UNIVERSITY OF GHANA AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROLE OF ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IN REGIONAL INTEGRATION: A CASE STUDY OF GHANA-ECOWAS RELATIONS BY DOUGLAS OWUSU 10527604 THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS. LEGON AUGUST 2022 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh i DECLARATION I, DOUGLAS OWUSU, do hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of an original research I have conducted under the supervision of AMB. DR. KODZO ALABO. All sources referred to in the study have been acknowledged and that no part has been submitted anywhere else for any other purpose. ……………………………………………………. ……………………………………………………. DOUGLAS OWUSU AMBASSADOR KODZO ALABO (STUDENT) (SUPERVISOR) DATE…09/08/2022 DATE…09/08/2022 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ii DEDICATION This dissertation work is dedicated to God and my parents especially my mother for her unflinching support through prayers, encouragement, and motivation to make this work successful. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my profound gratitude and appreciation to the Almighty God for giving me knowledge, wisdom, strength, and understanding during my stay LECIAD and throughout this research. I would also like to thank my parents, Mr. Kwabena Atta and Mrs. Esther Appiah as well as my siblings for their support and encouragement through this study. I would like to also thank the entire staff of LECIAD for making my academic studies very successful one. Special thanks and appreciation to my abled supervisor, Ambassador Kodzo Alabo for his constructive criticisms, patience, guidance, support, and his insights to make sure I come out with a policy driven research. I am also grateful to Mr. Raymond Kusorgbor for his support and guidance in shaping my work. I also thank special people like Ambassador William Kanyirige, Ambassador Baah-Duodu, Mr. Raymond, and other friends who supported me with this research. God richly bless you all for your time and resources spent on me. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iv TABLE OF CONTENT DECLARATION ............................................................................................................................... i DEDICATION ................................................................................................................................. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................ iii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................................. vii ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................... ix CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................ 28 OVERVIEW OF ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IN REGIONAL INTEGRATION ........................ 28 2.0 Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 28 2.1 Regional Integration in Africa .................................................................................................. 29 2.4 ECOWAS and West Africa Trade ..................................................................................................33 2.5 Ghana’s Participation in Regional Integration and ECOWAS ................................................. 35 2.6 Conceptual Framework ............................................................................................................ 36 2.7 Defining Diplomacy through Theoretical Lenses .................................................................... 36 2.7.3 Economic Sanctions ........................................................................................................................ 42 2.9 Economic Integration Challenges in ECOWAS ....................................................................... 44 2.10 Empirical Review ................................................................................................................... 47 2.11 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 51 References ...................................................................................................................................... 52 CHAPTER THREE ........................................................................................................................ 58 ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IN REGIONAL INTEGRATION: A CASE STUDY OF GHANA-ECOWAS RELATIONS ................................................................. 58 3.0 Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 58 3.1 Demographic Data of Respondents .......................................................................................... 59 3.1.1 Gender of Respondents .................................................................................................................... 59 3.1.2 Age range of respondents ................................................................................................................. 59 3.1.3 Educational level of Respondents .................................................................................................... 60 3.1.4 Working experience in terms of regional integration ....................................................................... 61 3.2 To Identify the Scope and Practice of Economic Diplomacy Among Member Countries ....... 61 3.2.1 Ghana’s membership of ECOWAS has yielded positive results from an economic perspective 61 3.2.2 Commitment and contribution to the process of regional integration in terms of economic diplomacy ................................................................................................................................................. 68 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v 3. To critically investigate the impact of economic diplomacy on Ghana as a member of ECOWAS ............................................................................................................................... 72 3.3.1 The impact of ECOWAS on Ghana ................................................................................................. 73 3.5 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 87 CHAPTER FOUR .......................................................................................................................... 92 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS............................ 92 4.1 Summary of Findings ............................................................................................................... 92 In line with Objective Two: To critically investigate the impact of economic diplomacy on Ghana as a member of ECOWAS ............................................................................................................................... 94 In line with Objective Three, the challenges of regional economic integration within ECOWAS ........... 96 4.2 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 98 4.3 Recommendations of the Study ................................................................................................ 98 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................................ 100 INTERVIEW GUIDE................................................................................................................... 114 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vi LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1 Gender… ....................................................................................................................... 56 Table 3.2 Age range of respondents ............................................................................................... 57 Table 3.3 Educational level of respondents ................................................................................... 58 Table 3.4 Working in terms of regional integration… .................................................................. 58 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ADB African Development Bank AEC ASEAN Economic Community AEC African Economic Community AFCTA African Free Continental Trade Agreement AMU Arab Maghreb Union APEC Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation APPER African Priority Programme for Economic Recovery AU African Union CEAO West African Economic Community CET Common External Tariffs CFA African Financial Community CFR Council on Foreign Relation COMESA Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa ECCAS Economic Community of Central African States ECA Economic Commission on Africa Economic Community of West African States Monitoring ECOMOG Group ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States EEA European Economic Area ETLS ECOWAS Trade Liberalization Scheme University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh viii EU European Union FDI Foreign Direct Investment G8 Group of Eight G20 Group of Twenty GDP Gross Domestic Product GEPC Ghana Export Promotion Council GEPA Ghana Export Promotion Authority ICT Information Communication Technology IIA Institute of International Affairs IOs International organizations ISO International Organization for Standardization LAIA Latin American Integration Association LECIAD Legon Centre for International Affairs and Diplomacy MFARI Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration MoTI Ministry of Trade and Industry MoF Ministry of Finance MRU Mano River Union MOEA Ministry of Economic Affairs NAFTA North America Free Trade Agreement NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development NGOs Non-Governmental Organizations OAU Organization of African Unity Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and Southern African PTA States RECs Regional Economic Communities SAARC South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation SACU Southern African Customs Union Southern African Development and Coordination SADCC Conference University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ix SADC Southern African Development Community UNEC United Nations Economic Commission UNGA United Nations General Assembly US United States WAEMU/ West African Economic and Monetary Union UEMOA WAHO West Africa Health Organization WASSCE West African Senior School Certificate Examination WTO World Trade Organization World War II WW II University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh x ABSTRACT West African economic diplomacy is essentially development diplomacy aimed at enhancing the quality of life for its population. However, efforts to maximize the benefits of bilateral and multilateral economic diplomacy and regional integration for member nations' socioeconomic liberalization are hampered by several obstacles. As a result, the research is directed by the objectives of identifying the scope and practice of economic diplomacy, its impact, and the problems of regional economic integration within ECOWAS. This qualitative study was supported by the theoretical framework of New Functionalism Theory, which relied on ten key informants for theme analysis of data obtained by interview guide administration. According to the findings, Ghana's economic diplomacy is a tool for market integration and regional trade liberalization, which underpins commercial diplomacy management, trade diplomacy management, and financial diplomacy management. Also, the impacts of economic integration tools resulted in trade enhancement, fosters market development and growth, facilitates the creation of employment, transit goods and logistics service management, and revenue mobilization. The key challenges for the regional body are efforts stifled by a new conflict of scramble for its resources by the developed nations; failure to implement the Trade Liberalization Scheme; failure to meet the primary convergence criteria that will set the stage for the establishment of the common currency, ECO; and pockets of corruption and military coups that have destabilized peace, among others. The study advocated the establishment of institutional and legal provisions to support economic diplomacy and integration partnership agreement implementation, the promotion of more political-dedicated regimes in collective economic protocol implantation, and the consistent honoring of financial obligations, separate from the new scramble for regional integration prospects. