and herein lies a danger which may yet grow to un- controllable proportions. (Journalists and overseas correspondents covering the incidents had to explam their presence.) SOUTH AFRlCA: REALllY AND UNREALllY African Poverty and Its Causes The fact that the Afncan III the Union of South AfIlca earns more, that IS, receives higher wages, than Africans in any other territory on the contment, does not detract from the fact that what he does earn is not sufficient to make life viable. The poverty of the African popula- tIOn, be It rural or urban, stems eventually from a policy which denies to the African the ordinarily accepted channels of self-improvement. Industnal legislation in particular, and other segregatory legislation 10 general, datlOg as far back as Union in '9'0, makes it impossible for the African to improve his productive efficiency and to raise his earn10g capacity in keep10g with the ever-spiralling cost of living. He cannot acquire skills except perhaps in the building industry; but even there wages are fixed at rates lower than those of whites doing com- parable jobs. He cannot benefit from the means of collective bargain- mg. He has no right to strike. In addition 4470 of the total African labour force, notably domestic servants and farm labourers, do not fall under what protective wage and labour legislation does exist. (Un- publIshed estimates based on '95' Census and limited to African popu- lation '5 years and over.) Much attentIOn has been focussed on the question of African wages 10 the last two years. The bus boycott of '957, the African National Congress £1 a day campaign, and now the Natal disturbances, have demonstrated to the country the real urgency of the problem. The South Afnca Institute of Race Relations in its publication "AnalYSIS of the proposed Increases m Afncan taxation" (1958) stated that "be- tween 6970 and 78% of the African families in the towns concerned have lOcomes below the minimum necessary to provide the barest es- senttals of ItvlOg." Further ... "wage levels have increased; but have not kept up With the increase in the cost of I iving, and the gap between average 1Ocomes and mmimum expenditure essential for the mamte- nance of health has widened." A recent enquiry into the situatIOn 10 Durban conducted by Natal Untverslty Department of Economics revealed that the mmimum re- quired to provide a famil), of five man. wife and three children-with the bare essenttals of life is £20.7.9. And this budget does not include such items as school books and fees. recreation or entertainment. church dues, CIgarettes, taxes, fuel, etc. It merely covers food, rent, transport, 555 )OUJ.NAJ. Of HUMAN RELATIONS and clothing. A housing survey conducted by the same Department In 1950 showed that 600/0 of Afncan employees earned less than £10.0.0 per month and less than 5'1'0 earned more than £15.0.0. per month. A more detailed survey conducted by the municipality six years later showed no appreciable improvement. E.g., a study of 500 working fami- lies from Cato Manor (riot spot) showed that 61'1'0 earned under £10.0. 0.,34'1'0 from £15, and only 5'1'0 over £15. In Durban 95% of the Affl- cans were authoritatively stated (in a local dady newspaper) to ltve well below the breadline. In the first SIX months of this year some 1,147 African children were admitted into a Durban hospital suffer- ing from malnutntJOn, 775 of whom had mahgnant malnutntJOn. Simliar figures could be quoted from other areas in the Union, but these should suffice to make the point. It might merely be added that two developments under apartheid legislation are aggravatlOg the situation considerably: the increases Introduced by the changes in African taxation, and the removal of Africans to Group Areas well be- yond the borders of the Cities. Taxation has been increased by a rnmimum of 75.'1'0 for all those paying poll tax, whICh stood at £1 per annum. Increased transport costs consequent on removals to outlYlOg Group Areas can be illustrated from Durban material; residents of Cato Manor pay at 4d bus fare to and from town. The removals tel Kwa Mashu, the new township being developed to the north of the City, Increases the cost to 9d a single fide more than double. Everybody IS agreed that African wages are too low, but the Gov- ernment IS not prepared to do anythmg on a national scale fearful that •• any conceSSIOn to Afncan cia.oms will merely encourage further demands . On the other hand, both the NatIOnal Chambers of Commerce and In- dustry are clamouring for Governmental intervention and themselves embarking on programs of increased wages where they can. At the first annual meeting of the ASSOCiation for the Improve- ment of Wages and Productivity of Bantu Workers, set up by concerned industna!tsts on the Rand recently, It was stated that the over·all Afn- can wage bill would have to be Increased by £70,000,000 a year before the general level will be adequate for an acceptable hving standard. There are StlCflngS of Improvements and lOcreases withlO selected in· dustries, and one local Rand daily newspaper recently stated that a silent revolutIOn was taking place at this level at the moment. However, no SOUTH AFRICA: REALITY AND UNREALITY appreCIable difference can be made un ttl Government itself is prepared to take tbe responsibility. But Government far from dOIng anytbing positive about this na- tional problem IS determined to further restrict self-advancement for Africans in all fields of life, except insofar as it is to be permitted within theu own areas. Industrial "colour bar" legislation such as the In- dustnal Conciliabon Act, the Native Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Act, and now "Job reservatIon" have all made it even more difficult for the African to Improve his lot in the industrial life of the country. Influx control prevents him from selling his labour freely. And to thIS might be added tbe restrictions which Bantu Education, both at the school and uruvefSlty level, will place on aspiring professional men and women. Introducing tbe Native Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Bill in 1953, the Minister of Labour said: I think that honorable members must realize tbat if we give that incentive to Natives to organise (referring to trade unIons) -and we must bear in mind tbat they are primitive and illiterate Natives who have not the faintest conception of the responsibilities of trade unionism; tbat they are people who cannot even read tbe constitution of a trade union, who know notbing about negotiation or the industrial setup of Soutb Africa-if we give tbem that incentive to organise, and they should become well organised-and again bearing In mind that there are almost 1,000,000 Native workers in mdustry and commerce today-they can use tbeir trade unIOns as a political weapon, and they can create chaos in South Africa at any given time. I think that we would prob- ably be committing race suicide if we gave them that in- centive. Instead machmery was set up for compulsory arbItration by the State; machmery in whICh AfrIcans playa mmimum, if any role. But despite this, trade unions amongst Africans flourish. In r958 the South Afri- e.11l Congress oC Trade UnIons (the only co-ordination body to accept AfrIcan membership) had 29 affiliated unions representing a member- ship of 41,000, the majority being Africans. In I957, though strikes are illegal, II:I strikes involving 6, I 58 African workers were reported. In l'\ cases Increased wages were granted and in 20 the workers were prosecuted for striking illegally. 557 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS In 1957 under section 77 of the newly re-enacted Industrial Con- ciliation Act, a determination reserving certain classes of jobs for whites in the textile industry was promulgated_ The implementation of this determination would have Involved the immediate dismissal of some 35,000 odd nonwhite workers out of a total textile labour force of 40,000. The reaction was one of consternation on the part of both work- ers and industrialists concerned, and at the time of writing, the issue has not yet been finalized. Job reservation has been applied in other fields, more limited in scope. E.g., in Durban all jobs in the cleansing department have been reserved for whites for a period of five years. In the Cape all passenger transport services are to be run by whites. And in Cape Town itself there is a question of removing the familiar figure of the coloured traffic constable directing the daily traffic in the centre of town. He must go and serve his own people. Influx control is an aspect of Government policy whJCh hits the rural African hardest, and is linked with Governmenfs ref~l to ac- cept a permanent urban African populatIOn. Since 1952 no African is recognised as a permanent urban dweller unless he fulfills certain requirements. Some of the conditions under which he can remain 10 an urban area are that he bas to be born and be in permanent residence In an urban area; be has to work continuously in an urb.lJl area for one employer for a period of not less than 10 years; or he has to remain lawfully and continuously in an urban area for a penod of not less than 15 years, and during this period he should not be sentenced to impris- onment without option of a fine for a period of more than one month . • • Influx control IS mainly responsible for dnving many people from their families, and the deportation ("endorsed ouf' is the offiCIal jargon), of many men from their work centers to enforced idleness in IUral areas while their families are starving. The conflict between the lOtegrating pressure of economic expansion and Government apar- theid policy appears at its most naked in tbe economic field. The Minister of Labour speaking to the Industrial Conciliation Amendment Bill in 1954, said: "It may be said that this provision is in conflict WIth all economic laws. Well, it is against laws, but in the same way the colour bar is against economic laws ... The question, however. is this: What is our first consideration? Is it to maintain the economic SOUTH AFRICA: REALITY AND UNREALITY laws or IS It to ensure the continued eXistence of the European (white) race m this country?" The Urban African PopuiatlOll In September 1959 the seven-year-old Institute of Admmistrators of Non-European Affairs held its annual congress in Kroonstad, second largest city of the Orange Free State Provmce. There were over 200 delegates present, all white and except for some 10 university repre- sentatives, all were III some way or other concerned with the admin- istratIOn of South Afrlca's three millIOn urban African population. There was not a black face to be seen in this large gathering. The Mllllster of Bantu Administration and Development, Mr. M. P. C. de \\'e t Nel, opened the Conference. In his address he outlined the rapid growth of the urban African population linking it with the phenomenal IlldustfJal growth of our country since Umon. Infer alia, he said: "The tremendous tempo at which the Bantu have moved to the town appears from the fact thilt even in 1904, 10-4'10 of the total Bantu popu- lation was emplo),ed or resident in towns. In 1946, 24'10 of the total Bantu populatIOn was already employed in the town." To thiS, other pertment facts mIght be added. The percentage of the AffJcan popula- tion now iJving In towns is 27.2'10. In Durban, alone, (the third largest city of the Union With a population close on half a mliJon) the Broome Commission ([947) reported that the African population in- creased b)' 64?c over the years 1936 to 1946. In a very large propor- tion of our towns Africans outnumber whites; the percentage increase of female urban dwellers from census to census has been far greater than that of males-1911-1921 7.2'10 male as against 50.3'10 female; 1921-1936 78-4% as agamst 142.3'10; 1936-1946 46.8'10 as against 7')·9% (late1 figures are not ),et available). It IS an accepted fact that mIgration of women to towns indicates settlement at the urban end. Difficult though it IS to assess with any accuracy the permanency as against temporary character of this population, the South African Cham- ber of Industries found, in I')'jO. that of all workers in secondary in- dustries In Southern Transvaal 45.5'10 could be considered as perma- nent-the criterion used being "having severed all ties with the Re- serves". In Cape Town it stood at 42.7'10. Yet. continued the Minister in hiS address referred to above, ... "the accepted poliCY today is that the Bantu should be regarded as a • 559 JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS temporary resident of the urban areas. He must not be allowed to re- gard such areas as his permanent place of abode. The Bantu must realise that he is only allowed lOto these areas to render service on a voluntary basis to the European population and to a certam extent to his own racial group who are temporanly in these areas. "Further- more, it is also accepted poltcy that the numbers of the Bantu lO the urban areas must be frozen at one stage Or another and gradually dl- mlOlshed .... " ExclaImed an exasperated delegate, nonadmintstra- tlve, at a session on the followlOg day: "When are you gomg to ac- cept the fact of permanent urban Afncan settlement? UntIl )'ou do, you cannot hope to solve thcl[ problems." No o££icial reply was forth- . comlOg. A paper on "Afncan Marriage" presented at the Conference led to a lively and excited debate on the tOpIC of the apparent dislOtegratton of urban African famIly life. Some of the facts given 10 thIS paper are pertinent: The mascullOlty ratio lO 1951 with regard to the over 15 years of age population was in Johannesburg 58.3 females to 100 males; in Pretoria 66.8; lO Durban 38.1 and lO Cape Town 4I.~. Illegitimacy rates vary between 40 and 60 In urban communittes .• _ "pratically every gIrl has one or more children before marnage." One of the university delegates suggested that the root cause of the problem lay in the refusal of Governments, past and present, to accept the fact of permanent settlement at the urban end, thus encour"gmg migrant labour. The suggestton was not met with acclaIm, and one prominent admmistrator of Non-European affatrs replied roughly as follows. • "Therc are two courses open to us in South Africa. The one would not permIt Bantu males in urban areas unless they came with their famIly and were decently accommodated, on an ethnic basis .. _T here could be only one result to the bIg establtshed communittes that would develop-integratton. The other course would adhere strictI)· to the migrant labour system I do not WIsh to 'talk politics' but b), and large the disintegrating conditIons are due to the fact that we have not made the choice of migrant labour, that we have a 'go between'; e.g., the in- flux of females is greater than ever before" _ ... He concluded with these words: "The choice rests with South Africa." In his address on "The Task of a Location Superintendent" Mr. G. J. Viljoen, Manager of the Native Affairs Department, Bloem- fontem, made a plea for better understanding, for better communication, SOUTH AFRJCA: REALITY AND UNREALITY for makmg urban Afncans understand the Government instructions which governed theIr daily lIves. The greater emphasis on "humanism" was welcomed b)" one delegate, but he went on to suggest that the prob- lem was reall)" one of where power lay-i.e., power to make and execute decisions. In our urban areas, he went on to say, power was with the whItes of which the LocatIon SuperIntendent was a representative, and It was a temptatIon for hIm to use this power arbitrarily ... "as long ;\5 powcr rcsts in the Supermtendent"s hands alone there is great dan- ger." He continued that throughout Africa the trend was to encourage AfrICan partluratlon in local government .... "We have to seriousl~ consider giving some kind of responsibility to urban Natives in running their own affaIrs ... it will change the Superintendent's relationship with the people; he will also have to represent the people and not only authority." The answer to thIS partIcul~r problem is to be found in the Bantu • PromotIon of Self-Government Act, and the Bantu Authorities Act. Urban Africans are to be "governed" by tribal plenipotentiaries re- presenting their respectIve rural Bantu Authorities. To quote from the address gIven by the Mmister of Bantu Administration and De- velopment .... "the creatIon of a living link between the natIonal unit ( Bantustan) m the homeland and its members working in the Euro- pean area ... the 1m king of Bantu working in urban areas with terri- torial authOrItIes established under the Bantu Authorities Act, 1959, by conferring upon such authorities the power to nominate, in consultation with the MinIster. Bantu persons as their representatives in urban areas. Later he continued: "The Bantu townships are in European tern tor)" and the European local authority is the guardIan and owner of the land and thus also the maintainer of that residentIal area. From thIS it follows that because the Bantu residential areas are sItuated withm the European territory. the mterests of the European urban dweller should have preference over the interests of the Bantu residents there . " Dr. Verwoerd was of the opinion that the Bantu residents should have a certain measure of jomt responsibility In regulating the affaIrS of their residential areas through the medium of representatives and that thel' ought to be given some managerial responsibility .... Dr. Verwoerd pointed out that the system of Urban Bantu Authorities must be subordinate to the European Town Councilor Municipalities. I JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS In addition, these "Bantu Authonties should be based on an ethnic foundation because tbe greatest success IS achieved wbere the bonds with the traditional customs and respect for the traditional authority of the Bantu are not lost." The Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act empowers Territonal Bantu Authontics to nominate Bantu persons as representatives of the ethmc group concerned in urban areas in con- sultation with the Minister. To the present-day South Afncan Government the solution to the African problem is not to be sought nOr found in the urban areas but the rural areas. The whole pollcy of apartheid IS rural-orientated. Mr. C. W . Prinsloo, Chief Information Officer of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development, replying to discussion of bis paper on "The Influence of the Press on the Bantu in South Africa" said : "There is no doubt in our own mmd that the nerve centers are in the Bantu areas." Hence their particular publication Bantu IS aimed mainly at the rural population despite the fact that it is admItted that 70'10 of the Bantu reading public is to be found in the cities. Once again fanatical dedICation to an unrealistic goal blmds those in power to the very real crux of our urban African population and its problem, viz.: its mcreasing permanency determmed b,' o ur expand- ing urban centered mdustry. UntIl the urban Afncans are recogmsed as a permanent feature of our urban industrial society and given se- curity such as, e.g ., land rights in the towns, a real share m local gov- ernment, any attempt to deal wIth theIC problems will but touch at • • the surface and not alter their basic cause . Af~ical/ Political AspiratiollJ Whllst the economIC roots of the present unrest, tbe mcreasing permanency of the urban Afnean population are pressures all too evi- dent and for whICh facts and figures are readily available, the question of Afflcan political aspICalions and thw expressIOn IS not so easy to disentangle. No one would deny that as disconnected events as the 1957 bus boycott, the A.N.C. ir -a-day campaign, the unsuccessful stay-away-from-work·stnke of 1958 and the recent Natal dIsturbances are all symptomatic of tbe same passions; passions which are sweeping the entire African continent toddY. They are the expression of peoples wishing to free tbemselves of the burden of "oppression", "exploita- SOUTH AFRlCA: REALITY AND UNREALITY tion" be it in the truly colomal context Or the singularly feudal South Afncan system. They are truly political; and It would be foolish of us to blmd ourselves to their political reality in South Africa. A recent leadmg arttcle in the SUl1day Times entitled "Bread before Votes" however, suggests that for the South African Blacks, bread is still more important than votes. To quote: "In Our society the economic factor is of far greater consequence than the political; and whatever defects there may be in our political approach, we can at least claim that our Native populatIOn IS better off materially than any other on thiS contment. What IS more, their material position will continue to improve, fmt, because the Government itself is making a massive con- tnbutlOn to Nattve housmg and Native welfare; and, secondly, because busmess employers are keenly aware of their responsibility to raise Native wages as swiftly as they can ... Economically, the Natives are getting as falf a deal as is possible in the circumstances-and they know it. Furthermore; their prospects of an even better deal are good. Poittically, they may be Without hope; but in material things they and their families can look forward with sober confidence to higher stand- ards and Improved conditIons-better homes, more food, more clothes, more schools, and improved amenities in general. For White South Africa, that represents a tremendous achievement; and it should explain to our cntICs abroad why the mass of Natives, despite their bleak polit- ICal future, remain reasonably contented and satisfied. At this state, their mam desire IS not for votes, but for the material uplift of them- selves and their famtlies. And the) recogmze, in that respect at any rate, tha.t. \X'hite South Africa is doing its duty to the utmost of its . capaCIty. It IS all too eaSily forgotten by guilt--ndden whIte South Afnca that men shall not Itve by bread alone. ThIS the African IS fast coming to reaitse, and though he, as a mass. may not yet verbaltse this feeling, hIS leaders certainly do. Nevertheless the marching feet during the bus boycott and the stICks of the demonstrating women m Natal were the ballot papers of a vOiceless people. It might be asked of the author of thiS arttcle: How did business employers become "keenly aware of their responsibility to raise Native wages as swiftly as they can?" \\'hen people cannot put a cross to a ballot paper and by , JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS parliamentary means right their wrongs, it IS inevItable that other means of making their demands felt must be used. At the present moment the Congress movement, consIsting of the Congress of Democrats (a small whIte organIsation), the African National Congress, the South Afnean IndIan Congress, the South African Congress of Trade Uruons and the South Afncan Coloured Peoples Organisation, is truly the most representative of nonwhite views -the African National Congress, on partlCular--of the African people. Broadly, it stands for the creation of a nonracial democracy with votes for all and pursues a policy of nonviolence. In the words of banned Chief A. J. Luthuli, President-General of the A.N.C.: " ... laws are implemented by Government without consultation with the affected people. The Government is only prepared to discuss matters with chiefs. People are told to accept new laws when they are completely ignorant that the laws have been dIscussed already. Women (he was talkong on the Natal dIsturbances) are, therefore, trying to overcome misrepresentatoon by the chIefs by stagong demonstrations against in- human laws." And a lesser educated but nonetheless shrewd woman demonstrator said that the destructIon of a dipping tank by women should be looked upon as a " letter to the authoritIes , whICh tbey will read." When the A.N .C. was accused by Government of instigating the trouble on Natal, Chief Luthuli re-emphasized his Congress policy : "I would like the whole country to know that it is not the A.N .C. policy to indulge on VIolent resistance and arson. I strongly warn those who may wish to demonstrate that there should , not be any blood shed on any demonstratIon ." And It is said that it was largely the d,stnbut,on of some '50,000 pnnted leaflets bearmg a message by Luthuli, throughout the WIdth and breadth of Natal by A.N.C. volunteers whICh brought quiet to the troubled provmce. No one will deny the tremendous followong of Ch,ef Luthuli, and no ac- tion could more clearly support thIS contention than Government's re- newal of h,s ban in June of thIS year. He had Just completed a highly successful grand tour of the Cape acclaimed by all sechons of our popu- lation, white and nonwhite. Wherever he went the crowds followed. He then went to Johannesburg to be on the vlCiOlty (he could not attend under one banning order) when the A.N.C. held its annual congress- the congress at which the economic boycott was launched. His ban \ SOUTIi AFRICA: REALITY AND UNREALITY was deprecated by even the most conservative of whites. But his role in the Natal disturbances would seem to indicate that despite the re- strictIOns Imposed on his movements, his inability to move outside his magistenal district and to attend or address gatherings, his pen can still wield great benefiCial illfluence. His power is one for good and he stands clearly for moderation. Nevertheless there are SignS of new developments on the scene and ones whICh may well become determining factors in the future. A dissenting group broke away from the A.N.C. last year to form the Afrlcanlst movement or Pan African Congress (P.A.C.). Its follow- illg IS yet small and it has since had major internal differences leading to spltts. Nonetheless, it has gathered a nucleus of highly educated urban Afncans, young, intelligent, and enthusiastic under the leader- ship of Mr. Sobukwe, lecturer at the University of the Witwatersrand. It stands for the achievement of a nonracial democracy, but by racial means. That IS, it rejeCts, at this stage, co-operation of any kind with any other racial groups believing that salvation lies in the hands of the African maJonty only. There is a decided objection on its part to the "control" exercised by foreign (white and Indian) elements in the Congress movement. Though this premise is highly debatable, there is no denyillg that given two things it may well become a movement of great Significance on the South African political scene : one, a cap- ita!tsmg on the now incipient antiwhitism amongst Africans, clearly present In the Natal disturbances; and two, the complete removal from activity of Congress leadershIp by Government bartning and deportation orders. Though new leadership IS all the time being created In the Congress movement, It is slow ill coming to the top. This would leave the field clear for the Africanists about whom Government seems strangely Silent and very !tttle concerned. The possibility of a polar- isation of whIte and black nationalism is a very great probability, With Itttle left, if anything, in the middle. It is not the purpose of this article, to enter the realms of probability, but rather to state facts , real and unreal. In its answer to African political aspirations the Government in its PromotIOn of Bantu Self-Government Act, has completely rejected the concept of the nonracial democracy which, of course, implies total Integration. I am not concerned here with the means which Congress JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS and the Africanists have in mind, but rather with their aim which is identical. I can do no better than quote once again from the address gIven by the Minister of Bantu AdmJOlstratlon and Development to the Congress of Admlntstrators of Non-European Affam to September tlus year, referred to earlier. The quotes WIll be lIberal but will provide all the material needed to Illustrate Government's response to African political aspirations: In connection with the questIOn of State poltcy and parti- cularly as far as Bantu Affairs arc concerned, It is already laid down in the South African ConstItution that there is only one source of policy in connectIon WIth Bantu Affam, namely the Government of the UnIon of South Africa .... During the last decade a series of steps have been taken to reaHum, preserve, and fully implement the polICy of peaceful c >eXIst- ence of separate Bantu communities and a separate Eu'''pean community. The Bantu Authonties Act (195 I), the Bantu EducatIon Act (1953) and allIed adminIstrative steps were designed to bring about the orderly consummation of the ultImate aIm whICh the founders of the Union, and this Parliament too. have pursued in principle ... Under the authontles system the Ban- tu play an active and mcreasingly Important part '" respect of all facets of community development. for the nest time in their history they realize that the European IS prepared to grant them full freedom of progress withm then own sphere of life, that it is not the Europeans' intentIon to retard the as- signment of powers to them on the ground that tIme is not , • ripe and the people are not ready for the assumptIOn of • greater responsibilities in then own communitIes and the exemse of greater powers, but that it IS the firm intention to give them all the training required for thIS purpose. Understandmg of the new deal has, therefore. fired then Im- agmatlOn and commendable results have been achieved. In more than four thousand school committees and approxImate- ly five hundred school boards Bantu parents control then own educational system to the general satisfaction of all. A definite lead as regards the future pattern of development was given recently by the Prime Minister when he stated that if the various Bantu national units (I.e., the 'Bantu- stans') show the ability to attain the reguired stage of de- velopment they will eventually form a South African common- wealth together with White South Africa which will serve as 566 SOU1H AFRlCA: REALITY AND UNREALITY its core and as guardian of the emerging Bantu national units. The commonwealth system is based on the systematic politi- cal emancipation of the dependent national and territorial units, following on proof being furnished by the different units of their ability to govern themselves in a progressive manner. As has been indicated, participation in the govern- ment of the guardian territory does not form part of the prep- arabon of the subordinate units for the task of self-govern- ment. ,,1,.1 The MlDlster then went on to outline the immediate objects and envIsaged effects of the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act. To quote some of them: Objects: "The recognition of Bantu national units and the appoint- ment in respect of those units of Commissioners-General, whose main task will be to give guidance and advice to the units in order to promote their general development, with special reference to development in the administrative field. "The vesting ·in territorial authorities of legislative authority and the right to impose taxes to undertake works and to give guidance to subordinate authorities. "The abolition of Native representation in the highest Euro- pean governing bodies." Effects: "The creation of homogenous administrative areas for the Bantu by uniting the members of each Bantu national group in one national unit, concentrated in one coherent homeland where possible." Then: education in sound soil conservation methods; pro- moting of a diverse economy; educating Banhl to a sound understanding of the aims of Bantu education; extension of their judicial systems; educating Bantu to a sound under- standing of effective territorial administration-in each in- stance Bantu gradually to replace white officials. "The exercise of legislative powers by the Bantu in respect of Bantu Areas, at first on a limited scale but with every in- tention of gradually extending this power." Needless to say both Congress movement and the Africanists have re- jected the Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act ill toto. The writer suggested earlier that Government considers that the solution of our "Native problem" lies solely in the Bantu (rural) areas. To this we might now add that to Government there is no Afri- can polttical problem. It is by training them as efficient administrators and by administratIve measures that we shall find the realisation of our utopian apartheid dream. , APARTHEID, MUlTIRACIALlSM, OR COMMUNISM IN AFRICA KALU F.ZERA "There are no ideas without interests and no interests wIthout ideas" writes an American politICal scientIst, Charles A. Beard. The truth of this statement cannot be overemphasized; hut perhaps its deep- est meanmg can best be dIscerned In the conflIcting Ideas and interests that currently besiege the African continent. Being a colomal conti- nent par excellence and the last stronghold of decadent colomallsm, Africa offers a breeding ground for several temptmg and conflictmg Ideas and interests, most of which have proven to be outmoded demo- cratic ciJches, while others are mere contemporary shibboleths . These range from slogans like "Afrlca-for-Afrlcans" and "African Person- ality" to Ideas like apartheid, multiracialism, fascism, commurusm, and democracy. WhIle most of these are Ideas as well as interests, they are also objectives with advocates everywhere. It is the purpose of this article to examine cursorily the racial situatIon In Africa. and to assess the chances of the three most potent Ideas facing Africa today-namely, apartheid, multiraciaJlSm, and communism. Coming from and living in West Africa, the wnrer makes not the slightest pretence to being an expert on the racial Issue in South and Central Africa; nor does he claim any specialized knowledge of any of the countries so affected. On the contrary, he seeks to express the viewpoint of a West African on the most thorny and vital issue • • • that faces Africa today. The saying that "weaklings do not write history; nor do the timid ordinarily pomt to progress," can, perhaps. be said to be more true in writing about the contemporary events in Africa than of most other places. Here, Issues are so packed WIth emotIon and sentiment that even the most objective writer risks the chance of being labelled unobjective or sentimental. Apartheid Union of South Africa Let us begin from the southern part of the continent. With an area of 473,000 square mi les, the Union of South Africa IS In size a little less than the states of Texas, CalIfornia, and MiSSISsippi com- \ APARTHEID, MULTIRACIALISM, OR COMMUNISM IN AFRICA bmed. Its population, numbering about 12.6 million, is usually classi- fied into four different "racial groups." First, there is the White group or Europeans who number about 2V2 million; secondly, there is the African group, locally known as "Natives," numbering about 81/ 2 mIllion; tlurdly, there IS the group known as the "Coloureds" who are mainly of mixed blood (11,4 million); then lastly, there is the In- dian or As,an group numbering about 360,000. The pohcy pursued here, called apartheid, rigidly separates the Wh,tes from the Blacks, and is designed to perpetuate political con- trol in the hands of the former. To ItS proponents, apartheid repre- sents a pohcy to mamtam the "pure white" defensive barrier against racial mtercourse; and It is justified on the platitudinous ground that m order to maintain the preservation of Western civilizatIOn in the UOlon, It IS essential that the White group should retain its separate IdentIty and political supremacy; and that it is only by separating the different racial groups that unrestricted development can be achieved WIthout threat to the Whites. Apartheid, so reduced, has simply be- come a theoretical Justification of attempting to make racial discrimi- natIon morally acceptable in practice. Under this policy, Africans are merely "hewers of wood and draw- ers of water:· They provide the bulk of hired labour on the farms and have to carry "passes" to walk about from one section of the coun- try to another and even within cities. Their earnings average about one-tenth of White earnings. This wide gap in the incomes of the two racial groups is deliberately designed to keep the African in per- petual subjectJOn. Yet the economy of the country is largely depend- ent upon the labour of the latter. Multiracialism or PartnerJhip FederatIon of Central A/fica As one moves north, one comes to the Central AfrIcan Federation which compnses the territories of Northern and Southern Rhodesia and the Protectorate of Nyasaland. Here, as in the Union of South Africa, policy is aimed at keeping political and economic control per- manently in the hands of the Whites. Yet, as in South Africa, the most striking and indefensible phenomenon is the undemocratic situa- tion whereby far less than a quarter mill ion Whites rule about six and • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS one half millioo Africans. Reduced to territorial basis, the population figures boil down to one White to twelve Africans in Southern Rho- desia; one to thirty-five in Northern Rhodesia, and one to about five hundred in Nyasaland. These three territories of Ceotral Africa, hitherto separate, were lumped together under a federal form of government m 1953 over the strong opposition of the Africans who, indeed, form the great bulk of the population . The repercussions of this scheme are too ob- vious for description today. Nyasaland is the worst victim. Formerly a protectorate under the cootrol of the British Colonial Office, the people of Nyasaland had hoped that their country would be allowed to develop by itself until it reached the status of self-government like the West African territories. But their interests-the mterests of two and ooe half million Africans-were sacrificed at the altar of the economic interests of the minority White settiers in a federation . And today, we are living witnesses of the explosion in this part of Africa. Dr. Hastings Banda, the versatile leader of the Nyasaland African Congress, has been arrested and is kept under detention for dating to demand the secession of his country from a federation to which it never, in the first place, gave its consent. There were f10ts during which many Africans were killed. The British Government instituted a Commission of Inquiry under Mr. Justice Devlin whose report ex- onerated Dr. Banda and other African leaders; but the British Gov- ernment refused to accept the Report of the CommiSSIon. Undaunted, the people of Nyasaland are determined not to submit to the perma- • nent authoritarian rule of an insignificantly small and racially identi- fiable immIgrant group. The same situation holds true in Northern Rhodesia. The leaders of the African National Congress in Northern Rhodesia have made de-- mands similar to those of their fellows in Nyasaland. It is only in Southern Rhodesia, which has long been self-governing, that one finds African opposition to federation less intense. Yet Afflcans are not necessarily much better off here. A possible explanation of their less intense antipathy to federation here is the relatively large popula- tion of Whites (138,000 Whites to 2 million Africans) vIs-a-vis the other territories. Yet, like the other territories, the basic issue here is whether there should be a federation at all, and If so, on what basis. \ APARTHEID, MULTlRAClAlISM, OR COMMUNISM IN AFRICA Kenya As one moves farther northwards, one comes to another region of volcanic explosIOn. Usually referred to as the "hot-bed of African politics," and for many years the home of the famous Mau Mau move- ment, Kenya has a population of about 5.7 million out of which the African population is a little over 5V2 million, while 42,000 are white settlers and the remaining are Asians and Arabs. Here, as in Central Africa and in the Union, there is a rigid demarcation between the Whites and the Africans based on "White-race superiority." It is here, too, that the "White settler" problem has presented the greatest cliffi- culty. This is not so much because political and economic power is deliberately concentrated in the hands of the minority White settlers as it is because of the alienation of the Africans' land by the settlers. The Kenya Africans have been pushed into a congested unproductive reserve while the most .productive parts, covering huge areas, are re- served for White settlers. It was this unfortunate situation of land hunger, worsened by the prospect of being perpetually ruled by a racially cliscriminating minority, that frustrated Kenya Africans (the bulk of whom are Kikiyu), and precipitated the Mau Mau terrorist outbreak. The rest is now history. But the lessons of Mau Mau have not properly sunk in. Racial discrimination still reigns supreme; and Africans have not yet been given a fair share in the running of their own affairs. The struggle for social equality and racial tolerance still continues, and this has offered the severest test to the sincerity of the advocates of multiracial partnership. In adclition to Kenya, the other territories of East Africa are the Trust Territory of Tanganyika and the British Protectorate of Uganda. Racial cleavage in these two territories is not as intense as in Kenya. The reason is not far-fetched . There is a strong possibility of the emergence in these areas of independent African states in the future, which is largely because of the absence of large numbers of White settlers in these two territories . Space does not permit the detailed survey of the territories under the French, Belgian, Spanish, and Portuguese spheres of influence, where the idea of multiracial ism has been put to test with varying results. 