Death Studies ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/udst20 Death is the cause of my predicament: A cross- cultural study of death-related personal names in Nigeria Eyo O. Mensah To cite this article: Eyo O. Mensah (07 Sep 2023): Death is the cause of my predicament: A cross-cultural study of death-related personal names in Nigeria, Death Studies, DOI: 10.1080/07481187.2023.2254728 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/07481187.2023.2254728 Published online: 07 Sep 2023. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 15 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=udst20 DEATH STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/07481187.2023.2254728 Death is the cause of my predicament: A cross-cultural study of death-related personal names in Nigeria Eyo O. Mensaha,b aMerian Institute for Advanced Studies in Africa, University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana; bUniversity of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria ABSTRACT This article explores the motivations, beliefs, and attitudes toward death-related names in some onomastic traditions in Nigeria: Ibibio, Igbo (south-east), and Owe (mid-west). The study is anchored theoretically on the ethnopragmatic framework which accounts for the locally interpretable meaning of discourse practices in terms of values and beliefs within particular cultural contexts. Drawing on ethnographic qualitative data sourced through par- ticipant observation and semi-structured interviews with 30 participants, I argue that death- related names are based on varied cultural scripts that communicate many nuances of meaning grounded in lived experiences of name-givers. The article concludes that death- related names have cultural semantics that are shared cross-linguistically: to acknowledge the inevitability and unpredictability of death; to admit the existence of superior forces that control the affairs of human beings and to question the temporality of life. These names, therefore, serve as consolatory sites for the expression of grief, tension, and the rebuilding of identity. Contemporary and historical perspectives on the con- body, funeral practices, interment as well as the cept of death have approached the phenomenon from afterlife. a wide range of dimensions: biological, social, and In some cultural contexts in Africa, discourses of religio-philosophical. Biologically, death is irreversible death are considered to be highly taboo subjects as a cessation of organismic functioning of the human result of the apparent fear of death and the sacredness body. It entails that every life function ends at the with which it is shrouded. This justifies why the time of death. Socially, death necessitates the loss of experience of death is often talked about using varied personhood and identity which corroborates the pos- literary and discursive devices like metaphor (e.g., ition that a person cannot have a legitimate claim to embarking on a journey or sleeping), and proverbs ownership in the future (Strawson, 2017), and from (visiting one’s ancestors). Other verbal strategies the religio-philosophical account, a human being is deployed to reference death include humor (e.g., dead upon the separation of the soul from the phys- he/she is resting) and poetry (Tagore, 2012). These ical body (Rasekh & Ayati, 2007). Death marks the linguistic communicators are used to convey tempor- transition from the physical realm to the ancestral ary separation of the deceased with the bereaved. realm. Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata (2014) maintain They make the experience of death much more toler- that such a transition signifies a spiritual connection able to the human consciousness and enable the between the visible (physical) and the invisible (spirit- bereaved to come to terms with the loss, and to be ual) worlds. The death of a beloved one is often able to handle the consequences of the permanent marked as a moment of loss and grief which is envel- loss. In some cultural settings, the way the physical oped in a state of hopelessness and helplessness. The remains of the dead is interred and the accompanying sense of grief may be overwhelming and may trigger rituals determine its status in the afterlife. For negative emotions such as sadness, anger and shock. instance, Mensah (2015) argues that among the Ibibio Every society has different responses to death in terms in south-eastern Nigeria, death is not conceptualized of established customs, rituals, or traditions as the end of life but the beginning of a fresh embodi- (Strawson, 2017). These responses include care for the ment in another realm, and this change in condition CONTACT Eyo O. Mensah eyomensah2004@yahoo.com Merian Institute for Advanced Studies in Africa, University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana; University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria. � 2023 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC 2 E. O. MENSAH is expressed through ancestor veneration. Put to death. For instance, Mensah et al. (2020) report together, dead ancestors retain a social presence in the that among the Okoyong community in South-eastern lives of the living (Graham, 2016). Ancestors live and Nigeria, children are named after living or dead communicate with their families after their physical ancestors as a way of renewing the spiritual energy death and are believed to be sources of tribal tradi- between the living and the death; to strengthen pater- tions and stability. They provide the bridge and con- nity and to connect the bearers with their dead or liv- tinuity between the living (present) and the dead ing ancestors. The name bearer is believed to possess (past) (Mensah et al., 2020). They also mediate certain attributes of his or her namesake, and is between the living and the Supreme God, and are key accorded the same level of respect as the namesake. components in the maintenance of jural authority, This is why children are mainly revered as ancestors land tenure systems and