Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography ISSN: 0016-7223 (Print) 1903-2471 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rdgs20 Spatial and social transformations in a secondary city: the role of mobility in Sekondi-Takoradi, Ghana Paul W. K. Yankson, Katherine V. Gough, James Esson & Ebenezer F. Amankwaa To cite this article: Paul W. K. Yankson, Katherine V. Gough, James Esson & Ebenezer F. Amankwaa (2017) Spatial and social transformations in a secondary city: the role of mobility in Sekondi-Takoradi, Ghana, Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography, 117:2, 82-92, DOI: 10.1080/00167223.2017.1343672 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00167223.2017.1343672 Published online: 28 Jun 2017. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 129 View Crossmark data Citing articles: 3 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rdgs20 GeoGrafisk TidsskrifT-danish Journal of GeoGraphy, 2017 Vol. 117, no. 2, 82–92 https://doi.org/10.1080/00167223.2017.1343672 Spatial and social transformations in a secondary city: the role of mobility in Sekondi-Takoradi, Ghana Paul W. K. Yanksona, Katherine V. Goughb, James Essonb  and Ebenezer F. Amankwaaa adepartment of Geography and resource development, university of Ghana, accra, Ghana; bdepartment of Geography, loughborough university, loughborough, uk ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY Existing research on urban Ghana mainly focuses on processes occurring within the country’s major received 20 october 2016 cities, thereby reproducing a trend within the social sciences to overlook the role of intermediate accepted 14 June 2017 and secondary cities. This paper aims to address this shortcoming by exploring spatial and social transformations in Sekondi–Takoradi, one of Ghana’s secondary cities and the metropolitan area KEYWORDSMobility; urban; secondary serving the region’s emerging rubber industries as well as the country’s oil and gas economy. cities; qualitative methods; Using qualitative interviews conducted with residents in five of the city’s neighbourhoods, and a sekondi–Takoradi; Ghana modified version of Kaufmann’s typology of mobility, we examine migration into Sekondi–Takoradi, residential mobility within the city and the daily mobility of the city’s residents. The paper highlights how these diverse forms of mobility interact with processes taking place both within and outside Sekondi–Takoradi, most notably influencing and being influenced by livelihood strategies. It is argued that the city and its hinterlands can best be envisaged as a mobile networked whole, rather than consisting of disconnected and compartmentalized locales. The paper thus contributes to broader debates on how mobility shapes urbanization by providing new empirical data on events unfolding in Africa’s secondary cities, and extends existing research by providing a counter-narrative to literature that examines the city and its surrounding rural areas separately. Introduction The extensive unplanned expansion of Ghanaian cities has resulted in sprawl-like, low-density, physical develop- The nature of city dynamics in sub-Saharan Africa is the ments at the fringes, where land is available more cheaply subject of some dispute. During the past decade, it has for housing and other urban uses (Gough & Yankson, 2000, been commonplace for extremely high rates of urban 2011). The consequent challenges of such unplanned rapid growth to be predicted with accompanying scenarios of urban growth has been subject to considerable research, cities growing out of control with ever expanding slums especially the lack of infrastructure and services (Gough (Nugent & Locatelli, 2009; Pieterse, 2011). At the same time, & Yankson, 2005; Møller-Jensen & Knudsen, 2008; Yankson claims have been made that certain cities are stagnating & Bertrand, 2012; Yankson & Gough, 1999; Yankson, Kofie, and even shrinking (Potts, 2009, 2012), though these claims & Møller-Jensen, 2005), and the effects on urban food in turn have recently been disputed (Fox, Bloch, & Munro, security (Aduah & Aabeyir, 2012; Appiah, Bugri, Forkuo, in press). Ghana has consistently exhibited rapid urbani- & Boateng, 2014; Cobbinah & Amoako, 2012; Kuusaana & zation and is one of the few sub-Saharan African countries Eledi, 2015). While these aspects of city dynamics occur- to have crossed the 50% urban threshold. Research has ring broadly at the city or metropolitan scale have been tended to focus on the large cities, however, examining in well documented, knowledge of the influence of human particular the relative roles of natural increase and migra- mobility and the link between socio-economic transforma- tion in accounting for the rate of urbanization and urban tions of rural areas and their effects on cities is limited, with growth (Addo, 1972; Caldwell, 1969; Konadu-Agyemang, the available literature for Ghana focusing mainly on Accra 2000), the projection of urban population into the future and to a lesser extent Kumasi. Even though analysing the (Owusu & Oteng-Ababio, 2014) and the land use pat- dynamics of the major cities is essential in order to under- terns of urban centres (Berkoh, 1975; Bobo, 1974; Owusu, stand the factors driving urban growth, this alone does 2015; Songsore, 2009; Stow et al., 2016; World Bank, 2015; not provide a complete picture. Studying rapidly growing Yankson, 2006). CONTACT paul W. k. yankson pyankson@ug.edu.gh © 2017 The royal danish Geographical society GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 83 intermediate or secondary cities affords an exploration (De Bruijn et al., 2001, p. 1). Linked to the so-called “mobil- of the dynamics of such cities which form an important ity turn” of the last decade in the social sciences, it has been aspect of urban growth (Satterthwaite & Tacoli, 2003). claimed that mobility is so widespread that it should not This paper examines the dynamics of physical and be seen as a rupture in society but as a normal way of life, social transformation in one of Ghana’s secondary cities, with immobility being the anomaly (Sheller & Urry, 2006). Sekondi–Takoradi, focusing on mobility and livelihoods. However, while there has been a particular focus in mobil- A modified version of Kaufmann’s (2002) typology of ity research on advances in new technology, as well as new mobility is built on to examine three key forms of mobility: ways of living and interacting in a Global North context, migration into the city, residential mobility within the city Rigg (2007) has sketched out an alternative new mobilities and the regular mobility of residents. Particular empha- paradigm