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.0 Introduction The chapter of this study starts with a brief introduction, the background of the study, and the statement of the problem. This is followed by the research question, the objective of the study, the study scope, rationale, theoretical framework, literature review, methodology, as well as study limitations, Also, there is discussion about the ethical consideration, and finally, the organization of the chapters. 1.1 Background of the Study Increased globalization has had a significant impact on contemporary trends and issues in African governments' economic diplomacy. African countries are getting more interested in becoming more important players in the global economy. African governments' economic diplomacy is essentially development diplomacy aimed at enhancing the quality of life of African populations. Economic diplomacy, both bilateral and multilateral, is assisting African governments in articulating their main issues. To further their own economic interests through diplomacy, to improve the alignment of their economic interests, African countries must remove important trade and investment restrictions that still exist (Mudida, 2012). Aning & Pokoo (2014) indicated that for decades, countries have attempted to build partnerships at all levels of effort, collaborate, and seek avenues to produce opportunities for their neighbors’ mutual benefit. Another of the ways governments try to achieve these aims, according to Macaringue (2016), is through regional integration (RI). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2 Regional integration has been presented as a mechanism for governments to voluntarily delegate sovereignty to intergovernmental or supranational bodies in order to improve circumstances via collaboration (Kabia, 2017). The phrase "integration" refers to the joining of two or more countries, political systems, or intangible entities for the sake of achieving a shared goal. The combining of two or more economies with the intention of reaching a common economic goal is referred to as economic integration. These theories also gave rise to the phenomena of unipolarity and bipolarity, in which two nations dominate the international system, and a multi-polar world, in which several wealthy countries pool their resources to shape the world's destiny (Gilpin, 2011). The process of encouraging international trade and investment through government contacts and influence is known as economic diplomacy. Quasi foreign representations (embassies, consulates, and other public sector commercial assistance facilities), state institutions (investment and export promotion offices), and diplomatic bilateral engagements (trade and state visits) all fall under the umbrella of economic diplomacy (Bayne & Woolcock, 2007; Bergeijk, 2009; Moons, 2012; Moons & Bergeijk, 2013). One of the most crucial instruments for countries to connect with one another is diplomacy. Diplomacy includes negotiations, discussions, and meetings involving accredited officials of states and multilateral organizations. According to Asante (2018), it is characterized by a dynamic network of interconnections and interdependencies, as well as an increasing number of players striving for control over the outcomes of these interactions. Diplomacy as a vocation has developed in terms of definition, qualification, and work expectations of what a diplomat is or is not supposed to perform. Involvement of non-state actors in foreign policy and international affairs, in its broadest meaning, is a phenomenon that is more University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3 common in developed nations and less common in poor countries. The bulk of these non-state economic diplomatic actors engage in foreign assets like food, beverages, medicines, electronics, electrical equipment, petroleum, cars, and chemical goods, to name a few. Economic diplomacy's major purpose is to boost investors' and trade partners' wealth and possibilities by giving one an unfair edge in creating foreign exchange revenues for the other (Bayne & Woolcock, 2011). Nations in the global north, such as Europe, North America, and Asia, are seen as developed, whereas countries in the global south, such as Africa, South Asia, and Latin America, are regarded as impoverished and developing. Regional integration and regional blocs include the European Economic Area (EEA), the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), the Latin American Integration Association (ALADI or LAIA), and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The method through which two or more nation-states agree to collaborate and work closely together in order to attain stability, prosperity, and riches is known as regional integration. One or more formal agreements detailing areas of collaboration, as well as one or more coordinating bodies serving the nations concerned, are usually involved in integration. This type of collaboration generally starts with economic integration and later grows to encompass political integration (Atik, 2014). 1.2 Statement of the Problem The primary goal of ECOWAS is to establish a strong regional economic community that will facilitate trade in products and services. ECOWAS recently celebrated its 40th anniversary, according to Bossuyt (2016). Most studies of the organization's past record agree that significant accomplishments have been made in a variety of areas, such as restoring peace, supporting University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4 democratic elections, enabling free movement of people, and assisting in infrastructure development. However, generally agrees that the core goals have yet to be achieved. Also, the ECOWAS community confronts a number of challenges that are likely to impede its capacity to carry out its activities and achieve its objectives in economic integration front. As a result, the study is underpinned by the need to examine the relevance of economic diplomacy as a tool in contributing to achieving economic integration. Again, Bossuyt (2016) also mentioned the challenge of carrying out regional projects with a poor track record, implying that comprehensive stewardship of the regional construct remained limited. This is due to widespread development concerns on a national basis, as well as insufficient institutional capacity, a lack of trust among member nations, and, most crucially, the interests that drive elite behavior. These needs evidence empirically to resolve this challenge via the exploration of economic diplomacy in this regard. More also, Musera (2020) opined that importance role of economic diplomacy is ferret with difficulties that impede its efficacy, such as competing interests among parties. Foreign direct investments have also been noted to face difficulties due to an unfriendly political climate, difficult circumstances, and high licensing fees, all of which discourage investors. This retrogrades efforts to maximize economic diplomacy gains as multiple bilateral and multilateral discussions in the international system to attract foreign investors, which helps the country expand and develop. As a result, the study will clarify and explain the economic diplomacy role as a tool in ensuring integration in bilateral and multilateral discussions. Furthermore, Akinyemi, Efobi, Osabuohien, and Alege (2019) found that bilateral diplomatic exchange is a more important driver of African bilateral exports than regional integration. They also demonstrate a delicate relationship between these two economic diplomacy instruments: the trade- stimulating effect of diplomatic exchange is less prominent among African nations that are already University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5 members of regional blocs. As a result of the limited and less prominent economic diplomacy instrument exploration, the study seeks to provide empirical of how to utilize the variable (economic diplomacy) as a tool by African Nations. This might suggest a trade-off between regional integration and commercial diplomacy in terms of export promotion, or a lack of complementarity between these two economic diplomacy instruments may be addressed in this regard. However, Adeniran (2012) stated that the most significant hindrance to ECOWAS nation's economic inclusion is the priority of national problems over wider regional ones, resulting in a lack of awareness for the full potentials and utilization of regional economic diplomacy. As a consequence, the researcher investigated the function of economic diplomacy in regional integration, using Ghana- ECOWAS ties as an example. 1.3 Research Questions • What is the scope of economic diplomacy in the ECOWAS and how is it practiced? • What impact has economic diplomacy had on Ghana as an ECOWAS member? • What are the challenges to ECOWAS regional economic integration? 1.4 Objectives of the Study • To identify the scope and practice of economic diplomacy among member countries. • To critically investigate the impact of economic diplomacy on Ghana as a member of ECOWAS. • To highlight the challenges of regional economic integration within ECOWAS. 1.5 Scope of the Study The study focused on the broader tangent of diplomacy and economic relations among member countries within ECOWAS. Specifically, this research is a case study of Ghana and its relations University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6 with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It is further concerned with the impact, challenges, and future of economic diplomacy within the ECOWAS sub-region. The study assessed Ghana and Ecowas relations over the last decade, 2011-2021. This study made use of concepts of regionalism and how they have evolved. 1.6 Rationale of the Study It is imperative to critically examine the scope and practice of economic diplomacy and the factors that influence trade relations among member countries at the regional bloc level. For most countries, economic diplomacy is central to their foreign policy initiatives and serves as a tool to help the country prosper. The study will be relevant and offer empirical research that will consolidate prior scholarly presentations on economic diplomacy. This research will provide the basis and might considerably increase the efforts of the ECOWAS by drawing on some empirical conclusions that would stand the test of time. This study sought to contribute to the already existing literature as it affirms earlier assertions by previous scholars, debunks some assertions, and generates new findings on the issue of economic diplomacy. Although most researchers and academics have investigated the impact of economic diplomacy in many regional blocs, this study introduces a new tangent to build a foundation for future researchers to further studies on the issue of economic diplomacy. Even though several studies have been conducted on economic diplomacy and regionalism, not much has been done specifically about Ghana and ECOWAS. This study is therefore positioned to contribute to the wealth of knowledge on regionalism, with a specific focus on economic diplomacy in the case of Ghana. The results of the study will serve as a primary document to shape the policy and decision-making of the Ghana government. Finally, the study will add to the body of literature on University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 7 regional economic blocs as it exists in academia. The use of current scenarios and happenings within the sub-region is geared towards updating existing literature on sub-regional blocs. 