57 ! • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS The Belgian Congo The Leopoldville riots of early 1959, suggest that even in the Belgian Congo (a territory which has always been acclaimed as the showpiece of stability and prosperity in Africa), all is Dot well. The riots which took the lives of several Africans, not to mentJOn the loss of property, gave a blunt warning to Belgium (a small European coun- try ruling, from far-off Europe, the Congo temtory which IS eight times its size) that unless she earnestly begms grantmg the Congolese Afn- cans democracy and independence, she would face a catastrophIc future culminatmg perhaps in the total loss of the tern tory. Congolese Afn- cans are agltatmg more and more self-government. But angry White settlers opposed to any move that will grant AfrICans equal opportunIty as well as representative democracy, have stood their ground. It IS, however, left for the Belgian Government to see the hand. .. ·ntmg on the wall and to begIn the process of gradually handing over political control to Africans in good grace. [Since this writing, the BelgIan Government has announced the grant of independence to this area in 1960. The result of this may but mtensify the struggle for self- determination.] This brief survey catalogues the nature and the practICal work- mg of the Idea of multiraClaltsm. It is against thIS back~round that one must judge whether it has been a success. But one cannot truth- fully aVOId the inescapable conclusion that multtraciallsm, practIsed along the foregoing lmes, is m danger of catastrophic collapse since the SOCIal and institutional setting in the areas concerned allows little • or no scope for the majority of Africans to assert their human free- dom and to develop their mnate faculties. There can be no doubt that a system which denies equal opportunities to all and which vests polItical control perpetually In the hands of a mInorit)' over a majority group is an undemocratic system par excel/enet. But multtracialism or partnershIp means this and more. It means the Imposition of the WIshes of a minonty stronger group upon an unwilling majority but weaker group. It means that Africans must rest satIsfied with their lot as "hewers of wood and drawers of water." It means perpetual civic and social inequality, Injustice, and racial bigotry. It means the alIenatIOn of the land of the Af[ Ican b)' the European \'{'hite settler 572 \ APARTHEID. MULTIR,\C1ALISM. OR COMMUNISM IN AFRICA group. leavmg the former in squalor, disease, and want. It means, in brief, economIc and political subjectIon of the African majority group to the White minonty group. Without doubt, a multiracial partner- ship based on the foregoing lines has failed woefully. Indeed, any partnership is doomed to fall unless the terms of that partnership are fully understood and accepted by all the partners. And the terms of the so-called "multiracial partnership" in Africa have neither been fully understood nor accepted by one of the partners-the Africans. Under the CIrcumstances, Africans have tended to look elsewhere for relief. It IS here that one runs into the third idea, namely Communism. Communism While it would be rash to speculate on the future of the territories where this so-called "multIracial partnership" operates, yet general forecasts would range from predictions of imminent disastrous inter- racial warfare to hopes of a changed and new era when the races will co-operate with mutual esteem. But it is highly doubtful whether the latter view will come about by peaceful means or at least in a form which will still ensure the preservation of the accepted democratic standards of government. All indications are that the most likely idea to emerge from this welter of conflicts would be Communism. Yet nothing is being effectively done to stem the tIde of this on-coming danger. It would, however, seem that only the United Kingdom's active partICipation in the government of, at least, Central Africa and Kenya, can restore the faith and confidence of the Africans in these areas to democratic and constitutional government . Any attempt to leave them at the mercy of the European settlers would not only constitute a great betrayal on the part of the colonial overlords but would also mark the prelude to a protracted interracial conflict. Such a course would in- evitably convmce the emergent African states, especially in West Afri- ca-not to mention the teeming of millions of Asia-that the term "Free World" IS merely hypocritical and utterly meaningless except insofar as it shields racial supremacy. Indeed. the outcome of the recent Bntish General elections has already shaken the confidence of many Afflcan nationalIsts in these territories as to the future of their countries. Tor)" Part)" vICtory over Labour has been interpreted, rightly 573 • JOURNAL Of HUMAN RELATIONS or wrongly, by these people as a victory for the racist White settlers. Consequently there has been a weakening of confidence in the efficacy of the Constitutional approach to the racial issue confronting them. The situation is even made worse by the apparent ambivalent attitude of the United States Government whose African policy appears to be split down the middle by a stubborn and troublesome contradiction between immediate and ultimate historical interests. It is felt that while the United States Government has made tremendous progress in its efforts to bring about racial integration and equality within its borders, it has not seen fit to take a strong stand against the Govern- ment of the Union of South Africa on the aparlheid issue, either in the United Nations or in the investment field. [There is some evidence of increased concern on the part of the United States.] Amertcan busi- ness interests contmue to invest heavily in projects in the Union thereby mdirectly giving that Government a certificate of confidence. Few Africans understand the dilemma and international obligations of the United States insofar as the race issue in Africa is concerned. To a great majority of Africans colour bar and racial discrimination matter more than all the glib talk about the virtues of democratic government and freedom and the dangers of world Communism. These terms mean nothing to them, I iving as they do, in an institutional setting of racial inequality and social injustice. What, then, is the alternative system to multiracial partnership? It is not so easy to substitute ideas as it is to teat them down. Since , the problem of race, as one of the central problems of our generation, is likely to be with us for a long time, there is a real danger of the people's ready acceptance of Communism as the "saviour" from their current state of man 's Inhumanity to man. Given the reluctance of the racist \Vhite settlers either to accept the democratic conception of majority rule of one-man-nne-vote irrespective of colour, or to pack and go, the probabilities of a genuine partnership of the races accept- able to all, indeed, seem remote and unreal. It may well be that this unreality WIll continue until other events overtake it or the passage of time settles it. As Norman Steven-Hubbard on this thorny subject has aptly remarked: "The unreality of crosscultural political activity will remain until such time as unity of political thought grows out of a real and equitable economic and social base; that is, until a climate APARTHEID, MULTlRACIALISM, OR COMMUNISM IN AFRICA ames where members of each racial group have at least a minimal Identity of rum and objects." (Africa Today, I955, p. 260) The Prime Ministers of the Union of South Africa and the Central African Federation, Sir Roy Wellensky and Dr. Verwoerd, have recently been denounctng Ghana and Nigeria as the plotting centres of African revolt against their racist policies. It would seem that, having been frightened by the phenomenal political advance of West Africans, these racist leaders have formulated and interpreted the ideology of partner- ship as a desperate line of defence against the spread of what they con- sider to be the evil tendencies of the West African experiment in in- dependence. They seem to have convinced themselves that they can only maintain their self-preservation by perpetually keeping the Africans under subjection. But the undying patience and unparalleled determi- nation of Africans to continue to fight unrelentingly against the doc- trine and practice of racial inequality and social injustice is a monu- mental hope that, in the end, right will ultimately prevail over might. One fervently hopes that liberal world opinion, led by the United States, will come in time and in full force to rescue the Africans, and thereby avert the impending danger of a Communist sweep of Africa. Ghana and Nigeria are anxiously awaiting an opportunity to help shape the destiny of Africa to their liking. They have vehemently re- jected the basic assumption of apartheid and partnership and are in no mood to tolerate its race superiority doctrine. There is a firm determi- nation on the part of these two countries to sponsor the emergence of a dLstinctive Africall Personality. As a result, it has become increas- ingly clear that the whole historical future of Black Africa will be de- termined by the way these two countries go. The various resolutions of the All-African Peoples Conference held at Accra in December I958, at the instance of the Prime Minister of Ghana, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, generally reflect African aspirations for self-government, economic and social progress; and deep-seated opposition to colonial- ism and racial inequality. A call for the liberation of African peoples and for racial equality has been issued by this Conference the most passionate and yet one of the most constitutionally-couched appeals ever made in the history of modern nationalism. If Africa is not to be lost to the West, it becomes imperative that the freedom, racial equality, and independence of African peoples must be accepted, gua ranteed, and firmly translated into action. 575 • SOCIAL FORCES IN WEST AFRICAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT MARTIN L. KILSON, JR. Modern poiJtJCal development In West Afnca has been rooted In certam sOCIal forces emanatmg from \X/estern contact with Afncan pre- industrial societies. As Marx noted a century ago, the dynamic char- acter of capitalist socioeconomic processes was such that when capitalist states expanded their institutions overseas and contacted prclndustrial social systems, such systems inevitably submitted to these institutions and in time were reshaped in thear Image. Though surely not in sym- pathy with colonialism, Marx nonetheless considered the [apitallst institutions whICh It transplanted to premdustnal societies as an hlstonc contribution to their developmcnt. To Marx, development was con- ceived pnmanly, though not completely, in terms of the revolution of forces of production (technical and human); and It was here where Marx accorded a progressive role to the expansion of capital iSI states to the homeland of premdustrial peoples. As Marx observed in his essays on "British Rule m India ," written for The Nerl' }'ork D,,,iJ Tribune in ISn: . _ . We must not forget that these Idyllic village c mmunl- ties, moffenSlve though they may appear, had always been the solid foundation of Oriental despotism, that they re- strained the human mind within the smallest poSSible com- pass, making it the unreSlst"'g tool of superstition, enslaving • it beneath traditional rules ___ . England has to fulml a • • double miSSIon III India: one destructive, the other regenerat- Ing-the annihilation of old ASiatic society, and the laYlIlg of the material foundations of Western society in Asia. The po- litical unity of India, more consoladated, and extendang far. ther than it ever did under the Great Moguls, was the first condition of its regeneration ThiS unity _ .. Will now be strengthened and perpetuated hy the electrac telegraph. The free press, antroduced for the first time anto Asiatic societ\', and managed principally by the common offspring of Handoo and Furopean. IS a new and powerful agent of re(nnstructlon . . .. From the Indian natives, reluctant I)' and 'parin,qlr edll- cated at Calcutta, under English superintendence, a fresh class IS springing up, endowed with the requirements for govern- ment and Imbued with [uropeJn sciente. Steam has brought \X'EST AFRICAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT India into regular and rapid communication with Europe, has connected Its chief ports with those of the whole south-eastern ocean, and has revindicated it from the isolated position which was the prime law of its stagnation .... England, it is true, In causing a social revolution in Hindostan, was actuated onl), by the vilest interests, and was stupid in her manner of enforcing them. But that is not the 9uestion. The 9uestion is, can mankind fulfill its destiny without a fundamental revolu- tion In the social state of Asia? 1£ not, whatever may have heen the crimes of England she was the unconscious tool of history in bringing about that revolution. In \X'est Africa, no less than ill India, capltaltst colonial expansion geneJated conditIOns which eventually gave rise to new social forces and processes. Through the spread of Western education in govern- ment and mission schools, the establishment of Western political organizations and institutions, the rise of commercial and some industri- al economic activity, among other things, the traditional social system so affected by these phenomena became a thing of the past, and new social forces emerged to replace it. As the 9uantity, and in time the gllaltt)', of these social forces developed apace, they of necessity gave me to social and political conflict between themselves and the domi- nant colonial system. Viewed in terms of George Balandier's concept of "Ia Sillltliion coloniale," the main characteristic of the colonial sys- tem in West Africa is the relationship of dependence between the domi- nant European minority (viz., entrepreneurs, managers, colonial ad- ministrators, etc.), and the indigenous African majority (including, especially, those Africans embraced by the modern sector of colonial society). ThIS relationship of dependence both creates the conditions of socioeconomic change in the colonial situation, as well as determines the tempo and character of this change. It comes into existence pre- cisely to create situations of change that is, capitalist economic and commemal development; while at the same time it seeks, through political control and military predominance, to regulate and control such change. Such a task, as history testifies, is difficult indeed, and tends to create situations which ultimately overturn the whole colonial system, especially the relationship of dependence. In this article, an attempt will be made to delineate the social forces created by colonialism in British West Africa, and to analyze their relationship to African political development. Nationalism will 577 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS be vIewed as a direct outgrowth of the coloniaL sItuation, the primary aim of which IS to capture the source of political-and through this, social and economic-power controlled by the dommant European minority. Thus, ill one sense we accept Busias observation regarding one aspect of West African natIonaLism, that "the conflict between the new l,terate elite and the European group is a bId by the former to oust the latter ... as wielders of political power [and} as a standard· settmg group 10 the social sphere." And, 10 another sense, we agree WIth the Cambridge economist Maurice Dobb when he states that .. in the deme to dispossess foreign capital of ItS privileges and to pursue a course of State·encouraged development of native mdustry lay the nucleus of a colOnial nationaLIst movement-of a natlonahsm which should reproduce, in a different histoncal setting, the features of the bourgeois·democratic movements in Europe of 1789 and 1830 and 1848." Some Factor! of Social Change /1/ 1/" ert AfrICll BasIC among tbe factors of social change under \,'estern mfluence in West Africa was educatioll . \1(Iell before the mon° far· reaching mfluences of capitalist economic activity touched \Vest Afncan so· Cletles, Western educatIon spread to the coastal areas thr",,,~h mIssion- ary channels. Ghana (then the Gold Coast), receIved a Dutch mission 10 1722, followed by English mISSIon schooLs 10 '7~1 and q~6.' Dur· 109 thIS period, one Ghanaian youth was sent to Europe where he pur· sued stud,es at Halle in Saxony and at \1(Iittenberg. WIth the latter in- • • stitutIon conferring upon hIm the doctorate degree 10 1734 . Though certamly a very exceptional case at the ttme the work of other mIssion schools durmg the 19th centur)' prepared the war for attainment of further profeSSIonal degrees by Africans. B)' 1881 Ghana claimed '39 schools (3 government); 47 Basel mimon, R4 \1(Iesleyan mIssion. 4 Bremen mission, and I Catholic; and several years later, rRS7, its first CItIzen, was admItted to the Engltsh Bar, with another following m 1896. From the turn of the present century, further advances in edu- cation in West Africa were registered.' Nigerta claimed in IQ12 (for the Southern Provinces), about 3 13 primar)' schools (~') government schools, 91 government-assIsted, and [6, unassIsted), and [0 secondary schools; by '9.6 there were in thIS area 3,828 primary schools (~8 WEST AFRICAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT government, 192 government-assisted, and 3,578 unassisted), 18 se- condary schools, and 12 teacher training institutions. Northern Nigeria also had, ill 1926, some 125 primary schools, a large number of lesser quality Muslim schools, and one teacher training institution with 55 students. In Ghana (population around 1,600,000 in I9II, against 18,000,000 for Nigeria), there were some 377 schools as well as "spe- cial schools for artisans, in which the aim is to educate skilled work- men." Within ten years, Ghana had nearly 500 schools enrolling about 19,000 pupils, as well as a government-assisted Teacher Training School, and an industrial and technical school. In Sierra Leone (popu- lation about 1,500,000 in 1920), there was a total of 250 schools with an enrollment of 18,000 pupils. These schools included 10 secondary schools ill the Colony, 5 industrial schools, the N'Jala Agricultural College, and the Bo School in the Protectorate which enrolled sons and nominees of Chiefs, . Mention should also be made of Fourah Bay College, founded by the Church Missionary Society in 1827 and affiliated with Durham University, England, in 1876. It was the only IIlstltution for professional education in West Africa (enrolling 22 African males in 1922); and of the 548 students who had graduated from Fourab Bay College by the 1920's nearly half had taken universi- ty degrees. Normal production of the college was perhaps five or ten African males per year, many of whom left Sierra Leone for Ghana and Nigeria where they became key figures in the social and political life of these territories' The social significance of the foregoing educational development IS seen in the emergence of a small educated, with an even smaller high- ly-educated, sector within the African community. By the turn of the century, the educated group was already quite apparent, as Marl' Kings- ley noted in her T,.al'els In IV est Africa (1897) : ... You will find, notably in Lagos, excellent pure-blooded negroes in European clothes, and with European culture. The best men among these are lawyers, doctors, and merchants .. , . Though available data are few, some aspects of the evolution of this new social stratum in West Africa can be sketched. Not surprisingly, Sierra Leone witnessed the earliest and largest advances in thIS respect. As early as 1854, a Sierra Leonean, one William Rainy, was admitted to 579 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS the English Bar, havlOg earl,er (1844-1847) been employed in the Sierra Leone Customs. The country's most prominent personality, Sir Samuel Lewis, entered the Bar in 1872, while some six Sierra Leon- cans dJd so between 1878 and r883, another m r890, and more during the first two decades of the twentieth century. Other well-educated S,erra Leoneans entered hIgh posts m the civil service, with the number of seOlor seIVIce Africans reaching 20 by the 1920's. Still others filled leadtog positIons in EUIopean mission undertakings, while larger num- bers entered independent businesses or became very well-ta-do mer- chants. Other occupations of educated Africans were as teachers (504), clerks in private concerns (700), and small shopkeepers (about 385). A similar social stratum developed to Ghana from the late nlOe- teenth century through the '920·S. By the mId-1920'S, Ghana had, 111 profeSSIOnal occupations, nearly 60 lawyers, 14 doctors, 5 Journalists and editors, 66 mmlSters of rehgion, and 458 teachers. As in Sierra Leone, educated Africans were employed to the coloOlal servIce, there being 311 general clerks 10 1897 and a much larger number by the '920·S. On the lower level of the new social stratum, there \\ere educa- ted Africans in such trades or petty boUIgeois endeavors as butchering (294), tailormg (1,204), printing (120), carpentry (2,159), and much larger numbers were traders (5,555). This development of a group of well-educated Africans to Sierra Leone and Ghana is important when considering a similar develop- ment to Nigeria. K. A. B. Jones-Quartey, Director of Extra-Mural Stud,es at UnIversity of Ghana, has recently shown how a number of Important profeSSIonal personalities to Nigefla hailed from Sierra Leone's relatively large educated community. Such was also the case for many of the Afncan members of Nigeria'S colonIal servICe, as SII Alan Burns has noted: " ... The Afncan staff was, to former years, recrUIted very largely from the Gold Coast and Sierra Leone, whence a number of men possessing suffiCIent education could be obtained for the seIVIces .... " (HiIlory of Nigeria, 1942). By the early 1920·s the professional category in Nigeria included 15 lawyers (3 of whom were Native Forelgners_ i.e., S,erra Leoneans or Ghanaians), J 2 doctors (4 of whom were Native Foreigners), and 15 journalists. Twenty- WEST AFRICAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT three well-educated Nigerians were also in senior service posts in 1939 of whom .. the three most senior Africans ... belonged to the alien cate- gories (I.e., were Native Foreigners), as did most of the early appointees to the judiciary." On the lower rungs of the new social ladder Nigeria had in 1925 some 21,000 teachers and clerks, 8,000 artisans and skilled laborers, and thousands of traders. Education, of course, was the basIC tool which enabled Africans in the new socIal stratum to function within a rudimentary colonial capi- talIst economy and to secure some measure of wealth and social affluen- C} therefrom. Most successful in this respect, were lawyers, doctors, selllor civIl servants, and a large number of merchants, some of whom obtamed money incomes of a relatively high order. Ac~ording to Hargreaves ' biography, the renowned Sierra Leonean lawyer, Sir Sam- uel Lewis. was in an income bracket that permitted him, in 1882, to purchase from the Crown, at £281, "an extensive estate near Waterloo, • m the Bunce valley [where) ... he built ... a substantial three-storied house from which to enjoy the 'pleasure of rural life' ....' " African members of the senior colonial service also claimed relatively high mcomes, some at £600-£700 (as a Sierra Leonean medical officer), and others at £400-£450 (as a Sierra Leonean Assistant Colonial Secretary). For African merchants in Ghana and Nigeria at the turn of the century, one contemporary report indicates that "some natives are making as much as £2,000 and £3,000 interest out of holdings in their accounts With the Bank of British West Africa ... • Another source notes that among the 300 African signers of a petition to the Sierra Leone government in 1885 requesting additional area for trading, about 12 of them imported commodities valued at £75,000 pel armum, nearly 40 "occupied a position in society somewhat less substan- tIal .. ' ," and the others had annual earnings not over £100 . No doubt the mcomes and wealth of all persons in the new African social stratum of this period measured small against that of the largt and fi- nancially affluent European expatriate firms and entrepreneurs." Senior members of the administrative or political side of the European ruling class in West Africa claimed incomes well above those of even the hIghest paid African senior servants. According to official statistics, in 1925 the Governor of Sierra Leone, for instance, received £3,000 income 581 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS and £1,000 duty allowance; the Colonial Secretary rece.ved £1,400 tn· come and £280 duty allowance; and the Provincial Commissioners reo ceived £1,100 Income and £220 duty allowance. Desp.te this situat.on -wh.ch was structured IOto the colon.al system and ultImately de· pendent upon BCltaIn's supeClor economIC and nulttary positIon--a sectIon of the African populatIon d.d secure some degree of wealth and economic standing; and th.s fact caffled with .t important political con· se<:Juences withIn the framework of a colonial situation. Politics of tbe Early Afrtcon Middle Clou A fundamental condit.on of any concerted effort by the West African middle class (the African elite) to mfluence colomal govern· ment was the rise of a sense of corporate or class consciousness within it. The obvious question of the ability of members of the middle class to communicate with each other was of primary .mportance, inas- much as such Africans came from a variety of tribal groups each hav· 109 Its own tongue. Th.s problem was solved through the adopt.on of the Engltsh language. Communication among middle-class Afri. cans, 10 the broader social sense, was also facilitated through theu residence in the coastal towns and urban centers of West Africa. which emerged from European economic activity in the area . Clmpactness or propinquity always enables a particular group. when need and circum· stance arose. to become consCIOus of its Interests. Th" process was further facilitated by modern communICatIon networks erected In urban centers by colonial governments. In 1898, for instance. Sierra Uone had 23 post offices. and by 1916 there were 4~ post offices, telegraph and telephone services in Freetown and Pendembu. 150 miles of roads, and 354 miles of railway. Ghana. in 1916. had 88 post offices, 55 telegraph offices. 4 telephone exchanges (Accra. Sekond., Dodowa, and Tarkwa), with 182 telephones 10 use (66 for publtc and 116 for official use), over 400 miles of road. and 264 miles of railwa),.' A more important contClbutor to the rise of class conSCIousness among the West African middle class was the development of news- papers. Newspapers 10 BrttIsh West Africa go back some 1 ~O years. the first one founded in S.erra Leone in 1801 and the first African· owned newspaper being established in 1855. By 1900. Sierra Leone's \,('EST AFRICAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT educated population had seen about 34 newspapers at one time or other, notable among which were The Sierra Leone Gazatte, The IV est African Herald (1868-1872), The West African Reporler (1874-1884), Tbe Surra Leone Weekly News (1884-1951), The Artisan (1884- 1888) , and The Sierra Leone Times (1891-1912). Ghana's first news- paper was founded in 1822, and some 19 had emerged at one time or other by 1900, among which were the Accra Herald (1857-1859), The II ' esl AfrICan Herald (1859-1873), and The Gold Coast Times (1874). Nigeria lagged somewhat behind the former territories, though by 1900 seven newspapers had appeared, notable of which were The Lagos Ob- ser"er (1882), The Eagle and Lagos Critic (1883), The Mirror (1887), Tbe Lagos Weekly Record (1891), and The Lagos Standard (1895). The press during the late 19th century through the 1920's was not ex- pliCltly "nationalist" in its orientation or purpose. Its role was to dis- cuss and criticize governm,e nt policy and colonial developments general- I)" particularly in terms of their effect upon the African middle class. In thIS way, a SIgnificant contribution was performed in creating class conscIOusness among the middle class. As K. A. B. Jones-Quartey has noted, the press of this period "was published by the best educated and wealthlest-often the 'professional'--classes , and read mostly by thel! own kind. In those conditions the public opinion which it created was compact, and effecttvely expressed ... . ". During the late nineteenth century and through the 1920's, the class conSCIOusness apparent among middle-class Africans did not result 10 demands for control of state power. The demands that were put forth 10 the name of the middle class seldom extended beyond request- 1ng more civil service posts for its professional members, obtaining ru- rect and elective representation in the legislative and executive organs of colonial government, provision of better educational facilities , and policies favorable to African merchants. In nearly all cases, such demands were articulated through some sort of political grouping or organization among middle-class Africans. One of the earliest of these organizations was the Mercantile Association founded in the 1850's and 1860's in Sierra Leone." Its membership compri5ed African as well as European merchants, with William Lewis, a wealthy Sierra Leonean merchant and [ather of Sir Samuel Lewis, as its Vice-President • JOURNAL OF IIUMAN RELATIONS for a number of years. The prevalence of Europeans among the AssocI. atlon's membership was evidence of a lack of raCIal orientahon among middle-class Africans in Sierra Leone. PClmary among the purposes of the Association was the attainment of trade policies favorable to African merchants, and the achievement of African representation In the le- gislature, with the ASSOCiation functioning as a sort of unofficial elec- toral college. In both of these endeavors, the Association received a fa" amount of official recognition, which resulted in African representation in the Legislative Council in 1863. By the 1880's, the political work started by the Mercantile Association was continued by the Native As- sociation (1872-1882) and the Sierra Leone Association (1885-1888). The latter appeared to be the more substantial and influential body, with a few modern features about it. There were two categones of membership-Fellows and Associates-with one paying a two-guinea subscription rate and the other a half-guinea rate, total membership being around 100. The Sierra Leone ASSOCiation also held public meetings on pressIng Issues of the day, at which attendance On some occasions numbered, ,000 persons. Though such meetings were open to domestic servants and wage-laboring groups generally, the Association Itself was excluslvel)' middle-class In composition and ,nientahon, as ItS statement of its purposes readily revealed: To promote the fre' • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Although, as we have seen, the West African middle class of the late nmeteenth century and the early twentieth century did seek to m· fluence government on its own behalf, it did not, at this stage, consider government as the main means of middle·class or bourgeois advance. ment. Its bourgeois character or outlook is best described, in the terms of Werner Sam bart, as "bourgeois, old style . . . ." That is, the emerging West African bourgeoisie of this period placed great empha· sis upon personal effort, responsIbIlity, and sacrifice as conditions for getting ahead in modern society. Self·uplift, through thrift and hard· work, was as much a part of its ethics as it was of the old bourgeoisie in Western Europe. The personal finanCIal contributions by middle· class Africans to the economic development of theu countries were an important consequence of this outlook. These Afncans saw ,uch con tn· butions not only as concrete examples of being a responsible bourgeoisIe, but also as necessary forms of economic advancement. For instance, Har· greaves reports that in Sierra Leone, one found a number of bourgeois Afncans like Sir Samuel Lewis who (believing as he did that agricul· tural backwardness could be overcome, in his words, by "knowledge, assiduity to business, and a careful but not grudging economy of time, labour and money ... "), employed his wealth In useful agricultural experiments. In 1882 Sir Samuel purchased a large area of land near Waterloo at £281, in which he invested some £800 for the production of coffee, coconuts, cassava, and other crops; bred cattle WIth the aId of an American stockman; and provided "lndustnal education" for the • laborers who participated in his experiment. Another SIerra Leonean in this penod, one Samuel B. Thomas who was a wealthy merchant, bequeathed some £70,000 "for the establishment m the Hmterland of the Colony of an agricultural mstitutlon to be devoted to the training of youth m industrial work as well as the elements of a liberal eduUt tion..... In Ghana, also, a number of middle·dass Afncans associated with the Abongines' SocIety executed a scheme for traming "young men at the BotanICal Gardens 10 the Colony in the proper cultivation of Cocoa (m order) . " . to put upon a proper SCIentific basis the mao tenal development of the agricultural possibilities of this country." According to Maurice Dobb, self.upllft, however, has never the sale mode of evolution and advancement for any bourgeoisie. And .. \';EST AFRICAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT surely not the West African bourgeoisie. In the West African con- text of a coloOlal situation, the requisites of such evolution were domi- nated by the European bourgeoisie which formed a crucial part of the ruling group in the colonial system. Its reasons for entering the colonial situation were not to share its ingredients of power with an emerg10g Afflcan bourgeoIsIe that is, to bring forth a competitor to its own supremacy. Admittedly, the colonial situation did impart aspects of these 10gredients to some Africans, through the creation of a rudi- mentar) capItalIst sector 10 an otherwise primitive economic context and the spread of Western education. But all of this had its limita- tions; seldom actively carried beyond the point, as regards education, for example, of producing "a regulated supply of persons required in technical or professional posts in the public services."" Such being the case, politics appeared as a logical and realistic means for further development of an African bourgeoisie. Political • activity by the West African middle class first attempted to secure a representative foothold in the organs of colonial government, and through this to influence the government, to provide more and more of the conditions for its own development. As we have seen earlier, middle-class Africans in Sierra Leone secured political representation in the legislature in 1863, and in Ghana in 1888. By 1900, the middle class had extended its political demands to include elected representa- tion in legislative and executIve organs of government. As an African friend of E. D. Morel, the British social reformer, put it 10 a letter to Morel: " . . . We should be allowed to elect nonofficial members of the Legislative Council, and two independent native members should be allowed to sit in the Executive Council [and} ... we must have a voice 10 the expenditure of revenue."15 The colonial SItuation moved slowly 10 respecting these and subsequent demands, but some were granted within limits. In 1893-'924, provisions were made in Sierra Lenoe for a Municipal Councd of 1'i seats, 12 of which were open, by direct elections, to Africans who could claim property ownership val- ued at £200 or more. Similarly, in Ghana the three major towns of Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi were granted, in 1894, Town Councils in which half of the seats were held by Africans who were elected by • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS all rate-payers. By 1910, the electorate in these towns numbered 1,756, 1,600 and 811 respectively. In the early 1920's, further demands were put forward by the West African middle class, mainly through a new political organization known as the National Congress of British West Africa. Much concern was now given to questions of senIor service posts, professional occupations for Africans, and higher education facilities. In the course of a deputation to the Colonial Office in 1920-1921, Casely- Hayford informed a British audience that "Natives of West Africa, even those who had taken a high degree m European universities, are not allowed to occupy the better-paid posts in the Civil Service, and that West Africans, fully qualified to practice as doctors, are debarred from practicing by reasons of their colour." On another occasion dur- 109 the course of this deputation, T. Hutton-Mills called for "the es- tablishment of a British West African UniversIty to gIve Brittsh Afri- cans technical, industrial, and SCIentific trammg, and especially the tram- ing necessary for the holding of positions m the Civil ServIce." Politi- cal demands by middle class Africans had also broadened durmg the 1920's, and the above-mentioned deputation of the National Congress of British West Africa requested that one-half of the members of the legIslatures be elected African members, that the powers of municipal councIls be expanded, and that an House of Assembly composed largely of Africans be instItuted and granted "the power of imposing taxes and dlscussmg freely and WIthout reserve the items on the Annual Esttmates of revenue and expendIture prepared by the Governor m the Executive Council and of approving them."'