segmentary social organiza- in the Kiong cultural tradition. There have been few tion (McCall, 1995). Community members whose lives studies on death-prevention names in the African cul- were deemed to have been dignified and acceptable, tural contexts such as among the Akan of Ghana and who died from natural causes, and were given (Obeng, 1998), Ibibio of Nigeria (Mensah, 2015; befitting burials were conferred the status of ancestors, Mensah & Offong, 2013), Mbube in South-eastern as in the case of Ibibio (Mensah, 2015). This evidence Nigeria (Akung & Abang, 2019), and Karanga in reveals that death has immense social, emotional, and Zimbabwe (Mamvura, 2021), where it is broadly spiritual resonances, and their applicability and articu- established that names are believed to counteract the lation depend on the subjective meaning each society power of spiritual forces who are responsible for ascribes to death. infant mortality. In this respect, such names are said Personal names are tools of communication in to be a reaction to negative emotions like fear and most traditional societies. Ansu-Kyeremeh (2000) grief, and in the construction of layers of sociocultural maintains that there is no limit to the kind of infor- meanings. Other extant literature on death-related mation that can be embedded in personal names. names like Makondo’s (2007) study of the Shona peo- Extant literature in onomastic science has demon- ple of Zimbabwe contend that such names are loaded strated the interdisciplinary nature of the study of per- with evaluations and beliefs surrounding death, and sonal names (anthroponymy) and the kind of reveal the transitory and impermanent nature of life. information that can be conveyed by names. This has The author maintains that death-inspired names considerably covered many domains of knowledge reflect experiences of name givers, and accentuate the depending on each field’s disciplinary impulses and belief that previous incidences of death were not nat- peculiarities. Names are the most important anchors ural. However, Doyle (2008) argues that death-related of personal identity that define how human beings see names among the Bunyoro in Western Uganda is a themselves and how others perceive them. They help reflection of changing attitudes toward mortality, and bearers to make social connections, build relationships Nzewi (2001) offers an alternative medical explanation and maintain membership of a particular community for the causes of death beyond the dominant belief of of practice (Aboh et al., 2023; Mensah, 2023; Suzman, supernatural forces. Nzewi (2001) maintains that 1994). Naming processes, therefore, play important death-related names in Igboland, South-eastern roles in authenticating one’s membership of society. Nigeria were prevalent in families of children Haviland et al. (2013) describe such an inclusion as a described as malevolent O�gb�anj�e who are chronically transition from a state of nature to a state of culture, ill and engaging in repeated cycles of birth, death and and Geertz (1973) captures it more aptly as a trans- reincarnation. The author proved that based on family formation from “anybodies” into “somebodies.” These history and child mortality, there was a relationship positions confirm the fact that names provide the between cultural description of malevolent O�gb�anj�e launch pad to acknowledge the existence of an indi- and symptoms of sickle cell disease. In other words, vidual; reflect cultural norms and beliefs and offer the symptomology and early mortality experience are most noticeable social expression of oneself. In some related to sickle cell disease. Nzewi (2001) concludes African contexts, beyond the identity construction that there is strong cultural resistance among the Igbo value of personal names, they can be sites for navigat- to this medicalized causes of child mortality. ing the impact of death and dialogue with underworld In this study, I aim to investigate the socio-cultural forces. motivations of death-related names from a cross- There is a closely-knitted relationship between cultural perspective taking into account their socio- naming and cultural beliefs and traditions pertaining onomastic significance and the subjective meanings DEATH STUDIES 3 they encode in three cultural traditions in Nigeria: into insider perspective. From the nuanced analytical Ibibio, Igbo (south-east), and Owe (Yoruba) (mid- frame of ethnopragmatics, it is evident that it articu- west) to see the patterns that will emerge; the extent lates a closer relationship between language and cul- of their divergence and convergence as well as what ture, taking into perspective patterns of speaking, these names reveal about cultural attitudes to life and culture-internal practices and norms that will be death. The study intends to unpack the social, cultural accessible to both cultural insiders and outsiders. and individual responses to death as are exemplified Many studies in African anthroponyms have adopted in death-related naming practices, and increase under- the ethnopragmatic paradigm to frame their analysis standing of indigenous processes of constructing iden- and discussion. These include Ehineni (2019), tity through nuanced experiences of and reaction to Mamvura (2021), Benson (2006) and Mensah (2015) death. among others. In these studies, it was established that the meaning of some African names “do not rely on interpretations that are extremely literal or semantic Theoretical framework in content. They embody cultural peculiarities that In this study, I adopt the principles and methods of need to be properly understood from both ethnolin- ethnopragmatics to drive the analysis and interpret- guistic and pragmatic perspectives” (Mensah, 2015, p. ation of data. Ethnopragmatics is an approach to the 119). Broadly speaking, ethnopragmatic methods have study of meaning in language. It is concerned with rich explanatory and descriptive tools to unpack cul- the role played by cultural norms, values, attitudes, ture-internal meanings of names in a way that makes and