which highlights the linkages between mobility sis is placed on illustrating how these different forms of and livelihoods in the Global South (see also Esson et al., mobility interact with processes taking place both outside 2016). and within the city, and the ways in which they inform res- In this research, we bring together Rigg’s (2007) call idents’ livelihood strategies. The nature of this interaction is for mobility to be examined in relation to livelihoods with then shown to influence Sekondi–Takoradi’s spatial organ- Kaufmann’s (2002) conceptualization of mobility into four ization and social transformations. This approach provides main forms: daily mobility, travel, residential mobility and a counter-narrative to much of the empirical research migration. The four forms are linked to different temporali- on urban Ghana that typically examines the city and its ties: the day and the week for daily mobility, the month and surrounding rural areas separately. Sekondi–Takoradi is the year for travel, the year and the life course for residen- an ideal case study for this reconceptualization, as it has tial mobility and the life history for migration (Kaufmann, recently risen to prominence due to its recognition as 2002). A key strength of Kaufmann’s conceptualization of Ghana’s “Oil City”, a title based on the agglomeration of mobility is that each form of mobility does not exist in services tied to the country’s new oil and gas economy isolation but affects and is affected by the other form, for being located within its vicinity. Sekondi–Takoradi is also example, as households move around the city they con- the metropolitan area serving the region’s emerging rub- tribute to the shaping and reshaping of urban areas. In ber industries, which have had significant effects on the this paper, we merge Kaufmann’s daily mobility and travel rural economy surrounding the city. In order to examine into one category that we call “regular mobility” resulting how, if at all, these processes manifest themselves within in a three-way distinction between migration, residential the city, qualitative interviews conducted with individuals mobility and regular mobility. Adopting such a process and groups of residents in five residential neighbourhoods, orientation approach to the mobile city enables an exam- with diverse socio-economic status located throughout ination of “the interrelationships of movements of people, the city, are drawn on. In conclusion, it is argued that the objects, capital and ideas in and through the overlapping city and its hinterlands can best be envisaged as a mobile scales of the local, the body, the national and the global” networked whole rather than consisting of disconnected (Oswin & Yeoh, 2010, p. 170). and compartmentalized locales. Within Sekondi–Takoradi, five residential areas were Following this introduction, the paper briefly presents studied in order to cover a range of settlement types ena- the conceptual and methodological approach adopted, bling an exploration of how mobility is manifested in dif- before providing an outline of the history of Sekondi– fering ways across the city. The residential areas included Takoradi. The subsequent three sections present empiri- ones which were: indigenous and non-indigenous dom- cal findings on the role of mobility in the forms identified inated, had different histories and social and economic above – migration into the city, residential mobility and conditions, exhibited differing rates of population growth regular mobility – and explore how they are influencing and wealth status and were situated in a range of locations the spatial and social transformation of Sekondi–Takoradi. within the twin city. Table 1 provides a brief profile of the settlements selected. Key concepts and methodology A qualitative approach was adopted as the associated research methods are particularly adept at obtaining data The unifying concept across this paper is mobility, a ubiq- capable of expanding an understanding of the “sets of uitous term within the social sciences that has both a spa- meanings which people use to make sense of their world tial and temporal dimension and exists in a myriad of forms and their behaviour within it” (Cohen, Manion, & Morrison, (De Bruijn, Van Dijk, & Foeken, 2001) at a range of scales 2011, p. 9), in this case urban residents’ mobility and live- from the local to the global. Mobility is thus “engrained lihood strategies. Secondary quantitative data – primarily in the history, daily life and experiences of people” and is census data – was used to complement the qualitative data “inspired by different motives, aspirations and obligations” collected during the study. Face-to-face interviewing was 84 P . W. K. YANKSON ET AL. Table 1. Brief profiles of settlements selected in sekondi–Takoradi. Neighbourhood/ Rate of population Settlement History Location Income-level growth Special characteristics new Takoradi indigenous Central low-income Growing rapidly old area kwesimintsim established 1930s Western edge of centre low-income/mixed Growing rapidly Many migrants anaji indigenous and new- northern edge of Middle/upper income Growing rapidly includes estate houses comers centre assakae indigenous and new- Western periphery low/middle income Growing rapidly farming land becoming comers since 2000 residential kojokrom indigenous/migrants eastern periphery low-income Growing very rapidly Commercial area, and newcomers since railway, infilling, 2000 densification the primary data collection method used and comprised trends, and build themes that link the empirical findings semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. to the wider literature. In order to select respondents for the semi-structured interviews, each settlement was divided into four (to Profile of Sekondi–Takoradi ensure that all parts of the settlement were covered) within which respondents of both genders and all ages above The twin city of Sekondi–Takoradi, as it is known today, 18 engaged in a range of livelihood activities were inter- is a coastal metropolitan area located in the south- viewed. A total of 108 semi-structured interviews were western part of Ghana about 280 km west of Accra. The conducted to provide an understanding of the mobility city originally comprised two separate fishing settlements and livelihood strategies of residents of the selected set- lying just a few kilometres apart. By the fourteenth cen- tlements. Whilst a list of potential questions was drawn up tury, these settlements had trading relations with various in advance, the discussions proceeded in a conversational European powers. In 1644, the Dutch