· TheoretICally, the Europe"" rulIng class In \\'est Africa was power- ful enough to Ignore these demands altogether Yet In practIcal terms such would not have been WIse, In lIght of the role played by middle- class Africans m the functioning of the colonIal system. Complete alienation of thIS class always mvolved possible nonco-operahon on their part, whICh could unpalC colonial efficiency. Thus some of the demands put forward in the 1920's were acceded to, with newly-struc- tured legislatures being established In Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and Ghana 10 1922, 1924, and 1925, respectively. Each territory was provided with increased African representation in LegIslative Councils, includmg WEST AFRICAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT for the first time four elected members in Nigeria, three in Sierra Leone, and three III Ghana. The elected members represented the African. middle class in the coastal towns, the total electorate numbering 4,000 in Nigeria, about 2,000 in Sierra Leone, and 7,063 in Ghana (1929). Politics of a Developed Middle Class The institution of elective franchise for middle-class African repre- sentation was bound to alter the form of middle-class politics in West Africa. This politics now involved not only power competition be- tween the European ruling class and the African middle class, but competition within the African middle class itself. Especially was this true of Nigeria, where in 1923 and after, several "political parties" emerged among the middle class to contend the elections to the Legis- lative Council and to subsequent municipal council elections. Among these parties were the Peoples Union, the Union of Young Nigerians, the Nigerian National Democratic PartyI7 None of these so-called "parties" developed modern party organization, nor did much to extend their influence beyond the confines of Lagos; but they did give some middle-class Africans experience at contesting modern elections, and continued advancing the claims of the middle class against colonial government. Besides stimulating the rise of political competition within the mid- dle class, the constitutional changes of the early 1920's also "national- ized" the middle-class politics of this period. That is to say, the po- litical ambition and activity of the middle class were now directed ex- clusively_ or nearly so-to the territorial entity in which it resided, as agaInst the Pan-West African politics of the National Congress of Brit- ish West Afnca. With this narrowing of the sphere of political activity of the different middle classes in West Africa, there was an increase in the opportunity of a particular middle class to influence its own territorial government. Especially was this the case in Nigeria and Ghana, where increased socioeconomic changes during the 1930's through the postwar period provided the middle class with a territorial social basis from which the whole colonial system could be politically challenged. A crucial element of the new social basis that emerged during the 1930's through the 1950's was the African wage-laboring class. By 1931 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS there were substantial increases In the wage-laboring population in Ghana, which then comprised some I~, 107 laborers In mining indus- tries, 4,309 in transport and motor industnes, 5.128 domestics, 39,829 farm laborers, and thousands of s~ml-skillcd or skilied laborers such as carpenters (5,216), mechanics (1.593), Lrickla),e,,; and brickmak- ers (2,731), electriCIans (154), and telegraphists (55) At the close of World War II, Ghana's wage-laboring class had m(.eascd to 200.000 upwards, which included some 19,281 laborers 10 ,"lnmg, 1202 10 timber, 9,768 in construction, and 11,453 In transport. Nigerian data for 1931 show 17,027 laborers In mining Industnes and 15,282 10 transport and communication, Dunng the next twent), y(ars there was a fairly rapid growth In wage-laborers, the total figure be 109 300,000 upwards 10 1954, whlth ",c1uded 51,195 m transport, 51.552 In millmg, 44,430 on cash-crop farms, 11 ,658 in timber, and 47,460 ill constructIOn, The quantitative advance of Ihe laboring c1JSS 111 est Africa brought with It the conditions [or ((rlam qualitative (hangf. Condi- tions of work were normally mfenor to an)'thmg known U1 \,'estern countnes, and those of I,fe ,OIHP" cd . as Hodgkm Ius put .t, qUite "unfavourabl}' WIth thos~ de,,"J,c'd in rngel 's (o",lmom of II" 1/7 01k- inc ClaIJ ;11 cngl'IIIJ ill 18-11 . , . .... As might be expected , the step from here to organll'ng Ill' iJb" , Cor better conditiOns ot eXIStence was a short one. Though a few efforts at trade umon (llganllatlon occur- red during the 1930's, it was not until \\' orld War Ii anJ at :er that trade union activity became wldespreaJ.' " In 194 1 Nlgena had 5U registered trade unions, 115 in 1950 JI1<.I 135 m 1953 with a tot.11 mem- bership of 153,000, Ghana abo had 104 trad" unIOn> b)' 1954, With a membershIp of 46.309, 13esldes trdde union organIZations. other forms of voluntary aSSoCiatlon~ cJIlrrgcd Jmong urbamzed African workers such as tribal unions, mutual benefit SOCieties, welfare associations. youth clubs, and the like, Ghana, for mstance, had m 1954, some 67 mutual benefit societies located in Accra with a total membership of 26,192, All of these associations endeavored to provide" a measure of social security for persons llvmg under urban conditions, where it is IOcreasmgly difficult for the traditional forms of securit), and mutual assistance to be adequate or applicable."ou Left to themselves, the forrgnll1g del'elopments among urban workers would hardly hal'e con>tltutru a situation capablc of challcng- , WEST Al'RlCAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT ing the political positions of Europeans in West Africa. Such devel- opments could be politically sigoificant only to the extent that they provided new situations capable of manipulation by the sophisticated African middle class. The new generation of middle-class Airicans which appeared ill the 1930'S recognized this situation, and endeavored to create a new level of middle-class politics from it. One such en- deavor was the founding of the Ghana Youth Conference in this period. Under the leadership of an able lawyer, J. B. Danquah, the Youth Conference expanded its influence beyond its middle-class base in the coastal towns. \Xfithin ten years the Youth Conference succeeded in affJllatmg some IS voluntary associations with it, and attained a mem- bership of 1,750. Whereas the earlier political groups concerned themselves with political representation for middle-class Africans, the Youth Conference extended its demands to include the whole Ghanaian "nation." It called for a "legislative Assembly for the whole country, with manhood suffrage or property qualification." A similar develop- ment m Nigeria was led by a lawyer, H. O. Davies, who founded the Ni- gerian Youth Movement in 1935. The Movement established some 20 branches 10 such centers as Ibadan, Ife, and Abeokuta, gained the sup- port of a number of voluntary associations (e.g., the Producer's Union and the Motor Union, the latter having a membership of 2,000), and secured a total membership of 10,000 by 1940. Like the Youth Con- ference in Ghana, the Nigerian Youth Movement also proclaimed "complete independence" as its ultimate goal and conceived its role in "national" terms. Both of these so-called "youth organizations" were rather shortlived, due either to internal strife or opposition from colonial government. With the end of World War II, however, the West African ter- ntories began to develop the kind of social basis that would permit attainment of tbe political activity striven for by the youth movements. As we have seen, the rise of a fairly substantial wage-laboring class was fundamental to the development of a new social basis for West African politics. By the 1950'S this new social basis was more accessible to political organizations than at any other period, due to an expanding communication system. Taking the press as an example: Ghana's press increased from S newspapers in 1937 with a circulation around 17,000 to 23 newspapers in the 1950'S with a circulation of IS5,o00 upwards; • JOU\lNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS similarly, Nigeria's press expanded from 13 in 1926 to 35 newspapers in the 1950's with a circulatioo around 471,500, The use of wifeless sets was another form of an expanding communication system, Ghana, for instance, imported 357 wireless sets in 1937 and II,IS0 in 19')'), while the number of relay service subscribers increased from 1,306 to 20,792. At the same time that a new mass social basis was being effected, the middle class itself was becoming a more substantial and developed social group. Already in the late 1930's, Margery Perham keenly ob· served a qualitative cbange in the living standards of middle·c1ass Nigerians: "[Lagos) " , is evidence of the prosperity of [middle· class) Africans ,., and of the drive towards European standards of life which impels them , ... Houses, built by African contractors, are worth £400 on tbe average, thougb some run up to £1 ,000. Tbey have fences , paths, and flower beds ; their servants' quarters at the back; some times their tenniscourts ' ... There arc lawyers , . , some of whom are rich enough to send their children to school and universIty III England and to visit them there,"" By the time of the Second \\~orld \,,\/ar, commercial members of the middle class, especially traders, had in· creased their numbers to hundreds of thousands, witb tbe average trader claiming new incomes of £6'jo while larger operators had new incomes of £2 ,000 upwards, Well·to-do cash.crop farmers had also registered substantial progress by the postwar period. " 'ith one wealthy Yoruba farmer being described b)' one observer as follows: ",. ,[He) bas an estate of approximately £,)0,000. he owns a shop, several lames, two cars, many houses including the one in whlCb he Jives " 'hich has probably cost £3,000 to build ,"" On the professional and semi·profes- sional level , lawyers in Nigeria increased from 15 in the early 1920's to 150 in the early 1950's and nearly 400 in 1959; doctors Increased from 12 in the early 1920's to 160 in the 1950's and teacbers and clerks in- creased from 21 ,000 to 70,000 in the same peClod," Th,s same period saw a number of Nigerians entermg business and managerial fields, with some II African banks emerging in 194'j'I9'j2 having 45 bankmg offices in the country. One need hardly add that the general affluency of the postwar middle class was quite an advance of that observed by Perham in 1937." WEST AFRICAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT On fust glance, one might expect that the foregoing advances in the position of middle-class West Africans would have satisfied their bourgeois asplfations. But such advance. among a developing bour· geois class have seldom, if ever, softened or weakened its urge and need for near total control of the political, and through this the social and economic, situation in which it finds itself. These advances did little more than whet its appetite, and more important still prepare it more adequately to launch its drive for total hegemony. Thus postwar West Afnca saw a significant expansion in both the extent and influence of middle-class-led political organizations. In Nigeria, for instance, the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (founded under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe in 1944, himself a banker and newspaper magnate) embraced over 100 voluntary associations within its organizational framework. Similarly, Kwame Nkrumah's Con- vention Peoples Party, founded in 1949, contained in its nationwide structure some 2,885 local branches (1,135 in the Colony, 1,043 in Ashanti , 204 in the Northern Territories, and 502 in Southern Togo- land), which embraced a paid-up membership of 1,000,053. With the masses now constituting the organizational backbone of West African politics, there was little chance for this politics to neglect ex- pressing the needs and interests of the masses. And having been born in an mternational context where modern nationalism frequently spoke, though did not necessarily accept, the language and principles of socialism, West African nationalist parties were likewise inclined. In the first program declaration of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons in 1945, its purposes included, inter alia, (I) provision for "economic security" which involved "the control by the local ad- mmlstratLOn of the means of production and distribution of the mineral resources of the country [and] .. . legislation against trade monopolies so as to avoid the exploitation of the country and its people"; (2) pro- vision for "social security" which meant the "abolition of all forms of discriminatton and segregation based on race, colour, tribe or creed ... [and the establishment of] a national system of free and compulsory education for all children up to the age of sixteen"; and (3) the in- stitution of "free medical and surgical treatment . . . by the central and local government. . .. " Similarly, the Constitution of the Convention Peoples Party in Ghana calls for "the Political, Social, and Economic 593 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS emancipation of the people. more particularly of those who depend directly upon their own exertions by hand or by brain for the means of life." The fulfilment of these rather socialistICally ollented declara- tions would certainly be a long-run affair; but their embodiment In the programs of the postwar parties was Important In winnmg mass support for their Immediate goals. PolitICal mdependence was the primar}' goal of the postwar parties m West Afnca. and by 1954-19';5 much of this had been secured. At this time. Nigeria had 184 Africans m the central legIslature. 10 in the executive council. as well as regIonal legIslative and executive bodIes mcluding pflme ministers. And Ghana. at this time. had 104 Aflle.ns In the central legislature. and an executive body of 8 Afflcans mcludmg an Afflcan pflme mmister. Not surprisingly. most of these new govern- mental posts were taken over by members o[ the African nllddle cia,. .. For instance. data presented by Professor Coleman 011 attnbntes of members m the Nigerian House of RepresentatIVes In I ~57 show, [or the Western Region representatives. that 20~ ~ were teacher>. 2\;c pro· fessionals (VIZ .• lawyers-20';'(: doctors. pharmacists. JournalISts. and ministers of religion-together constituting 3';(), ..n ('1'o entrepreneurs. and 6'}'0 managers m European firms; and for fa,tern Region repre- sentatives there were 2870 teachers. 10';'c professional (\"il .• lawyers- 15%; doctors. pharmacists. Journalists. and ministers of religion·togeth- er constituting ,;'1). 26'1 entrepreneurs. 3~ malugers m furopean firms. and 15'7.: employees In local government. Similarly. data for • members of the Ghana LegislatIVe Assembly in '9'4 ~ho\\" ,I tead,er> . '7 profeSSionals. p entrepreneurs. '; employees m commercial firms. '; civil servants. I I clerks. and 7 profeSSional poiJtiCJans. among others. Tbe new governmental positions secured by mlddle·dass \'\lest Africans in the early 1950'S were immedlatel), employed to open the wbole administrative system to Africans. \\Theleas Ghana had ani), 23 Afflcans in senior 4 , and tbe Western Region government plans to spend £800,000 for tbis purpose by 1960. Sucb developments do not neces- sarily mean that the old bourgeoIs pattern of evolution has been dis- carded altogether. Tbey do mean, however, tbat, to an extent far be- yond that m any other period in \1(/est Africa, access to state power bas prnved a major means of SOCIal and class mobility, and tbat the present· day middle class conSiders thiS perfectly normal . Actually, the social and economIC posItion of the African middle class nn',,1 il Jlmulr Inr: [ml'a/aliJI Ambiliol/J in A/rica; and RaCl,Ii 5"g"g,II/01I. Striking out at America's Achilles 600 , THREE AFRICAN CAPITALS heel . perhaps in order to discredit Western democracy as a whole, the last mentioned pamphlet, circulated widely in Asia and Africa, argues that' for decades the intensity of racial segregation in the Union of South Africa and the United States has been increasing." After chiding the South African government, it asserts that in the United States Negroes "enjoy a slightly better lot" though "their situation is no less re,·olting. The system of segregation is not even questioned. It has been practiced for so long that any attempt at integration is very strong- IY oppose d . ... "..\ I n the support of nationalist movements in Africa and in the attempt to win the latter to the cause of a fellow traveling Afro-Asian neutralism, the Solidarity organization has worked closely WIth African student and exiled groups, especially those headquartered at Africa House, Zamalek, Cairo. There offices for Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa. the Cameroons, and other countries are maintained by young African nationalists of diverse political convictions, many of whom are able to carry out propaganda and agitational actrvities while attending courses at the University of Cairo or AI-Azhar University. Some of these leaders, such as exiled Osende Afana of the Union des Popu/atio12S du Call1eroo12S (UPC), outlawed in the Cameroons, have used their Cairo asylum for intemperate, Moscow line pamphleteering. Others, such as Wera Ambitho of Kenya, have not renounced or denied the humanistic values of Western democracy; rather they demand that the latter be applied within their own countries. The proselytizing of the Afro-Asian Solidarity organization was in evidence at the All African Peoples Conference at Accra. December, 1958. Led by Mursi Saad el-Din, the organization's controller-general and instructor of English literature at the University of Cairo, and sup- ported by UAR and Communist delegates, the Solidarity group con- tacted African nationalists from areas still under colonial control or local white minority domination, offered scholarships and/ or exile in Carro. and discussed the possibility of arms from Eastern Europe. Since the cooling of relations between Moscow and Cairo, linked to Egyptian fears of a Communist take-over in Iraq, it would appear that elements in the Solidarity organization supporting a strictly independent as dis- tinct from a fellow-traveling Afro-Asian neutralism have gained some ground. 601 • JOURNAL OP HUMAN RELATIONS Such a tendency toward real, not Communist front, neut"l«m has been most noticeable in Cairo's separate Afro·Asian Organization for Economic Co·operation. Founded by the Economic Conference for Afro-AsIan Countries at Cairo, December 8·11, 1958, the latter is also a nongovernmental organizatIon, based in this case upon national chambers of commerce and dedicated to a two continent approach to economic collaboration.' Concerned with studying and promoting means for economIC co·operatlOn and not with political agitatIon, It has been less subject to mampulatlon by Communist elements. In fact, the Soviet Union has been excluded from membershIp, as at Bandung, on the baSIS of ItS essentially European identity. Accra Seated in his busy Cairo office, Time magazine on his desk, Mursi Saad el·Din complained in a mid·1959 interview that Pnme Minister Nkrumab of Ghana, the late George Padmore, Nkrumab's advisor for Pan·African affairs," and Kenya's Tom Mboya had tned to freeze the Afro·Asian Solidarity organization out of the All African Peoples Conference at Accra. Resentful of conference chairman Mboya's open efforts to dissociate the All African Peoples Conference from the Afro·Aslan group, the young Egyptian denounced Afncan separatism, that IS the Idea that the political emancipation and unity of Africa should be sought withm the lunited framework of Black Afnca. Thus, he went on, the Solldanty group has adopted a policy desIgned to force • a de facto association between the Afro-Asian and All African organi· , zations by printing material from the Accra Conference, by celebrating the latter's African Freedom Day (Aprd 15th) as well as its own Quit Africa Day (December 1st), and m general, by rendering publicity servIces whIch cannot be rejected. Accra and Cairo would appear to represent basically different approaches to African unIty. Pan·Africanlsts in the burgeoning West Coast capital of Ghana and elsewhere in Black Africa look askance at any ties which might subordinate Afncans to Arab and Communist power centered in the Middle East or Asia, They are dedicated to the principle of "Africa for the Africans." • THREE AFRlCAN CAPITALS Followmg the December 1958 Accra Conference, a Permanent Secretariat of the All African Peoples Conference was established in Accra, with a young Ghanaian official, S. Paintsil, as acting administra- tive secretary. Already a local group with official blessings had begun publishing a monthly pulp magazine, the Pan-African Age, promoting Pan-Afncan unity. Soon after independence.in March, 1957, Prime MUlister Nkrumah had begun to turn the capital of the first European colony south of the Sahara to gain its sovereignty into a center of Pan- Afncan activity, Accra was the scene of the first Conference of Inde- pendent African States in April, 1958. By 1959, Accra had be- come an asylum and symbol for African nationalists and Prime Min- ister Nkrumah had become well known as champion and available leader for a future Pan-African or West African federation. Arnving for conferences or exile activity, representatives from countries such as NyasaIand, Northern Rhodesia, and the Union of • South Africa have revelled in the "Freedom" of Accra. Their delight has ranged from the luxury of their rooms in the modern state-run Am- bassador Hotel to the bustling self-assurance of the African governed society about them. Conakry A new contender for recogmtlon as a center of continental di- plomacy, like Accra focused essentially on Africa but unlike Accra not exposed to the conditioning of English law, pragmatism, and under- statement, Conakry has risen as a complementary and in some ways rival West Coast center of Pan-Africanism. Both cities may be considered complementary to the extent that they are capitals of two countries linked in a diplomatic union (Ghana-Guinea Union, 1958), one of English and the other of French-speaking Africa. The charismatiG young president of Guinea, Sekou Toure, may be viewed along with Prime Minister Nkrumah as aspiring to a major role within the move- ment for African unity. In addition to possibly conflicting ambitions, there are other reasons for a certain Accra-Conakry rivalry. The Pan- Africanism of English-speaking Africa (e.g., Accra) is related to an historic movement seeking a Negro-African renaissance within which Negro Americans such as W. E. B. DuBois have played an important role and within which contemporary Negro leaders, such as American • )OURHAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Congressman Charles C. Diggs, maintain an actove, sympathetic interest. The Pan-Africanism of Conakry, on the other hand, is that of a more radical french educated and Marxist influenced elite whose capital has become the scene of intense Communist Bloc diplomatic and trading activity. In general, although Ghana and Guinea are allied in a Union, their differing English and French colonial hackgrounds and economic commitments-Ghana is in the sterling zone whereas Guineas trade is increasingly oriented toward Eastern Europe tend to project their capitals into separate roles as centers of Pan-African activities. Since Guinea opted for independence by rejecting the de GaulJe constitution overwhelmingly in the referendum of September, 1958, it has become the voice of those African natJOnalists in West and Equa- torial Africa who oppose continued membership as autonomous or independent associates of France within the French communIty. With the slogan, "We prefer liberty in poverty to riches in slavery,' Conakry, the smalJ, rainy capital of the Republic of Guinea has become a refuge, headquarters, and symbolic support for nationalist groups throughout French-speaking Africa. In 1959, the nationalist trade unIon move- ment, UI/iol/ Gel/erale des Travail/eurs d'Afrique Noire (UGTAN) moved its headquarters from Dakar to Conakry; exiled Cameroonian nationalists; shifted much of their activity from Cairo to Conalcry; and dissident nationalist leaders from Bamalco to Brazzaville increasingly looked to Conalcry for leadership. Just as Cairo has been a major headquarters for North Afncas • Algerian National Liberatoon Front, Conalcry IS becoming the haven of rebellious exiles from neighboring Portuguese GUlOea and the Ivory Coast, whIch is governed by the veteran pro-French leader, Felix Houphouet-Boigny. The possibillty that Conalcry will become the operational capital for "liberation movements" 10 Portuguese and French-speaking Afnca has been mcreased by the establishment there of such orgaOlzations as the COIIIII,' N.t/trillaf pOllr fa liberatiol/ de fa C61e d'/voire (CNLCI). In June, 1959, the enemies of Houphouet- Boigny and his policy of close ties with France as opposed to African independence and federation announced thClr intentoon to liberate the Ivory Coast from its "colonial and fascist regime." They ominously asked for outside pressure to force the Abidjan government to stop vin- • THREE AFRICAN CAPITALS latmg the Declaration of Human Rights so that the people of the Ivory Coast might be spared the bloodshed which [he policy of the Houphouet regime was rendering inevitable.· Some observers speculated that the CNCLI might try one day to organize a maquis in the thick Ivory Coast forests in an attempt to overthrow the Houphouet government. The decision of Sekou Toure and K warne Nkrumah to join Li- beria's pro-Western President W. V. S. Tubman at Sanniquellie in July, 1959, in subscribing to a project for the erection of a loose, functional association of African states, a Community of Independent African States, offered the prospect of a certain co-ordination of the Pan-Afri- canism of Accra, Conakry-and Monrovia-possibly in competition wIth the AflO-Aslanlsm of Cairo. Such a prospect, however, did not pre- vent Conakry from agreeing to host a conference sponsored by the Afro- Asian Solidarity organization in April, 1960. One thing appeared certain: As the magnetIC concepts of national ltberatlOn and African unity galvanized support all over Africa, Cairo, Accra, and Conakr), would command increasing world attention as pro- motlOnal centers for regional, continental, and intercontinental politi- cal and economlC co-operation. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1 Afro-Asian Youth Conference. Polt/ieal Retolu/ions, Cairo, February, 1959 (mimeo- graphed), p. I). 2. G. Abdurashidov and Yang Shuo 3. Racial Segregation, p. to. 4. Federation of Egyptian Cham~rs of Commerce. ReIo/utionJ tJnd Recommendations 0/ the Economu Conference /01' Afro-Asian Coufllriu, December 8-11, 1958, Cairo. 5. Author of Pan-A/ricanhm or CommJJniIm: The Coming Slrliggle /01' Afrira (New York: Roy Publishers, 1956) . 6. See Independallce . Le Meuager, organ of the CNLCI, June 12, 1959. p. 1. 605 • THE FEDERATION OF MALI MERCER COOK One year ago Mall was but the name of a West Afctcan empu~ that flOUrished from the eleventh to the seventeenth century. Legends had been built around Its tradItional rulers, the Keita dynasty. Con- temporaries had described its fabulous wealth, Its civlltzatJOn, Its love of Justice, and the law-abldmg nature of Its people. In the words of a sIxteenth century visItor, the Inhabitants of Mali were "the most civilized, the most intelligent, and the most respected of all the Blacks."' (For informatIon on the old Mall, see NoleJ Aft/cameJ, Instttut Fran- ~als d 'Afrique NOIre, April & July 1959.) On January 17, 1959, several of the lineal and spiritual descend- ants of those early Malians dcciued to create a federatt, ,n that mIght unIfy the States of the former french West Afnca and lead them to 10dependence wIthin the framework of the French Commuruty. To prove the depth of thetr roots and the loftiness of theIr aspirations, they selected the name MALI . They adopted a ConstItution which observes the democratIC pnnClple of the separatIOn of powers. They chos~ French as theIr offiCIal language and Dakar as thelC ca pitaL. With "One People, One AIm, One FaIth ," as their motto, they affirmed 10 the Preamble of the Constitutton theIr" fidelity to the pnnciple of the equality and solidarity of all the African people," and their "condemna- tion of all raCISm." They designed a flag of green. gold, and red, with the figure of a black man whose arms are" raised heavenward." Undeterred by the hostlltty of a large segment of the French press and the early defectIon of certam African States whose leaders had pledged allegIance to the young Federatton, Sudan (Soudan Fran~is) and Senegal pushed ahead with its plans. A sweeping victory at the polls last March assured the Federaltsts of every seat 10 the legislature, thus convincing the political leaders that the people were with them. In fact, a kind of Mali mystique began to inspire the Senegalese and Sudanese masses, as the ween, gold, and red became Increasingly evi- dent even In the atttre of Mali 's citIzens. Numerous steps wer~ taken to cement Mali's Untty, to forge 'Tame malienne." For example. cabinet posts were distributed more or less equally among Senegales~ and Sudanese. At the same time, recognizing the importanc~ of sound economIC planning, Senegal invlt~d Father Lebr~t, of EcOtlOmit el HII' 606 • THE FEDERATION OF MALI mal1lJ1l1e, to make inventor), of the country's assets and potentialities. "The ment of Father Lebret's group," said Senghor, "is that he is motivated by an 'open SOCialism very slmtiar to our own conception.'" Br July I, 1959, when he welcomed the delegates to the Constitutive Congress of the Part)' of African Federation (PFA), Senghor could say Thanks to God, thanks also to the realism of its leaders ... Malt has been able to avoid the pitfalls and overcome the initial ob- stacles. Malt is now recognized as a Federal State. It has even signed Its first techrucal agreement-an agreement concerning the judiciary- With France.'" It should also be noted that Malt enjoyed certain advantages. In the same report to the PFA, Senghor declared: We have made a good start in Mall by uniting populations whose natural charactenstics-clunate, soil and blood, lan- guage and customs, art and ltterature are similar. Senegal and Sudan constitute, moreover, a rather homogeneous and relatively rich economIC ensemble. In the old French West Africa, these two terntories alone furrushed almost half the revenue of the group. With the best harbor [Dakar}, the most powerful industrial setup, and a market of 6 million consumers, we have impoltant aJvantages. I note, in pass- Ing, that many African government employees and techni- , cians in our upper cadres are not originally from Mali. Thus, the freedom enjoyed here represents sttll another advantage' Only a few months earlier, the Ivory Coast had been the scene of at- tacks on immigrants from Dahomey and Togoland. This list of Malt·s assets was by no means exhaustive. As a step m the direction of A[ncan un.ty and independence, the Federation was obviously In tune with the tJlnes and hkely to attract support both at home and elsewhere on the Contment. Moreover, in all probability, Metropolitan France would eventually welcome the opportunity to avoid a repetItion of her unhappy experIences m Algeria and Guinea. ['Juall), important, perhaps. was the eXIstence of a group of highly competent leaders In Mal., such as Modibe Kelta (Prime Minister of Sudan, President of Mali). economist Mamadou Dia (President of Senegal, VICe PreSIdent of Mali), and Uopold Sedar Senghor (Presi- dent of the PFA and nf Mali's Federal Assembly). In addition, Sene- gal had achieved ItS internal unity with the merger of the two largest • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS political parties: those of Senghor and Lamioe Gueye (Mayor of Dakar, Vice President of Senegalese legislature), while Mocfjbo Keita was undisputed political leader of Sudan. We need hardly mention the fact that Dakar had long been the educational center of French West Africa, with the Ecole William Ponty, which had traioed six of the eight mioisters io Mali's Cabioet,' the Iycee Van Vollenhoven, and the technical Iycee Delafosse. (The recently inaugurated University of Dakar, the only university io French-speakiog West Africa, should further iocrease Dakar's iotellectual prestige.) Politically and cultural- ly the Senegalese capital was the traditional focal poiot of French· speakiog Africa. These significant advantages might well have been nullified if a less astute and less influential statesman than de Gaulle had been President of the French Community. In late August It became known that Mali had decided, io accordance with Article 78 of the French Constitution, to request a transfer of powers. Thus. less than two months after the Constitutive Congress of the PFA, Mali was io effect opting for iodependence, the first step toward transformiog the Com- munity ioto a "Commonwealth a fa franraiJe," as Senghor had sug- gested. Fireworks predicted for the September meetiog of the Exec- utive Council of the Communaute failed to matertalize. De Gaulle had doubtless realized tbat Mali represented the irreSlStible "wave of the future" in Africa, the last best hope for the survival of Franco- African amity. , , The scene tben sbifted to Dakar; the date was December 13, 1959. Two tbousand people diplomats, officials, journalists, and guests- crowded tbe boxes and gallery of Mali's magnificent Federal Assembly wblcb Sengbor rightly called "this palace that will remaio on African soil as one of tbe most autbentic proofs of the French genius." Seated io one loge were four of the most interested spectators: Prime Ministers Maga (Dahomey), Tsiranana (Madagascar), Moktar Ould Daddah (Mauretania), and tbe Abbe Fulbert Youlou (Congo). Houphouet- Boigny, tbe Ivory Coast leader, did not attend, but issued a statement attributing his absence to pressing busioess at home. On the floor of the Assembly, Mali's legislators fidgeted at their desks, anxiously awaiting de Gaulle's momentous announcement. Their feverish ex- pectation was visibly shared by the cabioet members seated on either • THE FEDERATION OF MALl side of the platform. Scheduled to begin at eleven o'clock, the cere- mony did not start until forty-five minutes Lacer. What had happened, the Senegalese on my left explained, was that the tremendous crowds lintng the streets of Dakar had delayed the General, who had stopped here and there to acknowledge their enthusiastic cries of "Vive de Galllle! VII'e /a France! Vive Mali!" Finally Senghor and de Gaulle stepped onto the platform. After welcoming the President of France in the name of the Assembly and Government of Mali, Senghor took as his theme "rec01maiSJallce et c01lfiallce"-gratitude for what de Gaulle had done for Africa, and confidence in his future policy. Quoting statements that the famous Frenchman had made in '944 at Brazzaville, in his Memoirs, and as recently as November 10 at a press conference, Senghor proved that, to be true to present realities, French tradition, and himself, de Gaulle would have to approve Mali's independence aspirations: , I have said all that to tell you, Mr. President, that if we in- tend to achieve our national independence, since you recog- nize its historical legitimacy, it is not against France, but with France, in a great Franco-African ensemble, by amicable and constitutional means. Then, putting down his manuscript and lifting his arms like the figure on the Mali flag, Senghor electrified his audience with this moving per- oration: For the success of this policy that is in line with the twentieth century, we pray that de Gaulle may long survive, so that Mali and France may live freely but fraternally united! The audience was still on its feet when the President of France took the floor. Only a mind reader could have detected where the applause for the African's masterful presentation ended and where the welcome to the Frenchman began. At any rate, the outburst was spontaneous and prolonged. Speaking without notes, de Gaulle greeted the dignitaries present, noted that he was honored to address the As- sembly, and added that he had been deeply moved by President Seng- bor's remarks. Then, after asking permission to "say a few things simply and frankly," he sat down and continued his address in a tone somewhat reminiscent of that used by the late FDR during his intimate • JOURNAL OF HUNAN IlBLATIONS fir, the Ghana-GUinea Unton retraced Its steps and adopted In principle the Ideas propagated by l.lberia five months earlier. I am not, however. suggesting that Uneria will be the pace-maker In West Afnca sunply because of her priortty In Independence. On the • LlBERIA'S ROLE IN A CHANGING WEST AFRICA contrary. Libena is being JOlfled by territOries of vast areas and huge populatIOns whose resources, connectIOns, and material development weigh heavtly In thel! favour lfl the race [or West Africa leadership. \\'hat I wish to emphaSIze, however. IS that there have been countries lfl the world of vaster areas, riches, and populatIOns, which during the last century have disappeared among the comity of nations, while Li- beria has survived. The power to survive all danger is, therefore, a severe test of statesmanship. We have set the example and pace of dogged preservance despite our fluctuations of fortune. Our chief role consequently IS to assist the new African States by precept and ex- ample not to allow the excesses of liberty to hew pitfalls in our future pathways or undo the foundations essential to our goal of a united, strong, and powerful Africa. The greater part of Liberian diplomacy has been devoted to survival in a period which saw scores of more powerful countries lose their sovereignty. In this era of liberal thought, it may seem certain to the unwary that nothing can dampen African NatIonalism or prevent the emergence of more and more Afri- can States or stand lfl the way of a wider African unity. This is a most dangerous assumption, the consequences of which could be most fatal to buddmg nations. And it is here I must sound my loudest warning: that history and experience have shown that nations do perish as easily by the follies of their leaders as well as by the false assumption of their people. The forces at work against African