Resources Policy 71 (2021) 102008 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Resources Policy journal homepage: http://www.elsevier.com/locate/resourpol Government’s ban on Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining, youth livelihoods and imagined futures in Ghana Lydia Osei a, Thomas Yeboah b, Emmanuel Kumi c,*, Ernestina Fredua Antoh b a Department of Geography and Resource Development, University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana b Bureau of Integrated Rural Development, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana c Centre for Social Policy Studies, University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T Keywords: Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining (ASM) represents a vibrant sector that provides direct employment and income Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) to many people particularly the youth. In Ghana, concerns about ASM related environmental challenges led the Government ban Ghana Media Coalition Against Galamsey to start the #StopGalamseyNow Campaign. This resulted in enormous Youth pressure on the government to impose a ban on ASM in 2017. Drawing on data from interviews conducted with Imagined futures Livelihoods fifty-eight ASM workers in two mining districts in Ghana, this paper examines the effects of the ban on the Ghana livelihoods and imagined futures of young miners who were previously engaged in the sector and the ways they navigate their uncertain futures. What emerges strongly from our interviews with young people from a variety of backgrounds and experiences is that, while ASM is a key sector that allows young people to build their liveli- hoods (earn income, accumulate assets), the ban has fundamentally re-structured the landscape of opportunities, leading to both social and economic consequences for young people. The ban had meant that young people could not imagine a future of new beginnings and possibilities for improved life chances including continuing to accumulate asset, invest in residential plots and buildings, or finance the cost of migration of children abroad. Mobility and exploitation of ’near and distant opportunity spaces’ through the support of social relations enable young people cope with hardships brought by the ban. These findings have important implications for policies seeking to promote youth employment in Africa. 1. Introduction economies as they strive to work towards achieving the 2030 Agenda of ‘leaving no one behind’. The employment challenge in sub-Saharan Africa has the fastest growing population in the world, with a large Africa (SSA), is not just about creating decent employment in the share of the population falling within the youth category (i.e. 15-35 formal sector–important as that may be–but also of expanding the op- years). In stark contrast to the situation in North America and Europe portunity sets for productive and gainful employment in the informal which have rapidly ageing populations, the youth population of Africa is non-farm sectors (e.g. ASM activities) (Hilson and Osei, 2014; Yeboah expected to increase from 226 million in 2015 to 830 million by 2050 and Jayne, 2018). (African Development Bank, 2016; ILO, 2019). These young people from There is recognition in both research and policy discourse that diverse backgrounds, face similar realities of rising unemployment and Artisanal and Small-scale Mining (ASM)1–mostly informal, low-tech, job creation is fundamental to the realisation of their shared prosperity and risky form of mining– can provide employment and enable young and poverty reduction (Filmer and Fox, 2014). It is estimated that about people build their livelihoods (Hilson and Osei, 2014). As a vibrant 20 million jobs need to be created annually until 2035 to accommodate branch of the informal sector, ASM provides direct and indirect the growing workforce (Abdychev et al., 2018). Although around 10 to employment to nearly 10 million people in SSA (Hilson et al., 2013). In 12 million African youth join the labour force every year, the continent Ghana, nearly one million people are directly employed in the ASM is only able to create 3.7 million new jobs each year (African Develop- sector (Bansah et al., 2018). ASM generates income for many people and ment Bank, 2016). This represents a worrying situation for African is seen as having the potential to facilitate sustainable rural livelihoods * Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: losei@ug.edu.gh (L. Osei), thomas.yeboah@knust.edu.gh (T. Yeboah), ekumi@ug.edu.gh (E. Kumi), ernestina1960@yahoo.co.uk (E.F. Antoh). 1 This is known locally as galamsey in Ghana. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.resourpol.2021.102008 Received 5 September 2020; Received in revised form 18 January 2021; Accepted 28 January 2021 Available online 13 February 2021 0301-4207/© 2021 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. L. Osei et al. R e s o u r c e s P o l i cy 71 (2021) 102008 and poverty reduction (Labonne, 2014). coupled with the softening of the government’s position on the milita- While statistics on the participation of different social groups in the risation of the ASM sector have made the activities of ASM operators ASM sector are hard to come by, anecdotal evidence suggests that young flourished in recent years (Hilson et al., 2014; Tuokuu et al., 2020; people between the ages of 15–35 years may be over-represented. Hilson Eduful et al., 2020). However, this is happening at the same time as and Osei (2014) confirm youth’s participation in ASM in Ghana and there is mounting concerns about the negative effects of the activities of suggest that it is a stopgap for young people in their search for alter- ASM operators on the environment. In fact, in March 2017, the Ghana native employment opportunities. In addition to the direct and indirect Water Company Limited expressed grave concerns about how the ac- employment it offers, ASM contributes to the generation of foreign ex- tivities of ASM operators has led to deteriorations in water quality and change, fuels local commerce, provides raw materials for local gold- warned that if nothing was done about the situation, Ghana will be smiths and further contributes 31% of the total gold produced (Bansah importing consumption water from neighbouring countries by 2020 et al., 2018). (Eduful et al., 2020). Informed by the perceived threats of ASM activities In line with the huge economic benefits and poverty reduction po- on the environment, in April 2017, CitiFM (an Accra-based radio sta- tential of ASM, Zvarivadza and Nhleko (2018) argued for governments tion) together with the Ghana Media Coalition Against Galamsey to institutionalise policy frameworks to minimise the safety, health and launched the ’#StopGalamseyNow Campaign’ to put pressure on the environmental risks associated with the sector. It is in the spirit of this GOG to save the environment (land and water bodies). For Hilson significant economic potential of the ASM sector that led the Govern- (2017), Hilson and