built Fort Orange in manner to enable the participants to explore issues they Sekondi and subsequently in 1659 they built Fort Witzen felt were important. The interviews were conducted inside in Takoradi, both of which became important trading posts or immediately outside of people’s homes or where they (Obeng-Odoom, 2014a). Trade subsequently became were found working within the settlement. They were con- central to the development of the twin city of Sekondi– ducted in the language that the respondent felt most com- Takoradi supported by the development of ports, harbours fortable using, which in many cases was a local language and railways (Busia, 1950; cited by Obeng-Odoom, 2014a). but in some instances was English. Most interviews lasted Sekondi, the older of the two settlements, had emerged 30–45 min, though exceptionally took up to two hours as a town as early as 1894. It experienced rapid growth in where respondents were keen to talk for longer. its commercial activities, particularly in the precincts near Focus group discussions with four groups – consist- the wharf, due to massive European investment in what ing of male youth, female youth, elderly male and elderly eventually became known as the European Quarters. Public female – were also conducted a few days after the individ- sector investments in infrastructure and services resulted ual interviews in all of the settlements (i.e. 20 in total were in Sekondi receiving the first electricity installation in the held). This was to ensure that the views of both genders country in 1919 (Boahen, 2000 cited in Obeng-Odoom, and a range of ages were heard. Most groups consisted of 2014a). Takoradi was recognized as a town much later 6–8 participants and their ages ranged from 18 to mid-30s in 1926. When a harbour was built shortly after in 1928, in the discussions with youth, and from their 40s upwards Takoradi obtained the country’s first artificial port and in the groups of elders. These groups were put together by became an important gateway for overseas trade. The a local resource person engaged during the field survey, Ghana railway system started from Sekondi–Takoradi, the and the discussions were held in convenient places such first line being built in 1898 from Sekondi to the gold min- as classrooms, a room in the local church or mosque, or in ing town of Tarkwa, subsequently continuing on to Obuasi a shady spot in the resource person’s compound house. As and later Kumasi. In 1934, the harbour in Takoradi was con- the focus group discussions were led by the researchers nected to Sekondi by a double line of track. The harbour who had conducted the individual interviews, issues which and the rail facilities affected the development of Sekondi had emerged out of the interviews could be brought into and Takoradi tremendously, attracting migrants from neigh- the group discussions. All of the semi-structured and focus bouring coastal communities and other areas as well as group interviews were taped with the consent of partici- from outside the country, in particular, the countries of the pants and subsequently transcribed verbatim. The inter- West African sub-region. This migration contributed to the view data were then analysed to identify categories and city’s cultural and ethnic diversity (Obeng-Odoom, 2014a). GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 85 In 1946, the two towns were merged into a twin Sekondi–Takoradi’s housing stock has long been inad- city Sekondi–Takoradi falling under the jurisdiction of equate both numerically and in terms of quality. In 1950, one metropolitan council. By 1970, the population of only 17% of houses in Sekondi–Takoradi had private toi- the Sekondi–Takoradi Metropolitan Area (STMA) had lets and even then landlords were converting latrines and reached just over 105,000, following which it almost tre- kitchens into spaces which they could rent out (Busia, 1950 bled to over 300,000 by the year 2000. A decade later the cited in Obeng-Odoom, 2014a). Currently, the housing population had almost doubled in size again reaching stock in a substantial proportion of the metropolis has nearly 560,000 by 2010, driven especially by perceived been classified as third- and fourth-class residential areas. economic opportunities associated with the discovery of Third-class residential areas are those with high population oil. Sekondi–Takoradi’s rapid population growth, however, density (80–150 persons per acre), high housing density has not occurred evenly across all the settlements in the (more than 6 houses per acre), are poorly serviced with metropolitan area (see Table 2). The core townships of regards to utilities often having poor environmental con- Takoradi and Sekondi, experienced negative population ditions with choked drains, and at times are inaccessible. change between 1984 and 2000, and only gained margin- Fourth-class residential areas are less developed indig- ally between 2000 and 2010; this loss of population of the enous communities which are mostly unplanned areas two townships to the surrounding municipalities and dis- poorly served with basic social amenities, often lacking tricts also occurred in the larger cities of Accra and Kumasi drains and with un-engineered roads (Sekondi Takoradi (World Bank, 2015). Some settlements which experienced Metropolitan Assembly [STMA], 2011). The challenges of a very significant population increase between 1984 and urbanization seem to have overwhelmed the metropolitan 2000 grew more slowly between 2000 and 2010. The high- planning and management systems with much develop- est levels of population change between 2000 and 2010 ment taking place outside of its control. were experienced in the old fringe settlements, which are Sekondi–Takoradi’s economy has waxed and waned relatively low-income and house predominantly migrant over the years. The establishment of the seaport and communities, such as Kwesimintsim and Kojokrom, as railway provided early booms to the economy. The city well as in indigenous communities such as Efia village and became an important industrial centre in the early post- Ngyeresia. Anaji, an upper middle-income settlement, also independence era benefiting greatly from the post- experienced high positive population change between independence modernization policy of the government 2000 and 2010. of the day via import substitution. Most of the industrial Table 2. sekondi–Takoradi metropolitan assembly: sub-metros, settlements, population and population change 1984–2010. Sub-metros Communities Pop 1984 Pop 2000 Pop 2010 % Change 1984–2000 % Change 2000–2010 kwesimintsim kwesimintsim 13,852 20,024 47,211 44.6 137.77* apremdo 4772 9437 15,402 97.75 63.20 W. Tanokrom 5140 19,217 33,990 273.87 76.87 e. Tanokrom 4388 9296 11,689 111.85 25.74 effiakuma 23,796 34,307 60,932 44.17 77.60 anaji 2460 9274 30,397 276.99 227.76* assakae 2097 5553 9139 164.81 64.57* effia village – 4917 10,936 – 122.41 Takoradi Takoradi 61,484 54,772 77,148 −10.92 40.85 new – Takoradi – 13,556 20,204 – 49.04* sekondi nkontompo 6586 kweikuma 13,570 ekuasi 5775 sekondi 31,916 29,247 31,011 −8.36 6.03 adiembra 782 7117 8519 810.10 19.69 essikado-ketan fijai 9729 Butumajebu 5967 essikado – 11,344 20,212 78.17 Mempeasem 6314 ngyiresia 1455 4752 11,861 149.60 kojokrom 876 5244 37,722 498.6 783.21* nkroful 8206 kansaworado 8228 ntankoful 10,990 ahenkofikrom 6264 Mpintsin 6289 daebenekrom 6124 source: extracted from 1984 population Census and 2000 and 2010 population and housing Census reports published by the Ghana statistical service. *settlements/neighbourhoods selected for the study. 