nationalism are still tre- mendous. If anything, the forces have been intensified instead of being mtnimlzed. To discount them is to commit the grievous error of a commander who goes to battle underestImating the forces of his opponent. There IS a tendency With some new African States to flirt with the foes of democracy In the hope of temporary polittcal or economIC gains. It is our duty as a more experienced African State not to sit idly with- out warning our friends. President Tubman in his major Foreign Pol- icy Statement in March 1956, warned that it should be the natural de- sire and determination of all nations to remain free to exercise their sovereignty without outside interference or intimidation: We feel that at no time and on no issue should the con- duct of any free nation be such as to create the remotest im- pression that selfish political or economic advantages are the 615 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS principle motives for supporting the cause of freedom. Each natioo aligned on the side of the free world must, if it is truly realistic, understand than any infantile flirtation with the powerful and implacable foes of democracy and freedom for temporary gains may involve a price fatal to its own inde- pendence and very existence; and that embracing the foes of democracy to its bosom may mean crushing forever Its own religious freedom and the individual liberty of the people. LIberian leadershIp must also be committed to the charge of em- phasizmg to our new African Sister States that statehood m the twentieth century IS more than a matter of independence. Today, this mdudes the recognition of the obllgattons of interdependence. For us tn thIS part of the world our policy must be of long-term nature towards tn- creasing associations and co-operation of African States. Plans for thIS must neither be hast)' nor subject to an)' polItical expedten(e of doubt- ful nature, or even of short-term gams, which mIght appear alluring at first sight. The tasks ahead in this regard are tremendous and the problems posed are stupendous. To take a few' Recently. riots in Abidjan forced the expulsion of a large number of Togolanders; Ghana has been deportIng a number of Nigerians and Gwneans; Sierra Leone deported recentl), thnusands of Guineans . Ho... are we to reo concde the questIon of a common Afncan CItizenshIp whICh presup- poses free movement of persons and goods. in the light of these local deportations' How are we to prevent tribal resentments which may lead to internecine wars, If one tflbe, more virile than another, decides to "flood" another area under such freedom of movement? Another matter whICh Liberian experience must guard against IS the tendency by selfish colonial interests to play up one African per- sonaltty against another, in order to create rivalry and animosity among Africans. The pnnciple of "diVIde and rule" can come in many forms. But Liberia looked on in patience as this was tried out recently in West Africa, knowing well that sooner or later disillusionment was bound to shatter the vanity of those who were the tools. Our earnest desire is that out of the meetings of the leaden of Afncan independent States In LIberia in July and August 1959. enough wisdom will prevail in analysing and working out solutions to our com- mon problems. so that we may give to Furore and the world a worth- while example In leadership and international co-operation 616 • BASIC ASPECTS OF AFRICA'S ECONOMY AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: ADVANCED TECHNOLOGY AND THE STAGES OF GROWTH ARNOLD RlvJaN There can be little doubt that an advanced technology is an es- sential if not indispensable factor in achieving and sustaining a rate of economic growth sufficient to provide for progressively higher stand- ards of living. In the African context the underlying problem is one of transferring advanced technologies originally developed in modern economies in a manner and at a rate which will enable Africa to absorb them. Although the limiting conditions on the transfer of technology from one culture to another would seem self-evident. failure to take account of the limItations on African absorptive capacity for new technology has been an important factor contributing to the failure of some of the more ambitious post-\X7orld War II development schemes In Sub-Sahara Africa. Perhaps the classic case is the East African groundnut scheme.' "Highly mechanised agricultural methods" were applied to a large area In Tanganyika without adequate knowledge or experimentation to as- certain the conditions to be dealt with or the suitability of the proposed • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS massive application of mechanized farming techniques and equipment to tropical Africa. The result was a dismal failure and the project was abandoned. Professor S. H. Frankel, who served on the Working Party which assessed the project and recommended its abandonment, concluded an essay on tbe groundnut scheme as follows: To sum up, I would say that the scheme was, in the first In- stance, nothing more tban an over-large land-clearing opera- tion. It failed to allow for the long period of time which would elapse before knowledge and experience would in- dicate the most suitable scale and type of organization for economic production in the proposed regions. It took for granted that once the land had been cleared, successful agri- culture could be immediately established by large-scale me- chanization. Bill nobody yel knows Ihe scale or 'I'stem of farming which Cdn economically replace Ihe prim/II/"e lIulit e efforlS ill these regiollS.' [Emphasis supplied.) In making the same point, the \Vorld Bank economIC survey mission to Nigeria stressed the empirical knowledge of the African cultivator of the plants and ecology of his area and his distrust ot foreign inno- vations which disregard this store of knowledge and expenence.' The need for improved and advanced technology In Africa is un- deniable. It is the approach to meeting that need" hlch requires ex- amination. In part, technology properly adapted may be transferred from outside sources: in part, innOvatIOns in applYIn~ existing tech- niques based on local conditIons must be developed: and In part, new experimentatIon In the Afncan context must be undertaken. In the • words of the East Afnca Royal CommISsIon Report· Our review of the region has gIven us a general ImpressIOn of the wide-spread limitations and dangers of leaving present usage to evolve on its own and has left us In no doubt of tbe paramount importance, in all three territories, of determining and carrying out a policy to establish better alternatives. The scene confronting such a task is a confusing mixture of techm- cal needs, human adjustments, and alternatives such as free- hold or leasehold and individual or communal tenure, the appropriateness of which may vary in different circum- stances.' Defining the role of science and technology and incorporating them beneficially into their own cultural and economIc processes poses 618 • AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT a challenging problem for all societies. For the reawakening and emer- gent societies, which must come to terms with the science and technology of the twentieth century almost without warning or preparation, that problem has unmediately critical dimensions. Speaking for India, Prime Minister Nehru recently said: Indeed it has become inevitable for us to fit with the modern world of science and technology and it will be dan- gerous for us to imagine we can live apart from it. It would be equally dangerous for us to think that we should accept technology without those basic values which are the essence of civilized man .... • His words might have been as accurately directed to the new nations of Africa. The dangers perceived by Nehru for India are equally dangers for any underdeveloped area of the world. Underdeveloped countries making their entry on the world scene after centuries of sub- sistence-level existence, a"d frequently generations of colonial status, are under a compulsion, or at least feel themselves to be, to compress within the brief span of the generation now in power the cumulative economic growth achievements of advanced industrial societies. Thi< overriding emphasis on rapidity of growth almost inevitably tempt' leadership to turn to authoritarian techniques--{)r at least to keep them always in mind as a very possible alternative to the apparently slower methods of the Western democracies. The rationale of political leader- ship in many underdeveloped areas is eloquently characterized by a leading spokesman for the new Africa, Prime Minister Nkrumah in his autobiography: One ... freedom is gained, a greater task comes into VJew. All dependent territories are backward in education. in agriculture, and in industry. The economic independencp that should follow and maintain political independence de- mands every effort from the people, a total mobilization nf brain and manpower resources. JPhat other countrieJ hat'r taken three hundred yearJ or mOl'e to achieve, a once depend- ent territory mUJf try to accompliJh in a generation if it iJ fro Jurvive. UnleJJ it iJ, aJ it were, 'jet-propelled', it will lag /># hind and thuJ rhk everything for which it haJ fought. Capitalism is too complicated a system for a newly IOde- pendent nation. Hence the need for a socialistic society But even a system based on social justice and a democratir • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS constitution may need backing up, during the period follow- ing independence, by emergency measures of a totalitarian kind. Without discipline true freedom can not survive· (Emphasis supplied.) The choice of the fIgure of speech "Jet-propelled" in Nkrumah's vivid statement of the urgency of economIC development incidentally serves to illustrate the hold that SCIentific achievement and advanced tech- nology have on the mmds of the leadershIp of the transItIOnal societies searching for a suitable route to development. Leaders in the underdeveloped areas in Africa as elsewhere are acutely aware that at this stage in their growth their countries must seek the transfer of scientific and technological skills from the outside. They may not now be as willing to grant the equally significant fact that the polilica' COllltrl11er m which the transfer IS made Can be as Im- portant and have as lasting an impact as the contents of the .:ontamer; that the source of the technology, the auspices under which it is trans- ferred, the vehicle for the transfer, and finally, the purpose for whIch it is transferred can ill 10 10 become a decisive factor in determining the end product, i.e., the type and shape of society to be evolved in the transitional countries of the underdeveloped world. The nations of the outside world, however . have already incorporated this latter fact m their policies toward the underdeveloped countries; and it is a funda- mental consideration at the present stage of international political struggle. In the export of technology for the economIC development of underdeveloped areas of the globe, the communist world is directly and persistently competing with the free world . Thus science and technology are integral parts of the equIpment and paraphernalia of authoritarian economic development models now competmg with West- ern models for favor throughout the underdeveloped areas. Com- munism holds up the SovIet and Chinese economic growth models as answers to the pressure on African leaders to show dramatic results over the short-range future; and recent Soviet SCIentific accomplish- ments in outer-space exploration add to the already dramatic image of the Soviet development model as a worker of mlfacles. The long· range ImplIcations of successful efforts to export com- munist methods to the underdeveloped areas in Africa are clear. Once committed to authoritarian technIques of development planning and 620 • AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT mducing growth, underdeveloped countries would have a hard time severmg the knot which would tie them to communist planning con· cepts, technology, trade, and aid. Not only would this state of affairs tend to compromIse the independence and sovereignty so cherished by the newly independent African states, it would also adversely affect the world enVl[onment for all states practicing democratic ways of life and adhering to free institutions. The obverse side of the risk of reo course to authontarian development methods by the African nations is the dramatic opportunity for the free world to promote the selection of a \'Vestero development model with democratic techniques and free institutions. This paper, then, is concerned with the basic problem areas of Afncan economic development and with the role advanced free world technology could play in ensuring the freedom and independence of the Afncan states and raising the standards of living of their inhabitants. Our fundamental premise is that such development is per se in the free world's mterest.' Four Basic Problem Areas A~icultu,e Agriculture IS the single most important sector of most Sub·Saharan economies. Even where the economies are undergoing change with the development of mming and the promise of development of metallurgi. cal industries where there is a hydroelectric potential, agnculture is llkely to remain a key factor for some time to come. The llmited pur· pose here IS to Identify and analyze selected problems of the agricultural sectors-market and subsistence which are of significance and which appear prima facie to be susceptible to amelioration or solution by technologICal mnovahons. Export markets. In West Afnca 10 r957 principal agricultural exports accounted for 64% of the total value of exports of Ghana, 79% of the total value of exports of the French Cameroons, and 86% of the total value of exports of French West Africa. In French Equa· torial Africa in 1957 principal agricultural commodities accounted for 40'7'0 of the value of the total exports of the area. These formidable agricultural exports find their counterpart in East Africa, where in the same year agriculture accounted for 84'7'0 of the total value of exports 621 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS of Kenya, Uganda, and TanganYIka. In the Eastern Horn, agriculture accounted in 1957 for 91'7< of the total value of exports of the Sudan, 64'70 of the total value of exports of Italian Somaliland, and 86'70 of the total value of exports of the Federation of Ethiopia and Entrea. In Portuguese Africa in 1957, principal agncultural products accounted for 64'70 of the total value of exports of Angola and 79<:'0 of that of Mozambique. Even in the mineral-wealthy belt of Central Africa, in 1957 agClculture accounted for 38% of the total value of exports of the Belgian Congo and 24'70 of the total value of exports of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Obviously production for the export market has been a predomi- nant, and apparently in some African areas the exclusive, focus of the planning authorities concerned with economic development. There arc many reasons for this emphasis. The export market ,Iffords the opportunities for earning the foreign exchange to import the industml goods which will not be produced for some time locally and accumu- lating savings indispensable to financing internal economic develop- ment. Foreign exchange earnings which are accumulated br an African country or territory can serve the same purpose as external capital in- vestment with respect to financing economic growth. for example, Ghana's foreign exchange surplus resultmg from its prnfitable export of cocoa during the post-World War II period has provided reserves which totaled $520 million at the end of 1957. These reserves serve the twofold purpose of providing c"pital for financing investment '" • the public sector and also giving Ghana a credit rating which will strengthen borrowing potential.' The crucial significance of the export market for the agricultural economies of A frica ties them intimately into the world ecnnomr and makes them susceptible to fluctuatIons in world demand and prices for their pClmary products. The prevalent monocrop economies of Suh· Saharan Africa are particularly vulnerable to variations in external de- mand and shifts m world pClces. The very lack of dlversity-of width- '" their export sectors means that a sharp break or one sust.ined over time in the demand or in prices for the one crop output can have an impact of catastrophic proportions. The long-staple cotton economy of the Sudan was just about over- whelmed by the "great depression" of the 1930'S. A recent case study • AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT concludes: ... it IS necessary to bear 10 mind that the revenue structure of tbe Central Government [of the Sudan} depended on the uncontrollable factor of the price of colton; that the revenue was 1I0t easily ad/ustable to rapidly deteriorating cOllditiollS; that the reserves after the early years of the depression were dangerously low and that the Sudan Government was de- prit'ed of lIormal compellSatory measures which are readily available in an 'mvestment' economy.' [Emphasis suppli(d.} The Sudan continues to be a monocrop economy and recently has once agatn been seriously afflicted by a change ill the world market for cotton. The current Sudanese experience reveals still another weak- ness of the one crop economy. Intent on preserving the value of their one major asset, the tendency of the governmental authorities charged with marketing responsibilities is to react sluggishly to world market trends and adjust to their implications. In the Sudan the Gezira Cotton Board all but priced Sudanese cotton out of the market in 1957 and thus contributed significantly to aggravating the already unfavor- able downward demand and price curve for cotton. The deepening Sudanese economic crisis has called for extraordinary action-an emer- gency loan from the former metropole, the United Kingdom, to a dis- tressed country in the transferable sterling area. Another classic example of the monocrop economy in Sub-Sahara Afnca JS Ghana. The Ghanaian economy is largely based on a single cash crop, cocoa. About three-fourths of Ghana's income from exports in recent years denved from cocoa export. Cocoa prices have fluctuated WJdely since 1954. when they reached an average high of 58 cents per pound. Cocoa prices descended precipitously from this peak to an average pnce of about 30 cents per pound for 1957. The year 1958 was an erratic and uncertain cocoa year, with prices averaging about 44 cents per pound. Unlike the Sudanese experience, the Ghanaian case has been the happy one of windfall prices for a primary product due to a temporarily favorable external demand situation. The Ghanaian de- velopment program for the fiscal years '952 to date has been almost entirely self-financed WJth the earnings from cocoa. The contJnuing downward trend 10 "'orld prices for its major export crop has intro- duced a senous element of uncertainty into forward development plan- • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS ning. The fact that substantial reserves built up during the "wmdfall period" are now being eaten into engenders additional uneasiness. There are significant nsks involved if a cutback on the scale and pace of development is necessitated, or even if it IS felt necessary to tread water and hold the line at present levels of development. Failure to augment the GNP, let alone a fall in the level of the GNP, in anyone year, in a growth sense, is an irretrievable loss. A loss of momentum in economic growth although somewhat less tangible, could be even more serious in its consequences. An underdeveloped economy, WIth- out reserves of strength to fall back upon, WIthout resource mobility. and WIthout all of the fiscal and monetary devices of a more mature market economy, can be severely hurt by a loss of momentum m its growth processes. Thus sharp variatIOns in export mcome, particularly In one crop ecooomies, Introduce a serious element of uncertamty Into the econ- omies. Peaks and valleys In demand and price affect the accumulation of resources available to finance natIOnal development plans, make forward plannmg hazardous, and d,stort the pattern and level of eco- nomic actlvity In both the publIC and private sectors of the economies. In the case of independent countries, the effects may be more severe. Without a metropole to look to for assistance in financtng long-term development programs or for a.d In balance of payments difficulties. the cred.t ratmg of the state may be compromISed m such a way as to make .t difficult to raise funds from external sources. Although In many areas of Africa the .mpact of world price fluctuatIons is cushioned by the operations of marketing boards and stabil.zation funds which seek to msulate the producer from the vagaries of external forces. the over-all posltaon of the economies IS still vulnerable. Windfall prices augment reserves; depression prices deplete them. In those areas without marketing and stablizing devices the Impact is not only on the over-all positaon of the economIes but also directly on the indiVIdual producers. The .mportance of the African export market and its present sub· stantial dependence on monocrop and near monocrop economies em· phasizes what is probably the most urgent sin~le common problem of the African countries and territories-that of diversifying their econ- omies, starting with the major sector of most of their economies, the • AFRICAN LCONOMIC DEVELOPMENT agf1(ulture sector. Lessening the dependence on one or two crops not only spreads the risks of external market fluctuations over a range of pumary producls; it also provides a hedge against crop failures arising from natural calamitIes. In the fIrst instance, any solution would in- volve declswns of resource allocatIOn. It would also involve technical questIons wIth respect to the agucultural potential of the area (soil, clImate, water) and the type of crop, the cultivation, and the system of agriculture appropriate to local natural and social conditions of the alea. In combination, the complex of problems of human, plant, and anImal ecology Illvolved m transforming a traditional system of farming into a modern dIversified and balanced system would require a program of extenSl\e and mtegrated technologICal experimentation and innova- tIon. In fact: ... the subject matter [African agnculture] is so complex that no modern combination of agricultural research stations and agflcul tural schools 'has so far come near devising any better system of agnculture, let alone a better method of education towards such a system!O illlemal //larke/5. Closely related to the problem of dlversifica- tIon of the Afncan agucultural economy as pointed up by export market requIrements are the many problems of diversificatIon, extension, and planning of agriculture In terms of mternal market needs. Of basic Importance here IS the fact that the development of internal mar- kets has been generally neglected, theIr Importance having been ob- scured by concentration on export markets with their more directly visible contributIon to natIonal income. Yet the development of in- ternal markets, particularly in locally produced foodstuHs, has be- come Increasingly necessary for a number of reasons. First and fore- most IS the existIng dietary standards of the Africans. The health and economIC Justification for improving the prevailing very low stand- ards would appear self-evident; but only modest eHorts have been made In that direction. There seems to be little question that one of the prerequisites for Improving the labor performance of skilled and unskilled workers IS to improve thelf basic diet. The growth of urban centers and the likely Increase in the trend towards urbanization un- doubtedly will require that increased supply of foodstuffs be available for purchase. This need for increased supplies of foods on the inter- • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS nal market will be reinforced by the steadily expanding effort to stabi- lize African labor forces, both in urban areas and on the mines; for stabalized labor forces mevitably mean that the African who becomes committed to the money economy WIll cut his tIes WIth subSIstence agriculture. His role as a part-time agricultural producer WIll eventually disappear, and he WIll become a consumer of foodstuffs to be purchased in the local market. In addition to the exiJliflg pressures for mcreased v"lume and vartety In the productIon of foodstuffs for the mternal market arising from the growmg recognition of the need for unproved diets for Afrt- cans and the increasing demands of burgeonmg urban centers. tbere are likely to be new pressures building up for expanding the cultIvation of foodstuffs for the local market. It IS reasonable to expect that with the growth of cash cropping for the export market cultivators engaged m productIOn for the export sector will start to rely more and more on foodstuffs produced by farmers specializing in such agricultural pro- duction for at least some part of their needs, and less and less on their own cultivation of all their food needs. Thus increasmg cultIvation of cash crops for the export market is Itkely to result III a growing trend toward differentiation in production patterns in the agricultural sector. If secondary industry is to have any chance to evolve on an eco- nomic basis, then there IS a need for widening and deepening the Afri- can market for ItS output. One way of achieving this" to expand the earnings of the African farmer so that he has the additIonal purchasing power which will enable him to increase his consumptJon of manu- factured goods. Cash cropping for export is one way of increasing the farmer's income. Production or cash cropping for internal markets is certainly another way and, in a sense, an easier and qwcker way. Pro- duction for the local market from the individual farmer 's point of view could be accomplished without the necessity of going through mIddle- men and marketing boards and conforming to export market standards. The development of secondary industry is also likely to create a de- mand for agricultural commodIties other than foodstuffs for use m fabricating manufactured goods; e.g ., cotton, tobacco, and grains. Hence, in a growing economy increasing d,fferentJation in production functions, Includmg agricultural production, IS likely to prove most eco- , AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT nomlc.,1 and over time to result in cultivators concentrating on produc- tlOn of commodities for the export market or for the internal market. It IS .lIsa likely that as a concomItant of the growth of balanced agfl(uitUle and as part of the process of differentiation, animal hus- bandry for the mternal market economy will grow. The Republic of Chad and Madagascar have expanded conSiderably their livestock pro- duction. There is Similarly a growmg mterest in fisheries as a source 01 food {or the mternal market. TypICal of the attention bemg paid to commerual f,shmg for local foodstuffs are the developments in Northern RhodeSia and the Federation of Mali. The need to improve and diversify agriculture for supplying the internal markets with food- stuffs would appear to be, if not an inevitable consequence, certainly a natural extension of diversifying and modernizing the export segment of the agricultural sector. Thus, technology from outside for develop- ment of agricultural production for internal consumption could be effectively related to externally supplied technical assistance for de- velopmg agricultural production for the export market. PrndllctiL'ifJ. Improved techniques and systems of cultivation to increase the yield pel' aCl'e are central to expanding production in all underdeveloped economies m process of transforming subsistence agri- cultural production into market agricultural production. In Sub-Sahara Africa, unlike much of South Asia, there is also an incentive to increase the yield pel' II/al/. For the most part Sub-Sahara Africa is not densely populated, a condition which in itself implies the lack of any surplus of agricultural labor and provides a motive for increasing pel'-mall yields. Moreover, the development of trade and industry has already had the effect of drawing labor out of agriculture, making it even more important that those who remain on the land increase their productivity If over-all output is to increase pal'i passll with the growing demands of the market. There have been already incidents of falling agricultural prodllctlon where laborers have left the land to work in industry of the mines; and in some areas of sparse population in order to combat fall- ing productions of foodstuffs, colonial authorities have imposed re- strictions 011 the movement of Africans off the land to mines and urban centers. Increased productivity per man per acre would appear a surer way to meet the situation than artificial and uneconomic restraints on the free flow of lahor "hICh are likely to be swept away at the advent • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS of internal self-government or independence, if not in the wake of eco- nomic growth. In seeking to achieve increased agricultural productivity it will ~ necessary to develop an agricultural system suitable to the varying con- ditions of the African areas and the many social and cultural patterns now in transition throughout Africa. This will present a series of challenging and important technical problems, which will require sys- tematie research, extensive experimentation, and technological trans- fers if African agriculture is to be made more productive. Mining The foregoing suggests that export economIes based on one or two crops are exceedingly susceptible to external demand and pClce trends, and that dIversification of the agricultural sector to produce a range of commodities would help dilute the risks inherent in a monocrop situa- tion. Development of an industrial sector is a complementary, and in terms of economic history, ultimately the most effective route to eco- nomie diversification. In the African context the discovery and ex- ploitation of mineral resources would appear to be the likeltest and fastest way to induce the development of an industrial sector. Produc- tion of minerals for the export markets would In the flCst instance act to diversify the trade pattern of an African area. In addition, mlnlOg frequently engenders the development of a processing Industry to treat or reduce crude ores to intermediate stages, and later tends to encourage • the development of manufacturing industry. It is noteworthy that the two most highly developed mineral-producing areas of Sub-Sahara Africa, the Belgian Congo and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasa- land, in addition to having the largest national incomes and the highest average annual rates of increase 10 national income over the last ten years, have the highest rates of capital formation in Sub-Sahara Africa. The rates of capital formation in the Congo in the years I9W. I95'. and 1956 were respecltvely 27'70, 31 %, and 3I%; the rates of capital formation in the Federation 10 I952, 1954, and 1956 were resp«ltvelr 39'?'o, 30'?'", and 35'70. There can be little question but that the de- velopment of mineral resources offers one of the fastest ways of induc- ing economic growth in Sub-Sahara Africa. Professor Frankel in his pioneer work on capital investment in Africa, drawing heavily on the AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT experience of the UnIon of South Afnca, put it this way as early as 1938' Mining has been the touchstone of economic development in most of Africa, and the areas most advanced economically are those whose mam actlv,tles [est on milleral exploitation."l1 Of paItlcular relevance ill the African context is the ability of min- Ing ventures to attract outsIde pnvate capital, a factor which could be of major Importance 10 an area of the world where capital resources are severely i1mited, and whICh b}' and large has not generally been attrac- tIve to foreign pllvate 1Ovestment. Sub-Sahara Africa certainly quali- fies as such an area. The two countries which have attracted the largest amounts of private Investment are the Congo and the Federatioo. Con- Sistently since 19)0 total private investment in both territories-largely external Or reinvestment of earnings arising from external investment- substantially exceeded publIC mvestment. And yet, notwithstanding the need for external resources and the attraction of mining projects for foreign private capItal, tlie "metal and mineral resources of tropical Africa are even less developed than the agricultural potentialities, and thel[ dIversity and extent arc only beginning to be known."!' This statement is in part true of even the Belgian Congo. In a recent OEEC study based on 1Oformatlon supplied by the European metropole the following conclusion is reached: "While the minerals of the higher areas to the east of the territory are exploited, the possible mineral wealth of the low-lYing bulk of the territory has as yet been hardly explored."" In llght of the Importance of the mmmg sector to capital formation and the fact that vast areas of Sub-Sahara Africa still remain mineral- oglCall), unexplored, there IS a tremendous incentive to facilitate and expedite such exploratIOn. The African states face huge tasks in the war of topographical anel geological surveYillg and mapping. Geo- logICal survep 10 Afnca already have frequently turned up discoveries whIch could later be investigated for commercial pOSSIbilities or ex- ploited hy private 1Ovestors. In addition, geological mapping enables a selection to be made of promlsmg areas for prospectmg. Narrowing down the promising areas for Investigation can act to spur pnvate com- mercia I exploration In most Instances, external technical assistance will be required to complete the task of surveymg the vast areas of Africa which remain unmapped. There will be a need for assistance • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS in actually conducting topographical and geological surveys. The Afri- can terrain may well present novel geophysical and geological research problems. The ram forests, tropical jungles, and desert areas all prr- sent mapping problems. Aerial photography may be necessary in some of the more impenetrable areas before field work on the ground can be done efficiently. There wlll also be a need to train AfrICan personnel both to parti. cipate m the surveys and to carryon with follow-up detailed mapping and geological studies . For the long run, if the African societies are to be self·sustamlng, there Will be a need for tramed geologists, geo- physicists, mirnng engineers, mining technicians, etc., for the public service to staff the essential regulatory and development operations of the local governments. Private enterprise will inevitably create an in· creasing need for skilled AfrICan personnel at almost every level in the mining industry. In fact, the unavailabllity of such personnel for technical positions is already an Important problem In Alrica. In independent African countnes, foreign investors are hard pressed to find qualified Afnean personnel for skilled or managerial posts. Never- theless, foreign mvestors are under increasing pressures to employ Afri- cans for these categories of Jobs . Here, then, IS another area of activity where the Afncan states need a correlated program of external techni- cal assistance and trainmg in technology for sustaining performance in a field Vital to steady economic development. Tram porlalion Lord Lugard'S dictum of nearly 40 years ago is more than ever apposite at this stage of African development: ''The material develop- ment of Africa may be summed up In one word ·transport'."" Out- Side of mining ventures seekmg outlets to the sea, Lord Lugard's prr- scnptlon has by and large been ignored. Until recent times the absence of a transportation grid into the intenor served only to reinforce Afri- ca's isolation from the rest of the world . With Africa's growing involvement in the world economy and expanding dependence on export markets for Its Internal development, the possibility of isola- tion has disappeared; but the absence of an adequate transportation system has remained . ThiS lack is beglnnmg to act as a heavy drag on the rate of Afncan economic growth , The need for adequate • AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT transportation is common to all of the problems of economic develop- ment already considered. The primary development task for Africa of transformIng the vast subsistence economies into market economies is be1I1g seriously handicapped by an inadequate transportation network. Fuller development of the vital export markets requires more and better transportation. Creation of an internal market system in most areas of Africa awaIts the development of a transportation network. It also seems obvious that, with the growth of urban centers, stablltzed labor, consumer purchasing power, and secondary industry, there must be a corresponding growth of transportation and communi- cation to connect the new centers and the interior, rural and urban population, production and consumption. Yet at present the typical Sub·Saharan transportation system is essentially little more than spokes on a wheel radiating from the interior of the country to the coast with few Junctures for cross-hauling from one spoke to another. There can be little doubt that further economic development in Sub-Sahara Afri- ca requires an expanding and more integrated series of transportation grids. In agricultural Africa, the overwhelming bulk of tropical Afri- ca increasIngly linked to the world market, the mobility and added di- mension that an expanding transportation system would introduce may well prove to be the crucial factor to galvanize the transitional African economIes into forward-moving market economies. In the minerally- developed areas of central Africa, the accessibility of outlying areas to industrial and commercial centers and of local productIOn to internal markets could act to fuse the separate European export sector, the largely non-Afncan commercial sector, and the African subsistence sector into an integrated economy. Adequate transportation appears essential to lInk these dIsparate sectors as a preconditIOn to achIeving an integrated economy. On a broader economIC honlOn, transporta- tion development is obviously a basic precondition to the achievement of regional and wider intra-African trade. For the present and SOme time to come, the Eurafrican trade pattern will of necessity predominate. It may always. But if another dImension is to be added to African trade, between and among African areas-much like the important trade flows between Southern Rhodesia and the Union of South Africa-a transportation grid crossing national borders and eventually crisscrossing regional and wider African areas will be indespensable . • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Transportation also has an important and in some areas a vital role to play in achieving political cohesion and stability in the nascent African states. Many of them are historic accidents resulting from the clash of European ambitions in the