Maconachie (2020), the campaign against ASM ment of Ghana (GoG) to move to regularise the activities of miners in the galvanised support from a wider section of Ghanaian society including sector following the implementation of the Small-Scale Gold Mining Law politicians and civil society organisations (e.g. non-governmental or- in 1989 (Hilson, 2002). The formalisation process was also geared to- ganisations (NGOs), media, faith-based organisations and think tanks). wards ensuring responsible and safe mining (Bansah, 2019). Faced with pressures from the citizenry, the GOG acted swiftly to Nevertheless, closely associated with ASM activities in Ghana are place a ban on all ASM activities-both legal and illegal-in April 2017 severe environmental challenges such as mercury and water pollution, (Armah-Attoh, 2017). The ban brought in its wake Operation Vanguard land degradation, deforestation, as well as unsafe mining practices, (a special taskforce comprising the Police and Army) to clamp down on conflict, social and human rights abuses (Eduful et al., 2020; Zolnikov, the activities of ASM operators. In the early stages of the ban, about 2020). Mercury, a toxic substance used in ASM operations to extract 4000 military personnel were tasked to visit all galamsey sites across the gold, is reported to have found its way, mainly through poor handling country, reaffirming the point that ASM activities have been banned, into river bodies, contributing to water pollution; and the influx of and there were reports that severe punishments such as fines and foreign nationals, who notably deploy the chang fa2 machine in their imprisonment were meted out to offenders (Hilson, 2017; Eduful et al., operations led to rapid degradation of lands, forests and water bodies 2020). (Hilson et al., 2013; Bansah et al., 2018). An obvious and immediate consequence of the ban is that approxi- The negative environmental impacts of ASM activities inspired mately one million persons, who were engaged in the sector lost their negative perceptions within popular and policymaking circles (Hilson jobs and income sources (Zolnikov, 2020). A small number of studies and Maconachie, 2020). The dominant orthodoxy has been that ASM is have examined how the ban has affected the livelihoods of young people ‘bad’ for society and youth miners are ‘criminals’ who have little or no who were previously engaged in the sector, and the coping strategies regard for the dangers posed to the natural environment (Hilson, 2017; they employed (Bansah, 2019; Zolnikov, 2020; Tuokuu et al., 2020) Tuokuu et al., 2020). although there is little research that explores how the imposition of the Informed by these negative perceptions, governments over the years ban and subsequent destruction to livelihoods has impacted on the fu- have instituted policies and measures to ban and clamp down on the tures that these youth imagine for themselves. Against this backdrop, activities of ASM operators. For instance, in 2006, Ghana’s Ministry of this article seeks to address this knowledge gap by answering the National Security under former president Kufuor’s Administration following research questions: How has the ban of ASM affected the initiated the ‘Stop Illegal Mining’ or ‘Operation Flush-Out’ (i.e. a livelihoods and imagined futures of youth engaged in ASM activities? In military-led campaign to stop the activities of ASM operators on mining what specific ways do young people who engaged in ASM navigate the concessions). The Operation Flush-Out led to the destruction of mining hardship brought on them by the ban? equipment and processing plants of ASM operators (Okoh and Hilson, We answer these questions by drawing on a qualitative research 2011; Tschakert, 2009). Similarly, in 2013, the former president, John study undertaken in the Bibiani Anhwiaso Bekwai Municipality in the Dramani Mahama, formed the Inter-Ministerial Task Force on Illegal Western North Region and Abuakwa South Municipality in the Eastern Small-Scale Mining with the objective of forcefully ‘flushing out’ illegal Region of Ghana. Using a qualitative research design, fifty-eight young ASM operators in the country (Hilson et al., 2014; Hilson and Maco- people from four communities (i.e. Bibiani Old Town, Donkoto-Lineso, nachie, 2020). The use of military force to flush out ASM operators was Aweniase and Afiesa) within the two municipalities were interviewed not sustainable and practicable because of the economic significance of with a particular focus on how they came to engage in the ASM sector, ASM (i.e. employment and income-earning potentials) especially for the their perceptions of and the ways the ban on ASM activities has affected youth (Hilson and Maconachie, 2020). This made the government to their lives, livelihoods and future plans, and the coping strategies soften its stance on the use of military force on ASM operators.3 employed. The laxity in the enforcement of laws to regulate the ASM sector What emerges strongly from this study is that ASM is a key livelihood activity that enabled young people to earn income, take care of their own economic and social needs, and support the welfare of family members. There is also evidence that engagement in the sector allowed 2 A Chinese-made diesel-powered rock crusher used for crushing excavated young people to accumulate assets in the form of residential plots and auriferous deposits. housing. However, the introduction of the ban has rendered young 3 We acknowledge that existing studies have documented how attempts by people unemployed, destructing their efforts to build livelihoods. We governments to ban and use military force in the ASM sector has impacted also find evidence that it led in some instances to the engagement of negatively on the livelihoods of the youth (see for example, Tuokuu et al., 2020; Hilson, 2017; Hilson and Maconachie, 2020). However, while these studies some young people in risky behaviour, and the breakdown of family offer some useful insights, they fail to address how bans and militarisation of relations following their inability to meet their own or their family needs the ASM sector affect the imagined futures of the youth and the livelihood as well as their inability to pursue different imagined projects (e.g. strategies employed by the youth in navigating the hardships brought by the continue to accumulate asset, invest in residential plots and buildings, ban on their livelihoods. and finance education of children). Family and broader social relations, 2 L. Osei et al. R e s o u r c e s P o l i cy 71 (2021) 102008 together with their mobility has enabled them cope with challenges opportunity (see Roberts, 1977; 2009; IFAD, 2019; Sumberg et al., faced. 