86 P . W. K. YANKSON ET AL. establishments, however, collapsed during the 1970s (Gough et al., 2015), Kumasi (Korah, Cobbinah, Nunbogu, & and the early to mid-1980s during prolonged periods of Gyogluu, 2016) and to a lesser extent Tamale (Fuseini, Yaro, economic crisis. Although some of these were revived & Yiran, 2017). In relation to STMA specifically, however, during the implementation of economic recovery policy the consistent inflow of migrants is inextricably linked to between 1983 and 1987, the overall effects of the struc- the emergence of the oil and gas economy. Somewhat tural adjustment programme implemented thereafter led surprisingly, cases of economic migrants coming to STMA to the collapse of some local industries, compounded by to capitalize on the region’s emerging rubber industries the ill-effects of competition from globalization (Yankson, were conspicuous by their absence, with very few par- 2006, 2013). ticipants making reference to the rubber industry or the STMA’s economy has bounced back on the manufac- manufacturing sector as a reason for moving to the city turing front in recent years and the port currently handles and its environs. the export trade of the country’s primary commodities of The influx of migrants seeking to earn a living in the cocoa, timber, bauxite and manganese (World Bank, 2015). “Oil City” has had a noticeable impact on the cultural and Since offshore oil and gas deposits were discovered in the ethnic composition of the city, with even the settlements Cape Three Points area of the Western Region of Ghana long recognized as indigenous enclaves now having a in 2007, Sekondi–Takoradi has acquired another dimen- cosmopolitan nature, as illustrated by these quotes from sion to its economy gaining recognition as an “Oil city”. interviews conducted in New Takoradi, Kojokrom and Commercial production of oil started in late 2010, while Assakae respectively: gas production only began in 2015. Estimated quantities We have the Ahantas, Nzemas, Anlos, Twis, Gas, and and exports of oil from the recent Tweneboa, Enyenra and Muslims. This town has every tribe in it. The Muslims have Ntome (TEN) oil fields (with an estimated 23,000 barrels of even come in their numbers and have come to stay for oil production daily), together with the Jubilee Field and good. (34 year old female fishmonger, New Takoradi) gas from the Atuabo gas plant form the basis of the current I can say that the Ahantas are the indigenes and they optimism Ghanaians have about the future prospects of dominate here and they were the first settlers of this their national economy (Ablo, 2015; Ablo & Overå, 2015). town. But aside that we have other Fantes, Wassas, Ewes, Consequently, Sekondi–Takoradi has become the hub for Gas, and northerners as well as several other groups of tribes even including outsiders. (46  year old female companies involved in the oil industry and associated teacher, Kojokrom) companies providing services to the oil and gas industry (Obeng-Odoom, 2009, 2013, 2014a; Yalley & Ofori-Darko, We have the Ahantas, Anlos, Nzemas, Twis, Gas, and Muslims here. This town has every tribe in it. Ever since 2012). the discovery of oil and gas in Sekondi-Takoradi, each and every day you get to see new faces in Assakae. Migration into Sekondi–Takoradi and residential Different people from different places in Ghana, Nigeria mobility and Mali come to this city to look for oil jobs and when they need accommodation they come to Assakae. (male In this section, we examine the social composition of Assemblyman, Assakae) migrants, their motives for migrating to Sekondi–Takoradi While these quotes show a fairly similar ethnic mix in the and their initial destination on arriving in the city. We then different settlements, it is important to note that there is turn our attention to exploring residential mobility within a geography to where incoming migrants decide to settle Sekondi–Takoradi, and consider how this is shaped by within Sekondi–Takoradi, with people selecting specific external processes. Overall, migrants to STMA are primar- settlements within the city for various reasons. For exam- ily young people of both genders, from a variety of ethnic ple, Kojokrom, which is located on the eastern periphery of groups and socio-economic backgrounds and from all the city, still draws incoming migrants to the area because corners of Ghana, but, especially from within the Western of its cheap accommodation rates in comparison to more Region. International migrants are also present, particu- central locations, despite the railway terminal being larly from countries in the West African sub-region such almost defunct. A similar story is unfolding in Assakae as Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso, Cote D’Ivoire and Togo. The and the historically indigenous settlements. Meanwhile, majority of migrants move into STMA primarily for eco- New Takoradi has become an attractive area particularly nomic reasons, i.e. to explore income-generating oppor- for younger migrants due to the availability of affordable tunities. Some move for social reasons such as marriage, accommodation and the relative ease of transportation joining family members who have already migrated, and in to other parts of the city, including the CBD where peo- order to study in the well-respected secondary and tertiary ple perceive there are job opportunities, especially in the institutions located in STMA. In many ways, this reflects informal economy. Likewise, Kwesimintsim has historically trends seen in other major Ghanaian cities such as Accra attracted people from across Ghana and internationally GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 87 because of