emotions in local discourse convention. Goddard sense to both cultural insiders and outsiders. (2006) maintains that ethnopragmatics identifies a threefold alignment of objectives, methodological Methods tools, and evidence based. The key objectives deal with culture-internal speech practices, and describe Sampling the pattern of linguistic behavior of speakers in a way This study adopts the qualitative ethnographic that is sensible to a particular community of practice. approach to data collection, analysis and discussion. This position firmly articulates Goddard and Ye’s Data for this study were collected during eight months (2015) view of ethnopragmatics as “an approach to fieldwork exercises between June 2022 and February language in use that sees culture as playing a central 2023 in Offot (Akwa Ibom State), Mbaise (Imo State) explanatory role, and at the same time opens the way in south-east, and Kabba (Kogi State) in mid-west for links to be drawn between language and other cul- Nigeria that are indigenous to the Ibibio, Igbo, and tural phenomenon” (p. 66). The methodological tools Owe people respectively. The choice of these cultural is defined in terms of decomposing cultural notions areas was hinged on the prevailing culture of bestow- and representing cultural norms in simple meaning ing this unique set of (death-related) names on chil- shared by variety of languages. The methodological dren in spite of the over-bearing influence of framework of ethnopragmatics is an offshoot of Pentecostal Christianity which tends to condemn the Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) developed by practice. Ten participants were recruited in each study Wierzbicka (1996) which reduces the meaning of all area. Their deep knowledge of their cultures’ naming lexica into a restricted set of semantic primes. The practices and willingness to participate in the research primes are universal because they encode the same were some of the inclusion criteria. The exclusion cri- translatable meaning in all languages and cannot be teria were the inability to provide accurate data and defined using other words. Put together, they facilitate failure to honor appointments for interviews. Nine the analysis of linguistic data which are cross-translat- potential participants were excluded from the research able, non-Anglo-centric, clear, and intelligible to peo- in the three study areas. Participants’ status as name- ple without formal linguistic training. givers, bearers and users were also considered as Significantly, ethnopragmatic principles are based factors in their selection as participants. They were on linguistic evidence. Goddard and Ye (2015) argue purposively selected by research assistants who were that such evidence includes usage patterns elicited members of the respective communities and who through corpus techniques, interactional routine, and acted as liaisons between the participants and the language-specific lexicogrammatical constructions researcher. The research assistants were all university among others. They contend that language usage is an graduates who have been formally trained in ethno- index of routine way of thinking that allows access graphic field methods. The purpose of the research 4 E. O. MENSAH was revealed to all participants to enlist their support mentioned and in the dedication of farmlands where and cooperation. Socio-demographic characteristics of many names (of ancestors) were also celebrated. This participants such as gender, age, education, occupa- approach enabled me to integrate in the culture and tion, and religion were documented because some of environment of the participants and to have firsthand these variables have impacted on the bestowal of experience of how names were given and used in the death-related personal names (see Table 1). Informed study’s cultural areas. It also afforded me an oppor- consent was obtained from all participants in writing tunity to study participants in greater details and to for interviews, observations and recording. Consent gain access to relevant information that would ordin- was also given for the publication of the data gener- arily not be accessible to a cultural outsider. Semi- ated from the participants. Ethical approval was structured interviews allowed access to open speaking granted by the Directorate of Research and aimed to gather the real world experience of partici- Development, University of Calabar, Nigeria. pants with respect to the interpretation of meaning of the studied phenomenon (Kvale, 1983). A male researcher conducted face-to-face interviews with the Procedure and data collection participants. The interviews took place in participants’ Two ethnographic methods were employed in the homes, farms, market stalls and town halls sometimes data collection orientation: participant observations with the presence of nonparticipants. This interview and semi-structured interviews. The motivations for approach enabled participants to explain in some the two methods were to strengthen the validity of the depth the functions of names in their cultures more outcome of the research and to allow access to differ- broadly and the motivations for death-related names ent layers of interpretations of the researched phe- in particular. Questions were also asked about how nomenon. Participant observation allowed access to people position themselves in relation to death participants’ natural environment where I adopted the through these names, and what this naming regime position of a passive participants and an objective reveals about cultural attitudes to death. During these observer. I was also actively engaged in activities of interview sessions, questions were asked about the the research participants involving the use of names. I sources of these names; and the social, and cultural participated in three child-naming ceremonies, and factors that influence the choice of names. The cul- libation rituals where names of people were tural significance and ethnopragmatic import of this Table 1. Demographic characteristics of