2020). These factors, which Roberts (2009) refers to as ‘opportunity The remainder of the paper is organised as follows: the next section structures’, “create distinct routes that govern young peoples’ entry into presents the concept of ‘opportunity space’ as the framework for un- the labour market, career progress and the futures that they imagine for derstanding the opportunities and constraints to young peoples’ themselves” (p.332). In essence, ‘opportunity structures’ help frame the livelihood-building efforts. This is followed by a description of the study appropriateness of economic activities in a given context (Sumberg sites and research methods used. The focus then turns to the findings- et al., 2014). background and motivations for entering ASM; effects of the ban on It is important to acknowledge that the reading of a given opportu- youth livelihoods and imagined futures; and coping strategies nity by a young person may differ significantly from others (friends, employed. This is followed by a discussion and concludes with some siblings, neighbours), and is likely to be shaped by issues of preference, identified implications for policy. experience, and familiarity with an economic activity. The reading of a landscape is what can transform a possibility (an activity that is possible 2. Young people and livelihood building: an opportunity space within a landscape) into an opportunity (a possible activity that is seen as framework suitable, of interest/desirable) (IFAD, 2019; Sumberg et al., 2020). As it will become clear in our analysis and discussions, while some Our analysis of how the government’s ban on ASM in Ghana is factors allow young people to take advantage of opportunities, many of affecting youth livelihoods and imagined futures, and the ways young the factors such as government’s actions to ban ASM activities can people navigate the situation draws on the concept of ‘opportunity fundamentally alter the landscape of opportunities and thereby limit or space’ introduced by Sumberg et al. (2014). There is copious body of constrain the choices and ability of young people to build a livelihood research literature on the notion of ‘opportunity’ from a variety of ac- and pursue their imagined futures. In this regard, the use of the ‘op- ademic disciplines including education, social geography, innovation, portunity space’ framework is appropriate for understanding how the entrepreneurship, business strategy and philosophy (Gough and Lan- ban has affected the livelihoods and imagined futures of young people gevang, 2017; Afutu-Kotey et al., 2017). Nevertheless, relatively little of and the strategies they have employed to ensure their survival. In doing this literature focuses exclusively on rural young people in the Global so, this paper seeks to test the applicability of the ‘opportunities spaces’ South (see for example, Sumberg et al., 2020). The notion of opportunity framework in the context of the ASM sector in Ghana. The adoption of space refers to the spatio-temporal distribution of a range of economic the framework offers new perspectives into understanding the liveli- opportunities which young people may exploit to build their livelihoods hood dynamics and imagined futures of young people engaged in ASM in their transition to independent adult life (Sumberg et al., 2014). activities. Sumberg et al. (2014) viewed opportunity space as encompassing both ‘near’ and ‘distant’ opportunity spaces. While near opportunity spaces 3. Study area and methods comprise employment options that are open to young people within their immediate vicinity where they mostly reside, distant opportunity 3.1. Study area spaces are the opportunities open to young people beyond their imme- diate environment (i.e. including those found in other rural and urban This study was undertaken in four mining communities in the Bibiani enclaves), and the ability of a young person to take advantage of such Anhwiaso-Bekwai Municipality (BABM) and Abuakwa South Municipal opportunities may require relocation or mobility (Sumberg et al., 2020; Assembly (ASMA) in the Western North Region and Eastern Region of IFAD, 2019). As Sumberg et al. (2014:10) argue, “a willingness and Ghana respectively. The specific communities were Bibiani Old Town ability to travel and live away from home are necessary in order to and Donkoto-Lineso in BABM and Ahwenease and Afiesa in ASMA (see exploit the distant opportunity space”. The notion of ‘near and distant Fig. 1). These sites were chosen because they represent some of the opportunity spaces’ has strong conceptual linkage with the literature on historically important gold mining sites in Ghana. rural economic opportunity which spans both on-and off-farm livelihood Gold mining in BABM dates to 1891 and the municipality hosts some activities (Abay et al., 2020). In a sense, this suggests the need to extend large mining companies such as Noble Gold Bibiani Limited and Chirano the frame of analysis beyond the farm, household or immediate vicinity Gold Mines Limited (Opoku-Antwi, 2010). Owusu-Nimo et al. (2018) to encompass the wider local, regional or national economies. Abay found a high number of sightings and active involvement of youth in et al. (2020) argue that opportunity emerges mainly through the inter- ASM activities in Bibiani Old Town and Donkoto-Lineso (see Fig. 1). play of off-farm, farm and other economic activities. The dynamics of ASM activities in the municipality mostly take place in abandoned un- this interplay is an important component of the literature on livelihood derground shafts or tunnels which have been ceded to the ASM miners, diversification, as well as the non-farm rural economy and linkages manual selection from large-scale mines (i.e. pilfering mining), and the (Ellis, 2000). use of manual pits (Owusu-Nimo et al., 2018). Whether near or distant opportunities, a range of factors mediate the In 2008, the GoG supported ASM miners in Bibiani with a loan fa- landscape of opportunities open to young people. An important point cility of GH¢2.2 million to extend electricity to their operating sites in here is that the opportunities that are open to young people are cumu- Donkoto-Lineso (Oppong, 2008). There is a youth-led ASM group called latively structured (See Sumberg et al., 2020; IFAD, 2019; Roberts, the ‘Ekomyeya’ Cooperative that employs many young people as well as 1995). Owing to this structuring, Roberts (2009) argued that it was the Small-Scale Mining Centre in Bibiani that provides support services erroneous to over-emphasise the role of choices and aspirations in to ASM miners (Owusu-Nimo et al., 2018). The youth population of the determining how young people build livelihoods or seek opportunities area is estimated to be 40 percent of the total population, and of this, in the labour market. Indeed, as Roberts puts it more starkly, “neither many depend on ASM activities for their survival (Ghana Statistical school leavers nor adults typically choose their jobs in any meaningful Service, 2014a). ASM activities sustain the employment of the youth and sense: they simply take what is available” (Roberts, 1977: p.3). A range therefore the government’s ban is likely to have some effects on their of factors including the characteristics of a location (e.g. proximity to livelihoods. However, we acknowledge that while ASM activities serve markets, natural resource potential which shape the viability of eco- as the dominant form of employment for the youth, there are other nomic activities, government policies and interventions including the economic activities in the agricultural (e.g. farming, trading of agri- actions or inactions of the state, and factors at more socio-individual culture inputs and products), industrial (e.g. quarrying, construction, levels (i.e. social norms related to gender, age, class, and individual repair of motor cycles and vehicles) and the services sectors (e.g. background and preferences, including personal interests and aspira- barbering, hairdressing, accommodation, food service activities and tions) as well as social relations and networks mediate the landscape of transportation and storage) that constitute ‘near opportunity spaces’ for 3 L. Osei et al. R e s o u r c e s P o l i cy 71 (2021) 102008 Fig. 1. Map of the study areas. Source: Authors’ construct using ArcGIS 10.6. 