the availability of land for building, the afforda- centrally located family homes in order to rent them out, ble rental accommodation and transport connections with using the profits to build new homes in the fringe areas. the CBD, the port and industrial areas of Takoradi. Today, This desire to leverage rental income is not only Kwesimintsim attracts migrants seeking opportunities in restricted to the central areas but is also evident in the the “new” economy and its related sub-sectors who are fringe zones of Takoradi, particularly Assakae’s densely seeking rental accommodation primarily because oppor- populated indigenous core where landlords are convert- tunities to purchase land to build a property are dimin- ing and leasing rooms vacated by family members to ishing. Aisha, a 55-year-old female lotto vendor succinctly cater for the growing demand for affordable housing in explained the situation as follows, “If you need a land here STMA. A noticeable outcome of this desire to maximize [in Kwesimintsim] you will not get because all the lands rental income is that infilling of spaces between proper- here are finished”. ties and makeshift building extensions are now perva- Given the pressure for residential space within Sekondi– sive; although participants stressed that this infilling was Takoradi, there is an increasing trend for residents to move a means to address housing demand and earn an income, between areas, especially from the core areas such as New they acknowledged that it also came at a cost to the wider Takoradi and Kwesimintsim, to the peripheral areas such community in the form of poor ventilation, uneasy access as Assakae. The catalyst for this residential mobility is routes, blocking of waterways and inhibiting construc- excess demand over supply of housing, which has made tion of roads and drains by the municipal authorities. This it difficult for many migrant households to find afforda- situation also places additional pressure on already over- ble housing. Consequently, as a coping strategy, some stretched infrastructural services such as water, electricity, migrants collectively erect makeshift metal containers or waste management and sanitation facilities. wooden stores that can be used for their work during the In contrast to the more densely populated indigenous day and as a sleeping place at night. These structures can core, which has become a hotspot of tenants, the land be seen as a form of creative and practical collaboration just beyond this, which was formerly agricultural land, has among residents who are seemingly marginalized from become an attractive destination for residents and com- and struggling to get to grips with urban life, a type of panies seeking sizeable yet affordable plots of land for conduct comparable to the notion of “people as infrastruc- development. This area thus contains a mix of single and ture” (Simone, 2004). There is some disquiet, however, that multi-storey buildings of architecturally diverse designs these buildings are hindering the city’s ability to attain a which are at different stages of completion. The majority modern aesthetic befitting its status as an oil city, and gen- of these houses are self-contained (detached), with single erating health and environmental risks as the vast majority family ownership and occupancy, and are currently char- of these structures are poorly built and lack appropriate acterized by low population density. Kojokrom in particu- access to water and sanitation services. lar has experienced rapid urbanization of its farmlands in Obeng-Odoom (2013) notes that excess demand over recent years; previously acquired plots of land in Kojokrom supply of housing within Sekondi–Takoradi is linked to and large parcels of farmland in the surrounding area are the pervasive desire to attain profit through residential continuously being acquired by individuals and multina- property markets, which is indicative of the oil–urbaniza- tional companies for commercial development. tion–urbanism nexus. This situation is evidenced by the Social and physical transformations are also tak- practices of landlords in central areas who are converting ing place in the middle- and upper income residential facilities such as kitchens, washrooms and store rooms into areas, as the situation in Anaji shows. Wealthier individ- sleeping spaces in order to extract maximum profit from uals and non-indigene families who have lived in other migrants seeking rental accommodation in the “oil city”. parts of Sekondi–Takoradi, and indigenes from densely Moreover, property owners are converting residential units populated areas of the city, are moving to Anaji because in central locations like Takoradi market circle area into of its reputation as a peaceful and secure area with a commercial spaces and offices with a view to attracting good layout and clean environment. This reputation is those affiliated with the emerging oil and gas market. In tied to the area’s historical association with civil and Kwesimintsim, it is common to find a building housing public servants. Additionally, the emerging oil and gas companies and offices in the ground and first floors, while industry is altering Anaji’s local economy as companies the top floors are being used as residence for the imme- related to the industry are opening branch offices there. diate family of the landlord. The desire to leverage rental Consequently, oil executives and middle-class workers in income is resulting in rising rents which is driving existing the related service sectors have relocated to buy and rent migrant tenants out of central areas to find cheaper and properties in Anaji. This has increased economic rents higher standard accommodation elsewhere in the city. and property values, and encouraged the conversion of Some indigenes of New Takoradi are moving out of their residential spaces into administrative and commercial 88 P . W. K. YANKSON ET AL. units, which have also attracted other services such as Livelihoods and regular mobility in Sekondi– banking and microfinancial institutions. Like in Accra, Takoradi the conversion of residential properties to commercial spaces in Anaji and areas with similar characteristics is Despite being considered an “oil city”, data from the 2010 caused by a disparity between demand and supply for Ghana Population and Housing Census (GSS 2012) show retail and office space, infrastructural development and that STMA is not very different from the other metropol- redevelopment. itan areas in the country in terms of livelihood activities. A key implication of the conversion of domestic prop- Almost half (49%) of the population