late 1800'S. The first division of Africa among the leading European powers in the 1890'S and the se- cond division in the post-World War I period disregarded ethnic and tribal lines, economic factors, geographic and topographte features. Thus new states are not infrequently geographic expressions which signify the start of nation-building and, perhaps, nationalism, and not, as is all too loosely contended, the recognition and culmination of nationalist drives. A transportation grid uniting physicaUy hetero- geneous tribal and land areas would be an IOvaluable aid 10 developing politically cohesive national states throughout tropical Africa. Certainly such cohesion is a prerequisite to political stability-and to an atmos- phere in which change could take place within an establtshed political framework and not by clash of arms. It is axiomatic that economic growth is served by the development of a stable political structure and orderly poiltlCal processes and that, JJ1 turn, economIC development serves to strengthen new polttical mstitutions and processes. Thus an expandmg transportation system would reinforce economic development through the unifytng role it could play in bringing tog<-ther diverse parts of new states or federation of states. This latter role assumes greater proportions in light of the many proposals for regional, interregional, and continental aSSOCIations of states which are now sweeping across Africa. The central importance of transportatIOn to African developmen't sets up a twofold cha lIenge for outsIde technology: flfSt, for devising transportation grids suitable to African requirements and resources, and second, for developtng vehicles appropriate to the transportation systems to he installed. To the extent that technological obstacles rather than capItal shortages are the problem in railroad, water, and aerial trans- portation (tncludtn~ seaports and airports), thIS range of technical problems combines to create a challenge for external technical assist- ance. The major specific technical-~s distinct from capital-trans- portation need for Sub-Sahara Africa is for new techniques and ma- terials for tnexpensive road building suitable to the friable soil and ex- tremes of chmate (heat and ram), and for designs for vehicles appro- • AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT priate to both the natural conditions and the commercial needs of the area; i.e., transportatton of bulk commodities of low unit value over long 10termediate distances. Development of inexpensive types of road constructIOn for durable "feeder-roads" and all-weather central arteries capable of being burlt with local labor with indigenous ma- terial would be noth1Og short of a boon to African development. Ex- perimentation and research with new materials and techniques would be requJfed. T ra10mg of all grades of construction engineers and assistance 10 organizmg adequate road maintenance departments would also be needed. On the vehicle side, there would be not only the need for desIgning vehicles to meet African conditions and requirements but also a growmg need for training maintenance workers and organiz- ing serVICe facilities across a nation. There is thus a clear need for external technical aSSIStance in the transportation sector to go hand-in- hand with analagous assistance in the agricultural and mining sectors. Labor There IS a dIversIty of opmions as to whether or not there is a shortage of labor m Sub-Sahara Africa . Lord Hailey in his discussion of "The Problems of Labour" declares: To the student of labour conditions in Africa one of the most insistent of the problems which present themselves is that of the shortage of manpower within reach of the major in- dustrial centres and the consequent wide prevalence of the system of 'migrant' labour." [Emphasis supplied} In a pioneer study of African manpower!6 undertaken in 1944, the author's conclUSIOn is to the contrary: On the baSIS of these figures [a series of computations on available manpower and employment opportunities} it may be assumed that Africa posJess.es the manpowe,' to meet all present requirements and will be able with wise planning to provide a labor force for new industries if they are of the proper type and suitably located. In all probability, at the present stage of African development there is not a shortage of manpower. There is, however, an anomalous situa- tion. A recent ILO study has estimated that as recent as 1955 wage earners represented respectively only 38%, 29%, 60%, and 56% of the potential wage-earning population of the most industrialized economies • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RBIATIONS of Sub-Sahara Africa, the Belgian Congo, Kenya, Northern Rbndrds, and Southern Rhodesia." Nevertheless, a recent economic survey • the Congo declares that the number of Africans engaged in mining .... fallen in recent years "owing to the application of mechanical me1b>l)'" to mining, a policy which has been dictated by the high cost and ,,_ a"ai/ability of labour."" [Emphasis supplied.] Thus, as one puts it, "the anomaly remains: millions of people whose strength and capability are largely unused coexist with occasional acute labor short- ages .. '" The co-existence of large pools of unused manpower and pockets of acute labor shortages poses the African labor prblem in a nutshell- an inad"5 there will be the need for an additional hydroelectric station even larger than the present one, more than doubling existing capacity_ This would probably be located at Bujugali, 41/2 miles downstream from the Owen Falls. Already the center of industrial gravity appears to be shifting. While Nairobi is still the main supplier, the expansion in the Jin;. area is making that the new potential center. It is probably also a better location, since it is in a position to tap more easily the Tanganyilca and Uganda hinterlands. Because of the population composition, any , DEVELOPMENTAL PROBLEMS OF AN AGRlCULTURAL ECONOMY expanslOfl would have to be primarily to the Africans, since they con- stItute so much of the populatIon. Only to the extent that they entered more into the money economy and gave up purely subsistence farming could thIs growth of a secondary industry be realized. Hence the em- phaSIS on native agflculture. Can the territofles look to outside p[lvate mvestment capital to spark any development? Certamly this is the case in other parts of Tropical Africa; Gumea IS hopmg for up to half a billion dollars for the de- velopment of its bauxite resources, while the Belgians speak in billions In connection with the Inga Rapids power complex. But what are the rumensions for Bntlsh East Africa? Private capital on any large scale WIll probably prefer to stay out. Funds such as these do not go mto famIly-type agriculture or secondary manufacturmg, especially on the small scale tbat characterizes the East Afncan economy, unless the entrepreneur IS also a settler, and in thIS way can be his own mana:ger. The average manufactuflng firm em- ploys only 50 or 60 workers, and It is doubtful if this Wi ll change greatly over the next few years. An annual gross output of $IOO,OOO per establishment (or a new output of only $40,000) is hardly the scale of operations that could attract a foreign corporation thinking in terms of a local manufacturing branch. Such a small unit would not be justified, both because of the hIgh production costs and the excessive administrative difficultIes; only a much larger scale of production could carry the necessary overhead that inevitably accompanies absentee ownership. Kenya industry is stIll much closer to the owner-manager firm rather than the absentee-owned subsidiary; although a few, like Unilever's soap and margarine interest, do exist. There IS a vague possibility for outside capital in the exploitation of the Tanganyika coal and iron ore area, but even this is a doubtful probability over the near future. I' At the moment this is not feasi- ble, mamly because of transportation, although the coal estimate alone is for more than 200 million extractable tons in just the Ruhuhu River area. The nearest rail lInk IS some 300 miles away, and extension of existing lines would cost at least $30 milion. Trucking the raw ma- terials would be a prohibitive cost, but the railway extension could not be amortized out of the expected production. Only if other minerals were also found, or if agriculture along the possible railway route • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS would develop sufficiently to bear part of the capital cost in the freight charge, would there be an economic possibility for capital on a fairly large scale. Incidentally, this area is also the region where the ill- fated Groundnut Scheme was tried; the current, more modest survival indicates that this latter hope for the extension of cash crop farming along the proposed right-of-way-will also be slow to develop, thus postponing the hope of additional transport facIlities. It should be pointed out, however, that there are other investment possibiltties that could grow out of this coal-and-iron ore scheme, such as a nitrogen fertilizer plant and a pulpwood or kraft paper industry (in northern Nyasaland)" An Anglo-American Corporation affiliate, Western Rift Exploration Co. Ltd., is exploring in West Tanganyika around Lake Rukwa and Mpanda. lG The small scale prevalent throughout the economy makes the conditions of investment more favorable to the family or settier es- tablishment. This source of funds is both from current residents, as they accumulate capital, and possible immigrants, where such is per- mitted-Kenya mainly. This, of course, is a slow process; much of the capital formation would have to come from internal sources which in turn would be dependent on the level of domestic lflcomes. Only as that increased would there be any stepping up in the rate of savings and thus investing. Of course, underlying the investment conditions is the need for a favorable polItical atmosphere_ At present Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika are each going through a transition period, though in different directions. African drives for self-government soon, British deliberateness, white settler hostility to relinquishing power, an Asian group distrusted by the other two races-all these forces must be kept along peaceful lines if capital is to venture in. Even now there has been a decrease in such inflows, but whether it IS due to the political clouds or the recent local recession in the area is dIfficult to say.lO Another source of capital, though of a somewhat different character, IS what might be called official funds-the British or East African governments, quasi-official developmental organizations, and the In- ternational Bank for Reconstruction and Development. These. in fact. have been drawn on to some extent. especially by the railway and electricity boards. Although their prime purpose has beefl to imple- • DEVELOPMENTAL PROBLEMS OF AN AGRICULTURAL ECONOMY ment the territory's "infrastructure," some money has been channeled into other areas, not ably, as in Uganda, into specific development pro- jects, manufacturing as well as mining. However, this last avenue has been marred by two large efforts that have not been profitable as yet- the Kilembe copper-cobalt mine and the Nyanza textiles installation. As a result, there does not seem to be much prospect for any spectacular change in the rate of economic progress in British East Afri- ca. As indicated, there should continue to be some growth, as native capital formation slowly adds to or expands the small-scale secondary industries. Although predictions are always hazardous, one independ- ent estimate for Uganda, for example, foresees a growth of some two- tlmds in income over the next fifteen years, or about 311270 per annum. Of this probably half will be the result of increased population, rather than higher per capita productivity." And this, of course, is predicted on favorable agricultural prices on world markets, thus encouraging the spread of cash farming among the Africans. The growth rate might spurt somewhat in years when agriculture enjoyed especially favorable prICes. as occurred in wartime. This, as already remarked, held true for coffee in Uganda up until recently; although this growth was partly at the expense of other cash crops, e.g., cotton, so that the net contribution to over-all growth was much less than indicated by the expansion of cultivation of the favored crop. This slower development, it should be noted, will be simultaneous with a more rapid rate of growth expected in other parts of Africa, such as the Belgian Congo, the Ivory Coast, Guinea, the southern sections of what was formerly French Equatorial Africa, and even perhaps Ghana, and Nigeria. Hence, East Africa, which is already one of the poorest regions on the continent'8-especially if the nonindigenous element is excluded-wliI compare even less favorably over time. Whether this will have political repercussions, as the Africans learn of the greater prosperity of their more favored cousins, will be another serious question to be added to those currently perplexing this area . • • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. CI. W. W. Rosto"" "The Take-Off into Self·Sustamed Growth," Eeo.o"." /o,,,,. .J , Much 19)6. pp. 29. H. 2. cr. H. Leibe:nstein. E,ortomh &M~war""ell IUIJ Ero.o,.;, Grow,h (New York: John Wiley. 19);). p. 263. }. Cf. w. A. I...ewis. " Economic Oevelopment with UoJimited Supplies of Labor," TN M.nch.lln School 0/ EconomicJ and So(ial SIMdieJ, May 19"'. pp. 183·1~ . .c. The current recovery in copper prices may finaJly cha.oge: this. ,. Uganda Protectorate, Repo" 0/ Ih. Atr;nilumJ Prod,ulJIIlll CO",,,.;II,. (Eotebbe, 19)4). p. 30. 6. Cf. L D. Sump. Aim. (Now York : John Wiley. 19l3). p. 92. 1. Cf. P. Ady, "Africa's Economic Potenualtties" in C. G. Haines (ed.) A/,,,,, ToiU, (BatumoR': Johns Hopkins University, 19">, p . 403. 8. cr. F. R. La Macchia, "African Economies: Buic Chuacteflstic.s and Prospects" lD The A"nttls, March 19n. p. 40. 9. Jnternatlonal Labour Office, Alrittl" lAbo", 511fll.Y (Geneva 19'8) . p 76. 10. In Taoganyika the ASians market 90% of the Africans' produce. 11. A/,.ic(f" LAbON,. S""u", p. 82. 12. ct. the Banque du Congo Bdge, BIIII.Ii" MefuMtI, May 19'9, p. 131. 13. The principal coal depoSit lies in the Southern Province, between Songes and hke Nyua. 14. C(. Bardays Bank. D. C. O. Economic S""UI oj r. ., 4JlliJ:. (London 1958). p. 13. 1'. Cf. C. BW$JII. "Intensive Search fnr Minerals in Central Alric.a, ·· Ot'; ..., March 1959. 16. Cl., e. B., Th, N.w Yo," TImes, July 12, 19'9, p. 14, 17 . .Economist Intelligence Unit, Pow" I" Ut.iI"tllI, 19'7-1970 (London 19'7), pp. 101· 104. 18. Cr. for example. the bbles In Aj,ir." W OII,. S,m/el, palO 1-4 ud 28. African cash Incomes per head In 19'8 were 10 pounds (or Uganda, 7 pounds for Ken,a, &ad , pounds (or Tanganyilc& (c. j . Martin, "The PUKhasUlB PoweJ" of the' Africans," &1 A/rwlII T,IIIi. Imtl bIlIIlJI", MIIY 19'9. p . 2;) . illoUSb t:hu was wu.a1J, supplt\- meo.ted by some subSIStence from the slum"" or ~t..ive plot of land . • THE AGRARIAN SITUATION IN NIGERIA H. A. OLUWASANMI N igena IS a country of small peasant producers. The economy of the country is dominated by agriculture, and throughout its ancient and modern history the prosperity and material welfare of the people have depended upon the fortunes of agriculture. Any inquiry into the nature and cause of wealth ill Nigeria must, therefore, start with a study of the agrarian conditions in the country. It is the purpose of this paper to examlOe the structure of the agricultural industry in Ni- geria; analyse both the efficiency of production and the cause and direction of changes in agricultural production; indicate factors which tend to retard or encourage efficient farm production; and finally re- late agriculture to the general growth of the Nigerian economy. Agric,tltll1'e in the Economy The predomlOant place of agriculture in the economy of Nigeria IS eVIdent from the fact that more than three-fourths of the total working population are employed 10 agricultural and allied occupations. Out of a total working male population of about eight million, less than 25 pel cent or about three· quarters of a million are engaged in non- agricultural pursuits.' ThIS pattern of occupational distribution is re- flected in the contnbutlon which each sector of the economy makes to the national income. In I9')0-r951 agricultural and allied industries accounted for more than 68 per cent of the gross domestic product whIch is for all practical purposes the same as the national income. Minerals and what rna)' be collectively referred to as industrial pro- ductIOn contnbuted Just over ten per cent of the national income with the so-called servICe industries contributing about one-fifth of the total.' The IOcrease 10 the total natIOnal income from £596.7 million in 1950- 1951 to £812.9 millIon in 19')6-1957 little affected the relative impor- tance of the different sectors of the economy. Agriculture and allied occupations still accounted for 62 per cent of the total national income in 1956-19';7 with minerals and industrial production contributing 14 per cent.' Earnings from agricultural sources, especially earnings from export crops, exert a powerful influence on the level of private and public expenditure and on the rate of capital accumulation in Ni- • pia. The iDfInence of IBficultural ClII the licJuid capital will be at a la. stap ill this cIiICIIIS in this section the effect of eamin&s flom private The rel,tioosbip between II1II again confirms the predominant place of agriculture ill the of Nipia. In the five years flom 1951 to 1955 the ,..1. . of rose from £120 million to £132.5 millioo, Agricultural more than 84 per cent of all earnings from expoitS. During this imports rose in value flOW £84 millioo in 1951 to £1 ~ mjJJjon ill The level of sovemment revenue and also rose a the of exports rose between 1951 and 1955.' The po6itive m,timship tween export and sovemment revenue and expenditure it the fact that the government derives the bulk of its me- fa .... _ posts on exports and imports. It is clear enough why frwa _ port duties would rise or fall with a rise or fall in the and ftIaI of exports. It is, however, not immediately clear wby go; "'.". nue from duties on imports should follow the of the sector of agriculture. It is necesslry to explain this I" 1M IN nnn blwf Iy. TIle ability of the population to buy imported con. Mitiel c:bIIwIi with cbanges in the general level of incomes. Since ipicu1ture ..... sents a large proportion of the national iw:ome, the cIImaod for ... ports will depend to a large extent 00 earnings CiOIIi agriculblle, -' pecially on earnings frow the cash sector of the agriadtural This is evident from the fact that the value of all the increlse in the value of exports. As would be ment revenue from import duties sbowed a increases in the value of expoitS. Th, Effid."q of P,otI.,IiOlf • The proportioo of the population of a country ductioo of food is • rough of the of that country. In Nipia it talm ,bout population to produce part ol the food and raw ol the country. Despite the larae • pi '1 d Ja productioo the country still fllldl it n--, 110 .,.. ...... .In. II r.Jpocl'.O B .~ -d1' ~ -..L..:........ ~ THE AGRARIAN SITUATION IN NIGERIA ducts as eggs, meat, flour, milk, and butter. A total of £16 million was spent on food imports in 1956. In contrast, only 12 per cent of the total working populatIOn of the UOlted States is required to pro- duce Its food needs. The proportion is 16 per cent for Canada. In these advanced countnes fewer people are able to produce the food re- quirements of the total population because of the higb level of output in agriculture. In Nigeria the average yield of peanuts is 660 lbs; in the United States and Japan YIelds of peanuts average over 800 lbs. and 1000 lbs. respectively. The average tobacco producer in the United States and Japan realises 12 50 lbs. and 1500 lbs per acre respectively. The average yield of tobacco ill NIgeria is about 400 lbs. per acre' Technical Conditiom of Agricultural Production DIfferences in output per acre in the agriculture of the United States and Nigeria reflect differences in the state of technical arts in the two countries. We define technical arts to include the methods and tmplements of farming and the size of the producing unit in agriculture. In Nigeria shifting cultivation or bush fallowing is the major technique of farming. This method typifies peasant cultivation thn 'ughout Africa. Under the system the peasant farmer cultivates a piece of land for a number of years after which he abandons it to open up a new piece of land. The ratio of population to land permitting, the aban- doned plot of land is left in fallow for a period varying from five to fifteen years. After this period the land would have sufficiently re- covered its fertility to allow the farmer to return to cultivate it for another spell of years. This system of cultivation does not in itself lead to an impairment of the fertility of the soil or to inefficient pro- duction. If anything at all, it recognises the fact that the "original property" of the soil is not an inexhaustible variable, and accordingly makes provision for the periodic restoration of this property. When, however, population has grown to a stage where land, under the pre- vailing rules of tenure. has to undergo continuous subdivision among the increasing members of the community, the whole system of bush fallowing breaks down and becomes a serious obstacle to efficient farm- ing. With increasing population the farmer can no longer afford the luxury of leaving any plot of his truncated land to fallow for the pe- riod allowed for in the indigenous system. The reduction in the period • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS of fallow leads to a more frequent cultivation of the same piece of laod. As the farmer does not make use of artificial or natural manure the higher frequency of cultivation results in a loss of fertility and coo .... quently in lower yields per urut of cultivated land. The size of the Nigerian population has not yet reached a stage where population pressure constitutes an acute agricultural problem of the whole country. Nevertheless, there are areas of the country, parti- cularly in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, where overpopulation has be- come a real problem and has led to the farming of uneconomic holdings_ In some of the problem areas population density is as high as 800, whereas in the underpopulated areas population per square mile may be as low as 30.' The Social Foul/datio/lJ of Agrtculture The SOCIal structure of socIety and the manner in wluch land rights are shared between cultivators and the community. or between cultiva- tors and landlords. combme with the purely physical basIS of agClculture to influence the nature and character of agricultural productlOn_ Where society is homogeneous and the over-all density of population is low. but there exists pockets of excess population, the obVIOUS solution of the agrarian problem lJes m a redtstribution of population which aims at settling the excess populatIon in the crowded areas m the less densely populated regions of the country. The Nigerian society is anything but homogeneous. It is composed of a large number of ethnic groups' each of whIch lives m dIstinctIve geographic areas. Each group jeal- ously guards its land against any encroachment from outside bodies. The main areas of overpopulatIon are In the Ibn areas of Eastern Region of NigeCla while large stretches of unused agricultural land are to be found in parts of Northern and Western Regions in the Hausa. Yoruba, and Edo areas of the country. The social difficulties which are bound to result from a pohcy having as Its objective the settlement of Ibns in large numbers in any of these underpopulated areas will be such as to offset the obvious economic advantages to be derived from such popu- lation adjustments. It mIght be supposed that in a progressive economy such as that of Nigeria the market mechanism will ensure that land passes to those who are able to make the maxImum use of it. The systems of tenure, 660 THE AGRARIAN SITUATION IN NIGERIA however, lunit very severely the influence of the allocative functions of the price system. In its area of jurisdiction, each ethnic group functions within the rigid framework of its own laws of tenure. The assump- tions underlying the Individual rules of tenure are sufficiently uniform throughout the country for us to make logical generalisations about the different tenure systems in the country. In spite of its hierarchy of Icings and chiefs, African society is essentially an equalitarian society. The egalitarianism of indigenous African societies is nowhere given a more forceful and eloquent ex- pression than in the rules which govern the division of land rights. J and is the most valuable capital asset in any African society. It yields the staff of life and sustains the structures which shelter man from the ravages of the elements. It acts as the receptacle for the remains of the departed members of the race and welcomes the new ones. It is no wonder, therefore, that land has acquired a pseudoreligious significance • in many parts of Africa. Nevertheless, any religious significance which land may possess in the African scheme of things derives largely from its capacity to produce the material needs of the population. It is for this reason that land is held everywhere in Africa as a sacred trust whIch no member of the group is permitted to alienate by sale or lease without the prior consent of the land-owning group. Land is held as Joint property of the group. The right of the individual to farm a piece of land derives from his membership of this group. The group may be a family, a clan, or a village. The head of the group who administers the land has no superior right to the use of land; his own right to land as well as that of any of his subjects derives from member- ship in the group. The rule of indigenous tenure defines very rigorously the rights of the community and those of the individuals. Both of these exist side by side within the system. The community is not a producing unit. Its main concern is to ensure the equitable distribution of land among its members and to see to it that each individual has access to a piece of the group land adequate for the provision of his needs and those of his family. As long as he uses the land in a marIner which is beneficial to himself and to the interests of society, the individual farmer, who alone bears responsibility for the cultivation of his soil, enjoys a per- petual use of the land as well as an undisputed control over the pro- 661 • JOUIlNAL OP HUMAN HUTIONI duce of his farms. His rights are limited only in the sense that he not alienate any part of the land of the group without fint consent of that group. This limitation 00 freedom of transfer is ., signed to safeguard society from the avarice of its more noscrupukMi members. It needs to be emphasized that communal system of ship of land does not imply in the African scheme of things communism which is looked upon by some students of socia1 evolution as the natural order from which society has evolved into individual;". As has been pointed out, the African cultivator farms his land as au individual with the aid of his family and friends. He has unlimi"d enjoyment of the outputs of his farm. The communal systent of tenme in fact makes a fierce individualism which is slowly coming to its own with greater specialisation of occupations. As long as the needs of society were simple and agriculture under- taken mainly for subsistence, and as long as land is abnndant relative to the demand made upon it, the system of tenure described immediately above does Dot stand in the way of efficient cultivation. But as p0pu- lation increases the rule which prescribes a plot of land, however small, for everyone who is in need of it and can make use of it becomes a formidable obstacle to efficient agricultural production. In areas of overpopulation this rule has in fact led to fragmentation of holdi"", to curtailment of the period of fallow, and consequently, to soil a- haustion. As we have seen this is not yet a universal problem in the country. Nevertheless, with the annual rate of population standing at 2 per cent, the problem is potentially real. • Th~ Pall~rn 01 AgriclllllmJ P,oJ/lc,ioll The main purpose of traditional African farming was the pr0- duction of food for the subsistence of the population. SItCh as remained after the family had fed itself were givm in ndtmp for the products of the smith and the weaver where the "mily did ... itself perform these functions. Exchange within the .,.. of agriculture was therefore incidental and unimportaat. For tile most part, the African agricultutist still enpga in ftnning for tile pi- mary purpose of supplying his own needs; but in the last fifty JeUI the farmer has added to this purely of the productioo of certain oops for the expwt THE AGRARIAN SITUATION IN NIGERIA the export market was stimulated by the imperialist control of Africa whicb followed the partition of the continent in the 19th century among European powers. The European expansIOn in Africa in the 19th century was a natural and logICal answer to the expanding industrial power of Europe. The new and expanding European industries re- qUlfed raw matenals for which Africa was especially suited to produce. The lOtense competitIOn among European powers in Africa for terri- torial rights, and the need to establIsh assured markets for surplus in- dustrial goods necessitated direct political control of the sources of the raw materials. The administration of the new colonial territories Immediately set itself to the task of stimulating the development of the economies of these territories in the desired direction. Thus the .. eco- nomic revolution" which followed the colonisation of Africa centered upon the production of cotton, cocoa, palm oil, palm kernel, peanuts, rubber, and minerals for the European market.s We have already in- dicated the importance of the production of these crops in the Nigerian economy. The unique feature of colonial economic expansion in Nigeria and in West Africa generally IS the fact that the African peasant himself is the agency through which the commercialization of agriculture took place. The export crops are grown and processed by hundreds of thousands of peasant farmers on their three-acre holdings. This is in sharp contrast to the practices in the Belgian Congo and parts of the Orient where similar crops are grown on large-scale European estates and processed in factories financed and managed by Europeans. Thus there is today very little external capital invested in agricultural pro- duction in Nigeria. In the case of such plantation crops as rubber and palm oil, peasant production has not always yielded maximum economic results. Until very recently the palm oil marketed by the Nigerian peasant was markedly inferior to the oil produced by the plantations of the Belgian Congo and Sumatra. Whereas the peasant method of ex- tracting oil by hand succeeds in recovering only about 50 per cent of the oil contents of the oil fruit, the factory method of processing is able to recover more than 90 per cent of the oil. Similarly, the rubber produced under peasant conditions is of mucb lower quality than that produced on the plantations of Malaya. These and other deficiencies • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS of the peasant system of productIon combine to depress the returns of the producers." Recellt Improvements III Agricultural Productioll Since the end of the second world war, major steps have been taken to correct the mherent weaknesses of peasant production In Nige!1a. In the productIOn of plantation crops, the aim has been to introduce mecbarucal processlIlg without necessarily sweepmg away the peasants. In the case of palm oil production, development has consisted in the location of medium-SIZed oil mills in the producing areas and in the establishment of plantations. The oil mills are for the most part the property of public bodies which buy frwts from the peasant farmers for processing. This development has led to a substantial improvement in the quality of Nigerian palm oil. In 1950 special grade oil which fetches higher price on the world market constituted only 0.2 per cent of Nigerian palm oil exports. In 1956 however, special grade oil constituted about 72 per cent of all palm oil exports.'· In addition to the oil mills, the richer farmers have equipped themselves with hand- operated small-sized oil presses. The development In rhe rubber m- dustry has followed stmilar lmes as the development m palm oil pro- duction. Both publIC bodies and p!lvate farmers have mvested in ne-l\' plants for the processing of rubber and in the estabh'hment of planta- tions. Since the war, ag ricultural development, therefore, has been de- signed to mtroduce new technIques of cultlvaoon and processing both • mto the subSIstence and export sectors of ag!lculture. The attempt to Improve the food-producing sector consists largely in the introduction of artificial fertJii l ers, anImal drawn ploughs, mechanical cultivation, and group farming . These have so far failed to make the same impact on food productIOn which the introductIOn of mechanICal processing has made in the production of palm at! and rubber. The failure of new techniques to succeed with food crops has somettmes been blamed on the conservatIsm of the African peasant. This view is probably true, as it is of all farmers all over the world. Under the circumstances, the farmer's behaviour has proved to be more rational than the actions of those who would have h;m adopt new techniques wholesale. Whett the returns have justified his dOlIlg so, the farmer has readily adopted • THE AGRARIAN SITUATION IN NIGERIA new techmques. For instance, the cocoa farmer has taken to the chemi- ca! spraymg of Ius diseased trees. He has shown willingness to use these chemicals because he can measure his expenditure on spraying against the increased yields and earnmgs consequent upon it. On the contrary. the results of fertilizer application to the production of yam have not been untformly favorable in terms of higher yields and in- comes. SunJlarly, experiments with mechanical cultivation have so far proved uneconomIc. The farmer has therefore adopted new techni- ques whIch yield him lugher monetary returns for every unit of ex- penditure and has continued to produce his subsistence crops in the traditional manner. Agriculture and Economic Development in Nigeria In the advanced countrtes, economic development has been char- acterIZed by a shift of population from purely agricultural pursuits to other forms of activity. As population has shifted away from agri- culture to manufacturing and service industries so has the proportionate contribution of agriculture to the national income declined. In 1910 when about 40 per cent of the working population of the United States found employment on the farms, agriculture accounted for 16 per cent of American national income. By 1950 the proportion of the working population earning its living from agriculture fell to a little over 16 per cent and in the same period contribution of agriculture fell from 16 per cent to 8 per cent of the national income. The secular shift of population from rural to urban occupations and therefore, the relative decline in the importance of agriculture constitute the mechanism of economic progress. In Nigeria and in other underdeveloped countries the growth of material welfare will depend upon the rapidity with which population shifts from agriculture to manufacture. The rate at whICh the populatIOn can be moved away from agriculture will be determined largely by the development which takes place within agri- culture. As has been pomted out. the basic problem of Nigerian agri- culture is the low level of yield. This is a function partly of the techniques and implements of farming and partly of the social organi- zation underlying agricultural production. Both factors combine to limit the size of productng units. The size of holdings which in Nigeria 665 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS vary between three and five acres render the adoption of new techniques of farming uneconomic. Given the existing level of performance of the food-producing sector of agriculture, a large shift of population from agrtculture will only aggravate the food situatJOn in the country. It is therefore es- sential for smooth mdustnal progress to find answers to the problem posed by low levels of agncultural yields. Improvements in the level of yield must accompany the establJshment of manufactunng industries so as to ensure adequate supply of food for the urban industrial workers as well as provide these industries WIth cheap resources of raw ma- terials. In these two respects successful mdustrialisation depends upon the improvement of agricultural efficiency. Furthermore, the rate at which population can be moved from agriculture to manufacturing and other nonagricultural industnes wIll depend upon the rate of capital accumulation. Traditionally, agrtculture has provided the capital with which the essential framework of the Nigerian economy bas been built. The high tempo of development which has characterised the history of development in the last ten years has been made poSSIble by increased earnings from our export crops. In the early stages of mdustrial ex- pansJOn in Nigeria the export sector of agriculture will continue to be the most important source of capital. Therefore, the more efficient the export sector, the higher WIll be its contribution to the stock of liquid capItal whIch IS so essentIal m buying the capItal equIpment for industrial development. •• Two questions follow from the analysis of the preceding para- graph: The first concerns the method of Lnlproving the effiCIency of agriculture so as to enable it to perform its function adequately; the next considers obstacles to the adoption of these methods. In order to increase the size of the operating units in agriculture and cultivate the soil much more effectively the eXIsting tools of farming must be re- placed by modern methods of cultivation. Mechanical cultivation will only succeed in ralsIOg the levels of yield and returns to capital where the sizes of hold lOgs permit the distribution of the heavy cost of me- chanical equipment over larger units. The existing three-acre farms are not conducive to mechanical cultivation. Even where the peasant farmer has enough land on whIch to expand cultivation his level of income rules out the consideration of mechanisation on an individual basis. For • THE AGRARlAN SITUATION IN NIGERlA the same reason of poverty, the Nigerian peasant finds it impossible to invest m artificial fertilizers. There is also the fact that the communal system of land tenure makes it dIfficult for the farmer to obtain loans for improvmg ius farms on the basis of ius landed property. Even where land is held on md.1Vldual basis, lending institutions are reluctant to accept land as security for loans to farmers. It is considered even a greater risk by financial mstitutions to lend money to farmers who own land as members of families or clans. The improvement of agri- cultural effIciency by means of mechanical cultivation will therefore depend upon co-operatIve and group farming. This question of co- operatIve farms is being vigorously pursued in many parts of the coun- try. They appear the long-run solution of the defects of peasant farming in Nigeria. \V/e have already referred to the establishment of planta- tions in many parts of the forest regions of the country as the method by which the improvement of the export sector of agriculturf is being pursued. In the long run, however, the solution of the agrarian prob- lem in Nigeria and other African countries will depend upon the rate of growth of industries which will provide alternative employn'ents for part of the population now tied to the land. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. See: Nigeria: POplilation CenJuJeJ of Northern} &.rJern and WeJJertl Nigeria 19:52-19)3. Lagos. Government Printer. 2. A. 8. Prest and l. B. Stewart, The Nallona/ Income 01 Nigeria 19)0-19)1. (London 1953). 3, National Economic Council, ECO/lOml, Surtley of Nigeria 19-'9. (Lagos, 1959). 4. The revenue of the Federal Government rose from £30.5 million in 1951 to £60.9 million in 1955. The expenditure figures for the two years are £30.3 million and £60.6 million respectively. 5. F.A.O., Yearbook 0/ II.grinlllural SlaliIlirs (Rome, 1956). 6. Three divisions in Calabar province have each a population density of over 600; two of the divisions of Dnitsha province have population densities of well over 400 each; Dwerri province has an average density of H7 with Dkigwi and Drlu diVisions of this province registering population densities of 754 and 873 re- spectively. These areas are located in Eastern Nigeria where the population situation contrasts with population densities of 35, in Bornu, 37 in Adarnawa, 30 in IIorin provinces of Northern Nigeria, and with densities of 148 in Abeokuta, 142 in Ije-bu and 106 in Benin provinces of Western Nigeria. 7. There are more than ten major ethnic groups in Nigeria of which the most numerous are Hausa, lbo, Yoruba, Fulani, Tiv., Edo, Efik and Ibibio. 8. Allan McPhee considered the production of these crops as a significant revolution In the indigenous economic systems of West Africa. See his book: The Economic Revo/ulio" in British West Africa (London, 1926). 9. It is estimated that there are over 250,000 acres of rubber in Western Nigeria alone. The annual yield from this acreage averages 15,000 tons of rubber; under proper conditions of cultivation this acreage should produce 70,000 tons of rubber annually. See: West Regional Production Development Corporation., Annual Rtport 1952-1953. (Ihadan. (953). p. 10. 10. Commonwealth Economic Committee. Vegetable Oils (London H.M.S.D., 1958) p. 115. • SOCIAL SERVICES DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL WELFARE INSTITUTIONS AND SERVICES IN AFRICA EDWARD WARNER BRICE There is a .. revolution of rising expectations" underway in most parts of Africa. The realization that poverty, disease, and ignorance are not inevitable for most people has been growing at a steadily accelerated rate. There is very little question that almost universal poverty is the great economic problem of Africa, and its general and special Improve- ment is one of the great challenges of our time. ThIS article IS a brief attempt at describing some of the significant problems and develop- ments in the field of social welfare mainly in African countries and territories south of the Sahara. What Aifricans and others are doing now through various programs and schemes would have been impossible a generation ago. Great strides have been made in overcoming human selfishness, greed, inertia, and prejudice. However, the problems in- volved in providing adequate social welfare services are formidable because they involve changes in patterns of life and ill all Its activities. The Social Welfare Selling To generalize about the social welfare institutions and ~rvices of Africa makes as little sense as it would if one attempted to generalize for all the peoples of the Asian continent without regard to the differing 668 , SOCIAL "'ELFA RE INSTITUTIONS AND SERVICES IN AFRICA ecological. economic. social. and political conditions under which these people live. Africa, even south of the Sahara. is a vast continent. with widely different ecological zones. inhabited by many ethnic groups who vary in every conceivable way-in physical type. in languages and dialects. in subsistence pursuits, and in political, economic, and be- gmning welfare institutions. The indIgenous people of Africa. varying as they do from one region to another, have been influenced at one time or another by newcomers from Europe and Asia who brought with them new con- cepts of political, social, and economic institutions. In parts of Africa. such as East. Central, and South Africa. they have known Asians and Europeans as settlers and contenders for political control. In the West African areas such as Sierra Leone, Ghana. Nigeria, and French West Africa. they have known the European Whites mainly as traders, missionaries, administrative officers, and officials in the upper echelons of the government. The social institutions of Africa today are largely the result of the past centuries of contact with peoples coming from Europe and Asia, and of present socioeconomic and political conditions withm the specific areas of habitation. On the basis of the statement made in the preceding paragraph. it is possible to generalize that present social welfare institutlOns and services in Africa tend to follow the pattern of those found in the metropolitan countries which established control in the areas, with some slight modifications and adaptations to meet local needs and re- quirements. Probably it is safe to generalize further that over much of Afrtca today social welfare institutions and services are conditioned by prevailmg and accepted attitudes toward life and all of its concomitants. African people are faced with the same problems as beset any other people security of person and property, provision for the nurture and maintenance of their children, assistance in old age and sickness, and group support for necessary activities beyond the scope of indi- vidual capability. In some African societies the concerns for ali of these things are more deeply felt than in others. Today. the central govern- ments in most African states and territories have assumed the obi iga- tion of guaranteeing the safety of life and property. As the pace of detribalization increases, large groups such as dans. chiefdoms. large • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELAll0NS lineages, age-sets, guilds, and the -' bush schools," which had such re- sponsibilities, are disintegrating and disappearing as viable forces in the lives of the people. The average African is unhealthy, badly housed, uneducated, and poverty-stricken; and he lives in a society that is under- going sudden and sharp changes. He lacks any security in town or rural areas because ample machinery does not yet exist to provide this protection. These are the African's greatest and constant worries, Even when he works real hard and earns money, he is not released from these real and ever present concerns. He cannot obtain better medical care for himself or his fami! y because none exists, He cannot obtain better housing because of restrictions of one kind or another. These amenities, although subsidized in many urban areas, are all in short supply, and whenever the African requires any of them he must wait his turn. The traditional old stable African societIes, WIth their basic as- sumption that wealth and security depended upon a s)'Stem of close personal, family, and clan obligation, are disappearing; and the Africans are seeking new political , social, and economic institutions to replace them, Social Change alld Social /lIJliluliollJ It appears clear that the chief impact of industrialization and urbanization in Africa has been the dislocation of large masses of African people. The growth of industrial centers and the development , • of commerce and transportation have brought into existence fairly large concentrations of indigenous people. This is particularly true in South Africa, the Belgian Congo, and French West Africa. The changes made necessary by such large concentrations of people create new dimensions in the area of social welfare considerations, Along with urbanization come new requirements for housing, sanitation, schools. hospitals, clinics, and water. In the larger society sometimes indIvidual needs are lost sight of in the great drive to sefVIce so-called "community needs," Other problems arise in regard to the relationship of individuals within a group; this is particularly true in regard to the relations of children to parents, In the urban centers both parents will likely have , SOCIAL WELFARE INSTITUTIONS AND SERVICES IN AFRICA to work; this affords the child more freedom from parental control. The sudden lessening of the bonds of restraint tend to affect dis· cipline, and as a result, delinquency among the young becomes a growing problem. There is also the growing problem of illegitimacy. Very seldom can the traditional mores of rural tribal life be transferred ~uccessfully to the city. In the hustle and bustle of the growing city relationships between males and females are likely to become con· fused and blurred. This confusion and disorder in the relations of the sexes result in adultery, quick divorce, illegitimacy, and the neglect of children. The problems resulting from such social disorders pose new demands for social welfare institutions and services. Institutional Developments Broadl y speaking, Africa is the continent in which instItutional development and change are taking place most rapidly. Its economic development is far from negligible. One reliable index of this is the growth of the Afncan population, which is estimated to have doubled during the past century, and seems to be increasing currently at a rate of around JI/2 per cent per annum. There is some evidence of rising African material standards in improved housing and diets, as well as the increased ownership of dothes, furniture, phonographs, radios, dnd other personal goods. This brief article will not permit a discussion of the comparative rate of annual economic growth between Western countries and African countries; suffice it to say that the annual rate of Western countries is approximately two per cent. This means that no African country approaches this annual rate, and the serious business of "catching up" will only see the "gap" increasing to even wider dimensions in the foreseeable future. The rate of economic growth influences and shapes the development of institutions and services. The main part of the remainder of this article will be devoted to a discussion of some of these existing institutions and services in African areas south of the Sahara. The problem of changing standards and levels of living in the typical African community is hardly comparable with its possible counterparts in societies where levels of living are maintained or have undergone change through complex economic and social processes throughout the whole. However, there seems to be one constant in the • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS present African societies and that is a remarkably positive demand for the creation of new conditions that will confer a less restricted life. In this connection everything that is considered as advantageous to African progress is immediately pursued, sometimes at great financial sacrifice. The social welfare schemes undertaken have been elaborated in response to the expectations of the people. Public Health In most parts of Africa, there has been a change in emphasis from curative to preventive medicine. By aod large, there is general agree· ment on the importance of prevention though reports from many of the countries stress that the growing demand for curative services must be dealt with in some way or other, and that the lunited trained staff available must spend a considerable amount of time 00 treatment of sufferers, leaving only a small amount to be spent on prevention. The principal communicable diseases in Africa may be grouped as follows: those which are spread by familial contact, such as leprosy, tuberculosis, venereal disease, and yaws; those which are spread by faulty sanitation, absence of proper latrines, of safe water supplies, such as most of the helminthiasis, the dysenteries, and bilharziasis; those which are spread by some insect vector, such as malarIa, filariasis, and sleeping sickness; other serious diseases, such as plague, yellow fever, relapsing fever, typhus, smallpox, and cerebrospinal fever-all acute diseases which may occur in epidemic proportions. Several years ago, there was established in Dakar a branch of the Paris Pasteur Institute. Here a broad research program is in process, with an increasing amount of vaccine and serum in production. In 1956 vaccine was provided for four million vaccinations for yellow fever. In the area are twenty-five hospitals, 175 medical centers, and hundreds of dispensaries, health units, and maternity centers in addition to special institutions for the treatment of sleeping sickness and leprosy. There were, in 1955, approximately 612 physicians, 3765 nurses, and 417 midwives in all of the eight subdivisions of the Territory of French West Africa. Under the ten year development program a public health program is being carried out which will provide hospitals in all major population centers, ambulance units to be stationed in areas contiguous SOCIAL \X'ELFARE INSTITUTIONS AND SERVICES IN AFRICA to the large cities, increased treatment of social diseases, and the ex- pansion of medical training facilities at the Dakar School of Medicine. Liberia has inherited all of the health and sanitation problems, of the rest of the African continent-widespread tropical diseases, too few facilities, and lack of trained manpower. Malaria, which had an incidence of nearly 100 per cent prior to 1947, is gradually being eradicated through a government program of malaria control. There are extensive programs of nurse training and medical technicians underway, the hospital program has moved forward substantially with a new hospital being developed in the capital city of Monrovia, and additional health clinics being established in nearly every large pop- ulation center. Recently, steps were undertaken by the government to develop institutional facilities for orphans and the aged. Health-wise, the chief problem in Liberia is the lack of trained medical personnel, but this need is being rapidly met through the aggressive educational policies being initiated by the government. In Ghana government medical facilities are provided in all areas including adjacent Northern and Southern Togoland. Perhaps Ghana has the most complete medical coverage of any of the newly emerging African countries. Child welfare clinics and antenatal maternity services are found in all areas. One interesting development is the mobile clinic which serves citizens in the less densely populated areas. Medical field units conduct campaigns wherever epidemics break out. Nigeria has nearly all of the tropical diseases of most African areas. In 1955, it was reliably reported that nearly one million Nigerians suffered from leprosy and yaws. Amoebic infections run to 50 per cent of the population. The government has established a large number of hospitals, clinics, and training centers for medical personnel. In addition there are several hospitals maintained and operated by mission groups. Nigeria maintains one major training center at Ibadan for medical personnel including doctors and pharmacists. Each Region has a preliminary training school from which qualified candidates are drawn for further training in nursing and midwifery. French Equatorial Africa is a land of vast distances, dense vegetation, and unhealthy tropical climate especially in the dense, tropical forest areas where the tsetse fly and sleeping sickness are • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS endemic and have resulted in a low population density and lack of manpower. The vigorous application of tropical medicine and the latest improvements in the organization of the health services have greatly reduced the most dangerous diseases such as malaria, tropical yellow fever, amoebic dysentery, and sleeping sickness. In the capital city of Brazzaville there is a Pasteur Institute, approximately 84 medical centers, 82 maternity centers, and 32 leproseries. Local dispensaries are scattered throughout the whole area. According to a 1955 report there were 179 doctors, 1,845 nurses and 206 midwives. Nursing training is provided in all of the large hospitals, and hygiene assistants and tech- nicians are also being trained. Under the first ten year plan the Belgian Congo proposed the crea- tion of 43 new hospitals and the creation of 50 others. An mteresting development is a hospital system covering the whole nyer basis. This project, known as the Foreami Organization, is affiliated with the Colonial Health Service. It provides an extensive network of medical centers, clinics, and maternity centers. The magnitude of Afnca's health problem appears to be over- whelming. Although it has been many years since the first medical missionaries arrived and public health services were institutIOnalized, the control of epidemics and the use of preventive medical measures present the brightest pictures of the Afncan health service today. Tremendous strides have been made but much remalOS 10 be done. Food and Nulrilioll Existing knowledge IS IOsufficienl to present a falCI), clear picture of nutrition in most of the Afncan areas. Moreover, it is difficult to base general statements on information available in IOdividual countries and territories because of Wide differences 10 climate, land resources, traditions, beliefs, the inCidence of endemIC diseases, economic patterns, and general levels of progress. It is known that malnutrition is prevalent in most of the areas. The main cause of thiS malnutrition is a diet which is unsatisfactory in quality and sometimes also insufficient in quantity. The meals habitually consumed by the mass of people in Africa are monotonous, being usually based on starchy food which provides from 70 to 90 per cent of the total calories. A syndrome due to protein deficiency occurs , SOCIAL \X·ELFARE INSTITUTIONS AND SERVICES IN AFRICA in many of the territories under consideration. In order to meet this problem several International conferences and reports have prepared the ground for supplementary feeding programs at present in operation in Africa. for example, the International Conference on food and Nutrition organized by the Committee for Technical Co-operation in Africa South of the Sahara (CCTA) in Dschang, french Cameroons, in 1949, ill which fAO and WHO took part, emphasized the impor- tance of malnutrition in this region. The report in 1951, of the Second Session of the fAO-WHO Expert Committee on Nutrition stressed the importance of protein malnutrition throughout the world, and led to the study by fAO and WHO of this problem. A serious manifes- tation of protein malnutrition is the disease known as Kwashiorkor, which is widely prevalent in Africa. In 1952 WHO-fAO published a report on "Kwashiorkor in Africa ." After the publication of this report, the Belgian and french Governments began to consider the organization • of programs to combat this disease in the Belgian Congo and french Equatorial Africa respectively. In 1952-54 french Equatorial Africa organized a supplementary feeding program for 5,000 school children and 10,000 mothers and preschool children. Similar programs were organized in the Belgian Congo, french West Africa, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone. Investigations of local protein-rich foods discovered excellent possibIlIties in the use of fish flour , canned and dried fish, either smoked or salted. As a result of these findings, many areas have developed fisheries. Social Security In most of the African areas no services are provided or con- templated in respect to widows' pensions, old-age pensions, maternity benefits, relief or other forms of protection for the inhabitants of both sexes. In many areas the indigenous system of family solidarity is regarded as a safeguard against social insecurity. It is understood that in Ghana private investigators have launched limited insurance pro- grams in which the local citizens ll1Jly voluntarily participate. In 1947 a Director of Social and Cultural Affairs was appointed in the Came- roons. His functions were to co-ordinate the social welfare aspects of the work of the various departments and to study the welfare needs • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS of the territory. Employees of the Cameroons Administration, both European and African personnel, are entitled to the benefits of a pension system, and a few commercial firms have established their own pension funds. Nigeria, Ghana, and Liberia have a number of private and voluntary organizations which provide a variety of social welfare services. There are societies for the care of lepers, the deaf and dumb, the blind, and the burial of the dead. Nigeria has a Child Welfare Mothers' Union, Antituberculosis Association, and a Discharged Pri- soners' Aid Society. Tramport and CommJJllicatioll In Africa it has not been possible to base the transport system upon a large, interlocking internal aosswise traffic; and the first stage of development has been to provide means of transporting raw materials from the interior to the coast for export and bringing finIshed goods back to the inland dweller. Because of the economic and engineering problems, long distances, and sparseness of the populatIon, transpor- tation bas lagged behind in most of the countfles. Improved communications and transportatron are vItal Deeds rn developing the rich mineral and agricultural resources 01 Africa. At the present time the only outlet for the land-locked Central African dependencies is through the Portuguese seaport of Beira on the east coast. Liberia and a part of GUinea are served by the Free Port at Monrovia. There is no rail Jrnk between Libefla and SIerra Leone, Gwnea, and the French Ivory Coast. There is no raIL link between • Central Africa and Tanganyika, nor even between Central Tanganyika and the rest of East Africa. Ghana, Nigefla, and Sierra Leone have limited internal rad systems. Tanganyika has two rad systems, the Central Line (775 miles) from Dar-es-Salaam to Kigoma, and the Tango Line (218 mdes) from Tanga to Moshl. The latter connects at Moshi with the Kenya and Uganda RaIlways, but there is no link be- tween the two TanganYIka lmes. In most parts of Southern Africa porterage is rendered unnecessary through the use of ox wagons in cross-country transport. In the Kalahari (desert) and the Sudan the camel is the chief means of transport. and in Northern Nigeria and the northern areas of Ghana camels. donkeys, ponies, and oxen have all • , SOCIAL WELFARE INSTITUTIONS AND SERVICES IN AFRICA been taken into use. In nearly all areas where navigable rivers, lakes, and creeks abound fairly extensive waterway systems have been es- tablished. The ferry is still an important means of travel in these areas. Many areas of Africa are without extensive road systems. In the early days of occupation by the European powers much of the tracks and roads were built by compulsory labor. As corrunerce and intercourse expanded the need to provide more durable roads for motor traffic has involved the development of technical departments in practically all of the areas . Some of the countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, the Belgian COngO, and Liberia are developing extensive road systems; and there has been preliminary planning of a road system that would link to- gether all of the countries along the West Coast of Africa. One of the significant developments has been air transport. There are main trunk services available to most of the countries and territories. Many coun- tries, including the United States, have shared in this development. Brit- • ish Overseas Airways Corporation, Pan-American World Airways, Bel- gian Sabena, Air Afrique, South African Airways, are some of the Major companies which have participated in this development. Housing and Labor In most of the areas of Africa there is inadequate housing, and labor conditions lag behind other social developments. Most of the countries recognize that inadequate housing and poor working con- ditions breed physical, moral, and even political disease. A concerted and effective attack is being made on this problem particularly in urban centers. It can be generally stated that very little is being done about these twin problems in most of the rural areas. All labor in French West Africa is controlled under the Overseas Labor Code as promulgated in 1952. This code guarantees soaal eman- cipation, collective bargaining, right to join a union, and to strike. Approximately 340 unions are grouped into three federations. The nonagricultural labor force comprises about 2.5 per cent of the total population or less than 400,000 workers. Of this total less than 70,000 belong to unions. Labor union developments in other countries such as Liberia, Ghana, Nigeria, tend to be even smaller in growth and im- portance than those in French West Africa. It is important to note here the statement in 1954 of the International Labor Office that the question • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS of incentives in employment needed further study; that training of all kinds and all levels should be examined and developed. One of the un- resolved questions was the relationship of wages to productivity. In some places there were differences both in legal provisions and in practical situations just short of compulsory labor. Also it was noted that there were in some situations differences between the trade union rights of Europeans and those of indigenous workers. It was felt that greater emphasis should be placed on trade union education rather than on differential legislation. Housing in many African communities is tied in with the group efforts of people to improve their own situations. This IS generally re- ferred to as community development and involves the tndigenous leadership in the community. In its advanced stages, community de- velopment policy aims at the generation and mobilization of construc- tive social forces of the emerging societies. Only a crude estimate can be made of the number of housing units which have been started and built as a part of local, regIOnal, and national community development programs. However, some estimates are available of the number of units proposed and built under various development plans. For example, in the Cameroons in 1950, 280 modern dwellings were hUllt, 200 being for the indigenous population and eighty for Europeans. The ten year plan provided for the construction of a number of model villages throughout the country. These buildings represent better planning and ~ . are of much sounder construction than those previously occupied. In' the Belgian Congo, Ghana, Nigeria, Liberia, and French West Africa, huge building programs are underway in many of the urban and semi- urban centers. Liberia has encouraged public housing by providing for the duty free importation of materials to be used in the construction of private dwellings. In a few areas lending institutions have been established to provide loans for qualified persons who wish to build their own homes . New industries are building housing for their em- ployees, and are finding it economically sound as it greatly reduces labor turnover. The new homes are attractive their yards planted with grass, flowers, shrubs, and young shade and citrus trees . • SOCIAL \X'ELFARE INSTITUTIONS AND SERVICES IN AFRlCA Youth Service and Leisure-time Activities One of the most depressing aspects of African life today is the paucity of youth-serving organizations and the absence of leisure-time activIties for a large majority of the people. In most areas where some activities of this sort exist they cater, for the most part, to the school child. In many situations the authorities adopt the limited point of view that community follow-up after the basic course is very dependent on financial resources. Therefore, they conclude that there is little pros- pect in the near future that there will be money sufficient for youth services and organized leisure-time activities. At the moment a few youth clubs, such as the Boy Scouts, Girl Guides, Young Farmers Club, Young Homemaker Clubs, Village Crafts, and Music Societies exist in a fairly large number of areas in British Tropical Africa, Ghana, Nigeria, and Liberia. Admittedly, there is need to capture the imagina- tion of Africans, as the Social Welfare Department has done in Ghana and as the Man-o-War Bay Program has captured the imagination of some Nigerians. Education, particularly adult education, is one of the oldest forms of social service. If a sense of kinship, identification, and unification is to be developed among the diverse African groups, it will not be developed through political machinery only. It is more likely to come about through some form of leisure-time activity or education that will exact loyalty and demand enthusiastic participation. Cultural Imtitutiom Special attention is paid, at all levels of education, to elements of local culture. In many places lectures are given on these subjects. In the secondary schools of the Belgian Congo, for example, the Syllabus includes a course on native culture, literature, music, the plastic arts, history, folklore, and various social concepts. Liberia has launched, in recent months, a national cultural theater of drama, music, and dance. Ghana is encouraging the development of museums and the ex- pansion of historical and archeological enterprises. The Belgian Congo has two museums of native art. An association, Friends of Native Art, has organized an annual competition of arts and crafts. Literary com- petitions have been organized. To preserve folklore, native songs and music have been recorded, and films have been made on the subject • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS of native dances and crafts. Cultural institutions usually found in Africa include study groups, drama groups, musical societies, lectures, broadcasts by native speakers which are specifically aimed at the in- digenous population, numerous periodicals, cinemas, and public libra- ries. Generally, these activities are concentrated in the coastal cities and other urban centers. As yet, the rural areas have not been too well covered, except in limited ways through the use of mobile teams and equipment. Conclusion The problems factng the social planner tn Africa are very different from those of a rich and highly developed country Itke the United States or other countries in the West. Africa, particularly. tropical Africa, IS an underdeveloped region and has problems peculiar to such regions. In the first place, it is very large, and much of It IS very thinly populated. Most of the area, during the past 100 years or so, has controlled by some outside occupying power. The people tn the area differ greatly. They belong to different races and to an Immen!\r variety of tribes and cultures. Some are hunters, some are agricultural- ists, others nomadiC herdsmen. whde yet others combme farmtng and cattle raising. Many have a diet containing abundant starch-such as yams, millet or maize and too little protein or fresh vegetables; others live almost entirely on meat and milk. Some are Muslim, some • are Christian. some are pagan. Some live under strong political or- ganIZations and some ltve under very loose political organizations. tn which the family or small clan IS the unit. In some areas the people live in compact villages. in others they Itve tn tiny settlements with hardly any natural centers at all-a special problem for those planning the location of social institutions and agencies. The development of social institutions has been generally strongly Influenced by the nature. form. and practical application of social theories formulated in the home countrtes of the metropolitan powers. For example. With modifications here and there to meet local conditions. organized social welfare institultons of French West Africa will close- ly resemble those of France. It would seem that the central problem tn the development of African social institutions and agencies is an 680 --' SOCIAL WELFARE INSTITUTIONS AND SERVICES IN AFRICA educational one. The people will have to be taught to understand the needs and functions of the new institutions which must and should be created in the social welfare field. Interest in development of social institutions and agencies is very widespread and by no means confined to the professionals. Social welfare questions are dtscussed everywhere and, indeed, in some parts social welfare takes the fore- most place in political policy and propaganda. It is not smprising that in such a climate social institutions sometimes take on a strange form. Everywhere limitations of finance and personnel impose the necessity to strike a balance between the rate of expansion and the quality of the provision made. By Western standards progress has been slow. Even by any standard the job remaining to be done is great. 68r • THE SOCIAL SERVICES IN 6HANA T. Pua OMAU GHANA, the DeW DIme for what wu the Gold _:e from BritaiD in 1957. has IXimc to mDd for tioo and progress among the mlny oppressed aod less &Indo. . tries of Africa tadsy. It is here tbat the "ncw experiD nt" .. one British colonial administrator aptly tct",,:d the cation" of Britain from her AfricaD colonies. fint began in I94IL indepc:oderu:e. Ghana has tried to show that, in the words oi Nkrumah, "given the opportunity. the AfricaD ClD mIDI. biI affairs." Truly. a visitor to Ghana of tadsy. who !mcw An .& in will gasp at what can be achieved materially by & fOUl determination to succeed economically. politically. and Here a government with socialistic intentions has upon • ambitious program to provide a range of social services cowwiItf ..... education. housing, the care of children, the nutrition of ... .., children, pension and insurance services for civil au." .... and ~ munity sdE.improvement services as a part of an adult .... gram. Wisely, the government has forerc:en the a..- of money involved in state su pport of all these measura aod has uaiIW a wholly socialistic approach to the solution of the proble& lit this respect, its program more closely approximates of the UaW States than that of Britain. Most of the services are of_eel diN d, the central government through the various governmental &lrOO. departments, through statutory bodies. through the local machinery. or as grants-in·aid to voluntary and private a considerable proportion of the services. for instance in the health. is in the hands of private individuals. Social services in Ghana have historical roots. Barl, showing concern of "the Government" over the poor ...u oi tion and health facilities dealt only with cities al0D8 the ample, Cape Coast. Sekondi. Elmina. and Ao:I'II the Danes. Dutch, and PoJiuBuere had pemll into the ... of bitious British merchants aOlriO'11 to cat\II! • tJacIe for ..... an empire for the Crown. The Eint __ ...... ... the latter 18th century. were IaJpl, in the oi ...... .. THE SOCIAL SERVICES IN GHANA ensure a better drainage system, better medical facilities and sanitary measures. But whatever measures were taken were with the intention of safeguardlflg the health and interest of the British not the African. Because funds were not readily available the colonial administra- tJOn emharked on a project to segregate Europeans from Africans and concentrated on developing separate areas in the various towns for Europeans. In 1920 the Medical Report states, under a subheading "SegregatIOn of Europeans"-"This principle is maintained as a neces- sary preventIve measure against malaria and yellow fever ... In some stations, e.g., Accra, Sekondi, Coomassie [Kumasi} and perhaps Cape Coast the majority of Europeans are segregated." Before then both Eu- ropeans and Africans were living together within the town boundaries. It was unfortunate that this policy was looked upon as possibly the only solution to the malaria and yellow fever menace. Not only was undue attention lavished on the "European quarters" but the "native quarters" were allowed to stagnate or to deteriorate. A blow had also been dealt any incentive the African might have had to emulate Western practices of sanitation. Even though the 1925 Medical Report states that some- thing was being done about the situation affecting Africans, all that was involved was the clearing of "congested areas." No constructive plan ever emerged until much later in the early years of the 20th century -more specifically, during the governorship of Sir Gordon Guggis- berg (I919-1927). Sanitation in the African quarters had always been poor, the incidence of infant mortality high, and epidemic prevalent. Town planning, besides the European quarters, was ignored in all the towns in Ghana. One can draw sharp contrast between well-planned towns of French, Portuguese, and Belgian Africa and the smouldering towns of British West Africa. Before this time, and even since, the African had undertaken much or all of the responsibility for the sick and the needy, the aged and the infirm, the young and the wayward youth, the mentally unstable, the administration of justice, and the punishment of the offender. Very often the methods employed were crude: as for example the chaining of the lunatic, sacrificing animals and human beings on fetish altars to aid in the recovery of the sick and the dying, or torturing suspected wrongdoers, and skinning alive or thrusting a knife through the cheeks of an adjudicated adulterer. Many of the crude measures of the African in these connections had their • • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS parallels in Europe at the time, of course. But the African family accepted 10 good grace, and still accepts today, the care and nursmg of the aged and the infirm, and undertook the education of the young and the treatment of the sick. It was for bringing the best of Western in· fluence and in order to raise the level of the social services to an or- ganized state-supported undertaking tilat AfClcans looked up to Europe then as even now. It was in the field of education that the British made their great- est contribution to the development of Ghana. Because tbe climate along these marsh), coasts was wholl), unsuited to the Europeans and because m order to carry out any extensive trade and commercial under- takings a large clerical staff was required, much effort was made from the start to tram Africans. Many merchants educated AfClcans pri- vately or sent them tn England for further education at their own ex- pense. MlsslnnaCles did the" best and were encouraged by the gov- ernment to set up schools and to train Africans to take up the ministry and the teaching profession. Successive governors, pressed for staff to man the administrative machinery, saw the emergUl,!; desire of the African to acquire knowledge as the solution to thelf problem and undertook plans to set up scbools. In a genuine deSIre to raise the social and economic well-being of the African III Ghana, Governor Guiggisber,!; initiated a series of prolects among the notewortby of which are construction of Takoradi Harbor, establishment of Achimota College to serve as a model for the educatIOnal system of the time, construction of a first class hospit- al. the Korle Ou in Accra, and the unsuccessful attempt to establish a Medic .. 