1.7 Theoretical Framework: New- Functionalism Theory Etymology and Assumptions of Neo-Functionalism In response to the development of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and, later, the European Economic Community (EEC), Ernst Haas created Neofunctionalism in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as cited by Schmitter (2005). The theory was at its pinnacle until the mid-1960s, when it began to provide evidence to support its claims. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, it underwent a series of reformulations. Other integration theorists have used its central concept, "spillover," to explain a wide range of phenomena, such as the tendency for regional policy- making to spread from one arena to another. Its distinct logic of functional interconnectedness has been incorporated into numerous theories under various titles. The notion behind neofunctionalism is that some behaviors can justify their existence and trajectory, and that humans choose to address their issues by engaging in certain tasks. If the duties are completed satisfactorily, the collaboration will continue and may even become formalized (Niemann, 2021). The initial players in the case theory of regional integration are autonomous national states and creative, supranationally oriented politicians or bureaucrats. Their common realization that dependency necessitates collective action to overcome some mutually recognized problem stimulates a collaborative effort. Because the peaceful and voluntary merger of formerly autonomous entities was so unprecedented, there were bound to be miscalculations that had to be corrected. The theory's original structural - functional composition (Mitrany, 1966) highlights the significance of experts in recognizing the problem and the implication of resolving University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 8 it, the accumulative pattern of efforts to accomplish this, and the process of learning from experience to implement the procedure towards other problem areas (Niemann, 2021). Its key assumption is that regional integration is "transformative," in the sense that it transforms the character of its participants, activities, institutions, and even aims over time (and across issue arenas). It does not assume that political players alone would reflect a cohesive "national interest" and hence dominate the process. The role of public opinion or politicization was not given much weight in the early neo functionalist texts. According to Haas (1958; 1961: 374), the people were mobilized and engaged in the community system by joining mass organizations such as trade unions and other interest groups. Politicization was viewed as a transitional variable between economic and political integration. It implies that the actors aim to solve their difficulties in order to increase their shared interests while delegating more authority to the center. The Three Mechanisms of Neo Functionalism To move integration ahead, Haas recommended three processes: positive spillage, nationalist allegiance transference, and technocratic automaticity. The positive or constructive flow on effect relates to the concept that integrating nations in one economic area creates strong incentives for further integration in other areas in order to successfully realize the advantages of the first sector's integration. Enhanced regional cooperation leads to an increase in transaction volume and conversation intensity. As a result, institutions that are independent of "local" governments are established. The process of a shift in national loyalty or allegiances is best comprehended by first recognizing that a key presupposition in neo functionalist thought is the presence of a diverse society within the core member states. According to neo functionalists, as the process of integration intensifies, pressure groups and organizations will shift their allegiance or allegiance away from government University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 9 institutions to international organizations in Europe or other developed nations. They will do so because, in theory, they will see that these newly formed groups are a better way to pursue their financial goals. As a result, more regulatory complexity is necessary, as well as the involvement of other regional bodies. As a result, integration is being pushed up the decision-making chain. Technocratic automaticity emphasizes how, as integration progresses, the supranational institutions established to oversee the process will take the lead in adopting additional integration as they grow in power and independence from the member states. Relevance and Application of the Theory to Economic Diplomacy In the economic diplomacy and integration process, both governmental and non-governmental entities (for example, interest groups, social movements, political parties, and businesses) have a role. Actors are (imperfectly) rational and self-interested, but they may learn and modify their preferences when it comes to tactics. Also, interactions between players are positive-sum, and during the integration process, actors at various levels (supranational, national, and subnational) become interdependent, whereas regional institutions can gain independence, and their policy decisions are often considered to be gradual. The concept of spillover in neofunctionalism acts as a catalyst for more integration; it happens because functional challenges in particular sectors are so intertwined that they can only be addressed via diplomacy and integrating them remains a huge effort (functional spillover). This is supplemented by the economic diplomacy of integrative functions of national elites (both governmental and non-governmental) (political spillover) and transnational institutions (cultivated spillover). However, it must be noted that elites control the integration process. Thus, from the mid-1960s onwards, neo functionalists began to consider politicization and the role of the public to some extent. Criticisms of the Theory University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 10 Neofunctionalism was falsely criticized of failure to consider unexpected consequences, despite the fact that this was at the heart of its expanding logic (McNamara 1993), or of refusing to realize that allegiances and identities are often multiple (McNamara 1993; Marcussen and Risse 1997). Its sceptics have also exacerbated neofunctionalism's predictive claims. This is particularly relevant to Even before the Pact of Rome's twelve-year transitional phase ends, Haas' declared a political community as a plausible prospect for economic integration (1958: 311). As early as the 1960s, neofunctionalists refrained from making such assumptions about the ultimate state (Haas 1960, 1964; Lindberg 1963: 6). The theory has been criticized for presuming a level of automaticity in integration processes and failing to account for rising protectionism and integration barriers erected by member states (Eilstrup-Sangiovanni, 2006, p.97). In addition, the theory was criticized for failing to explain issues outside of its research focus and analytical spectrum, such as the nature of interest representation and intermediation in the EU (cf. Hix 1994: 6) or the beginning of the European integration process (cf. Milward 1992: esp. Ch. 1). See Niemann for a more detailed explanation of these debatable criticisms (2000: 13-23). Other complaints, on the other hand, pose more pressing and fundamental issues. Neo functionalists, for example, undervalued sovereignty consciousness and nationalism as impediments to integration (Hoffmann 1995 [1964]: esp. 75-84). Similarly, they have spoken nothing about the (underlying reasons for different national integration demands (Moravcsik 1993). Hooghe and Marks (2009) disputed the "permissive consensus" assumption that Lindberg and Scheingold (1970) and other neo functionalists still accepted in the 1970s – and stated that more attention should be paid to the role of the public in understanding the development of European integration. 1.8 Literature Review University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 11 1.8.1 Benefits of Regional Integration Harri (2011) identified the following as benefits of regional integration: Enhanced political cooperation When compared to the effect that each country has, several nations generally have a significantly bigger political influence. This type of integration is a critical technique for dealing with the region's political turmoil and future conflicts. Moreover, increased political coordination because of regional economic integration is crucial for coping with the socioeconomic difficulties that globalization has created. Creates trade A regional economic integration pact gives member nations access to services and commodities that were previously inaccessible. They may readily purchase products at lesser prices now that tariffs have been removed or reduced. As a result, more trade between member nations is promoted. The savings made by buying lower-cost things might be used towards the purchase of additional goods and services. Employment Prospects Economic integration produces job opportunities by promoting trade liberalization, market expansion, and higher investment in member countries. People may relocate from one country to another in quest of fresh opportunities or higher wages. Businesses that rely mostly on low-skilled workers frequently shift their manufacturing processes to low-wage nations as part of regional cooperation. Encourages Economic Growth Economic integration promotes economic progress as well as the introduction of new and improved technology. The economy of the various countries benefit because of free trade as their University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 12 GDP rises. On the other side, regional economic integration typically entails member nations relinquishing sovereignty over key issues such as trade, fiscal, and monetary policy. 1.8.2 The Need for Economic Integration in ECOWAS In ECOWAS, there remains a pressing necessity for economic integration. Economic integration in West Africa would surely provide considerable benefits and incentives to its member countries. These positive aspects are among some of the reasons why West Africa requires regional economic integration. This would be felt in a variety of areas, including the economy, politics, and socio- cultural, among others. On a greater scale of African economic cooperation, the formation of ECOWAS is seen as a vital requirement for the region's success, attributable to its division into a vast number of tiny states, which resulted in limited market sizes (Robson, 2010). Every member state is thought to have significant historical similarities (Shobande et al., 2018). As a result, there remains a strong demand for integration, as it is apparent that economic union under ECOWAS will benefit West African states greatly. The prospect of market growth remains among the most important aspects of economic integration in the region. Economic integration will provide ECOWAS member nations the opportunity to fully assess and benefit from economies of scale by diversifying their markets. There is still a balance between competitiveness and economies of scale, as Regina Madyo points out, in that "bigger businesses have fewer of them, and the market is less competitive." As long as there is expansion in the market, this tradeoff shifts, allowing for larger firms as well as more competitors (Sulemani, 2019). Regional economic integration has the power to persuade member state firms to "produce a diversity of products" since there would be varied types of consumers with varied preferences in the larger market. Since there would be competition, regional economic University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 13 integration might reduce internal inefficiencies that member nations confront, encouraging governments to go all out to meet their goals. This indicates that if an economic integration may stimulate and enhance rivalry among ECOWAS member nations, it can also drive