research participants. Pseudonym Gender Age Education Occupation Religion Akpan M 56 Senior Secondary School Certificate Farming Christianity Ibangha M 64 No formal education Carpentry Christianity Moses M 70 Senior Secondary School Certificate Blacksmithing Christianity Bassey F 66 Nigerian Certificate of Education Teaching Christianity Obot M 45 Senior Secondary School Certificate Fishing Christianity Usen M 47 First School Leaving Certificate Trading Christianity Mfreke M 21 Senior Secondary School Certificate Student Christianity Ukeme F 65 Senior Secondary School Certificate Teaching Christianity Mayen F 18 Senior Secondary School Certificate Public servant Christianity Samson M 34 First School Leaving Certificate Raffia work African Traditional Religion Woniseun M 73 Senior Secondary School Certificate Mining Christianity Adunni M 68 No formal education Farming Christianity Tinuola M 49 Bachelor of Science Architecting No identity Osetupe F 54 Senior Secondary School Certificate Hair styling African Traditional Religion Afere F 66 First School Leaving Certificate Electrician Christianity Ola M 40 Senior Secondary School Certificate Hunting African Traditional Religion Charles M 67 First School Leaving Certificate Farming Christianity Fasanmi M 48 Senior Secondary School Certificate Trading Christianity Lami F 55 Higher National Diploma Civil servant Christianity Ooni M 60 Doctor of Philosophy Lecturing Christianity Udoka M 54 Senior Secondary School Certificate Mining Christianity Ifeanyi M 43 No formal education Trading Christianity Chika M 72 Senior Secondary School Certificate Farming No identity Polycarp M 48 Senior Secondary School Certificate Hunting Christianity Obi M 24 Senior Secondary School Certificate Student Christianity Okoro F 28 Master of Science Journalist Christianity Nwansi M 59 Higher National Diploma Administrator Christianity Udensi M 74 First School Leaving Certificate Blacksmithing African Traditional Religion Ada F 59 Senior Secondary School Certificate Teaching Christianity Nwosu M 38 First School Leaving Certificate Farming African Traditional Religion DEATH STUDIES 5 class of names were also probed. Questions were Table 2. Names that reflect emotional suffering. open-ended and allowed for flexibility and free form Name Meaning answers. Igbo � A corpus of 322 names was collected during the Ọ�nwụ�dịnjo� Death is evilỌ� nwụ�d�ıw�e_ Death is wicked fieldwork exercises. However, only 96 death-related O�nw�ud�ıilu� Death is painful � names were sorted out from the data corpus which Onw�uaman�so� Death doesn’t know customs andtraditions formed the basis of the analysis. A digital audio �Egwu�o�nwu Fear of death � recorder was used in documenting all interviews and Onwu�d�ıwe Death is angryOwe observations. There was three hours recording of �Ik�uen�ab�ah�ı Death has no honor � interviews during the fieldwork exercises. Field notes Iku�en�ak�am Death has no shame�Iku�s�em�or�o Death causes difficulties were used in recording interview transcripts, and Ibibio � metadata of participants such as date, time, and place Mkp�an�am Death is the cause of my predicamentA�n�am�et�en�tu��a Death has done it so that I may weep of interview. All participants’ names were anonymized M� kp�au�ku�t Death has brought agony to protect their privacy and confidentiality. Data were coded, and categorized into relevant thematic tropes. demonstrated in the Igbo data in Table 2. Participants They were checked for accuracy by the research assis- believed that these names represent the concept of tants who were native speakers of the various lan- death as cruel and unfair to the name-giver. It creates guages involved, transcribed, and translated verbatim. a feeling that can be frightening and upsetting, and as one participant puts it, “When death hits you (your Data analysis loved one), it seems as if the pain will never go.” He further justified the choice of the name Ọ� nw�ụdị�nj�o I adopted thematic analysis to identify patterns in the “Death is evil” which is his family name as a memo_- meaning of the data to find the relevant themes. My riam to perpetuate his family’s experience with death. subjective experience in similar previous studies was He related the post-death experience thus: useful in making sense of the data. The descriptive method of analysis was adopted in the interpretation From my family history, it was recounted that many children suffered from a cycle of birth-death-rebirth and discussion of data. This approach examines the causing so much agony to the extended family. It main features of data, summarize them in a meaning- separated homes, affected people’s health, engendered ful way and offer nuanced analysis and interpretation feeling of depression, and other difficult and It also provided insightful information based on the unsuspected emotions. The family took time to walk opinions and perspectives of participants in their own through this era of the terror of death, and � words. subsequently adopted the name Ọnw�ụdị�nj�o (Death is evil) to complete its story (Nwansi Male 59_). From the account of this participant, it was evident Results that grieving, beyond its psychological consequences, In the analysis that follows, the relevant cultural scripts also has physical effect which affected health and well- that are represented in death-related names such as being as manifested in loss of appetite, lack of sleep, emotional suffering, supremacy, and inevitability of and physical pain. The names in this category were death, overcoming death, consolation and unpredictabil- reactions to grieving experiences which reconstruct ity of death are analyzed. Different historical experien- death as evil, wicked, painful, ignorant, fearful, and ces, beliefs and religious traditions provided varying angry. The names therefore become coping strategies interpretive framework for understanding these names. during grieving period to make difficult moment less intense, and to allow the healing process to gradually work through. Emotional suffering Names that represent the experience of