1 School in Accra. It was durlll,!; tbe administration of Gov- ernor Guggisberg that the country was increasing Its trade in cocoa and bauxite and became so ricb that much of the financing of development then and since has been made possible. By AfClcan standards. Ghana IS ver)' rich and can afford state- supported welfare services. But even a country of this Size and re- sources cannot afford large-scale services without prohibitive taxation which will be impossible to collect, in the first place. As a relief on the national treasury, the idea of using voluntary effort in local com- munity projects began to gain ground in J943. In ten years time it has spread through the length and breadth of the country. Today THE SOCIAL SERVICES IN GHANA much money is beillg saved through the use of voluntary labor in vil- lage Improvement. Many elderly people who had lost the opportunity for formal education are also availing themselves of a new opportunity to be literate in their own language and in English also. Community Development has come to town, and it has corne to stay. liealth Services For the time beillg Ghana is in fashion. This has not always been the case. On the contrary, as almost every student of Africa knows, men ordered to this part of Africa or proceeding with a view to enter business, had been looked upon as going to almost certain death -the whole line of coast was then called the "White Man's Grave." Insurance officers in England, until very lately, used to advertise their readiness to effect insurance upon lives in all parts of the world, the West Coast of Africa alone excepted. Today, far from being a White , Man's Grave, West Africa, and in this particular instance Ghana, has become a \Xfhite Man's paradise of sorts. Here, he can live in comfort and in good health, free from the curse of malaria and many of the tropical diseases dreaded even a generation ago. Ghana has made tremendous advance in her health services recently. Paradoxically, it is in this same field of social service that Ghana, together with the rest of Africa, must devote increasing attention and money if it is to rid itself of the still prevalent diseases of malaria, leprosy, yaws, tuber- culosis, gonorrhea, etc., as they affect the masses. This, of course, presents more of a case for public health than medical facilities; both should have been developed with equal enthusiasm. Unfortunately, the purely remunerative aspects of a good practice together with an all-too Western (British) approach to medical training has produced a dearth • in public health officers, if not a downright downgrading of this ser- vice, in favour of medical practitioners. In Ghana, shortly before and since independence, much effort has gone into construction of hospitals and medical facilities in both the urban and the rural areas. In the ten year period from 1946 to 1Y55, expenditure on Health Services in Ghana has increased 81% from $14,000,000 to $137,200,000. Nearly all medical facilities in Ghana are now financed wholly by the central government, as for ex- ample the $5,600,000 hospital in Kumasi or the Korle Bu Hospital and • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS its recent extensions: or are built and equipped by the government and gIven to missions for admtnistration as, for example, district hospitals at Mpraeso (Seventh Day Adventist), Mampong Ashanti (English Church Mission); or are aSSISted through grants·tn·aid. The partici- pation of missIons m medical work in Ghana is expandtng and is en- couraged, insofar as the funds available for finanCIal assistance permit, as a policy of government where the government itself IS unable to pro- vide the facilittes required. This does not mean that there are no pri- vate practitioners or pnvately operated hospItals. On the contrary, many doctors choose to practice on their own, under the auspices of or in co- operation with other tune· proven physiCIans Some have even set up well.equipped hospitals and climcs, and contribute Immeasurably to the cure of diseases and to the relief of congestion in go\·eroment·run hospitals. It is becomtng less lucratIve for do<:tors to embark upon this type of practice, however. First, because almo.t 80~;' of the educated class who readtly avaIl themselves of qualtfied medical treat· ment or who can afford to pay economic fees are in the employ of the government and are entitled to medical treatment in government· run hospitals, eIther free of charge or at a great subsidy Second, many people in Ghana will not patronize a doctor unless he IS well-known, and begmners cannot claIm popul.nty; so they must work under other tune· proven doctors or first 10 the employ of the state. Third, until 19~9 doctors tn government·run hospitals were allowed some degree of private practice. This cut very deeply into the meagre service of pnvate practitIoners until pressure was brought to bear on the govern- ment to curtail the practice. Only specialists now may be remunerated from pnvate practICe tn addttton to government practice. Adm;lIiJlralioll The MInIster of Health is dlredl)' responsIble to Parltament for gen- . eral poliCIes with regard to medical servtces and public health measures for the country as a whole. At the headquarters 10 Accra the Permanent Secretary to the Minister IS responsIble for the execution of government policy in the field of health, whether in the services maintained by the central government nr In thnse carried out by local authorities or vol· untary agencies. The ChIef MedICal Officer, of e'lual rank and statui WIth the Permanent Secretacv and JI'i() havlOg direct access to the Min- ister, is the chief adviser to dll ministries and departments on technical 686 THE SOCIAL SERVICES IN GHANA and professional matters concerning health. He lS the head of the government's medical service and is also chalfman of such statutory borues as the Nurses Board, the Midwives Board, and the Pharmacy and Poisons Board. A National He,dlll Sen'ice for Ghana? Socialistic as Premler Nkrumah's government may be, lt has neither the funds, the facility, or the personnel to undertake national health service on the scale available in Britain or in other European countries, \Vest African countries must learn to cut their ambitious political coats to suit their purse, In this respect, Ghana is acting wisely. The scheme is merely confined to providing services to be paid for by those availing themselves of it, and at a subsidy. The graduated fees charged by government hospitals unfortunately work in the interest of classes which can afford to pay for the services they receive. In order to obtain the services of highly trained British officers various conces- sions rn the form of incentives were made to them one of which was free medical treatment of the officers and their families. (Among others are cost of livrng allowances, children allowances, free yearly passage for workers and families). As Africans have moved into posts once held by Europeans or into the senior civil service category they have inherited many of these concessions as a windfall. As a result, the majority of those in a position to pay for merucal treatment are entitled to this and prescriptions free, The lower classes-those in the junior civil service and the daily-rated personnel as well as the un- employed-who can ill afford expensive medical treatment, must pay for both treatment and prescriptions. In the absence of health and/or hospitalization insurance for these people, the difficulties they face can readily be appreciated. H ospila! Facilities The largest hospital in Ghana is the Kumasi Central Hospital still in process of completion at a cost of $5,600,000. It serves Ashanti and Northern Ghana. There is also the Korle Bu Hospital which for years has been the best run and equipped hospital in the country. Present additions should bring its capacity to 500 beds; it will then serve as a teaching hospital for the Medical School to be established shortly. Besides these, there are hospitals as well as Health • JOURNAL OP HUMAN 'ar A'ftONI Voters and Clinics in all districts of GhanI The government hospitals to population (llsing the 1948 in the following Table. For the whole of Ghlnl 1 Volta Region 1 bed to 3301.6 P • Eutrm Region 1 bed to 2405.2 Western Region 1 bed to 1492.1 Ashanti Region 1 bed to 1832.4 p'nrC' NCI,dlt,n Region 1 bed to 3328.3 PI'. Generlll PMblic Hellllh The specialist hygienist is directly respoosible foe erlna..." public in hezlth and sanitation and for services ~ At the School of Hygiene in Accra, Hezlth Inspectozs are fir public health services not requiring the immediate att",,,t;" vi a ....... cal officer of hezlth. This unit is in charge of control of disezsrs through quarantine (maritime and airport) It has the general responsibility for supervising the of .-, control at _ports and airports and of preventing the If infectious diseases into the country. Health wOik in c:IIiII harmony with Hospital Welfare Officers on visits to and ..... centres. Health education is being carried out in the fur m of ....... tional programs against diseases spread through water ....... proper disposal of excreta; and through nutrition education and ....... tion of mothers in relation to child care. The constrIictioll ....... , keep of Health Centres, the provision of clean drinking water, ....... control activities, and street drainage and refuse disposal, are all ,. of the general program for better public health. Nlldilicm The general standard of living in Ghana is mtsonably hip. 1"11.- is no starvation; outright public is not IDd .. form part of the welfare program. What is m(lft oa. ltarvation is mtlly malnutrition. Infants who are bIE It IaI ... receive sufficient nourishment this way are, 011 the faidy The weaning period is the time for becauIe die cIIt II IOh)rdfl:tes. The infant is expo I e ~ to all die ..... af fa THE SOCIAL SERVICES IN GHANA "The main dietary deficiency is protein. In a country where in many places herds of cattle and other livestock represent a man's visible wealth, It IS difficult to induce the people to use such cattle or livestock for food," states the Medical Repo"t for 1955. As one doctor observed recently, "The amount of protein a child receives depends upon the position of esteem he or she occupies in the eyes of the mother," be- cause only babies who are loved are given meat to eat. Children normally do not sit at the table with their parents in the African setting. They usually eat after the parents, get what is left after the elders have eaten, or are given small helpings and bones. The work of the Health Visitors and teams of Mass Education Welfare workers in their women's work program seek to combat this deficiency. Milk received through United Nations sources is also utilized in this pro- gram. Social Welfare Services Social Welfare Services, as they are organised in Ghana, are a combination of urban welfare work and Community Development or rural welfare. Urban welfare work incorporates orthodox welfare services of child welfare, youth welfare, and adult welfare of the courts. Besides these four main services, agencies exist for advice to citizens On various problems for which assistance may be sought. Rural wel- fare work is what is generally called Community Development. It consists of giving technical aid to small towns and villages in order that they may better their way of life, acquire a higher standard of living, and find the means towards literacy and towards a more useful and fuller life. Urban Welfare Child welfare. In the urban areas a number of Day Nurseries are maintained or managed by private individuals, voluntary associa- tions and committees. The role of the government in the Day Nursery movement is limited to the supply of capital equipment, supervision, and to the central and local training of Day Nursery Attendants. In 1958 there were 51 Day Nurseries in the country catering to a total of 2,615 children-a tremendous increase from the time the first Day Nursery was opened at Sekondi in 1948. Day Nurseries, which are to be found not only in the big cities but in rural areas as well, have be- • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS come popular due to the rise of a lacge middle class in Ghana. In Accra, Kumasi, Cape Coast, Sekondi-Takoradi, and some thirty-nine rural communities, many mothers who must Or choose to work have come to look upon the nurseries and the kindergarten schools as means of supervisIon for their children whIle away from the home. Few of these nurseries are well run; a majority of them, even though they are recognized and supervised by the Welfare Department, are poorly run -their activities confmed to relaxation and occasional forays into games using discarded car tires. There are also the materntty and chIld welfare servICes which are organIZed by government as well as prtvate clinics. Private materrut)' clinics are supervised by the Medical Department in an attempt to raIse the" standard to that of the government's own cllntcs. Other chIld welfare actiVIties and baby contests are the organization of Parent- Teacher Associations to bring home the essentials of child care and proper feedmg. A school for blind children, sponsored by the Pres- byterian Church, is located at Akropong. Both the Educatton and the Welfare Departments assIst with personnel and their finance, with spe- cial probJems of the children in connection with their homes. and WIth transport facilittes to carry the children to and from 'he school. Pro- ducts of this school are to be found as stenographers 10 government departments and on their own as craftsmen. In far-awa), SIerra Leone, the head teacher of the Sierra Leone School for the Bltod was educated at Ghana's Akropong school. YOllth I<,e!fare. The establishment of community and neighbor- hood centres have produced a basis for boys and gIrls clubs. Many of these clubs, rely 109 almost entirely on self-help from the" own members and the efforts of their management committees, have gained strength both to number of their individual memberships and in the variety and quality of their activities. "Youth", in Ghana, does not always have signIficance as age. Many adults up to 40 years of age are often in- cluded in some Youth Clubs and Youth Associations tn Ghana. This tends to limit the range of activities or to deprive the younger ones of a much fuller and rewarding participation in many of the programs and activities sponsored by them. Concomitant to this are the un- desirable effects of adult habits on the younger members-such habits as drinking, smoking, and the keeping of late hours, • THE SOCIAL SERVICES IN GHANA Adult welfare. Much adult welfare work is done by relatives and friends. The aged, cnppled, and infirm are still largely looked after by the.r relatlves and f£lends. But the government operates a Central Destltutes Infirmary with accomodation for 120 persons at Bel-wai-Ashanti to take care of those who can only be looked after in an institution. Social work for tbe courtJ. There exists in Accra, Kumasi, and Sekondi special juvenile courts to deal with delinquents. In the other areas where there are no juvenile courts, juvenile cases are heard in the magistrates' chambers and with an officer of the Welfare Department in attendance. The running of Industrial Schools, Probation and Re- mand Homes for delinquent young boys and girls, as well as young persons in need of care and protection, and also the probation of young persons and adults, are the responsibility of the Welfare Department. Is juvenile delinquency on the increase? This is a difficult ques- tion to answer in Ghana as elsewhere. A total of 980 cases of delin- quency came before the courts in 1956, 991 and II29 cases in '957 and 1958 respectively. The actual increase is not very much, and on the face of it should not constitute a basis for public alarm. But like all such figures, they do not indicate the extent of the problem. If all juveniles seen drinking in public bars and at night clubs in Accra alone could be apprehended, all available facilities for juvenile detention would overflow. The extent of delinquency in any country is dependent on the attitude of the public as to what constitutes delinquency; and readiness to resort to the courts is still regarded as an alien intrusion on the prerogatlves of the father or the uncle. Generally, only the hardened young offender is ever brought before the courts; but delinquency is steadily increaslOg. Control of the young is getting to be more of a problem now than it was just ten years ago. Parents, not able to make reasonable differentiation bewecn what tradition expects of the young in a Westernized society, have generally left it to the young ones to take care of themselves in a world now beset with the ills of a modern society. Rural Welfare Child welfare and youth welfare work are carried out in the cities, the towns, and in the rural areas as well. Many would-be delinquents 691 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS in the cural areas migrate to the urban areas, and the few that remain are effectively dealt WIth witlun the traditional setup Or by the police. Welfare servlCes in the cural areas are confined principally to adult literacy, work among women on home economics lines, self·help con· struction project work, agricultural extension, and adult education work. Much of the welfare work in cural areas is ca[[led out by the Mass EducatIon section of the Department of Social Welfare and Community Development which aims at stimulating by the organizatIon of Mass Literacy COurses the spirit of sclf·help m the people of the rural areas. A further feature of the Mass EducatIon dnves or campaigns is to ex· plain and propagate the government's Community Development plans and to demonstrate what can be achieved when a community. fired with the desire to improve Its matenal and cultural standard. g,ves what it has in abundance labor; the government supplymg the necessary tools, matenals, and techntcal advice. Mass Literacy courses are held in the cural areas as well as m the urban areas. \Vith the aId of the Laubach technique of "each one teach one" through sUIlple drawings suggesting the shape of the flCst letter words, it has been able, together with products of the formal educational system, to ratse literacy in Ghana to a high 80'70 . Through the CommunIty Development program VIllages have found a new way of qUIckly bnngmg modern conventences to the" once·backward communIties . Through voluntary effort, through vol- untary contributions, and the technlCal services of the Department, elec· • tnoty has been brought to man)' VIllages. Good water supply is now witlun easy reach of most enterpming VIllages . Street dratnage sys· terns have been Improved , and lIfe in villages IS generall}' better. A re- port from the 1946-1947 IIYelfare alld MaJI &itlcatioll ill the Gold Coart (Ghana) reads: Achinakrom, a village of 1,200 people. completed a Postal Agency and Domestic Science Centre and started on a scheme of guttenng for drainage of the vtllage streets. They found more than $2.800 from their own resources while the Com- mittee's (the Local Development Committee which was financed by the Local and Central Governments) contribution was rather less than $1.400. In the same Commlttee's area nine miles of roads opening up food producing areas were under construction at an estimated total cost of $5,684; the 692 TIlE SOCIAL SERVICES IN GHANA Committee's contribution was to be less than $2,240, the bal- ance .epresenting local contributions or communal labour .. . In village after village real savings are reported. It is a credit both to the foresight of the government and to the willingness of the people of Ghana that voluntary effort, rather than slave labor, should play a decided part in the economic and social development of the country. The use of man in democratic society finds its expression only in direct voluntary labor. Community Development in Ghana is !ustificatlon of peaceful development on an accelerated scale. Educational Services By "education" most Afncans mean the formal acquisition of a oody of knowledge obtainable through books alone if possible but from the classroom also. To be educated has come to mean to be literate in the English language; such literacy to be used to acquire a ob and a Western standard of living. But official circles have much hIgher sounding terms to describe the same process; as, for example, the aim of education as stated by the Advisory Committee on Native Education in the British Tropical African Dependencies in 1925: Education should be adapted to the mentality, aptitudes, occupations, and traditions of the various peoples, conserving as far as possible all sound and healthy elements in the fabric of their social life; adapting them where necessary to changed circumstances and progressive ideas, as an agent of national growth and evolution ... to render the individual more effi- cient in his or her condition of life ... and to promote the advancement of the community as a whole through the im- provement of health, the training of the people in the man- agement of their own affairs, and inculcation of true ideas of citizenship and service. It must include the raising up of capable, trustworthy, public-spirited leaders of the people be- longing to their own race. But well-meaning philosophizers have not always had the desired mfluence on colonial administrators. And Ghana has inherited a sys- tem of education characteristic of all colonial Africa: an Oxford or Cambridge type of classical education that has produced a detached and detribalized elite devoid of African mannerisms and more inclined to extol whatever British; and ill at ease to look objectively at any non- British institution or enterprise. Not that she could have had it in • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS preindependence days, but what Ghana sorely needs today is a phi. losophy of education. Such philosophy intelligently thought out and formulated not by British officials but by Ghanaians themselves; a testament of what she needs, what she wants, a system of priorities in the achievement of an educational program, and a means to this end. Contmually copymg foreign educational systems and institutions does not seem the best thing to do in any country. Early Begilllli1lgs The earliest school for which there are records was established at Elrruna by the Dutch in 1644. The next was at ChClsttansborg and was established by the Danes in 1722. A third school was established in Cape Coast by the British 1752. It is noteworthy thdt all three schools were attached to Castles along the coast. The school at Elmina was founded by the Dutch \Xfest India Company to educate mulatto chJldren for whom they felt some responsibility. The children were to be educated as Christians who would eventually replace the Dutch holding subordinate posts. According to the Dutch , these mulattoes -local men of partly European descent, as they called them-would not suffer from the unhealthy climate as the European, would. The other schools at Chnstiansborg and at Cape Coast "Iso followed a similar pattern. Education m Ghana at the time soon passed on to the missionaries whose mfluence m educatlOn"1 Circles IS still felt. The mLssions were pnmaCily interested in teach 109 the Bible first and foremost, but also taught the R ·s. \Xfhen the government began to take mterest 10 edu· cation, no concrete policy was ever formulated. Much emphasis was placed on teacher traming and on producing commerCial men and secretarial assistants. As a result, the type of education that evolved is a bookish one that leaves little room for self·expresslon or initiative. The followmg specimen questions from a Teachers' CertifICate for 1890 might reappear m 1960: "Write 1,110,011,100,111 in words." "If it be known that the deomal .2421 or some portion of It repeats, calculate as a vulgar fraction the difference ~. tween the greatest and least values it can have." "Show how far contacts with &andinavian dialects in· fluenced the vocabulary and the grammar of our (not the , lHE SOCIAL SERVICES IN GHANA African's, of course) language." Not one question about Ghana or Africa was asked. So, even before the 1890'S and until the present, the African (whether in Ghana or elsewhere) has been subjected to a type of education absolutely with- out relevance to his country, his culture, or his intellectual well-being. Just a few months ago (in September 1959) a feature program on the Ghana Broadcasting System devoted considerable time to a discussion of whether or not the Ghanaian is capable of acquiring education for its own sake. As though education can be divorced from the social and cultural context in which it is found. In pursuit of a policy of education for its own sake, the African pupil and student alike have used the same textbooks as have been used in Britain for decades, some containing such statements as "the palm tree is a tropical plant that does not grow in our climate" (italics mine), or "the African is of the primitive species of mankind." • But education has gone on through the years. Ghana can now boast of a University College which is a sight to behold: a potential tourist attraction as well as a possible seat of learning. There are high schools throughout the country. The importance of a village is dependent not upon its agricultural produce but on its primary school. With only 3,003 children and young people in full-time attendance in the educational institutions of Ghana in 1950, there were nearly 700,000 at schools, colleges, and the University in 1958. The Univer- SIty College, the College of Technology, and Achimota School are autonomous, self-governing institutions but are aided from public funds. Almost all the other educational institutions are publicly main- tained or are grant-aided by the government. The total public ex- penditure on education for the 1958-1959 fiscal year was estimated to cost nearly seven mIllion dollars. This does not include expenditure on university education. Primary Education In 1958 there were 4,921 primary and middle schools in the whole of Ghana, an average yearly increase of 300 new schools since 1950. And there are roughly now 500,000 and 200,000 children in the pri- mary and middle schools respectively. A majority of these schools are operated by the various religious bodies in Ghana, but financed from • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS public funds. Subject to availability of vacancies, primary education is free. The aim dUring the current Five·Year Development Plan which went into operation m July of thIs year, is to provide free and compul· sory primary and mIddle school education throughout the country. All untramed teachers WIll be eltminated m the process. The primary and mIddle schools correspond roughly WIth the fourth and eighth grades respectively. When the government's Accelerated Development Plan for Educa- tion was prepared in 1957 the productIon of as many trained teachers as possible and as fast as possible was conSIdered to be the key to the whole problem of educational expansIon. The Plan therefore armed at a total enrollment of 3,500 in Certificate A and B Trainmg Colleges. The '958 enrollment was 4,055 . The sum of $2,088.800 has been allocated under the present Development Plan for four new Teacher Training Colleges. Secondary Education ApproXImately seven per cent of middle school graduates avaIl themselves of further education. They can go to one of the secondary or high schools, to a teacher trainmg college, or to a techoical or voca- tional school. Since technICal education is looked down upon by many young Ghanaians, the government has embarked upon a program of actually paying trainees while they are undergoing the course. In 1948 there were 4,979 young people in the technICal and trade institu· tions as compared with '3,196 in the secondary or hIgh schools. There were 4,055 in the teacher trainlllg colleges in the same year. University Educatioll The two hIgher educational tnstitutions in Ghana are the Univer· Slty College at Legon near Accra, and the College of Technology at Kumasi. The Ullit'ersit)' College of Ghana was founded in '948 as a re- sult of the AsqUIth CommiSSIOn on HIgher Education in the Colonies (as all thtngs tn Britlshdom must come into being through some Com· missIOn) whose report was issued in J')45 . The proposal of this Commission was the establishment of a residential University College, not granttng degrees of its own but worktng for the degrees of the UnIversity of London through a special relationship with that Univer· THE SOCIAl. SERVICES IN GHANA Slt)'. The College was to be gwded by a Counal formed of all the British ufllversit1es (the "inter-UniversIty CounCll"). The other col- leges that work under the same arrangements are: University College of the West IndIes, University College, Ibadan (Nigeria), University College of Khartoum (Sudan). This special relationship means that 'the Umversity College ... can enter IOtO discussions with the Univer- sity of London with the object of gaining approval for special syllabuses and degree courses. The University of London awards the degrees and therefore reserves full right finally to determine the examination schemes, the setting of papers, and the assessment of candidates. The standard of performance required of candidates from the College is equal to that demanded from all other students of the University. The examinations are conducted by examiners nominated by the College. Both College and University examiners are appointed by the Senate of the University. The Col,l ege Examiners prepare draft examination papers and carry out the first marking of the scripts; the University Examiners are responsIble for the final form of the examination papers or for the determination of the results of each candidate." The Uruvcrsit), College is now in the process of shedding its "re- lationship," and is scheduled to become a full-fledged university with powers to grant its Own degrees in 1961. Departments in operation at the moment are Classics, English, Phonetics, French Studies, Phil- osophy, Chemistry, Geology, Divinity, Archeology, History, Eco- nomICS, Geography, Botany, Zoology, Sociology, Law, Education, Mathematics, Physics, and Agriculture. An institution which by Ameri- can standards ought to accommodate 20,000 students, has an enroll- ment of only 800 and is planned to accommodate about 1,000. The College of Techl/%gy at Kumasi m Ashanti was establtshed m 1952. Rapid progress has been made in the establishment of stud- ies m the technologies and the apphed sciences. The follOWing de- partments are established: School of Agriculture proViding four-year DIploma Courses; School of Architecture, Town Planning and Butldmg. pro- v,dmg courses tn these subjects, leading to professional quah- ficatlOn; Department of Commerce, proVIding profeSSional courses in Accountancy, SecretaryshIp, and Administration, and a • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS degree course in Estate Management; School of Engmeering, Civil, Mechanical, and Electrical, pro- viding courses for the London University degree, for the ex- aminations of the professional institutions, and for the College Diploma; Department of Fine Arts and Crafts, providing a Diploma Course; Department of Pharmacy providing both Physics and the De- partment of Arts, conducts courses m conjunction with a number of other College departments. Adult Education The extramural department of the UniversIty College, the Peo· pies Educational AssocIation, the Workers Educational AssocIation, the Mass Literacy Scheme of the Department of Social Welfare and Com- munity Development, and a few other voluntary bodies organIze educa- tional, cultural, non vocational courses, and lectures for adults. These courses and lectures are grant-aided from publIC funds Adult educa- tJOn courses are organized by the Trade Union Congress 4Cld also by the Convention Peoples Party and its associated organizatIons. Various community and neIghborhood centres throughout the country organize evening classes as part of their adult education program. Conclusion The wnter has not wished to convey the impression that British AdmInIstratIOn In Ghana was calculated to retard social progress; in many instances "they seen their duty and they done it:' That pre~t and future historians may not agree with British policy in Ghana or in Africa is no IndicatIOn of lack of faith on the part of the administrators. All thIngs conSIdered, it is sometimes amazing that they have done so much for Africa. The positIOn of a conqueror all through the ages has been a difficult one to defend. Should he go along w,th local customs unmolested, accede to oft reactionary demands and keep pace w,th backwardness and WIth admiration for "the noble savage?" If he did that he would In the end be accused of lack of progress during his administration; the few intellectuals will accuse him of deliberate policies in th,s direction. Should he therefore be iconoclastic and force through "progressive" measures giVIng in to the few intellectuals male- THE SOCIAL SERVlCES IN GHANA ing premature demands? What accusations can we not imagine for a program of thIs type? The Afncan has not always been co-opera- tive ill the development of his country if only through suspicion or an unenlightened pOillt of view. But we cannot fail to see the progress made in Ghana during her achievement of illdependence. With the co-operation of British offi- cials, Ghana has made tremendous strides in the social services, in com- municatJOn and transport, ill agriculture, and in all aspects of her de- velopment. Future progress can be measured ill terms of past achieve- ment and through an examination of the Development Plan for the next five years. The second Development Plan, covering the period 1959-1964 is estimated to reqUlIe $960,000,000, including $280,000,000 to develop the country's hydro-electric potential. The plan lays emphasis on ill- dustrialization. The government intends to give pnority to promoting the establishment of 600 factories of varying sizes producing a range of over a hundred dIfferent products. But the social services are not neglected. HOUSlOg IS included among the highest priorities in the pro- gram because Ghana's main towns are increasing rapidly in population. The housing problem cannot be solved wholly or even mainly by govern- ment finance. The cost of meeting all housing needs over five years, for instance, would be about $70,000,000; but the sum of $47,600,000 has been allocated to assist in a housing program for the middle and lower classes. Seventy-eight million dollars has been ear-marked for the educational program of the country during the next quinquennium; $7,495,600 for Information and Broadcasting services and $122,220,000 under Health, Sanitation, and Water Supply. Under the health pro- gram, the establishment of a Medical School is one of the priorities. NOTES AND REFERENCES l. Annual Reports of the Department of Social \'(Ielfare and Community Development. 2. Annual Reports of the Ministry of Health. 3. Educational Sln/Iuju, 1958, Government Printer, Accra, 1958. 4. F. H. Hilliard, A Shorl HiIlQI'y 0/ &iucalioll in British lr"eJI A/ricd, Neison, 1957. 5. L. J. Lewi!i, Etil/(ational Policy and PraClice in BriliIh Tropical Ar~d.J, Nelson, 1954. 6. T. P. Omaci, "The Rural Family in the Gold Coast," Wisconsin Library, 19H. 7. The Unit'err;,y College o/the Gold Coall 1948·1952, Report by the Principal. 8. Peter du !\autoy. Community Development in Gh4na, Oxford; 1958. 9. C. G. Wise, A HWory 0/ PAucation in British Weil Africa, Longmans, 1956 . • WOMAN IN AFRICA: HER BABY OFF HER BACK G. ALISON RAYMOND The question Africans asked themselves even a few years ago was "if" they would be independent. Today no "If" remains; the question now is, "How soon will it be?" The speed of motion in Africa can be measured in many ways: Nairobi in 1903 bad fifteen houses. Now, just 56 yeus later, It is a bus)" modern, traffic-filled city. In 1954, a handful of women worked outside their hom. . except as nurses and teach~rs. Now, five years later they are growing to be a major in- dustrial (orce in many areas; they are flocking to the cities (as are the men) (or fadory work, clerical work, as shopkeepers, and the like. In 1956 millions of women in France's African Territories went to the polls for the first time, voting in elections for municipal councils of African communes to which they themselves were eligible for election. All over Africa women are an increasingly important dement at the polls, basic evidence of their fast-changing status. The speed of social change brings with it, of course, conflicts and problems of a magnitude hard to understand for tho," of us who have been changing our patterns gradually over the decades. Think first about langllage. There are said to be 800 languages--Qr non- transferable dialects-in Africa. \X'hen the people ~mained in tight tribal groups this created no major diffIculties. But now as men move about, as schools draw children together, as the plane opens up hitherto remote regions. this dIversity of tongue is a grave deterrent to progress. Imagine the difficulties 10 road-bulldmg gangs, in industrial plants. in tramlng programs, in hospitals. Africans are learning English ex- traordinaClly qUIckly, however. Presumably English and French will be· come the practical languages of Africa within a few years; for the5e tongues cross tribal as well as national borders, allowmg Africans to speak with one another as well as with the outSIde world. Humans everywhere share a basIC urge to "feel needed." This fundamental is shaken when social patterns suddenly rearrange them- selves like the turn of a kaleidescope wIthout suffiCIent tIme for adjust. ment. What was secure, suddenly crumbles; what was a pattern is suddenly a snarl; what was morally acceptable suddenl)' is not; what 700 • WOMAN IN AFRICA: HER BABY OFF HER BACK was sacred is suddenly empty. This leads to an unsettled, restless, searchmg feeling which we of other countries must try to understand m whatever contacts we may have with Afncans. Take, for example, the men of the village 10 many parts of the continent. Their role used to be pnmarily that of sacnficer and protector. Now there are no longer sacrifices and the government does the protecting. Women still tend the gardens and care for the children. do the trading. Where is man's place? Men feel "extra" in the villages and congregate increasingly in the cities, living in bachelor quarters. When they come home to the Reservei, they come as outsiders, as visitors, no longer vital to the village a broken pattern for them and for their wives. Some women follow their men to the cities but not many. because they dare not give up their foothold. Once they relinquish their land, they feel lost. Own- ership of a hut and a place among their people is the one remaining se- curity in an insecure wor,ld. Most married women cling to it. The single woman, however, flows to the cities looking not only for men, but for interest. life, and a livelihood. This is revolutionary. Traditionally a woman's function is to bear children. A single working woman is looked on by her elders with suspicion. Public approval and acceptance of new concepts cannot grow overnight. These are deep matters and take time. But meanwhile, humans need a sense of appro- bation. So there are problems. Where are single girls to live in the cities? Where are they to learn marketable skills like typing. or bookkeeping, or handling a bobbin? How are they to keep any moral standard if they have neither job nor kin, nor a decent place to live? Concurrent with these dislocations, populations are soaring in Afri- ca as elsewhere, thanks to medical science which is diminishing child death, increasing length of life, and making maternity safer. Here, too, an explosive factor is at work. The African is hav10g to orient himself (with no preparation) to life without land, to life in bustling cities, to working for someone else in the impersonal world of an 1Odustry. He has to make these basic adjustments in the jet age, in another language, in a culture not his own. What credIt to their flexibility that many are doing it so well; that Africa is surging ahead with energy and such relatively little turmoil beyond the political! 