multinational enterprises in the area to minimize 'internal bottlenecks,' as member nations take full advantage of it. 1.8.3 Africa's Regional Economic Integration Challenges According to Kimunguyi, one significant problem of African regional economic integration is the promotion of inter- and intra-regional trade. His article, Kimunguyi noted that the low inter- and intra-African trade performance is due to a variety of factors. He decried the fact that some African countries in the area primarily produce raw materials, which are less competitive in the global market and have little demand outside Africa (Kimunguyi, 2006). Moreover, citing Angola and the Seychelles as examples, Kimunguyi believes that the lack of variety in African commodities remains a major impediment to inter- and intra-African trade development, with petroleum products accounting for 90% of Angola's exports to other African nations and fresh fish accounting for approximately 98 percent of the Seychelles' exports. Furthermore, despite Senegal's proximity to the Gambia, commerce between the two countries is small, and Senegal's largest commercial partner is France, whilst the Gambia deals mostly with the United Kingdom (UK). One other impediment to African trade development, according to Kimunguyi, is that most African countries even have greater commercial links with their colonial rulers than with their neighbours. This remains the sole explanation why Tunisian and Cameroonian products frequently end up in French warehouses before being routed to one another's market shelves. As a result, Africa's regional economic integration is in jeopardy. As a result, it is obvious that Kimunguyi concentrated on the economic challenges of Africa's regional integration, proposing recommendations for how to overcome these challenges in the future (Kimunguyi, 2006). Another University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 14 obstacle, according to Geda and Seid, is concerns about compensation and differences in the beginning condition. The two academics noted that this problem is directly related to the lack of an effective mechanism for ensuring that those who profit may recompense losers in the immediate future, and that in the long term, losses are averted. One of these costs is the loss of tax money, which remains a direct and immediate loss that may cause member nations to hesitate until they perceive an immediate and bigger return from the integration process (Geda & Seid, 2015). For example, the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) recognizes that the weakest countries are apprehensive that powerful nations may abuse them. Furthermore, under the integration model, where nations are at varying stages of development, the advantages of integration are uneven, and the willingness to carry out agreed-upon accords may well be endangered. Although if gainers accept paying losers in theory, putting up an appropriate method and executing it sustainably is considered a very challenging task in sub-regional integration initiatives. According to academics, another important obstacle confronting regional economic integration in Africa is the risk of revenue loss. Also, According to Geda and Kibret, the product or outcome between apparent relatively brief revenue loss and protracted benefits of regional cooperation is compounded by the abolition of trade restrictions in nations where tariff revenue remains one of the most important sources of government revenue. The two researchers offered Kenya as an example, claiming that government money from EU imports makes up a sizable portion of total revenue. Ethiopia's income loss as a result of extending its market to COMESA amounts to no more than 1% of total revenue, according to the two scholars, because COMESA commerce is modest (although transferring from the EU to COMESA might result in a significant tax revenue loss) (Geda & Seid, 2015). These COMESA analyses show that numerous University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 15 countries in Africa are apprehensive about achieving RI for fear of losing money from inter- and intra-state trade. 1.8.4 Challenges Facing the Economic Integration of ECOWAS In comparison to other regional organizations in Africa, ECOWAS' attempts at regional integration have not yielded significant results. Several theories about ECOWAS integration have been suggested in the literature to address this occurrence. Notwithstanding the human and financial resources deployed, Asante maintains that few of the economic groups founded in the mid-1980s have made significant progress toward building a regional economic market, much less an economic community (Asante, 2016). In a similar vein to Asante, Okolo claims that the challenges are due to a lack of sufficient "background conditions" for integration. He goes on to say that the ECOWAS integration strategy faces challenges due to weak institutional structures resulting from limited influence. The focal point, also known as the ECOWAS national level institutions, is in charge of implementing ECOWAS resolutions in member states in order to encourage collaboration and long-term growth. Sadly, the community's capacity to fulfil critical objectives seems to have been hampered by the instability of many of these member countries, as well as widespread poverty aggravated by years of political misrule (Okolo, as cited in Sulemani, 2019). In recent years, issues involving national-level institutions have become a major source of worry in terms of the community's goals. As indicated by Asante, member states have also found it challenging to manage ECOWAS operations at the national level (2012). Asante's claim is as pertinent now as it was when the ECOWAS treaty was signed in 1975. As a result, the varied viewpoints and insights presented by many researchers from different points of view are discussed as follows: University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 16 The Obstacle of Pragmatic Dedication Fear of losing sovereignty, along with a lack of real political will and commitment by ECOWAS member countries, constitutes one of the most major hurdles to economic and other kinds of integration within ECOWAS, as per Lanre Olu-Adeyemi and Bonnie Ayodele (Olu-Adeyemi & Ayodele, 2007). The two authors acknowledged that Africa's regional integration experience suggests that nations are apprehensive about setting up supranational institutions and handing over the reins to them as governing authorities because of the threat of losing their sovereignty as independent countries and thereby demonstrating almost no commitment to the integration processes (Olu-Adeyemi & Ayodele, 2007). They claim that commendable regional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC lack a powerful shared legal solution which must underpin member nations to carry out their commitments, including lowering trade tariffs and barriers in compliance with their economic promises to economically integrate the continent. There remains no uncertainty that REI in West Africa will be a big success if such hurdles are eliminated as a result of liberalization (Olu-Adeyemi & Ayodele, 2007). African academics have decried the reality that West African countries' commitment to economic integration is merely rhetorical, since there exists a major lack of actual commitment. Speculators have noted that in a significant regional organization like ECOWAS, governments are more concerned about other international and bilateral obligations outside and inside the area than they are about regional accords like ECOWAS. This is partially explained by assistance dependency and, as a result, conditionality tied to member nations' structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) of member countries (Aning & Salihu, 2017). Abraham's remark, which seeks to indicate that the intellectuals' unwarranted dominance in regional integration execution diminished grassroot involvement, is directly tied to the above University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 17 argument (Abraham, 1999). He also claimed that leaders in Africa have failed to adequately convey to their people the rationale for their participation in integration agreements as well as the benefits earned by their citizens. The focus of contemporary activities seems to be on meeting the very needs of the populace and, by extension, the continent in foreign relations (Abraham, 1999). The Challenge of 'Strong Ties' with Past Colonial Overlords The problem of strong relationships with previous colonial rulers remains among the key challenges connected with REI in West Africa, particularly with member nations. As opined by Adeniran, as cited in Sulemani (2019), colonial influences have prevented ECOWAS from achieving a unified external tariff system, which threatens to break the region into two factions— Francophone and Anglophone. For example, ECOWAS and the UEMOA have both taken positions which are inherently incompatible, escalating the Anglophone-Francophone divide. The Anglo-Francophone difference is widening. Asante (2012) argues that the fundamental barrier to the formation of a regional economy in West Africa remains the old metropoles' external dependency on ECOWAS nations. This is especially relevant given that emerging countries rely heavily on industrialized governments for development funding, raw material markets, technology, etc., and this is mainly done along colonial lines. Because of their unequal connection with the rest of the globe, Third World nations are more exposed to external economic forces, which can stymie regional cooperation. The ECOWAS trade pattern displays significant vertical interaction with external nations, especially developed countries, as well as a modest horizontal link among its member countries (Hulse, 2016). Most ECOWAS member countries import manufactured goods such as machinery, electronics, automobiles, and vehicles. Most of these produced commodities come from the European Union. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 18 Except for Guinea-Bissau, West African states have a much higher proportion of manufactured items in overall trade with the EU than a comparable proportion of total imports from all nations, indicating that these nations import industrial products from the EU in the majority of cases. With the exception of Ghana and Guinea, raw resources have lower tariffs in West African countries than agricultural and processed goods. In Ghana, for example, extremely high fuel prices of up to 89 percent were in effect in 2000.The EU, on the other hand, imports agricultural goods and raw resources mostly from ECOWAS members. As a result, the EU-West African trade arrangement is pretty typical of advanced and developing nations. Imports from the UK and France, "West Africa's former colonial powers," account for the majority of the EU's overall imports. Italy, Germany, as well as the Benelux nations are also key commercial partners (Sulemani, 2019). According to Adepoju, different colonial boundaries, such as Lusophone, Francophone, and Anglophone, have hampered the free movement of labour in the region, affecting economic activity. The adoption and execution of protocols aimed to facilitate community residents' migration, residence, and integration into Member States have been hampered by waning political support, political instability, and cross border conflicts. The ongoing economic crisis has hampered states' capacity to implement consistent macroeconomic policies, resulting to some extent in inadequate funding of cooperatives. As a result, Africans' ongoing shows of allegiance and tight ties to their previous colonial rulers, as well as their inability to effectively educate their populations about the benefits of EI, pose a significant threat to RI on the African continent. Again, Asante (2012) grouped the integration challenges of ECOWAS into political, financial, approach or method and the existence of multiple regional bodies in the