aged 15  years and erties to commercial spaces located in prosperous resi- above are self-employed, 30% are service and trade work- dential areas, is a further reduction in available housing ers and 20% are engaged in craft and related activities. stock. One high-profile response to this situation, and a The private sector is the dominant sector employing 78% key example of the interrelated nature of urban dynam- of the labour force, though the majority of these (64% of ics within Sekondi–Takoradi, is the “King City” new town the labour force) are in the private informal sector with development project led by the Renaissance Group. The only 14% employed by the private formal sector. The key King City project is located on rural land north of Assakae, sectors in terms of employment in Sekondi–Takoradi are a position that enables it to act as a dormitory town to wholesale and retail (27.1%), manufacturing (17.4%) and absorb the growth of Takoradi and its environs away from agriculture/forestry/fishing (9.1%) (see Table 3). the populated city centre. The Renaissance Group has pro- Trading is the key employment sector in Sekondi– cured 2400 acres of land (a 1018-hectare site), which will Takoradi dominated by a large informal economy; although be leased to real estate developers as well as individuals. traders are scattered throughout the city, including in res- Over the next 10–15  years, the King City development idential areas, they are concentrated along the main roads aims to create 24,000 dwelling units catering for 98,000 and in markets, the largest of which are Market Circle in residents through a mix of low-, medium- and high-den- Takoradi, Sekondi Market and Apremdo Market (STMA, sity residential areas, large retail and shopping centres and 2011). The traders range from: street vendors (referred light industrial and commercial buildings, as well as leisure to as hawkers in Ghana) who carry their goods in their facilities (www.kingcity.com.gh/). hands or on their heads; vendors with minor facilities such It is perhaps telling that while publically available infor- as a table; traders operating out of makeshift structures/ mation on the “King City” development claims it will ben- sheds; traders with lockable containers or other types of efit Assakae and its surroundings, and also help to ease prefabricated structures; and, at the top of the hierarchy, the burdens of urbanization in STMA (www.kingcity.com. traders running their businesses out of purpose-built retail gh/), the vast majority of participants, including residents buildings (see also Afutu-Kotey, 2016). Manufacturing at all of Assakae, were unaware of the “King City” development scales of operation is another key employment sector of and could not envision themselves ever going there when the twin city. Most of the large-scale manufacturing units it was described to them. What is clear is that large-scale are not functioning or are producing under capacity but developments on the outskirts of the city are associated there are some vibrant light industrial activity areas includ- with dubious and contested financial arrangements ing the Kokompe No. 1 and No. 2 areas in Takoradi, which between traditional chiefs, who are often the custodians host mechanics and local artisans. of sizeable land parcels, and property developers (see also Table 3. employment by sectors in sekondi–Takoradi in 2010. Obeng-Odoom, 2013). As the Assemblyman of Assakae Sectors Percentage employed lamented: agric/forestry/fishing 9.1 In the past the land was used for farming but nowadays Mining 1.0 there are a lot of buildings here. After the oil and gas dis- Manufacturing 17.4 covery and exploration, people are buying large acres of Construction 5.1 Transport 7.4 land at cheaper prices from the chiefs under the pretext accommodation, food service 8.6 of using them for development projects. But you will real- Wholesale and retail 27.1 ize after a long time that they resell these lands to the oil finance and insurance 1.4 companies and other business people, who later contract public administration, defence, compulsory 3.9 it to the estate developers for commercial purposes. serviceeducation 5.7 This highlights how complex land negotiations, linked to human health, social work 1.6 all other sectors 11.7 expected mobility in relation to the emerging oil and gas Sample size 256,583 industry, are transforming the spatial and social layout of source: Compiled from data provided by Ghana statistical service (Gss): the city. Ghana 2010 population and housing Census (unpublished). GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 89 Fishing and farming, which together form the third the expansion of land acquisition to service the oil and most important sector for employment, have been the tra- gas industry, as well as for new housing development in ditional livelihood activities in Sekondi and Takoradi from the fringe areas, especially in Assakae, have resulted in the the early years of their development. The fishing industry loss of land to farming communities in the fringe areas constitutes a complex food chain, made up of fishermen, of Sekondi–Takoradi. In Assakae, farming is only an occu- fish traders or fishmongers (who are often women), retail- pation for a relatively small number of residents, mostly ers and other actors at the base of the chain who supply elderly men and women who cultivate food crops includ- inputs to the fishing industry (Obeng-Odoom, 2014b). ing cassava, plantain, tomatoes, pepper, sugar cane as well Much of the medium- and large-scale fishing activities as some cash crops, such as oil palm and cocoa. The food- occur in and around the Albert Bosomtwe-Sam Fishing stuff from the farms is often sold in the Thursday market Harbour in Sekondi, which has an associated commercial in Assakae which, though not as economically active as area consisting of banking institutions, offices, private cold before, serves as an attraction and trading opportunity for stores of 80–6000 tons capacity, a fish processing plant, residents of the surrounding villages (including Whindo, fish market, food market and restaurants (STMA, 2011). Adientiem and Mpatado) and the city centre. While the In the settlements located along the coast of STMA, local people bring foodstuff and fish, residents from the such as New Takoradi, Sekondi and Ngyiresia, where fish- city centre bring household and manufactured items to ing has long been the main livelihood activity, residents sell. The extent of farming is continuing to decline as large engage in small-scale fishing. In the past, the men of the parcels of land are being purchased by the oil companies