701 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS The Women Against this background, let us look at ooe particular segment of African society, namely the women. As in all cultures, women are a necessary element in social change. Down through history, African wo- men have done heavy totl; they have been the hewers of wood and drawers of water, the teoders of crops and the bearers of children. Therefore they are dIsciplined; they are not lazy; they are accustomed to long hard working days to a far greater degree than thelf more easy- going "palavering" husbands. Now, when so much work needs to be done in order to stablltze new socIal and cultural patterns the women are understandably playing a key role. It must always be emphaSIzed that one can never generalIZe about Africa; It IS too vast and too vaned; therefore, tn the comments that follow, the reader must remind himself that nothing one says IS true of all African groups or of all countries. I am endeavoring, however, to give an over-all view of Afnca south of the Sahara and north of the Union, trying to give enough examples to show the extent to which women of those areas are in transition; the incredJble progress they are making, the new responsibilities they are assuming. One more word of reminder : What one says of the leaders is not yet true of the great ma- jority of African people still living in their villages and compounds. But it is the leaders who are synthesizing the changmg social patterns; It is they who are helptng Africa to advance. It IS Important therefore that we understand them to the best of OUI ability. Tnere appear to me to be four major groups into whIch women fall : (1) Those restricted by Moslem custom, veiled, some still in purdah, living m the Arab-influenced areas, as in the Sudan, Zanzibar. Northern Nigeria. (2) The women of the villages, clinging to an- cestral rites and customs, ltv10g 10 family groups 10 villages barely visible, hIdden down narrow tracks beh10d thick screens of banana or cocoa palm trees. (3) Shrewd, illIterate, but very powerful trading women, known as "Mamm)' traders," found particularly throughout West Africa, where they wield the powers of wealth, of numbers. and of energy, but arc as yet unaccustomed to the idea of sharing their wealth for the common good. (4) A small number of educated women 10 all but a few areas who are votmg, holdtng office, taking university 702 • WOMAN IN AFRICA: HER BABY OFF HER BACK degrees, travelling to other countries, and filling all sorts of professional posts-doctors, dentists, professors, lawyers. There is ferment, like yeast, working among all these groups: In the Sudan, behind compound walls of clay, apart from the prying eyes of men, I saw groups of aged women wrapped in their traditional cotton "tobes," laboriously and earnestly studying the difficult strokes and curls of written Arabic. Their teacher was a young Sudanese university student, whose face was no longer veiled (nor was her mind), though she still wore the familiar flowing tobe. In the mud and wattle hut of a remote village, several hours trip down a grassy path, I was asked by village women these profound and, to me, totally unexpected questions: (1) When women start to make progress, what first steps do they take? (2) How can they ever get legal rights when those who make the laws are men? (3) What mistakes have other women made that we can avoid? (4) How can you get the women of the village to care about making the village better) , In Ibadan, in Western Region of Nigeria, stands a modern IO-story building, put up by the Co-operative Union. Much of this is a result of women traders' shrewd financing. "Don't ever underestimate the power of the illiterate woman voter," a Paramount Chieftainess of Sierra Leone told me ...I t was the women 's vote which helped the Protectorate (up-country) section to prevail over the Colony (coastal area) in our last election. There were long quiet lines of women voting at every poll, thousands of the m. .. Naturally education is essential to progress. There is a real thirst for it all over Africa, a thirst felt especially keenly among the women, partly because there has always been such shortage of ed- ucation for girls; and partly because, with the rapid change in wo- men's status, they feel their need for education acutely. A major factor working towards more available schooling for girls lies with the younger men. As more of them obtain education, as they begin to move about and travel, they seek educated wives who Can learn and grow and travel with them. The male elite need suitable partners for what- ever responsible positions each of these men may be called upon to fill. "A mating partner who could cook used to be enough," one young Kenyan told me. "Now I need a wife who doesn't shame me when she travels with me in London and New York-someone who can talk and is not stupid." • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Extraordinary strides have been taken in providing schooling for girls. It is, of course, available as yet for only a minute fraction of the population. The great bulk of African girls still carry babies on their backs as they hoe their yams, or as they balance tins of water the long way home from the well; they have no intellectual lIfe nor chance for personal growth. But the important thing IS that a new wmd is blowing in country after country. In the Congo, for example, there have been schools for only about fifty years. Now, 1,732,000 children are en· rolled; of these about 22'10 are girls. This is admittedly a small per· centage but the advance is steady. In 1938, just over 6000 girls were in school; ten years later, the number had risen to nearly 37,000. By 1958, or within twenty years, 233,746 girls were in primary schools. The territory is about one·third the SIZe of the United States. In Ghana. the nUf(lber jumped from 45,000 to 155,700 girls m pnman' schools in 1958·1959 (A/rican Women Vol. III., No.2.). The problem in North· ern Nigeria, a strict Moslem land, IS very difficult. Here purdah reo mains; girls are velled and hidden. Men have four wives and like them to be submISSIve and dependent. The Bntlsh EducatJOn Officer in one area hit upon an ingenious scheme which has helped man\' a girl on ber start towards a fuller life. A sizeable bonus was offered to any teacher who had taught for two years. This had a remarkable effect. The fathers saw it as a solution to their problem of prOVIding dowries! They began to encourage their daughters to teach; thl>. of course, reo quired first sendmg them through school. What Are the Women Doing? How are educated women helpmg their countries adjust to those cateclysmlc changes whICh are occurring m every area of that wide con· tment? You see them workmg m legIslative counCIls and courts; m wo- men's organIZations; m welfare centers and schools. They are workmg as a Unifying force In countnes where diver5lty IS strammg tbe nation's very eXIstence. They are establishing branches of women's organiza· tions throughout their nations dlSCegardlng both tubal barflers and politIcal frontiers: In Sierra Leone, for example, where the inland people of the Protectorate still feel suspicious of the more sophisti. cated coastal population; m Ghana where the Ashantis, people of a • WOMAN IN AFRICA: HER BABY OFF HER BACK once proud empire, are still unsettled at the idea of being absorbed into a nation led by a man from a rival tribe; in Nigeria where the Ibos of Eastern RegIon, under Azikiwe, are political rivals of the more prosperous Yorubas of Western Region. Nationhood is new in Africa; old rivalries need to be healed and drawn into new loyalties. Women, traditionally harmonizers and keepers of the peace, are already working hard on this. They are trying to break down barriers and change jeal- ousies into constructive co-operative efforts for the welfare of the nation as a whole. Women can rise above political and traditional differences more easily than men because their focus is in a different place. They can work in a unifIed way on child care, on nutrition, on literacy, on the improvement of social and health conditions. By ignoring political differences, they can draw together divergent parties and factions on neutral ground. Women are working also to effect legislation. The Federation of Ghana Women, for example, with its thirty branches, is tackling a problem which is corrosive to the family structure in Ghana. It is now possible for men to marry by native law a second, third, or fourth time without registering anyone of the marriages. Previous wives have no legal claims on inheritance, nor even on support for their children. Since women have little education or vocational skill, they will do whatever they can to support their children and too often the only avenue open is prostitution. As the old song says, "A woman goes from man to man." Their colleagues are, of course, profoundly concerned about legislation to correct this situation. They hope to make registra- tion of each marriage a legal requirement, with the provision that no man may marry additional times without a court clearance regarding provision for his first wife (or wives). Nkrumah has said that when the population is educated to this idea, it will be enacted into law. The women believe such a law would have notable effect on the stability of the entire social and economic pattern of Ghana. Therefore, they have been working steadily in an organized nation-wide manner to ed- ucate the population on this fundamental social problem. They have been conferring systematically with every Chief in Ghana. Working with and through the Chiefs, they are determined to reach all the people, of all the tribes, in all sections of the country. Here is a nonpolitical • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS unifying issue leading to better conditions in Ghana-an example of the type of activity through which women can contribute. No one can minimize the appalling problems tbat face that con- tinent: (1) all but universal illiteracy; (2) abject poverty, leading to malnutrition and illness; (3) nearly impossible transportation problems (except by air); (4) meagre facilities for communication (such as phones or radio). There are also the more fundamental problems of: (1) the shift of focus from tribe to individual; (2) basic intertribal differences; (3) equally divisive regional differences (provincial rival- ries such as those in Uganda, up-country versus coast, etc.); (4) di- versity in languages; (5) the drift to the cities witb all the urban prob- lems. Women add their own special problems which result from catapulting in one generation from chattel to companion)rom drudge to responsible citizen. TjJeY Speak fo, Themselves What do the Africans themselves think about the changes that are rocking their continent? We must keep looking at thiS so that we can understand their needs f,olll thei, poillt of "iew. Thf'\' think deeply a- bout the changes; some of them worry; they look at Christianity and ponder; as they see their own civilization vanish, they wonder whether it all should go or whether perhaps some of it, being good, should re- main. Here are some of the things they are thinking and saying: S,'fiIhnm (Head of a Nigerian School) . It used to be that those who had enough passed it on to their neighbors, That was Africa, Now that we are civilized, nothing is gi\'en for nothiug, but you pay for what you get. Everybody has become interested in him- self .nd his own advance. It becomes 'every man for himself: We have lost something, _1!4uctll;on (Old man 10 Harare Township, outside Bulawayo, S, Rhodesia) Sometimes] worry about it. We must of course have education, but the way we get it from your ciVilization makes our people lose their common sense, My father never learned, he just did wh.t he needed to. In those d.ys Africans thought mOre and seemed to me brighter. Now everythin8 is "qualifialions," We copy but to me we seem stupider, We only' know what we've been taught any more, Wh.t has hoppened to ow in- teUigence? WOMAN IN AFRICA: HER BABY OFF HER BACK (YWCA group in Uganda) We worry about the education our girls are getting. There are some things about it we wish we could change: It makes our daughters selfish- by that we mean ambitious and concerned mostly with themselves, not with the rest of the family, and they lost all interest in the village. They get conceited and uppity and prideful. They never lower themselves any more. What about the humility that the Bible talks about? There's too much talk and too little doing. Civilization (African member of the Legislative Council, Uganda) We don't want to remain prinlltive, but I think we must develop our own civilization that fits us and not just copy the British and prepare for London examinations as we do at Makerere University. We don't need Latin and Greek. We need agriculture and sanitation and engineering, Besides, we mustn't lose all our own values or our country will go sour. 1£ we just copy, we lose our desire to take risks and try things. We ge~ too tamed down, In this big continent we will fail if we copy too much. We must make any African civilization without losing our own values. , Women's Role (African teacher in Government School in Southern Rhodesia) Southern Rhodesia, like many other multiracial countries, is on the verge of evolving a pattern of living where the good in the culture of each country will be blended into one solid, ever·expanding culture, perhaps later to be called a "Central African Culture." It is my sincere belief that to achieve this, the Af riean woman has to work harder than the woman on the other side of the color line. But first she has to rid he!'- self of self-defeat and self-pity. Now she suffers from slave mentaltty. She has to work and convince herself first that she has the same in- tellectual abilities as men; that she can show leadership and resource- fulness, and fal executive posts competently. In their family life, women must be partners to their husbands, and not slaves or children altogether. Mothers must teach daughters to be conscious of their capabilities and the role they are to play. Influence cannot be exerted 10 our country or anywhere until women wake up to the needs of the times. African wo· man must widen her interests beyond her home and church; we should stand shoulder to shoulder with the white women and learn, thus makiog a contribution to the welfare of our country. These brief excerpts from conversations With African men and women of many countries serve to show that they are thinking- thinking deeply, thlOking clearly, and thinking constructively. In closing we cannot do better than to quote the words of a Madagascan woman: • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELAnONS In the struggle between two concepts of civilization, we must suard against the dangers of spiritual and social disintegration. The wom.n must be able to fulfill ber essential function as guardian of the famil, and of the race and that is precisely where the difficulty lies. Tbe problem is to distinguish in the tradition of this deeply mystical country what can be cbanged and what must be preserved or only very carefully modi- fied. Guardian of the family and of the race charged with the respon- sibility of distinguishing what things should be changed and what things should be maintained-here stands the woman of Africa today beside her husband, no longer behind him, both looking ahead . • 708 THE SPHERE AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN AFRICA J. AouKE MOORE Africa is today, perhaps, the most interesting of the continents, and knowledge of the many dIfferent aspects of her life IS very much in demand. Very little, comparatively, has been written about the women of this continent, although they are playing their own part in the evolu- tion taking place there. To be able to write with any authoritative cover- age on this subject would take years of travelling, research, and many books to tell the story of the part that women have played in the past and are playing now. This is because Africa is such a vast continent, peopled by different indigenous nationalities, many of them consisting of a great number of ethnic groups with various religious and social customs, not to mentIOn the WIde differences in their economIC and cultural backgrounds. But there are some social customs, which generally speakmg, ",til be found to apply to all women in Africa, leaVIng 2~ide of cotlCse. the women of the natIOnals who have settled in Africa and made it their home; they naturally have brought their social customs with them, and these bear no relation to the customs of the peoples on whose continent they now live. TradItionally. in Afnca, women had very little SOCIal standing and were regarded mainly as the chattel of men, to work and have children. They were not allowed much say In the upbringIng of those children, if they were boys, after the age of about SIX or seven years. They cer- tainly had no political influence as a group, although throughout his- tory a few women have had great influence through their husbands by using subtle means of suggestion. They have also been used as the tools for political intrigue and have in that way influenced the history of parts of Africa. But their greatest contribution in ancient times was and still is today, in the field of trade. It is, of course, commonly known that women were a valuable commodity for sale in the old slave mar- kets, but they themselves have been for many centuries great traders; and were often the carriers of gold and precious stones from one part of the continent to another, bartering them for basic things such as salt, and gaining thereby a certain amount of influence in the economic • ]OU1lNAL Of HUMAN RELATIONS life of their nation. This participation has developed and through it. women have gained for themselves more recognition in the political and social fields. Perhaps the best contribution that African women are making to- day is in the field of social work where they are far ahead of their men in helping to raise money for the less fortunate people of their com- munities. By forming local branches of some of the international socie- tIes like the YW/CA Or the Red Cross Society. and also by forming local societies for the carc of afflicted reople. the womcn are becoming organised; their work is being appreciated, and through this, they have a sphere of influence which the men recogoise. This recognition has given women a greater degree of freedom to move about which was not accorded to them before, and in some parts of the continent the re- sult of this has been that they have been able to influence social leg'" lation and bring about some socoal reforms. The great changes that have taken place (although in many ways we are still far behind), Can best be demonstrated by using as an example the development of the status of women in West Africa and, in partIcular, in my own country, Nigeria. The famIly is a very important unit in African 'ulture and social structure; it is, therefore, important to trace the po>ltoon that women have had 10 the famoly and what onfluence has developed from it. At one stage of African development it would be true to say that no wo- men were given a book education. They were taugbt home and mother crafts by the older women of the famoly; and gradually the fact that the older women were given charge of the management of the housdlold and of the wives and younger children has led to the situation where in many instances they are consulted by the men of the famIly when any decision affecting tbat famoly is to be taken. This has led to an a,,'are- ness amongst the men of the necesslt)' of having their wives and daugh· ters able to take a part 10 the,r SOCIal actIvities. As early as the end of the last century, some measure of education was started for women in the more established families. although this was strictly confined to the basic requirements, with emphasis on house crafts. Gradually. the need for higher education in women has been realised, and more and more women are gomg to the higher schools and universities, and 710 SPHERE AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN AFRlCA traimng as teachers, nurses, chemists, and radiographers. In West Africa there are also quite a number of women lawyers and doctors who are contnbutmg m all fields of medicme. Many of our women lawyers are making contributions also to the growth of the legal work; some have become magistrates, some Crown counsels or Crown prosecutors, others are becoming corporate lawyers. Africans now actively encourage the women to forge ahead, and do not place any impediment in their way so long as they accept the same terms as the men. Every year the number of women going in for the professions is increasing, and their applIcatIOn to thelf work is certainly giving a challenge to the men and is helping to improve the standard of work and productivity. This is not to give the impression that there are many educated women; this would be far from the truth, as the number is very small compared with the population of West Africa; but the wedge has been made and will continue to open the gates of knowledge even wider. The home and the family, however, are still very important to our society so before going any further into the results that education has had on the women, a brief sketch of the different types of homes and family setup which we have in West Africa will prove helpful. There is the polygamous home which is still the most common. The Muslim religion allows a man to have four wives; a household, therefore, may consist of the husband with his four wives, each having her own room or sometimes a small house with her own children. The wives take it in turn to cook for the husband, or the arrangement may be that each wife sends some food to the husband from her own cooking. Historically, polygamy has been the form of marriage, and the sign of wealth in ancient times was often shown by the number of wives a man had in his home. This might be attributed to the fact that the country was and still is mainly agricultural, and the wives worked alongside their husbands in the fields. In this latter form of marriage the family unit was rather larger, as often when a woman married she was regarded as belonging not only to her husband but to the husband's family, and if her husband died the girl would be expected to continue to Jive in the family compound and would be taken over by a brother or relative of the husband. The idea of this was really to ensure that no member of a family suffered as long as there were other members in a 711 • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS position to look after them, and the head of the family, usually tIIIl oldest male member, was charged with this responsibility. Christianity and \Vestern influences have brought about the monogamous marriage which is slowly gaining ground and is, of course, splitting up the larger family units. This split of larger family groups is also taking place as a resul t of the gradual change in the economic structures of West Mria as more and more people move from rural to urban localities. The protection that the women had in many instances has gone; with the move into the towns it is much more difficult to keep intld the large family units. Trading has been substituted for farming; and instead of the scale of farm produce in small local markets, the women are now trading in all sorts of consumer goods. 10 Nigeria the women are in the pOSition to decide on the price of goods sold 10 the market as they definitely controL the day-to·day saLes, and have, therefore a very strong economic influence in the community. Many of them are weLL established and have complete economic freedom from their husbands. In quite a number of cases, the women are the ones who educate their chiLdren and even send them abroad for university or technicaL educa- tion. These market women wield a significant influence not only on the economic side but also poLitically, as they have formed themselves into fairly strong associations to fight any injustices that they feeL affect them. These associations have been built up through the years aLL 0_ Nigeria and the women have fought for their rights in various ways. Local counciLs have had to build better market stalls for them and charge reasonable rent; and the ,"f1uence of this group has now spread past the LocaL councils into the wider politicaL field of the country·s LegisLature. This is true not only in Nigeria but in other parts of West Africa. Every poLiticaL party is aware that it is dangerous to its ambition for it to offend the market women in any way. In the ma- jority of the countries in West Africa the women have a right to vote equally with the men. Usually in the Muslin countries the women do not have votes and this is true of the northern part of Nigeria, but even there, many of the women join in the politicaL activities. Not more than four or five women in Nigeria-and not many more in the rest of West Africa- have become members of the legisLative houses. All those so far in 712 SPHERE AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN AFRICA Nigeria have been special members, not elected members. In one or two terntories ill West Africa, however. women have won legislative seats, but it is still true to say that women are not active in standing elections. However, the way is clear, and it is almost certain that more and more women will begin to stand for election. In spite of the fact that they do not themselves stand for election, women are certainly very much in the fore in the election campaigns both in the door-to-door soliciting and in the big campaign meetings. They are ready to make their views heard and will campaign very strongly for anything they feel convinced will be good for them. This strength in the African women's mentality is being demonstrated all over Africa, where they are always in the front line of any protests or demonstra- tions made against governments who try to oppress and suppress the indigenous African, or against those who try to infringe on the women's civic or personal rights. , This ability of the African women to stand solidly in time of great trial has certainly earned for the women as a group the respect of the men. As was mentioned earlier, perhaps the greatest contribution that women are making in present-day Africa is in the field of social work. This is certainly true of Nigeria and Ghana and most of West Afnca. Besides such international societies as the YWCA and the Red Cross, many local societies have been started to try to help solve some of our local social problems. Perhaps the oldest one which IS still doing good work is The Ladies Progressive Club which was started over twenty years ago, and which really took over from another club called "The New Era Society" that was started by a few women about forty years ago, but unfortunately did not carryon for long. The Ladies Pro- gressive Club was started as a means of women getting to know each other by holding meetings where free discussions of their problems took place. Sometimes they had guest speakers on various subjects affecting conditions in the country. From their discussions they con- cluded that there was much that they as a body could do to help community activities. One of their greatest contributions was in the early days of the society during the second world war when their members were responsible for running a canteen for soldiers and a place of recreation for them. They also made things to send out to • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS Nigenan troops serving abroad. After the war, they turned their atten· tion to the sick children in our hospitals, many of whose parents werr not in a position to give them any extra comforts or even to pay them regular visits. The women of this society used to visIt the children, taking them toys and generally cheering them up. Another great ser· vIce that they are dOlOg IS to raIse funds and occaslonall), gIve scholar· ships to deserving young women, or help one who has started but has met with financial difficulties. Another body of women known as The InternatIonal ~'omen's SocIety has also been formed. The aim of thIs society is to study the problems of women all over the world, how they solve them. and the suitability of those methods for application here. At the same time the society also has a very practical outlook, and will sponsor anr projects which in some way or other affect women in the SOCIal and economl( life of the country. This body has turned its mlOd towards the welfare of young children and is raising money to start a day nur~ery which will be a pdot scheme in this country. The only dar nurseries ,lt rre· sent are much too expensive for the average workin): mother. and so thIS body of women hoping to run one which WIll come withlO the means of the average worker. Malnutrition is one of the big problems here because the mothers do not know what type of food IS best for the chddren; the children are allowed to become realll .II and are often takrn to hospitals when it is almost too late for recovery. The main pur· rose of the day nursery, therefore. is go 109 to be the proper feed 109 nf the children and getting into regular habits of rest and hygIene. These women hope that if they make a success nf the first one, people wdl realise the need for such places and more and more of them WIll spring up all over the country thus helplOg to safeguard the health of the chIldren and of the nation. Another great problem 10 West Africa is lepro,y. Misslonar), and government settlements are, of course, dealing with the main problem, but about fourteen years ago a group of women startrd to visit people in a leper colony that was near Lagos, and then they started collecting clothes and toys for the men. women, and children in the colon)'. From that small beginning has grown a society which today has its annual appeal a month or two before Christmas; and with the sums raised they • SPHERE AND INFLUENCE OF WOMEN IN AFRICA are able to give every leper colony in Nigeria money to help provide the patients a happy tIme at ChClstmas. Besides this, they are able to help the colonies with grants to buy such things as a motor for a grinding machine used to grind grain for the patients, money to help equip the patients' recreation house, money towards the buIlding of an orphanage for the chIldren of leper cases, and many other things which would not be possible for the different settlements to get with their own already tight budget. Another big medical problem here is blmdness whICh IS being tackled medically by the proper authoritIes; but at one stage of devel- opment there was no means of educating the afflicted or teadling them trades. There are two schools in Nigeria sponsored by the gO\-ernment, one in the north and one in Lagos; but before the government-spon- sored school, which lectures blind farmers, was started a body oe people prominent among them the women-had already collected funds and started a Vocational Training Centre for the blind. This is kept going purely from voluntary subscription and fund raising efforts made by the members of the society. It is fulfilling a great need in the society. The Centre has been able to train blind people to live a normal life and some of the ex-students are now working in a furniture factory along with sighted people others have set up on their own. This ser- vice is helping in a small way to reduce the number of beggars on our streets. This society too has been able to convince Government that a free school for blind children is needed and plans are now being made to start one. Again most of the pressure for this was from the women. These are some of the things that the women in Africa are doing that demonstrate that African women do not just stay CJuietly at home and as almost slaves to the men. It is, however, certainly true that the home and the children are the most important aspects to the African life, and that these are looked upon as a woman's first concern, and mIght in some instances make her appear to be a slave to her home because she regards it as being of first importance. It is also true that the man is the recognised head of any family, but the older woman certainly wields much influence in the home and famIly . Her influence has now spread beyond the confines of her own family to her town and her nation. It would, however, be untrue to think that the Afncan • JOURNAL OF HUMAN RELATIONS woman has contributed a great deal to her nation's progress because. in fact, her influence is still very small; and compared with the per- centage of women in the population, her participation in public life is meagre. But the part she has played so far shows lhat she is aware of a duty beyond the confines of her home and family. Why, then, with their will power and their ability to work. have the women of Africa been so little known in the sphere of public life. This is due to the double handicap of the traditions and the historical growth of Africa as well as to the common acceptance all over the world that women are the weaker sex physically. Throughout history. with a few exceptions, women have only emerged and been mfluential m settled communities and the African woman has been no exception; but most of the continent of Africa has until recently been made up of small tribes constantly at war with each other. This meant a constant shifting of the people from place to place in order to survIve; and in the circumstances the war lords had all tbe power, with the women left to tend the children and any possessions belongint; to the tnln. This was a very important part that the women played whIch is often overlooked. Into this muddled state of affairs came the traders from the West looking for new riches and new fields to conquer. Then came the colonial stage from which Africa is now emerglOg. DurlOg the early stages of colonial rule, education in the Western sense was grad- ually introduced to Africa, but it was confined almost entirely to the men because they were the ones that the colonial powers wanted to use as clerks and domestic servants. The mIssionary also came to Africa in great numbers and started to teach the people. and m fact contribu- ted, and are still contributing, greatly to the educatIonal s),stems 10 Af~ica. The women were at first left out of thIS development of \'(Testern education and, perhaps. this contributed to their strength today m the world of trade, as the men went m for clencal Jobs which they felt had more prestige. Gradually however. It was realIsed that the girls should also be educated; but even so there were very few schools whICh catered for girls and those that did were of an elementary nature. Even today there are very few secondary schools for girls. The fact that there are many more primary schools for girls is due in part to the African wo- • SPHERE AND INfLUENCE OF WOMEN IN APlllCA 111/;" men who have been lucky enough to belong to families which believed III the education of girls and who have themselves started these primary schools. Today boys and girls have the same opportunity in their early stages for primary education; but the women are still handicapped by the lack of sufficient schools of higher education. However, those who are lucky enough to get into secondary schools have all opportunities to W III scholarships to universities or technical colleges. The battle for .nore and more schools for girls is one that the women keep on fighting oecause they realise that it is a very important one in our growth and development. This is at least true in West Africa (except in the strictly Muslim parts), where no legal, political, social, or cultural taboo is placed on the women. Africa is still undeveloped both as to her resources and manpower, but she IS beginning to wake up and to take her rightful place in world "ffalrS. Her women are pressing forward and are awakening to their responsibility. They are entering every field of activity. In 1950 there were only two Nigerian women who had qualified as lawyers, today there are fifteen, three of them being police magistrates. We have six women doctors (one is a specialist), a woman dentist, four of five women chemists, four radiographers, teachers with honours degrees, secretaries, state registered nurses, and women in many other fields. Many, many more are being trained. There can be no doubt that the women are very much alive to the problems facing Africa today; that te), are making a contribution which grows yearly. But though they feel that they can contribute in the economic, political, and social fields to the advancement of their country by entering public life, yet to a great extent they can project their ideas through their homes and child· reno The home and family still constitute the important social aspect of . 'fe III Africa, and the average woman feels that her contribution to the advancement of her country can best be made if she gives her children .1 good home, passes on to them her knowledge and experience, and makes them lIlto loyal and proud citizens of their country . • YOUTH ORGANIZATIONS IN AFRICA JOSEPH AOE)UNMOBI AOEGBITE It was Dlogenes who saId, "The foundation of every State IS the education of its youth." Profoundly true as this statement IS, It should not be construed to mean that youth IS to be educated mainly for ex- ploitation by the State. Every youth IS an orgamcally complete belnS, made up of four signIficant components that, in the Interest of hImself as well as of the state, must be developed for a rich and full life. Tho'e four components are body. mind, heart, and soul. The educatIon of African youth along these lines received special attentIon from the eiders before the Introduction of \'(festern culture to Africa . In addl tion to what was taught witlun the famIly, the African youlh gained much from the youth organizatIons to whICh he or she belonged. HI, physical education could be considered an exclusive respon