emotional The names in this category are reactions to previous trauma suffered by name-givers were also found in infant deaths that may have occurred in a particular the Owe (Yoruba) data corpus as are demonstrated in family. The names are used to express anger, anxiety, names like �Iku�ena�b�ah�ı “Death has no honor,” hopelessness and a feeling of grief. These are some of �Iku�en�ak�am “Death has no shame” and �Iku�s�em�or�o the effects which have wrecked the name-giver, and “Death causes difficulty.” These names also represent often result in diminished health, well-being and qual- significant amplification of the challenges of grief and ity of life. Examples of names in this category are feeling of social isolation encountered by name-givers 6 E. O. MENSAH after the loss of their loved ones. In this way, death as applied here as a form of appeal to death to have a force of nature has become a site for value conflicts. compassion on the name-bearer and spare its life. In Death is believed to lack dignity, and to reinforce the three names above, the notion of death has been mental, physical and emotional adjustments. personified, strengthening the belief among the Igbo Participants argued that these names are meant to that death is a being with its own independent exist- offer support in the complex form of mourning. A ence (Anigbo, 1982). This justifies why it operates on similar regime of death-related names that depict a higher realm of existence than humans, thus making emotional trauma was also found among the Ibibio as it supreme. Other names in this category demonstrate reflected in names like M� kpa�n�am “Death is the cause the power of death over mortals and wealth. They of my predicament,” and A�n�am�et�e�ntu��a “It (death) has indicate the inescapability of death. A participant made me to weep” which evidence how name-givers attempted to justify the choice of the names in this and families were overwhelmed with experiences of category as follows: death. Based on the findings, this subset of names is a The names are used to remind us of our mortality. dynamic and creative process that makes connection They bring to our consciousness the futility of life; with the negative past in other to recreate positive whether you are a king with all the material memories of the present that counteract stress and possessions in the world, when death knocks at your door, there is no redemption. So these names are depression. The subtle psychology and ethnopragmatic constant reminders to us the living to come to terms reading of these names is the desire to rebuild a fatal- with death because it will certainly happen. It will istic identity into a more endurable attitude toward enable us to live fuller and more positive life life in general. In the Ibibio, Igbo, and Owe traditions, (Polycarp, Male 48). this class of names contains elements that tend to be This account reveals the socio-culturally sensitive shared cross-culturally. They are used to combat fear meanings of death-related names as not only reflec- and uncertainty, and to forge a positive view of the tions of specters of the past but also creates awareness future. of the emptiness of life which people must accept to forge a creative relationship with the future. The emo- Supremacy and inevitability of death tion that characterizes this relationship is that human beings find it difficult to process the reality of dying Names are given to children to reflect the power of in order to live their lives without fear of death. death as a force of nature over human beings. Names Instances of names that reflect the inevitability of that demonstrate the supremacy and inevitability of death were also found in the Owe (Yoruba) data. The death are shown in the Igbo data in Table 3. A name names include: �Iku�b�ola�je “Death destroys wealth” like O�nwu�b�ıko “Death, I beg you” is a polite request �Iku�ej�ash�ı “Death is not like traveling somewhere.” from the name-giver to death (ethereal spirit) to These names depict death as a universal currency that secure the survival of the name-bearer. The use of the everybody must experience irrespective of status, race pragmatic modifier, b�ık�o “please” shows the desperate or position, and it is irreversible. The bestowal of state of mind with which the name-giver made this these names is a way of dealing with the inescapability request. In names like, O�nwu�zu�ru�ik�e “Death, rest” of death. From an ethnopragmatic lens, these names and O�nwu�ebu�n�a “Death, do not kill” though these are provide emotional support and promote healthy griev- commands with an imperative force; they are mainly ing to the bereaved. The names also disclose that human beings are not in control of death as it comes Table 3. Names that demonstrate the inevitability of death. on its own time. Name Meaning Igbo O�nwu�b�ıko Death, I beg you Overcoming death O�nwu�zu�ru�ik�e Death, rest Onwuegbuna Death, do not kill Some death-related names are used as protective O�nw�uk�ar�ır�ı Death is too much O�nwu�d�ık�e Death is strong shields against “the destructive power of death” as a O�nw�um�er�e Death did it. result of our “inability to accept the limits of our mor- O�ny�ek�aon�wu� Who is greater than death? O�nwu�j�ıaku� Death that holds wealth tality” (Segal, 2016, p. 6). In the struggle against anx- O�nw�uam�aez�e Death does not know a king iety toward death, children are bestowed names that Ọ� nwụ��aso�any�a Death is no respecter of any person _ tend to reduce the troubling tension between the Owe Ikubolaje Death destroys wealth agency of death and human physicality. Participants Ikuejashi Death is not like traveling somewhere believed that the category of names in Table 4 was DEATH STUDIES 7 meant to reduce the fear of death and generate popu- Table 4. Names that overwhelm death. lar optimism that death can be halted. Name Meaning The names are used to generate some sense of Igbo � security, and to alleviate human misery caused by the Af�am�ef�ul�a My name will not lose�Nk�em�akolam My own (heritage) will not pass me terror of death. On the