community went to sea to catch the fish, while their female and estate developers and converted into residential and counterparts engaged in fish smoking, the buying and sell- commercial buildings, which results in the available land ing of fish (including frozen fish) and trading in fish-related being located further afield. Due to poor transport and commodities. Existing research has yet to verify the impact the high cost of taxis, it has become difficult to make the of oil exploration on Sekondi–Takoradi’s fishing industry journey on a daily basis, while the old age of most of the (Obeng-Odoom, 2014b), however, participants residing farmers means they find the journey tiring. in New Takoradi argued that following the discovery and With growing apathy among the youth towards farming exploration of oil and gas in commercial quantities in the (Gough & Birch-Thomsen, 2016; Sumberg, Anyidoho, Leavy, Tano Basin, the fishing industry has become highly precar- te Lintelo, & Wellard, 2012), which has greatly declined its ious and economically unviable (see Dowokpor, 2015). As future prospects, most young people work within the infor- one resident of New Takoradi claimed: mal economy (Gough, Langevang, & Owusu, 2013). Young The men go to the sea to fish because that is the work we men typically work as masons, electricians, plumbers, etc. do here basically. But these days when they go they end at construction sites, or in service jobs, such as barbers, up coming with sea crabs and smaller fishes which do not drivers and conductors, washing bay operators and as give the women any profit when we smoke and sell them. petty traders. Some of the male indigene youth engage This is because of the oil drills which have polluted our sea of late (48 year old female fishmonger, New Takoradi). in survivalist strategies, such as sand and stone winning, and palm wine tapping. Meanwhile, the young women The difficulties facing the local fishing industry were attrib- are primarily small-scale provision shop owners and petty uted by our informants to two key issues. First, the release traders who primarily sell perishable goods including food of chemicals and oil into the sea, as part of the develop- they have cooked themselves, sometimes hawking with ment and production phase, are thought to be killing fish their merchandise from home to home. Others work as stock and thereby reducing the amount of fish caught. seamstresses, hairdressers, sell mobile phone credit or run Second, fish are now inclined to gravitate towards the off- chop bars (small restaurants) (see also Langevang & Gough, shore oil rigs because they are attracted to the light being 2012; Langevang, Gough, Yankson, Owusu, & Osei, 2015). emitted by the infrastructure. This is problematic because The backbone of income-generating activities is fishermen are prohibited from entering the waters near the urban transportation network (Esson et al., 2016). the oil rigs for safety and security reasons. A key outcome Residents criss-cross the entire physical and economic of these circumstances has been the near collapse of the space of Sekondi–Takoradi using various means of trans- fishing industry, which renders other ancillary workers and port including: walking, use of private cars and all forms service providers, such as boat-making craftsmen, cooked of public transport including taxis and trotros (privately food vendors and oil suppliers out of business. This is a owned minibuses). Trotros provide good connectivity to further reason why residents in areas like New Takoradi other economic hubs in the city, with commuters mov- are investing in property as an alternative income source. ing out of the settlement daily to work, including trad- Farming is the other major primary activity undergoing ers travelling to the Takoradi Central Market (as early as change within STMA. Rapid peri-urban development and 5 am) to buy foodstuff and goods for their households 90 P . W. K. YANKSON ET AL. and home-based enterprises. The inadequate number of create more space to maximize rental income. While this vehicles, however, leads to long queues during the peak may make for a lucrative business model, it also results in morning and evening periods, and the road infrastructure overcrowded living environments that typically lack basic is in a deplorable condition with the majority of the minor amenities and services. Relatedly, due to the excess demand roads untarred with deep potholes. As a young man resi- for housing over supply, migrants desperate for accommo- dent in Kojokrom complained: dation are erecting temporary structures in between build- Some of the drivers don’t want to come here and spoil ings and in alleyways. The overall effect has been further their cars, so most of the vehicles used here are very old. densification of already crowded neighbourhoods and Even for some of the trotros when you are inside you can increased pressure on services and infrastructure. Added see the road from the floor of the car and when it rains to this, the establishment of commercial activities, banks and they hit a “manhole” it splashes water on you. This is our number one worry since most people go to town and offices in former residential spaces, while enhancing to work and those who remain here sell by the roadsides the opportunities they offer landlords for converting their and they complain about the dust. (20  year old male, properties from residential to commercial use for higher mechanic, Kojokrom) rental value, has had a negative impact on the housing The bad state of transport services thus negatively affects supply. mobility and income-generating activities within Sekondi– The paper has also highlighted how peripheral or fringe Takoradi. In addition to creating challenges for commercial areas of Sekondi–Takoradi are growing rapidly through activities, some of the respondents also mentioned that the uncontrolled urbanization of farm lands, despite these lack of a direct access route by cars from the s urrounding areas having limited service provision and infrastructure farming areas increases travel time and cost, thus reducing more generally. Most of those moving into the periphery the quantity of foodstuff brought by the farmers. of the city are escaping the increasingly overcrowded inner areas, though some newcomers to the city are also mov- ing directly into these newly developing areas. Regardless Conclusions of their location, residents need to move around the city, Existing research on urban change in sub-Saharan Africa, some on a frequent basis and often in relation to their live- including Ghana, has tended to focus on larger cities at