4 L. Osei et al. R e s o u r c e s P o l i cy 71 (2021) 102008 the youth in BABM (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014a). South Municipality. Interviewees, mainly young people were purpo- Like BABM, ASMA has a historical presence of mining activities sively selected to ascertain the impact of the ban on their livelihoods and which has led to the operation of large mining companies such as Kibi imagined futres, and coping strategies employed. As part of the sampling Goldfields, Extra Gold and Managing Gold Resource in the Municipality. process, 10 interviewees were first identified by the researchers with the However, the activities of small-scale miners in communities such as help of locals in the communities. These interviewees then introduced Kibi, Afiesa, Ahwenease and Apapam dominates the mining sector in the the researchers to 21 other interviewees who expressed their willingness Municipality (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014b). While agriculture ac- and availability to participate in the study. The purpose of the research counts for 65% of all employment, the unprofitability and unattrac- was clearly explained to the interviewees who then consented verbally tiveness of farming is forcing many inhabitants (especially young to their participation in the study. people) to seek employment in the ASM sector (Eduful et al., 2020). The same interview schedule and protocol employed in phase one What is worth noting is that mining communities within ASMA are was used in phase two to elicit data on the motivations of the youth for located along the tributaries of the River Densu, and this raises concerns engaging in ASM, their perspectives on the ban and its implications on about potential negative effects of ASM activities on the river and their livelihoods as well as the coping and adaptation strategies human survival (Eduful et al., 2020). In the Municipality, the ASM sector employed. All interviews with participants in Ahwenease and Afiesa serves as a source of an economically viable occupation especially for were conducted in the local language and tape-recorded with their full the youth and therefore the ban is likely to have an effect on their lives , informed consent. These were translated into English language. The and many may have had to develop complex responses to survive. Again, interviews lasted between 40 and 90 minutes. while agriculture and ASM activities constitute important economic activities, there are other ‘near opportunity spaces’ in the services (e.g. 3.3. Data analysis food service activities, wholesale and retail, transportation) and in- dustry sector (e.g. manufacturing, construction, air conditioning supply) The recorded interviews were transcribed and verified against the for the youth in the Municipality (Ghana Statistical Service, 2014b). recorded audio files and field notes to ensure data accuracy. The in- terviews were then coded into main (parent nodes) and sub themes 3.2. Research design and data collection (child nodes) by using NVivo 12. As part of the analysis, three main themes (i.e. background and motivations for entering ASM sector, This study employed a qualitative research design involving semi- impact of the ban on ASM on youth livelihoods and imagined futures, structured interviews with fifty-eight young people distributed across and coping strategies) were developed during the first coding process. As the four communities in the two municipalities. Data collection for this part of the second coding process, 6 broad child nodes were also study took place between December 2018 and March 2020 and involved developed as sub-categories. The coding process was recursive in nature two distinct phases of data collection. The first phase took place in and involved movements back and forth with the data and the emerging Bibiani Old Town and Donkoto-Lineso between December 2018 and themes. For this reason, the analysis followed an inductive and iterative March 2019 where we interviewed twenty-seven youth (17 males and method of thematic analysis which focuses on familiarisation with the 10 females) previously engaged in ASM activities. Purposive sampling data, the generation of initial themes, searching for themes, reviewing and snowballing were employed in selecting the youth in the two themes, defining and naming of themes (Braun and Clarke, 2006). As communities. The rationale for the use of purposive sampling was that mentioned earlier, given that interviewees were assured of their confi- we were interested in understanding the perspectives of young people dentiality and anonymity, their names have been anonymised in the who were previously engaged in ASM but had to disengage their ac- final analysis. We also exercised a great deal of reflexivity as the data tivities as a result of the ban introduced by the government. Through collection process was moulded by researchers’ social identities that purposive sampling, five young people were first identified and inter- might have influenced the data collection and analysis. The validity and viewed. The five interviewees subsequently helped us to locate addi- credibility of the findings were established using multiple sources of tional 22 interviewees for their participation in the study. evidence from interviewees, peer debriefing and researchers’ reflexivity A semi-structured interview guide was employed in soliciting the which helped in avoiding biases and pre-conceptions during data perspectives of interviewees. The use of in-depth semi-structured in- analysis. terviews allowed us to gain deeper insights into the perspectives of the youth on their engagement in ASM. The interviews sought to understand 4. Findings the perspectives of the youth on their motivations for engaging in ASM, the implications of the ban on their livelihoods and futures, and the 4.1. Background and motivations for entering ASM sector coping strategies employed to survive or restart an alternative livelihood amidst the ban on ASM. While not necessarily representative of the broader population of At the start of every interview, interviewees were informed that their young