sub-region (rationalization). The absence of well-structured institutions and administrative capabilities, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 19 particularly at the national level, is a key barrier for ECOWAS in formulating and implementing initiatives to promote integration. Institutions in the ECOWAS lack strategy, a clear vision, and feasible plans to improve integration. They also lack the power and resources necessary to make solid choices and see them through. Another problem is deciding who will work in these institutions. Personnel are frequently recruited based on geographical and political considerations rather than skills and competency. Several impediments to effective integration in West Africa have also been identified by the African Development Bank (2011). Inadequate contemporary cross-border infrastructure, as well as insufficient institutional and human capability, are the two most significant hurdles to integration in West Africa, according to the ADB (2011). Inadequate transportation infrastructure, electricity, and ICT in the area are important roadblocks to regional integration and economic progress. Another difficulty is the region's attitude to integration. The problem here is that ECOWAS has taken a market integration approach to economic integration, with a focus on removing trade and non-tariff obstacles. According to Asante (2012), the market integration model's flaw is its overemphasis on trade liberalization as the primary means of integration. The market approach gives the impression that integration is primarily concerned with commerce and investment. Despite the fact that the Revised ECOWAS Treaty emphasizes the importance of moving away from the basic market approach and toward the classical production model, no adequate efforts have yet been implemented. 1.9 Research Methodology The section reviews the methodology used to examine the role of economic diplomacy in the regional integration of Ghana-ECOWAS Relations. The research methodology starts with the appropriate research design. Furthermore, there is the discussion of the target population, the University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 20 sampling method, and finally, it ends with data collection analysis on the role of economic diplomacy in the regional integration of Ghana-ECOWAS Relations. 1.9.1 Research Approach There are three research approach methods. They include; Qualitative, Quantitative and Mixed- Method Research approach. Qualitative research mostly aims to comprehend ‘participants’ experiences, opinions, and thoughts’ (Harwell, 2011). Also, quantitative research is more logical and is based on defined factors. In a mixed-method study, both qualitative and quantitative methodologies are used. For this study, the qualitative method was considered appropriate because documentary analysis and in-depth interviews were conducted for the study. 1.9.2 Research Design The study adopted the case study research design as explained by Creswell and Poth (2016) under the qualitative research approach. The case study of Ghana allows for in-depth analysis to provide a proper understanding of the issues under investigation. 1.9.3 Target Population Professionals with experience and knowledge tackling issues related to regional integration in the ECOWAS sub region and that of Ghana's, were contacted for the study, as previously indicated. A total of ten (10) people were interviewed. Academics, researchers, and specialists from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration, Council on Foreign Relations in Ghana, Ministry of Finance (ECOWAS Unit), Ministry of Trade and Industry, Institute of International Affairs and Legon Centre for International Affairs and Diplomacy were among the respondents. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 21 1.9.4 Sampling Technique To allow the study to focus on specific people, purposeful sampling was used. Respondents who were thought to have the requisite expertise to aid the inquiry, as well as to boost the study’s representativeness and generality (Yin, 2005). 1.9.5 Sources of Data Primary in addition to secondary data were used in the investigation. Interviews with chosen resource individuals were used to gather primary data. Personal interviews with respondents were performed utilizing a semi-structured interview guide to collect data. This enabled respondents to provide comprehensive data for the study. The interviews were centered on the objectives of the study. Journal articles, policy documents, newspapers, books, and the internet were used to gather secondary data to supplement data from primary sources to widen the scope of the data to be analyzed. 1.9.6 Data Collection and Analysis Respondent information was edited, coded, transcribed, and processed. In this study, thematic content analysis was used to analyze the collected data. Relevant conclusions and recommendations were reached as a result of the analysis. 1.10 Limitations to the Study University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 22 The researcher found it difficult to organize interviews with respondents on time, which was the study's principal limitation. It was challenging to get out to respondents for interviews due to their busy schedules. Notwithstanding these limitations, the study was not endangered because sufficient data had been collected regarding the study topics. 1.11 Ethical Consideration Because the study was conducted only after the participants' stated agreement (informed consent), the primary ethical standards in the conduct of the study were rigorously followed without any infringements. Respondents were also made aware that the study was primarily for academic purposes and that they were not obligated to respond any of the survey's questions. Furthermore, the respondents gave their consent after being assured of anonymity and secrecy about the information provided. 1.12 Chapter Organization The study comprised of four chapters. Chapter One constituted the introduction and discussed theoretical framework, literature review, the methodology used in the study, which involved the mode of data collection, analysis, and presentation of findings of this research work. Chapter Two provided empirical review, and historical overview of the topic under study. Chapter Three presented the analysis of the data whereas, Chapter Four summarized the findings, discussed the conclusion, and made recommendations based on the study findings. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 23 References Abraham, K. (1999). The Challenges and Prospects of Pan-African Economic Integration (No. 12). Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development. Adepoju, A. (2001). Regional organizations and intra-regional migration in Sub-Saharan Africa: Challenges and prospects. International Migration, 39(6), 43-60. Adeniran, A. (2012). Regional integration in the ECOWAS region: Challenges and opportunities. African Development Bank (2011), Combined Mid-Term Review and Regional Portfolio Performance Review of the Regional Integration Strategy Paper for West Africa. Retrieved from: www.afdb.org. Akinyemi, O., Efobi, U., Osabuohien, E., & Alege, P. (2019). Regional integration and energy sustainability in Africa: Exploring the challenges and prospects for ECOWAS. African Development Review, 31(4), 517-528. Annan, N. (2014). Violent conflicts and civil strife in West Africa: Causes, challenges and prospects. Stability: International Journal of Security and Development, 3(1). Aning, K., & Pokoo, J. (2014). Understanding the nature and threats of drug trafficking to national and regional security in West Africa. Stability: International Journal of Security and University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh http://www.afdb.org/ 24 Development, 3(1). Aning, K., & Salihu, N. (2017). Regional approaches to statebuilding II: The African Union and ECOWAS. In Political Economy of Statebuilding (pp. 174-188). Routledge. Asante, S.K.B. (2012). Issues in African Regional integration” Capacity Challenges of Managing \ Regionalism in Africa at the National Level: The Case of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), p. 13 Asante S.K.B., (2012). Challenges and Opportunities of Regional Integration for Developing Economies. Issues in African Regional Integration-2012. Center for Regional Integration in Africa (CRIA). Ghana Institute of Management and Public Administration (GIMPA). Asante, S. K. (2016). Regionalism and Africa’s development: expectations, reality and challenges. Springer. Asante, F. O. (2018). Assessing the ECOWAS Trade Liberalization Scheme (ETLS) as a Vehicle for the Promotion of a West African Free Trade Area (Doctoral dissertation, University of Ghana). Atik, S. (2014). Regional economic integrations in the post-Soviet Eurasia: An analysis on causes of inefficiency. Procedia-Social and Behavioral Sciences, 109, 1326-1335. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 25 Bayne N., & Woolcock S. (Eds.). (2011). The new economic diplomacy: decision-making and negotiation in international economic relations. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Geda, A., & Seid, E. H. (2015). The potential for internal trade and regional integration in Africa. Journal of African Trade, 2(1-2), 19-50. Ghanaian Chronicle “The Furore Over Pres. Kufuor`s Visit to Togo” (6 February 2001, Accra) www.allafrica.com/stoeies/200102070193.html (accessed 27/08/2016) Harri D. (2011). Benefits of Regional Economic Integration. Article, benefitof.net/benefits-of- regional-economic-integration/ -1 http://www.ecowas.int/about-ecowas/history/ Hulse, M. (2016). Regional powers and leadership in regional institutions: Nigeria in ECOWAS and South Africa in SADC. Interview by Ofeibia Quist-Arcton with President J.A. Kufuor, President of the Republic of Ghana and Chairman of ECOWAS, July 16, 2003. www.allafrica.com. (Accessed on 7 July 2006) Kimunguyi, P. (2006, September). Regional integration in Africa: Prospects and challenges for the European Union. In Being a refereed paper presented to the Australasian Political Studies Association Conference University of Newcastle, Australia (pp. 25-27). Macaringue, P. (2016). The military dimension of security co-operation in SADC. Paper delivered at the Formative Process Research on Integration in Southern Africa (FOPRISA) annual University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh http://www.allafrica.com/stoeies/200102070193.html%2520 http://www.ecowas.int/about-ecowas/history/ http://www.allafrica.com/ 26 conference, Maputo, November Moons, S.J.V., & van Bergeijk, P.A.G. (2013). A meta-analysis of economic diplomacy and its effect on international economic flows. ISS Working Paper Series / General Series (Vol. 566, pp. 1–30). Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/1765/50074 Olu-Adeyemi, L., & Ayodele, B. (2007). The challenges of regional integration for development in Africa: Problems and prospects. Journal of Social Sciences, 15(3), 213-218. Osabuohien, E. S. (2007). Trade openness and economic performance of ECOWAS members- reflections from Ghana and Nigeria. African Journal of Business and Economic Research, 2(2_3), 57-73. Robson, P. (2010). Integration, development and equity: economic integration in West Africa. Routledge. Sambo, A. M., Othman, M. F., & Omar, R. (2017). Conflict and intervention in ecowas sub- region: Forty years after ‘integration’, what next?. Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies, 5(6), 54-63. Shobande, O. A., Ezenekwe, U. R., & Uzonwanne, M. C. (2018). Revisiting economic integration in West Africa: A theoretical exposition. Journal of Economic and Social Thought, 5(3), 225- University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh http://hdl.handle.net/1765/50074 27 229. Smit, P. A. (2015). Transnational Labor Relations in SADC: Regional Integration or Regional Globalization?. Journal of Globalization Studies, 6(1), 14-29. Sulemani, B. E. N. I. N. (2019). Economic integration of the economic community of West African States: Prospects and challenges (Doctoral dissertation, University Of Ghana). Ukaoha, K., & Ukpe, A. (2013). The ECOWAS Trade Liberalisation Scheme: Genesis, Conditions and Appraisal. Ecowas Vanguard, 2(3), 1-12. Wulf, H., & Debiel, T. (2009). Conflict early warning and response mechanisms: Tools for enhancing the effectiveness of regional organisations? A comparative study of the AU, ECOWAS, IGAD, ASEAN/ARF and PIF. Zouhon-Bi, S. G., & Nielsen, L. (2007). ECOWAS–Fiscal revenue implications of the prospective Economic partnership agreement with the EU. World Bank Africa Region Working Paper Series, 103. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 28 CHAPTER TWO OVERVIEW OF ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IN REGIONAL INTEGRATION 2.0 Introduction This chapter focuses on the historical evolution of regional integration (RI) in Africa, particularly in terms of economic integration. The chapter opens by tracing the continent's history of regional economic integration (REI.) Furthermore, the chapter discusses the ECOWAS' experience, showing the historic progression of the organization's integration, which serves as a model of regional economic integration (REI) in Africa. There is also the examination of the numerous economic groups in West Africa that prompted the foundation of ECOWAS. And lastly, we discussed the empirical review of the study. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 29 2.1 Regional Integration in Africa As indicated by Ken Ahorsu, Africans have experimented with regional integration as a long-term continental strategy of "collective self-reliance" to put a stop to the recalcitrant colonial structural legacies of reliance and marginalization Given the demographic restrictions, low income, limited domestic market, structural problems, dependency, and mutual historical and cultural links, African nations have been compelled to join regional and continental cooperation programmes. (Ahorsu, 2007). As a result of the foregoing, nations with similar socio-cultural, political, and historical connections frequently employ their feelings of communality to handle mutual socio-economic and political difficulties as well as bolster their country's international capacities. This feeling of mutual interests and connections leads to some type of teamwork. The official institutionalization of this attitude of togetherness and collaboration among nations in a geographic area is known as regional integration. Regional integration strives to combine the money and effort of participating nations in order to address and promote shared interests in a range of fields, including economic, socio-cultural, political, military, etc. (Hartzenberg, 2011). Regional integration agreements are considered a "mini-UN," with appropriate procedures for mobilizing and coordinating activities across geographical zones. Regional organizations are encouraged by the UN Charter to take the necessary steps to safeguard international peace and security (Aris & Wenger, 2013). The activities of the UN and other players to assist governments in putting its security recommendations into action are supplemented by regional and sub-regional organizations. Regional and sub-regional organizations, unlike international organizations, are made up of governments that are close to each other and have comparable political, social, economic, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 30 cultural, and historical experiences (Katzenstein, 1996, cited in Yamashita, 2012). As a result, regional and sub-regional organizations are a better place to talk about national and regional security advantages. Africa has advocated regional integration at both the continental (via the AU, previously the OAU) and sub-regional levels (via ECOWAS, SADC, and ECAS, among others), as it has been in other continents (De Melo & Tsikata, 2015). These subregional organizations work for a wide variety of regional goals, including economic, political, social, and, most importantly, peace and security (KayizziMugerwa et al., 2014). According to Asante (2016), the economic justification of eliminating the restriction of small and fragmented countries operating in isolation has prompted African nations to adopt regional integration as a critical element of their growth strategy. Integration is a prerequisite for African nations as they strive for economic success. A single market's members must, at the very least, be in harmony with others for it to work correctly, as wars and other forms of conflict can disrupt it and wreak havoc on transportation networks, communications, and a slew of other essential infrastructures. 2.2 History of Regional Integration in Africa Long-distance commerce occurred across Africa prior to the advent of the Europeans, resulting in a long tradition of regional economic relationships. The trans-Saharan commerce and the caravan trade were among these. At the time of colonialism, nevertheless, economic activity of various University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 31 types, such as commerce, financing, monetary affairs, administrative duties, transportation, and communications systems, were structured on a regional level, involving monetary unions between francophone nations and France (Aly, 1994). Each colonial power used to connect seized territory under one centralized system for the sake of convenience throughout this era (the colonial period). As a result, common services and common money-issuing bodies were established. In this case, typical behaviours such as the free mobility of people proved to be beneficial. Regional integration became a component of Africa's development strategy after independence (Mzukisi, 2007). Pan- Africanism, an ideology that stresses continental solidarity and strong sympathy with the then- ongoing anti-colonial battles, was the leitmotif of Africa's developmental framework. Since Africa's independence in the 1960s, the creation of sub-regional economic communities has been a critical component of the continent's development strategy (Mzukisi, 2007). During this time, the OAU and the ECA promoted African economic regionalism. These were carried out for two major reasons: partly as a reaction against colonialism, partly to promote regional political and economic progress, and partly as a political weapon to address global power dynamics. Since Africa benefited from rivalling East and West blocs' financial aid in their endeavors to expand their spheres of influence throughout WWII, and the years immediately following the postwar, Regional economic integration was not given attention across the continent (Kimunguyi, 2007). He went on to say that the conclusion of the East-West conflict resulted in these nations' "retreat from Africa," which exacerbated the continent's economic woes. According to Kimunguyi (2007), at this point, African authorities, particularly those who had not previously been dedicated or active in the integration, recognized the importance of Africa uniting and acting University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 32 as one. He predicted that this will result in significant changes in their economic prospects, otherwise poverty and slow development continue to affect the region. In UNEC’s publication entitled "Assessing Regional Integration in Africa IV: Enhancing Intra- African Trade," contends that "the formation of the OAU, now the African Union (AU), was the first step towards promoting both continental unity in Africa and economic cooperation within the African continent." It is extremely important to track the initiatives of African leaders to regional integration from the independence period. According to the publication, African leaders have taken measures in their efforts after emphasizing the need of regional integration in building a strong, united, and economically flourishing Africa. As a consequence, the leadership of the continent have launched a slew of programmes and projects targeted at achieving effective regional integration in Africa with multiple benefits (United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, 2010). 2.3 Historical Evolution of ECOWAS In 1975, ECOWAS was created. The signing of the ECOWAS treaty was preceded by a number of events. Former Liberian President William Tubman is credited with being the first to envisage a West African economic community, which prompted the signing of an agreement between Cote d'Ivoire, Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone in February 1965, albeit the accord did not go very far (Global Edge, 2014). In April 1972, two famous Africans — Nigerian General Gowon and Togo's General Eyadema - rekindled the concept. They visited to twelve West African nations in quest of help. The generals drafted treaty proposals, which were considered in a conference of potential member nations in Lomé, Togo, in December 1973; in Accra, Ghana, in January 1974, at a University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 33 gathering of specialists and jurists; and in Monrovia, Liberia, in January 1975, at a meeting of ministers (Global Edge, 2014). Finally, on May 28, 1975, fifteen nations in West Africa met in Lagos, Nigeria, to ratify the ECOWAS Treaty. From its very formation, there have been numerous fundamental concerns concerning the regional body's authority. ECOWAS' mission has been examined by a number of academics. ECOWAS is a regional economic bloc whose goal is to attain collective self- sufficiency for all its member nations by developing a single economic bloc and merging them into one common market area (Agyei & Clottey, 2017). Again, the goal of the community is to enhance people's living circumstances, create financial stability, and promote regional economic partnership. 2.4 ECOWAS and West Africa Trade The regional trade policy strives to increase exports to member countries as well as the rest of the globe. As a consequence, imports into the region are considered complementary to the goods and services exported. Because of the prevalence of extractive sector fuels, ECOWAS's foreign trade is influenced by a variety of commodities that provide local value-added. This amounts for roughly 75% of overall exports (excluding re-exports) and is mostly supplied by Nigeria (73 percent ). Cocoa and cocoa food preparations (5 percent of exports), precious stones (3 percent), and cotton, edible fruit, rubber, plastics, wood and wood products, fish and shellfish (all about 1% each) are the West African Economic Community's main export goods, along with gasoline (ECOWAS, 2020). University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 34 According to ECOWAS (2016), Europe contributes for around 28% of ECOWAS exports, with the European Union responsible for the remaining 23%. The Americas contribute for 40%, with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) 24, which comprises the US, Canada, and Mexico, accounting for 34%. Trade openness fostered by the rise of South-South trade represents a significant breakthrough for Asian and Oceanian states, which account for 16% of exports compared to 0.3 percent for the Near and Middle East. Nigeria and Ivory Coast dominate these exports, accounting for 87 percent of all transactions. Nigeria contributes for 77% of regional exports, with Côte d'Ivoire accounting for 10%. Ghana and Senegal, on the other hand, are ranked third and fourth, with 4% and 2%, respectively. Mali is the region's second-largest exporter, accounting for 1.7 percent of total regional exports. Benin, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Niger, and Togo each account for 1% of regional exports. A small handful of products dominate regional imports. Fuels remain at the top of this list. They account for one-quarter of all imports. Motor vehicles, tractors, cycles, and other vehicles come in second, machinery, mechanical appliances, and boilers come in third, machinery and electrical appliances come in fourth, cereals come in fifth, plastics come in sixth, iron, cast iron, steel come in eighth, pharmaceuticals come in ninth, and fish and seafood come in tenth (10th). Nigeria leads the way in terms of exports, representing for 41% among all transactions, opposed to 18% in Ghanaian and 10% in Senegalese and Côte d'Ivoire, correspondingly. Nigerian and Ghanaian accounted for 59% of community’s imports, relative to 36% for the eight West African Economic and Monetary Union members (WAEMU). The remaining 5 ECOWAS members account for less than 5% of overall Community imports. Trade in services, which should boost growth in West Africa, is hampered in certain ways by organizational, legal, and infrastructure constraints. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 35 Besides from a lack of knowledge and information on the potential of the service industry at the regional level, various more internal and external constraints are undermining its competitiveness. Internal constraints include fiscal pressure, the growth of the informal sector, the difficulty of obtaining credit and the inadequacy of financing mechanisms for service exports, poor performance quality (impoverished conformance to ISO Quality Management System 9001 2000 Version), an electricity deficiency, a lack of accountability and effective governance, and the implementation of a substantial chunk of state contracts. 2.5 Ghana’s Participation in Regional Integration and ECOWAS In the 1950s, Ghana began working on regional integration. The Lagos Treaty of 1975 was intended to offer a wide trade outlet for its member states through an economic and commercial union, as well as to serve as a regional peacekeeping force. Disputes in the region following election results and coups have prompted these incidents in the past. Ghana's peacekeeping forces also include Congo in 1960 and the Liberia and Sierra Leone crises in the early 1990s. Ghana’s present Pan- Africanism foreign policy is incensed by its first president, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. Their presence in regional interactions could also be explained by their geographical position. Ghana’s foreign policy has historically focused on regional developments and African politics in general (Yakohene, 2009), as seen by its membership in and sponsorship of the ECOWAS and OAU (presently AU) (ECOWAS, 2008). In the case of Ghana's membership in ECOWAS, the state has a contradictory tendency to play the role of active membership with all the benefits that can accrue from the processes of integration, while, on the other hand, demonstrating a dire reluctance to provide the vital ingredients towards sustaining the sub-regions' integration. Ghana has been a member of ECOWAS since its University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 36 establishment on May 28th, 1975. Ghanaian Presidents have over the years headed ECOWAS’ Authority of Heads of States. At the time of writing this dissertation, the President of Ghana, Nana Akufo-Addo, was the Chairman of the Authority of Heads of States of ECOWAS, a position once held by Ghana’s former presidents, John Dramani Mahama and John Agyekum Kufuor. In terms of economic diplomacy and trade, Ghana has since joined ECOWAS and participated in trade inclusive policies like the ECOWAS Trade Liberalization Program, amongst others. 2.6 Conceptual Framework Without initially establishing the conceptual model of diplomacy, it would be hard to completely appreciate the idea of economic cooperation and determine its position within the curriculum of diplomatic studies. Diplomacy, according to the literature, is the "maestro of international affairs," akin to statecraft, and the formal channel by which governments aspire to deliver their foreign policy objectives by nonviolent methods (Cooper, Heine, and Thakur 2013). Academics in diplomacy have long connected the word with statesmanship and nations as the fundamental unit of study. This thesis extends on this limited narrative by providing a variety of perspectives on contemporary diplomacy, since the concept has grown in complexity and requires a much more sophisticated and extensive assessment. 2.7 Defining Diplomacy through Theoretical Lenses Social scientists use theory to put socially complicated issues like diplomatic practice into context and better comprehend them. Diplomacy, on the other hand, is "particularly resistant to theory," according to one scholar (Der Derian, 1987). Despite major advances in the social sciences, specifically political science, no complete theory of diplomacy or theoretical foundation to aid methodical study exists, writes Leguey-Feilleux (2009). Providing a completely theoretical University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 37 diplomacy landscape would enable a clearer understanding of what economic diplomacy is and what it strives to achieve. Buckle (2011) characterized it as both an art and a system of interstate communication. As a result, formal diplomats are the only channels through which diplomacy may be conducted. According to Hocking (2004), this is the "old" standard form of diplomacy in which the foreign ministry and the national diplomatic mechanisms over which it presides serve as a gatekeeper, coordinating and managing interactions between domestic and global policy environments, as well as channeling relevant information between them. This underscores the importance of British ambassador Long Strang's statement (quoted in Hamilton and Langhorne 2011) that "diplomacy is everyone's concern in a society where war is everyone's tragedy and nightmare." As a result, recent definitions for this dissertation are those that admit that "diplomacy is done on a bigger scale" and indicate that diplomacy represents a shared goal for both governments and non- state entities (Leguey-Feilleux, 2009). This sort of diplomacy theory is attributed to the Innovative Diplomatic Theory school of thinking. Diplomacy, according to Melissen (1999), is "the process of representation, communication, and negotiation through which governments and other international players do their business." The idea of communication, engagement, keeping in touch, and negotiation between nations, in addition to other international players, remains at the heart of the concept (Leguey-Feilleux 2009). The following explanation demonstrates that representation, negotiation, and communication by both state and non-state actors are the organizing principles and basic functions of diplomacy. According to Barston (2013), "as is sometimes the case, economic issues dominate external University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 38 policy." As a result, commercial and diplomatic ties were unavoidable. According to the research, ED incorporates the three purposes of diplomacy listed above as a term with many connotations and purposes. For Fuchs (2016), ED "is a form of diplomacy that is concerned with economic- policy issues". Woolcock and Bayne (2013) state that "economic diplomacy is therefore concerned with the process of decision-making and negotiation on policy or questions relating to international economic relations". Many academics see financial negotiation as a foreign policy tool used to promote a nation's interests, which includes negotiating favorable trade policies, encouraging export, FDI, boosting tourism, and marketing and advertising the country overseas (Vickers, 2012). According to Pigman (2010), the longest functional field of economic diplomacy is trade relations management. "Economic diplomacy is basically concerned with the formation of economic policy by a specific state or set of states vis-à-vis other states," according to conventional diplomacy (Grimm, Kim, Anthony, Attwell, and Xiao, 2014). This stems from the economic functions performed by embassies, which include gathering, analyzing, as well as trying to report on economic growth, patterns, and promotional, commerce, and capital investments avenues in the nations to that they are validated in order to aid their sending states' economic policymaking. Economic diplomacy is a multi-pronged approach to diplomacy that can range between bilateral to multinational. It is carried out through "international bodies, which may be multilateral, plurilateral (i.e., consisting of like-minded states or states that share common norms and values), regional (as in the European Union or other regional groups), or bilateral (as in recent trade and investment initiatives")" (Woolcock & Bayne, 2013). Negotiating global monetary treaties is a critical role of economic relations. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 39 The most ambitious feature of economic diplomacy on a global scale is the negotiating of trade agreements that are legally enforceable on the member states (Woolcock and Bayne 2013). The Uruguay Round discussions, which took place at the World Trade Organization (WTO), are a prime example. In today's globalized world, economic diplomacy involves many more activities and people who represent the spirit of the creative diplomacy concept mode of philosophy and the integrated diplomatic paradigm of analysis. 2.7.1 Economic Diplomacy Economic diplomacy is a type of diplomacy that involves using trade and commerce to achieve objectives. It focuses on economic interactions rather than political or cultural ones (Yakop & Bergeijik, 2011). Economic ambassadors are dispatched by states to focus on economic issues in recipient nations and to help their governments achieve their economic goals through trade connections. Non-state players such as non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and trade organizations are also involved in this type of diplomacy. These diplomats are in charge of encouraging commerce and investment in their respective countries. Economic diplomacy is concerned with economic policy issues, such as the World Trade Organization's (WTO) negotiations on international trade rules or other international bodies in the sphere of establishing economic norms. Economic ambassadors also monitor and report on the economic policies of other countries, advising their governments on how to respond successfully. Berridge and James (2001) define ED the use of wealth and resources as a reinforcer (for example, developmental assistance and/or economic sanctions) to achieve a specific foreign University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 40 policy aim. This is often referred to as "economic statecraft." Diplomats involved in such activities are typically recruited from the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of their home countries, and yet relying on the delivering nation's economic diplomatic framework, people are indeed regularly enlisted from other various ministries, such as the Ministries of Economic Affairs and/or Trade and Industry. Today, adding aspects of economic diplomacy to the mix is the only way to address international problems, because the economy comes first and provides greater outcomes than politicians or traditional diplomatic techniques. A country with a richer, more powerful economy that ranks highly in relation to global competitiveness, for example, can utilize economic strength and diplomacy to achieve its aim of capturing the maximum possible proportion of global GDP (and greater prosperity for its people) by employing economic tactics instead of using force and conquering other areas. Coercive power, theft of land, and other colonialism tactics have traditionally had significantly more negative impacts than direct foreign investment, sales of products and services, and financial capital deployment. The ideological divide that hampered state relations in the 20th century vanished with the entrance of the twenty- first century. Following WWII, the establishment of two strongly opposed factions of governments (East and West) with distinct systems (capitalism in the West and a command economy in the East) resulted in the loss of free movement of products, capital, technology, ideas, and people in both directions. Both systems worked independently of one another, with little cross-pollination. Economic diplomacy was of little utility in these conditions. This condition persisted until the fall of the Berlin Wall and the freeing of the forces responsible for the globalization trend in the 1990s. Economic concerns are becoming increasingly important in all countries' foreign policies. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 41 In such an environment, one can only operate with economic instruments, guarding national interests and the country's economic interests, as the international division of labour, now recognized as globalization, increasingly binds the national economy into one interdependent whole, and one can only operate with economic instruments, defending national interests and national economic interests. To effectively safeguard another's advantages in international affairs, one must be able to predict specific events or situations and respond swiftly enough to enjoy the benefits whilst preventing loss and/or injury to the country's economy. In this aspect, the United States of America has been the wealthiest state in the world, as the world's largest economy and a global economic diplomacy leader. 2.7.2 Commercial Diplomacy Commercial diplomacy refers to diplomacy' (and consular posts') efforts to assist the sender nation's financial and commercial sectors in achieving economic success in accordance with the country's overall growth objectives. Foreign direct investment promotion (both in directions) and trade relations are examples of such programmes. Commercial diplomats are responsible for acquiring information on export potential and favorable investment conditions, as well as organizing and entertaining corporate business missions from the sending country. Commercial diplomats are often civil servants, but they can also be representatives of chambers of commerce recruited to foreign diplomatic missions as financial experts in the target country's circumstances. The commercial and economic sections of foreign embassies and consular posts, according to Felltham (1996), are separate, with the commercial department responsible for promoting trade links with the receiving country (import and export), assisting and informing University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 42 businessmen about new ventures, and providing legal advice (on business, customs, investment, and trade). 2.7.3 Economic Sanctions Crises afflict international relations regularly, and they are dealt with in a variety of ways. Diplomacy is given the chance to use its tools to try to solve the situation, largely through negotiations but sometimes through political and economic pressure. Countries are becoming increasingly vulnerable to economic pressures as a consequence of the general expansion of society and economic interconnectivity (globalization), and international economic sanctions have become a crucial component of certain governments or international organizations’ foreign strategy. International organizations defend such actions by emphasizing the need of achieving the aim of collective security, while big powers pursue their national interests and expand their influence over growing countries and territory. Many writers use the phrase "economic sanctions" to refer to a wide range of economic acts with varied scopes and objectives. Economic sanctions, according to Galtung (1976), are sanctions placed by several or an international actor (tenders) on nations (recipients) to punish or pressure the target countries to accept behavior and standards that appear rational and in compliance with the global community's expectations of the country (or international organization) imposing the sanctions. 2.8 Diplomacy and Economic Diplomats According to Rana (2018), in their efforts to access global markets, emerging countries encounter challenges climbing up the value chain. They need to rely on their diplomatic apparatus to assist firms, chambers of commerce, and other economic actors who lack the requisite international contacts or the financial means to engage consultants due to underdeveloped domestic economic University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 43 institutions and infrastructure. These factors also influence access to and utilization of foreign aid in these countries. It is unclear how this became a stumbling block to their economic growth; wealthy countries have progressed far further, establishing their own internal and external institutions and maintaining independent relationships with overseas equivalents. What are the phases that emerging countries must pass through on their way to becoming developed? How can they both mobilize promotion tactics and grow their institutions at the same time? How might these countries enhance their assistance management in their relations with donor organizations and nations? It is worth noting that Africa lacked the people and physical resources required for manufacturing at the time of independence. As a result, African countries attempted to band together and form an agreement that would allow them to benefit from one another's efforts, leading to the concept of encouraging regional economic integration across the continent. The importance of multilateral diplomacy is expanding, and in today's linked globe, diplomatic agendas are becoming more global and comprehensive rather than solely bilateral. In dealing with specific issues, familiarity with other nations' cultures, languages, and circumstances remains crucial, and the ambassador becomes a "coordinator and consultant" to various ministries. Prime ministers and state presidents play a prominent role in contemporary diplomacy in some circumstances, as they interact directly at top- level gatherings (UN General Assembly, G8, G20, among others) and may thus handle numerous problems. With the fast information flow in today's multipolar environment, a modern diplomat is frequently forced to as quickly as possible analyze a large number of usually contradictory types of information, extrapolate, and properly notify their ministry regarding a specific circumstance, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 44 problem, or country. Public diplomacy, which comprises open and transparent interaction with all elements of society, including conversations with civil society organizations, is being given special attention. Diplomacy, as a tool and agent of foreign policy, must adapt to substantial shifts in the latter in general. Climate change, for example, is not the same as "traditional" global problems that got diplomatic attention in the past. In addition, the G20 meetings attract a huge number of specialists who are not government workers. Independent cabinet members and professionals, as well as representatives of civil society groups and the media, who play critical roles in modern social interactions, are increasingly being incorporated into the global arena, alongside government leaders or foreign ministry representatives. 2.9 Economic Integration Challenges in ECOWAS The poor record of the ECOWAS integration process might be attributed to a variety of difficulties. From grassroots decision-making to national decision-making, the problems are numerous. Regional integration in Africa may have begun under Kwame Nkrumah's presidency, according to some experts. In his book, "Africa Must Unite," he claimed that African governments ought to be economically united and integrated. Unfortunately, Kwame Nkrumah's goal of African unity for the region never came to fruition (Adepoju, 2001). Asante sees regional integration as "the only possible approach for optimal growth of all African peoples in the current economic and political circumstances, as well as in the globe as a whole" given the current economic and political climate (Asante, 2018). He claims that "regional integration in Africa failed due to factors such as the African ruling class's lack of commitment," the lack of "viable national institutions for managing the regional cooperation process," the failure of regional organizations to effectively establish and enact policymaking activities, and the diminished role of nongovernmental organizations and interest groups in the integration are all factors. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 45 On the topic of "Regionalism and Regional Integration: Prospects and Challenges (Making the Ordinary Ghanaian Active in the Integrative Process)," Antwi-Danso claims that integration is important for development since it expands markets and allows for large-scale manufacturing efficiencies. He also claimed that integration shields against the vicissitudes of globalization. Nevertheless, he claims that African integration ended in failure due to inadequate stability, flaws in African nations' economic foundations, limited trading across African countries, the creation of several such integration organizations, elite non complementarities, and numerous trade barriers. In addition, Antwi-Danso claims that African integration "failed due to a lack of grassroots support." Greer also claims that a fundamental impediment to ECOWAS integration is the tension between Anglophone and Francophone countries (Sulemani, 2019). The Francophone- Anglophone divide stems from differences in colonial institutions, legal traditions, and corporate practices, in addition to France's dominance in her colonies, as opposed to Britain's (Annan, 2014). In West Africa, neocolonialism, which is credited to Britain and France, has been much more prominent in France and the United Kingdom than in the rest of the world. France was hostile to ECOWAS because it feared that a strong regional structure would provide more political and economic sovereignty to its old colonies (Wulf & Debiel, 2009). Greer claims that colonial rulers continue to have influence over their subjects to the point that they control integration agreements with several other countries within the region. As the sub-region strives to achieve monetary union, initiatives such as the development of the CFA, a single monetary union for francophone nations, remain one of the primary impediments to the integration process (Smit, 2015). The colonial rulers' efforts produced divisions in the community, causing member states to become more connected with them than with the sub-region. As a result, the community's decision-making on integration is complex. Greer aptly identifies the most visible impediment to University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 46 the West African sub-unification region's project (Smit, 2015). This is because, ever since the community's integration push in the 1970s, colonial overlords have influenced decision-making. According to Mubarik (Mubarik, cited in Sulemani, 2019), there remains the question of West African nations' political commitment. As indicated by Mubarik, there exists a lack of explicit interest in supporting and fully committing ECOWAS members to the community's cherished principles. He contends that member states' interest in and involvement in the functioning of the community are severely inadequate (Mubarik, cited in Sulemani, 2019). According to Amissah, ECOWAS choices and programmes intended at enhancing integration have received only a smattering of support from member states, making implementation of community policy difficult (Amissah, cited in Sulemani, 2019). Most ECOWAS countries do not place the same emphasis on policies and laws intended to promote integration as they do on national problems and concerns when it comes to their development goals. As a result, member nations construct their own goals, plans, and objectives, with little room for regional collaboration. Because of factors like "differences in size and infrastructural development, levels of dependence on external actors, and the political will of member-states, the progress of free trade and a commo