surface, the names create the M� m�adu��akolam I shall not lack human beings impression of conquering death from inflicting grief K�amj�ım�eri�e How I won (death)Ch�ıno�ny�elu�m Stay with me and deprivation. The names A� f�am�efu�l�a “My name will O�zo��em�en�a May another one not happen. � not lose,” N�k�em�akolam “My own will not pass,” Nw�a�ek�er�endu� The child is destined to liveSo�m�ad�ın�a Only me should not live M� m�adu��akolam “I shall not lack human beings” and O�nw�u�em�eri�e Death has won K�amj�ım�eri�e “How I won death” are emotional reac- Owe Ikujemihi Death left me tions of name-givers to death and the search for spir- Metunyun I am no longer going itual tranquility. They have allegedly subdued death Mebegha I did not beg you to come Olejutan The thief has stopped roaming and cling to the illusion that it can be postponed Etuhoko There are no more holes indefinitely (Weisman, 1973). The names are self- Igodi The forest is blocked assuring, and depict a past experience of childlessness with its attendant social consequences. A participant (Ada, Female 59) argued that parents who have suf- did not beg you to come,” O� l�ejut�an “The thief has fered many cases of infant mortality usually have pref- stopped roaming,” E�tu�h�oko “There are no more hoes” erence for this class of names for the surviving and �Ig�od�ı “The forest is obstructed/blocked.” These children. She believed that the names are subtle ways names provide the cultural resources of renouncing of managing difficult emotions, pain and distress of death. They employ many dimensions of emotional the past which have helped name-givers to discover expressions to achieve this goal, for instance, the name, � and foster meaning in life. Iku�j�em�ıh�ı “Death left me” is a celebration of the name- Names like Ch�ın�ony�elu�m “Stay with me,” O�z�o�em�en�a bearer’s presumed victory over death. M�etu�nyu�n “I am “May another one not happen,” N� w�a�ek�er�endu� “The no longer going,” the name-bearer is making a commit- child is destined to live” speak to the dynamics of the ment not to return to the underworld. In other words, name-bearers’ survival, and are sources of emotional he or she has vowed not to die. Participants maintained and practical support to the name-giver. They reinforce that this commitment is a covenant between the name- the inability to accept the finality of death (Ebo, 2019), bearer and the name-giver. It is often used as a constant and give an assurance of a new beginning. The names reminder to the name-bearer in the event of illness or indirectly acknowledge the tension between the under- poor health that he/she has promised not to return. world forces and the living (name-givers). They either M�eb�egh�a “I did not beg you to come” is a threat from speak to the name-bearers directly, offer a prayer, or the name-giver to the name-bearer who may be unwill- make a declaration. Participants argued that the experi- ing to stay alive, thus causing the family sadness and grief. The reverse psychology and ethnopragmatic read- ence of death is inconsolable, and usually leaves the ing here is that since the name-giver/family did not beg bereaved withdrawn into a state of nothingness. the name-bearer to come, it means that he/she was not Consequently, this category of names is often used to desired, and this provides the motivation to stay alive. nurture the renewal of hope and offer a new lease of In the name, O� l�ejut�an “The thief has stopped roaming,” life that will safeguard the survival of potential infants death is reconceptualized as a thief (that roams) to born into a family. However, in spite of the various rit- depict the idea that it steals people’s “properties” (lives) uals and rites of passage that may be performed to sub- without using force. A participant offered an explanation due the influence of death, its impulse still remains an of this name as follows: overpowering force as exemplified in the name, O�nwu��em�eri�e “Death has won.” This evidence details The semantic import of the name has two the fact that human beings are mortal creatures, and dimensions: first, it is to create some tension between death and the name-bearer. Labelling death as a thief death provides the limit that frames and defines life. is injurious in the ethereal plane, and should be able Therefore, human beings cannot overpower death but to isolate the name-bearer from the influence of can seek ways to understand the complex and emo- death. Secondly, it is believed that forces of nature tional processes involving death. exemplified by death may have slowed down their Names that tend to overshadow death are also found malevolent activities during the birth of the name- bearer through some ritual invocation hence, their in the Owe data corpus. They include �Iku�j�em�ıh�ı “Death malicious eyes were blinded from locating the name- left me,” M�etu�nyu�n “I am no longer going,” M�eb�egh�a “I bearer (Charles, Male 67). 8 E. O. MENSAH Table 5. Names that depict consolation. argued that giving support to a bereaved member of Name Meaning the society arises from the shared belief that nobody Igbo is immune to affliction. The surviving name-bearers K�and�ıb�e My consolation K�as�ıem�o Console are the sources of the name-givers’ consolations. In Daramobi Comfort me justifying the choice of these names among the Igbo, Ogwugwo Clean my tears Ibibio a participant stated thus: �Ido�n~�es�ıt Consolation �Ib�e_r�ed�em Comforter … such names are used to perpetuate the memories of suffering occasioned by incessant infant mortality in the family. The name-bearer is the consoling The account by this participant shows how rhet- dividend of the many years of affliction and orical devices like metaphor and indirectness are uncertainty experienced by his/her family, so the employed as modes of reducing anxiety toward death. birth of the name-bearer is to impress and provide The names E�tu�h�oko “There are no more hoes” and solace to his/her family (Udoka, Male 54). �Ig�od�ı “The forest is obstructed/blocked” contained The narrative by this participant