people, the interviewees were selected purposively to capture key participation in the study was voluntary and they were free to opt-out markers of social difference present among the youth population anytime they wanted. The idea of participation being voluntary was engaged in the sector, including gender. At the time of the field research, iterated through the research process This also helped avoid the possi- many of the young people in the four communities had been engaged in bility of data gathering from participants being extractive. Interviewees ASM activities between three to fourteen years. In addition, interviewees were also assured of their confidentiality and anonymity during the reported that they had previously worked in the ASM sector in different interview process. Moreover, given that one of the authors is a native of communities including Kenyase, Woronso, Nzema, Nkaseam, Man- Bibiani Old Town, he had established relationships and built rapport sonkran, Wassa, Agyankaman, Konongo and Obuasi. Interestingly while with the interviewees which also provided opportunities for participants both municipalities and all the sites appear to have strong farming po- to freely express their views without any fear. A high degree of flexibility tential, it emerged from our interviews that ASM is the only major was also exercised during the interview process. The majority of in- economic activity in which young people engaged in although a few terviews for phase one were conducted in the local language. The in- individuals mentioned farming. For instance, one interviewee stated terviews lasted between 30 and 75 minutes and were tape-recorded with that: ‘‘I was only into galamsey. I have no other job besides galamsey’’ full informed consent, and were later translated into English. (Interview, 14th December 2020, Bibiani Old Town). Even for those who For phase two, data collection took place between February and combined ASM with farming, they were not directly involved in the farm March 2020 and involved 31 interviewees comprising of 10 females and work in terms of their labour contribution. Rather they relied on hiring 21 males from the Ahwenease and Afiesa communities in the Abuakwa labour for the farm work as explained by one interviewee: 5 L. Osei et al. R e s o u r c e s P o l i cy 71 (2021) 102008 ‘‘I had a farm that was being handled by someone else [ ….] when the reduction in water pollution and destruction of farmlands as one inter- gold business came, I took my eyes off the farm. So, if you have a viewee puts it: farm, you have to hand over to someone to supervise for you’’ (Interview, 14th February 2020, Afiesa). ‘‘We dig pits without covering them. The southern part of the Birim River was also destroyed by galamsey. To an extent, we were worried Across all the sites, interviewees linked their motivation or entry into the government’s ban was destroying our work, but on second ASM sector with their inability to complete or attain higher formal ed- thoughts, we also found faults in our activities especially our impact ucation. This experience left many with no option than to venture into on the environment’’ (Interview, 13th February 2020, Afiesa). ASM as a means to survive as explained in the following quotations: On the other hand, many young people disagreed with the decision ‘‘I was young when I started. Because I come from a poor back- of government to place a ban on ASM. Their view is rooted in the belief ground, I decided to do this [galamsey] to make some money to that their engagement in ASM had little or no impact on farmlands, further my education but I still couldn’t go back to school after JHS’’ forest or water bodies. They claimed to have been environmentally (Interview, 15th January 2019, Donkoto-Lineso). prudent with their activities because their mining involves going un- derground in search of gold. They accused foreigners, particularly Chi- Interviewees narrated governments’ failure to create jobs for the nese small-scale miners, as those who were destroying the farmlands and youth and how it has become increasingly difficult to secure formal water bodies, particularly through the use the ‘chang fa’ machine as sector employment in Ghana despite having a Secondary School certif- stated by a male interviewee: icate, and this experience compelled them to seek employment in ASM sector: ‘‘I have completed the school qualification; as they say ‘I have the ‘‘The machine the Chinese were using brought about this ban. As for key’. But, the system in Ghana is such that you must know someone what we do, we do not destroy any land or water. Our work is un- before you can get something. Who will lead you to get the work for derground. The President should do something about it because you?’’ (Interview, 15th February 2020, Afiesa). This sentiment was also before the Chinese came, we were already into galamsey. They were shared by another interviewee in Bibiani who argued that: ‘‘after Junior the destroyers of our water bodies. The President should find a way High School, I realised life was tough so I needed to find a job or make to separate us from them because even us, we were not in support of money and it was galamsey that could fetch me money […] (Interview, what they [the Chinese] were doing’’ (Interview, 15th March 2020, 4th January 2019, Bibiani Old Town). Bibiani Old Town). For many male and female interviewees, desires to earn ‘quick money’ to take care of their own needs and that of their children and The deployment of Operation Vanguard appears to have had nega- other family members influenced their decision to engage in ASM. In all tive consequences for some young people in all the four communities the sites, females reported working as employees for a wage, most studied. Interviewees provided numerous examples of how young peo- notably in fetching water, carrying sand and running errands for their ple who still frequented galamsey sites encountered physical assaults, employers. Males worked in the physically demanding activities such as harassment and arrest by the task force. One interviewee lamented that: cracking rocks, grinding and digging. “It hurts a lot because these people were using their strength to work; A majority of interviewees expressed a sense of contentment in you know with this job; you can get hurt and even die. So, if one relation to being able to earn independent income from ASM, accumu- decides to work and not be an armed robber and you arrest and late some asset/wealth, and further support their family members. For molest the person … When they arrest you, they can even ask you to instance, an interviewee explained that: ‘‘I was at first living in the same look at the sun and if you don’t, they beat you up. As for the oper- house with my parents. But because of galamsey, I was able to get money ation vanguard team, they really disturbed us" (Interview, 5th to build a single room where I could live [ ….] I also know of people who February 2019, Bibiani Old Town). have bought taxis and buildings from galamsey’’ (Interview, 4th February 2020, Ahwenease). Speaking about the benefits of galamsey, The experience of harassment and assaults by Operation Vanguard another interviewee emphasised: ‘‘it improved my standard of living was not limited to the male miners but also affected young women because you could get money to cater for yourself and family. It also vendors working on mining sites. In fact, to varying degrees these helped me to support my children in education to reach a higher level. mining sites served as markets for the exchange of goods and services Some also travelled outside the country. I built four houses with money and therefore became a target for the Operation Vanguard: from galamsey’’ (Interview, 15th February 2020, Afiesa). ‘‘At the mining site, sometimes we are about 300 people and that is The ability to accumulate wealth, especially investment in housing why there is market for different commodities. So even if you sell with earnings from ASM is significant and may come with the societal food and they [Operation Vanguard] come to meet you on site, they respect necessary for transitioning to adult life. Nevertheless, these will beat you. The soldiers can even throw your food into the pit. outcomes were not universally shared. Across the four communities, a They argue that we the vendors are the ones who give food to the few interviewees, particularly those who had not worked for a long miners to get energy to work’’ (Interview, 15th February 2020, period prior to the imposition of the ban stated that, while they had Afiesa). plans to engage in different projects (such as buy a piece of land, build a house, support family members and children’s education), they had yet to accumulate the necessary resources to implement these plans. 4.3. Ban on ASM and youth livelihoods 4.2. Implications of the ban on ASM on youth livelihoods and imagined Despite interviewees’ mixed views on the ban, what appears un- futures questionably clear from the interviews is that the ban on ASM has fundamentally re-structured the landscape of opportunities for the 4.2.1. Young peoples’ perception of the ban youth. All the interviewees said that the ban has deprived them of their Across the four sites, young people expressed mixed reactions in livelihoods. They have suddenly become unemployed with no job or relation to the ban on ASM. First, a small number of interviewees felt income source. For many it is a shock not to see money daily, weekly or that government action to place a ban on ASM activities was a step in the even monthly as before the ban. Consequently, the ban appears to have right direction. They averred that ASM directly contributes to the brought untold financial hardships, given that ASM is the preferred destruction of farmlands, water and forest resources and this necessi- activity through which young people are able to make money to take tated the need for the ban. For them, the ban has led to a somewhat care of their socio-economic needs, and those of their children and 6 L. Osei et al. R e s o u r c e s P o l i cy 71 (2021) 102008 family members: money to send my children abroad (Interview, 25th January 2019, Donkoto- Lineso). ‘‘The President didn’t help us at all. He needs to lift the ban so we can go back to work. Otherwise, we are dying. As we speak now, I don’t Another interviewee lamented: have a penny to buy water to drink. Galamsey was our only source of income’’ (Interview, 13th February 2019, Bibiani Old Town). “I am unable to pursue some of my dreams again because now I am not making enough money as I used to” (Interview, 16th February Our data also provides evidence to show that the ban has had wider 2020, Ahwenease). effects on the local economies of the municipalities. Trading and food vendoring, most notably operated by young women appear to have been Unlike the ASM sector which provided young people with the op- severely hit: portunity to earn significant income to imagine a future with hopes of pursuing these ambitious projects, interviewees wondered which other “During the time of galamsey, there was employment in this town. economic activity they could engage in to follow their imaginary Anything you carry out to sell will be bought. But with the imposition futures. of the ban, we have become miserable. Now when you put items for sale, they don’t even buy and those who buy also refuse to pay because they don’t have money” (Interview, 15th February 2020, 4.5. Coping with the ban: youth navigation and exploitation of other Afiesa). opportunity spaces Interviewees further explained the ban has as well resulted in an Our interviewees said that they had to develop responses to the ban increase in youth idleness. This is how one interviewee described it: and its associated destruction of their livelihoods in order to survive or improve their life chances. Many reported relying on social networks in “At first you wouldn’t see the young men in town during the day. But order to cope with the difficulties they were experiencing. Networks of now we are all over there since we don’t have any work to do. The social relations, including family members, friends and other commu- ban on galamsey prevents us from working and has created financial nity members, have been instrumental in supporting young people to problems. So, we’re just idle thinking about ourselves and looking up exploit ‘near opportunity spaces’ to start other livelihoods within their to the government” (Interview, 10th February 2020, Ahwenease). communities. A 25-year-old female interviewee who used to run errands There was consensus among interviewees in all the four communities and carry sand and water for galamsey miners in Bibiani Old Town de- that the financial hardship brought by the ban on galamsey had led to scribes how she suffered financially in the first six months of the changes in social and family relations. One interviewee shared his imposition of the ban. However, she says she was fortunate as she has experience by saying: ‘‘the truth is that the ban is leading to divorce been relying on locally known people, mainly farmers and shop owners because we don’t have jobs [ ….] Due to the hardship from the ban on in the community to survive. She receives phone calls whenever the galamsey, my wife has divorced me’’ (Interview, January 25, 2019, farmers or shop owners need extra labour to carry out tasks. For Bibiani Old Town). Still on the social front, interviewees reported a rise example, she narrated that she would sometimes assist farmers to carry in the rate of local petty crime due in part to idleness which pushes farm produce from the farm gate to the market or house for a fee. Also, young people to engage in such acts: she occasionally worked as a shop attendant especially during busy market days for a negotiated fee. Interestingly, she describes the work “The ban has also increased the crime rate in the community. Last she does for the farmers and the shop owners as a ‘menial job’ but week, there were 15 attacks in a single day. There are a lot of cases of nevertheless recognises that it fetches her money to cater for