corroborates the declarative forces and are strong warnings directed at claim that consolation endangers inner peace and the name-bearers. According to Alexander (2018), the ignites a moment of communion with the living. A names are given with the intention of shaming or similar name that connotes a sense of comfort is embarrassing such children so that they can stay alive �Id�on~�es�ıt “Consolation” among the Ibibio. It has the and not die again and again. The messages of the sam_ e cultural signification as its semantic equivalents names imply that there would be no hoes to dig in Igbo which mainly expresses empathy. Participants graves, and no site to locate graves in the event of were however unable to nuance the cultural meaning their untimely death. This means that name-bearers of the name beyond the claim that it is usually given would not be accorded befitting burials, and would be to a child that comes immediately after the death of a alienated from the physical world completely. This previous child in the family. kind of threats is a source of empowerment which Another significant cultural script was the notion naturally provides the impulse for life continuity and of unpredictability of death (Table 6). This can be the foundation for understanding the past. The names demonstrated by Igbo names such as O�nwu�kw�e “If in this category have special symbolic relevance in death permits” and �Ik�eagwu�onwu� “Death doesn’t rest” helping name-bearers to hypothetically build valuable which are bestowed to affirm the belief that how and relationships and a sense of security that is useful for when death strikes may not be certain but it is inevit- their well-being journey. The names reinforce an opti- able. The names are contemplative reflections of the mistic view of death, and cause name-givers to per- past as they create apprehension in the minds of the ceive death with a sense of contentment. This implies name-givers. A participant (Udensi, Male 74) submit- that such names offer greater understanding of the ted that such names often convey the feeling of shock phenomenon of death, and strengthen people to cope and disbelief and describe how parents cope with dif- when they encounter difficult situations like the death ficult emotions and react to death more broadly. In of a beloved one. other words, these names help parents and/or name- givers to understand the true purpose of life. Based on this position, it is observed that it is extensively diffi- Consolation and unpredictability of death cult to accept the fact of mortality. Ibibio also fur- Consolation is understood as psychological comfort nishes some examples of this class of death-related given to one who has suffered severe upset or com- names include: N� kp�on~�ony�on~ “Tomorrow, it is gone,” plete loss like bereavement. It is a social practice that N� darake “I will no_ _� � � t rejo_ice (until you live)” and expresses empathy and highlights hope of a positive N� s�em�ek�e “I will not lament (if you die).” These names future turn of event. In Table 5, 1 identified death- equally demonstrate the futility of life based on the related names that were consolatory scripts, meant to precarious condition of the name-bearer. Participants play symbolic roles to ameliorate the anguish of the argued that these names are deeply influenced by the name-giver. Among the Igbo, names like K�and�ıb�e degree of uncertainty about the chances of survival of “My consolation” and Ka�s�ıem�o “Console me” are used the name-bearers as a result of the history of mortality to make the name-givers to feel better and make in each family. Another participant offered an explan- meaning of their situation after undergoing painful ation on why children are named with this aura of experiences of loss of their children. Participants uncertainty as follows: DEATH STUDIES 9 Table 6. Names that showcase unpredictability of death. semantics and social scripts evaluate how people Name Meaning assess traumatic experience of infant mortality and Igbo how they make sense of this experience. Death is O�nwu�kw�e If death permits �Ik�eagw�uonwu� Death does not rest described in metaphoric terms to conceal fear and Ibibio anxiety occasioned by grief, misery, and insecurity. �Nd�ar�ak�e I will not rejoice (until you live) �Ns�em�ek�e I will not lament (if you die) The ethnopragmatic reading of this class of names �Nkpo�n~o�ny�on~ Tomorrow it is gone attempts to understand their nuanced meaning from a _ _ _ cultural insider’s perspective based on their cultural At birth, it looks as if the child has been diagnosed particularities, and allows a fine-grained resolution of with a terminal illness because nobody knows if it meaning (Gladkova, 2013; Goddard & Wierzbicka, will be alive the next moment. So these names 2004; Goddard & Ye, 2015). The names are forms of provide a slight tinge of hope that sustains the flame of their survival (Bassey, Female 66). communication or what Goddard and Wierzbicka (2004) called “interactional aspect of language” (p. This opinion reveals that the birth of such children 154) which pays attention to security and well-being is often greeted with mixed feelings: happiness and of the living. The communication may be direct or sadness. The ambivalent disposition often haunts the indirect, and may be targeted at the name-giver, name-giver and neutralizes his or her attachment to name-bearer, ethereal forces (underworld) or death the name-bearer. He or she sees death as a substantial itself. possibility, and it has a way of focusing the mind. The Through the use of collectivism as an ethnographic names, therefore, creates the impression that the tool, another recurrent theme that emerged from the name-giver is prepared for the worse. Based on my analysis of death-related names is the inevitability of observation, the names in this category are meant to death which articulates its supremacy in the affairs of emphasize the temporality of life and the need to be human beings. This trope also unveils an understand- positively attuned to face the reality of death. They ing of social attitudes toward death such as the futility help to change people’s normative attitudes toward of life. There is also the cultural myth or belief that death, example, from becoming too attached and ritual power can overcome death through some of the emotional about experience of death. names. The preoccupation with death connotes the assumption that death may not be a natural event. Discussion This position corroborates the claim by Anigbo (1982) that among the Igbo, the Aju Ochu cleansing festival Death-related names are inspired by history of previ- is usually performed during farming seasons to pre- ous death(s) in the same family. They have enormous vent (accidental) death of people. According to cultural and spiritual significance in societies where Anigbo (1982), “it is designed to expel death from the such names are prevalent. They are ladened with emo- community and ensure good health for the villagers” tional reactions and beliefs about the phenomena of (p. 517). This practice is based on cultural norms and death. Children who experienced cycle of birth-death- values which index shared understanding and expecta- reincarnation are generally referred to as “born to tions about death. An interesting aspect of the cultural die” which defines E�si�en E�m�an�a (in Ibibio), O�gb�anj�e scripts embedded in death-related names is consola- (in Igbo) and A�b�ıku� (in Owe, Yoruba). In this study, I tion which embodies a spirit of solidarity to alleviate interrogated the functions of death-related names the burden of grief. Surviving infants become sources from a cross-cultural perspective. I have identified the of comfort and seek to make meaning of their present relevant cultural scripts embedded in the names and circumstances. This category of death-related names explored the locally constitutive meanings each culture also uses “request” which is a speech act verb to assigns to these names. I revealed mainly similarities appease the bereaved. The names are used to make in cultural norms in patterns of death-related names explicit statements with immense cultural value that among the Igbo, Ibibio and Owe (Yoruba) people in uses condolence routine to enable them acquire spe- Nigeria. Death is an important aspect of natural bio- cial significance. logical life, and for the cultures in this study, death is Death-related names are words and expressions not an end of life but a transition to a new world of that exist in the languages under focus. In other ancestry (Ebo, 2019). It therefore means that death is words, they are linguistic actions. Capone (2010) a continuum from where the relationship between the refers to them as “speech acts in context” (p. 4), dead and the living is strongly fostered. Cultural which are used in social interactions to provide 10 E. O. MENSAH cultural rules for meaning construction and interpret- from cultural insider’s perspective reveals uniformity ation. They also contain social intentionality that in the patterns and locally constitutive significations reflects the experience and nuanced discourses of assigned to the names. The intention of the names is name-givers. Based on the accounts of the research to communicate the desire to spare the lives of the participants and observations, death-related names name-bearers, and in communicating this desire, other serve significant socio-cognitive and ethnopragmatic socio-cognitive functions are activated which are functions. They provide a window for understanding mainly to understand social attitudes and perceptions people’s perception of death, appease the name-givers toward death. Future research on death-related names and give him/her peace of mind. The names have also may focus on the role of ethereal elements as the driv- offered alternative modes of combating fear and ing force for the cycle of birth-death-rebirth that uncertainty. This means that they serve as compensa- motivates the bestowal of these names. tory routines by offsetting some psychological difficul- ties. Significantly, these names are forms of social interactions with determined social norms and practi- Disclosure statement ces embedded in culture (Capone, 2010). These inter- No potential conflict of interest was reported by the actions may be mediated between the living and the author(s). dead transcending both physical and spiritual worlds. It therefore reflects the experience of life across time Funding and place (Mensah et al., 2020). The study findings should be understood within Maria Sibylla Merian Centres Programme of the Federal the limitations of the study. Usually, qualitative stud- Ministry of Education and Research, Germany under the grant no [01 UK 2024A] and the University of Ghana, ies are conducted by more than one researcher to Legon-Accra, Ghana as a co-founder of the MIASA fellow- avoid the risk of researcher bias, especially regarding ship awarded to me. data collection and analysis. However, I am grounded in similar research endeavors over the last couple of years. I have sufficient experience in ethnographic References fieldwork, and understood the demands of the Aboh, R., Mensah, E., Inyabri, I., & Ushuple, L. (2023). research from the outset. Significantly, although I Christianity and the gendering of personal names among have a rich sample size, it did not cover every cultural the Bette in south-eastern Nigeria. Journal of Religion in setting in Nigeria where the bestowal of death-related Africa, 53(1), 53–77. names is prevalent, example among the Efik, Erei Akung, J., & Abang, O. (2019). I cannot baptize Satan: The communicative import of Mbube death-prevention (south-east) and Tiv (north-central) Nigeria. Findings names. Sociolinguistic Studies, 13(2–4), 295–311. from these cultures may present different results from Alexander, J. (2018, June 12–14). What’s in a name? An the present study. Significantly, I am not a native examination of Owe indigenous personal names [Paper speaker of any of the three languages used by the vari- presentation]. 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