her needs stealing in this town now. But it was not so when there was galamsey and that of her family members. A male interviewee who is currently because people were getting money and all the time, their attention unemployed stated that he receives financial assistance and support was on the mining” (Interview, 16th February 2020, Afiesa). from his siblings in order to survive: “Currently, my siblings are those supporting me. When I made money, I made sure I supported them, so they are taking care of me 4.4. What about the imagined futures of young people? now. Even today, they have sent me some money. It would have been very difficult without them” (Interview, 10th December 2018, Don- It is evident from our interviews that young people had divergent koto Lineso). plans for the future whether to set up new economic ventures (such as grocery and spare parts shops), continue to accumulate asset, mobilise Those who had some savings reported that they moved quickly to resources to finance the cost of sending their own children abroad, ac- establish a farm or non-farm enterprise when the ban was introduced. quire a plot of land and start a building project, and or continually For example, a male interviewed in Donkoto-Lineso revealed that he support the consumption, health or education needs of family members. decided to invest his accumulated savings in the establishment of a In all the four communities, young peoples’ imagined futures were often vegetable (e.g. cabbage, pepper, carrot) farm, and the proceeds from this gendered; males dreamed of investment in assets (e.g. acquisition of farm is what he now relies on to survive. A female interviewed in Afiesa residential plots, investment in large commercial farms, building pro- site for instance narrated ‘‘personally, the benefit I got from it [galamsey] jects and financing the cost of migration of children abroad), whereas was the sewing machine I bought. Now, I can use the machine to sew to the plans of females had more to do with establishing a business (trade), generate some money for food (Interview, 15th February, Ahwenease). supporting the education of their children as well as providing support In Afiesa and Ahwenease communities, interviewees reported that for the needs of other family members. Young people suggested that the many inhabitants, including young people, who have been deprived of odds had been stacked against them in relation to pursuing these their livelihoods in the ASM sector are now into the extraction and sale imaginary projects: of fuelwood for survival. Compared to Bibiani municipality, the dense local forest in the Abuakwa South Municipality seems to have spear- “Most of my dreams and aspirations have been shattered. I wanted to headed young people’s entry into fuelwood extraction and sale for build a house and buy a car. When I was supporting my siblings to survival after the ban: travel abroad, my children were very young so I expected that they would help my children in return, but there was no help. I then “The main occupation currently in this town is the cutting down and decided to work harder to help my children also travel abroad but collection of firewood for sale. That’s what the women cut to sell. with this ban, that ambition is on hold because I don’t have any There’s no work here. At first when there was gold business, that was 7 L. Osei et al. R e s o u r c e s P o l i cy 71 (2021) 102008 what everyone was doing. But when the gold business collapsed, well as mixing up the slurry and transporting these onto the wooden both males and females now cut firewood to sell. You sell too they trestles to process gold particles. In contrast, the young women were wouldn’t buy. The collapse of the gold business has created financial confined to using buckets to carry water, sand or stones, or running problems. If you don’t go to gather firewood and sell, then you will errands (see also Okyere, 2012). This is not to say that young women not get money to buy food (Interview, 15th February 2020, Afiesa). may not work in the more labour-intensive activities. Indeed, as Zolni- kov (2020) notes, young women miners in Akwatia, Eastern Region Moreover, both male and female interviewees reported travelling to participate in roles such as grinding, crushing, washing and amalgam other locations when the ban on ASM was introduced. Depending on decomposition. their reading of the opportunity space, young people moved to either While ASM is mostly considered to be an illegal activity, young another rural location or the city to undertake some form of economic people’s participation in the sector provided several benefits. For many activity mainly in the non-farm sector including trading (e.g. selling it is a means to earn independent income. Similar to what has been re- cooked-food, and retail of household equipment), shop assistant, porter, ported widely by earlier researchers (see for example, Hilson and Osei, cinema/video operators, and construction (e.g. masons, plumber, tilers). 2014; Zolnikov, 2020), young people’s participation in ASM allowed Many reported to have returned to their communities to invest their them to earn a substantial income to cater for their own needs and also accumulated savings into either a farm or non-farm business or both. For cater for household consumption needs, pay children’s school related instance, an interviewee mentioned that: expenses and support other household ventures. Young people’s ability “As soon as they introduced the ban on galamsey, there was hardship to build a livelihood through ASM activities and contribute to household so I travelled. I left my home town and went to other towns, suffering welfare can engender a sense of recognition. What is more, many re- and doing jobs I did not deserve to do. I was a porter just to make ported investments in assets/wealth in the form of residential plots and money to cater for my wife and child” (Interview, 4th January 2019, housing. Whereas this was also gendered, the accumulation of these Bibiani Old Town). assets reflects a relatively vibrant and dynamic ASM sector as well as hard work and prudent decisions of young people. Investment in hous- Finally, some interviewees who have been rendered unemployed as a ing expresses belongingness and is also associated with respect and result of the ban, particularly the males with no formal education are serves as an indicator of one’s standing in one’s own family and society now engaged in risky behaviour (e.g. thievery) in order to survive. Our more broadly (Van Der Geest, 1998). interviewees reported an increase in local petty crime rates and drug Nonetheless the introduction of the ban severely impacted on the abuse by former ASM miners because of loss of income and frustration livelihoods and income of young people. Many young people found it caused by the ban: extremely challenging to perform the varying roles that they used to “The collapse of the galamsey business has resulted in many robberies undertake prior to the ban (see also Bansah, 2019; Eduful et al., 2020; in the town [ ….] Now you can hear of people stealing farmers’ Dery Tuokuu et al., 2020). The decision of government to place a ban on produce like plantain because hunger is prevalent unlike before the ASM activities is worrying particularly in the context where donors and ban” (Interview, 14th February, Afiesa). other governments in SSA have been working assiduously to identify ways to formalise and integrate the sector into a broader economic and It is worth mentioning that young people’s engagement in such ac- rural development strategy (Hilson, 2017). However, the main take way tivities cannot be condoned as it has effects on both the perpetrators and here, and as demonstrated by the opportunity space framework, the society at large. ability of a young person to build a livelihood is not an individual free will affair but rather an outcome of a range of factors (Sumberg et al., 5. Discussion 2014). In the case of the young people studied, government intervention through legislation that brought a halt to ASM activities has severely Perhaps it should not come as a surprise that young people who were affected their livelihood building efforts rendering them unemployed actively building their livelihoods in the ASM sector are seemingly and faced with severe social and economic hardships (financial hard- frustrated by government’s action to place a ban on ASM activities. ships), to the extent that they were finding it difficult to return to the Their frustration emanates from their engagement in ASM over several lifestyles that they had previously. years, which had helped them to master the skills, know-how and Furthermore, young men and women imagined a future where they techniques in building their livelihoods in the sector. On top of this is the will acquire more assets, support the migration of family members/ undeniable economic and social stress, and the sense of opportunities children abroad, and establish new economic ventures. The ability to being stacked against them since losing their jobs in 2017. build a livelihood and pursue these imaginary projects has the potential Our research demonstrates that ASM is the only economic activity in to offer new forms of sociality for young people to prove their sense of which young people engaged to earn income. Reflecting the findings of identity and independence (Filmer and Fox, 2014). Nevertheless, these recent studies (See Hilson et al., 2013; Zolnikov, 2020), our research imagined futures reflect “more or less attainable aspirations but also establishes that engagement in ASM provided the youth with a source of flights of fancy because the future always admits of the unplanned, the employment and a livelihood. The disappointment with school careers, unforeseen, the unknowable, the intervention of external factors beyond and particularly having to drop out of school because of being unable to the control of individuals, which may influence the shape of things to pay school fees or the need to mobilise financial resources to further or come” (Crow et al., 2011: 5). The loss of job, breakdown of family re- restart school is a striking precursor or motivation for young peoples’ lations, income and livelihoods, and the concomitant financial hardship entry into ASM sector. Closely linked to failure of school careers is the brought by the ban had placed many in an uncertain situation with inability of young people to secure formal employment even when they respect to pursuing their imagined futures. Indeed, livelihood building managed to complete school. This, coupled with young people’s desires and realisation of imagined futures are likely to be hampered by social to establish themselves as independent economic actors and wage forces within which agents are embedded. This require of agents (young earners, served as a driving motivation for entry into ASM activities in people) to re-assess longer-term goals and new situation-fitting strate- the first place (see also Banchirigah, 2008). gies and tactics (Yeboah; 2020). As Dang (2015) notes, the futures that Young people’s work in ASM followed a gendered pattern. Young young people imagine for themselves are not fixed categories, but often men worked in the more labour-intensive activities including using a mystery that may not follow the rational calculations of young people. metal pestles, hammers and other tools to crack and extract small pieces Imagined futures are thus dynamic and change over time. The ‘oppor- of gold ore. Older men were found to work as machine operators tunity structures’ including the socio-economic, cultural or political grinding cracked rocks into powdery form for processing with water, as policy contexts (e.g. legislation to ban ASM) together with global and 8 L. Osei et al. R e s o u r c e s P o l i cy 71 (2021) 102008 local processes are likely to shape and influence young peoples’ imag- hastened steps to formalise ASM to allow those engaged in the sector to ined futures in a variety of ways (Yeboah, 2020; Dang, 2015). As it return to work, young people would have to adapt their future plans to stands, it is not all that clear whether these youngsters can imagine a reflect the circumstances and reality within which they find themselves. future with the hopes of new beginnings and possibilities for improved life chances. The extent to which their coping strategies will serve them Author contribution well in their pursuit of different imagined projects is an open question. Nevertheless, the ability to become ‘mobile’ allowed young people to Lydia Osei: Conceptualisation, Data curation, methodology, take advantage of ‘distant opportunities’ to cope with their financial and writing- original draft. Thomas Yeboah: Conceptualisation, Data social difficulties. Mobility, including migration, which has long been curation, Formal analysis, Writing-Original draft. Emmanuel Kumi: described as a livelihood diversification strategy (see for example, De Conceptualisation, Methodology, Writing-Original draft, Writing- Haas 2010) was used by young people as a key coping mechanism to Review and Editing; Ernestina Fredua Antoh: Data curation, Writing- survive the ban. Depending on their readings of where the opportunity Review and Editing, Supervision. was, young people travelled to other rural communities or urban areas to undertake some form of economic activity (mainly retail trade and work in the construction sector), and access social and economic re- Declaration of competing interest sources. The capital raised from working elsewhere typically in menial jobs was used to establish small scale non-farm business activities. While We declare that we have no conflict of interest. some managed to succeed in investing their resources in new economic set-ups in their respective communities, a few simultaneously engaged References in a range of activities by either combining their new economic set ups in the non-farm sector with farm work (see also Gough and Birch-Thomsen, Abay, K.A., Asnake, W., Ayalew, H., Chamberlin, J., Sumberg, J., 2020. 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