lihood activities, but all have to deal with an inadequate the expense of secondary and intermediate cities while transport infrastructure. The urban planning and manage- also overlooking the link between socio-economic ment system of STMA has to respond adequately to these transformations of rural areas and their effects on cities. challenges if the city is to play its role as the emerging “oil Accordingly, this paper sought to qualify these trends city” of Ghana. Overall, the paper has revealed how the and further existing research by examining how the spa- city can best be envisaged as a mobile networked whole tial and social transformation of Sekondi–Takoradi, one of rather than consisting of disconnected and compartmen- Ghana’s key secondary cities, is being shaped by different talized locales (Skelton & Gough, 2013). This has implica- forms of mobility, both into and within the city. The inflow tions beyond this study for how we should conceptualize, of migrants into the twin city has been boosted by the study and manage secondary cities. region’s newly acquired role as the centre of the oil and gas industry in Ghana. Yet somewhat surprisingly, cases of Disclosure statement economic migrants coming to STMA to capitalize on the region’s emerging rubber industries were conspicuous by No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. their absence, with very few participants making reference to the rubber industry or the manufacturing sector as a Funding reason for moving to the city and its environs. Migrants searching for new opportunities have moved to the city This research is part of the ‘African Rural-City Connections’ (Rur- from throughout Ghana, not just from neighbouring banAfrica) research project. RurbanAfrica is funded by the Eu- ropean Union under the 7th Research Framework Programme rural areas. In fact, changes in the rural areas surrounding (theme SSH), Grant Agreement no. 290732. More information Sekondi–Takoradi were found to have had little impact on can be found at: http://rurbanafrica.ku.dk/. demographic transformations in the city. Extensive residential mobility within the city has left its imprint on the physical face of STMA through increased Notes on contributors demand for rentable accommodation, especially in both Paul W. K. Yankson is a professor who researches on urban the indigenous and migrant dominated low-income settle- issues. ments. Opportunistic landlords have, therefore, converted Katherine V. Gough is a professor who researches on urban service rooms into living spaces and extended buildings to issues. GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT-DANISH JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY 91 James Esson is a lecturer who researches on urban issues. Esson, J., Gough, K. V., Simon, D., Amankwaa, E. F., Ninot, O., Ebenezer F. Amankwaa is a doctoral candidate who researches & Yankson, P. W. K. (2016). Livelihoods in motion: Linking in urban issues. transport, mobility and income-generating activities. Journal of Transport Geography, 55, 181–188. Fox, S., Bloch, R., & Munro, J. In press. Understanding the dynamics of Nigeria’s urban transition: A refutation of the ORCID stalled urbanization hypothesis, Urban Studies. James Esson   http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7076-5119 Fuseini, I., Yaro, J. A., & Yiran, G. A. (2017). City profile: Tamale, Ghana. Cities, 60, 64–74. Ghana Statistical Service (GSS) (2012, May). 2010 population and References housing census: Summary report of final results. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service. Gough, K. V., & Birch-Thomsen, T. (2016). Mobile rural youth in Ablo, A. D. (2015). Local content and participation in Ghana’s northern Ghana: Combining near and distant opportunity oil and gas industry: Can enterprise development make a spaces. In K. V. Gough & T. Langevang (Eds.), Young difference? The Extractive Industries and Society, 2, 320–327. entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa. London: Routledge. Ablo, A. D., & Overå, R. (2015). Networks, trust and capital Gough, K. V., & Yankson, P. W. K. (2000). Land markets in African mobilisation: Challenges of embedded local entrepreneurial cities: The case of peri-urban Accra, Ghana. Urban Studies, 37, strategies in Ghana’s oil and gas industry. Journal of Modern 2485–2500. African Studies, 53, 391–413. Gough, K. V., & Yankson, P. W. K. (2005). Conflict and co-operation Addo, N. (1972). Urbanization, population and employment in in environmental management in Peri-Urban Accra. In D. Ghana. In S. Ominde & C. Ejiogu (Eds.), Population growth and Mcgregor, D. Simon, & D. Thompson (Eds.), The Peri-Urban economic development in Africa (pp. 243–251). New York, NY: Interface: Approaches to Sustainable Natural and Human Heinerman. Resources Use (pp. 196–210). London, Earthscan ISBN 13: 978- Aduah, M. S., & Aabeyir, R. (2012). Land cover dynamics in Wa 1-84407-188-3. Municipality. Upper West Region of Ghana, Research Journal of Gough, K. V., & Yankson, P. W. K. (2011). A neglected aspect of the Environmental and Earth Sciences, 4, 658–664. housing market: The caretakers of peri-urban Accra. Ghana, Afutu-Kotey, R. L. (2016). Young entrepreneurs in the mobile Urban Studies, 48, 793–810. telephony sector in Ghana. In K. V. Gough & T. Langevang Gough, K. V., Langevang, T., & Owusu, G. (2013). Youth (Eds.), 2016 Young entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa, (pp. employment in a globalising world. International 167–180). London: Routledge. Development Planning Review, 35, 91–102. Appiah, D. O., Bugri, J. T., Forkuo, E. K., & Boateng, P. K. (2014). Gough, K. V., Andreasen, M. H., Esson, J., Mainet, H., Namangaya, Determinants of Peri-urbanization and land use change A. H., Yankson, P., … Yemmafouo, A. (2015). City dynamics: patterns in Peri-urban Ghana. Journal of Sustainable Mobility and livelihoods of urban residents, RurbanAfrica Work Development, 7, 95–108. Package 3 (Report No. 2, 2015). RurbanAfrica: Department of Berkoh, D. (1975). Perception, migration and urban primacy in Geosciences and Natural Resource Management, University Ghana: A study of Accra-Tema metropolitan area. Bulletin of of Copenhage. the Ghana Geographical Association, 17, 80–95. Kaufmann, V. (2002). Re-thinking mobility. Contemporary Boahen, A. (2000). Ghana: Evolution and change in the nineteenth sociology. Aldershot: Ashgate. and twentieth centuries. Accra: Sankofa Educational Publishers Konadu-Agyemang, K. (2000). The best of times and the worst Ltd. of times: Structural adjustment programs and uneven Bobo, B. (1974). Economic factors influencing migration, urban development in Africa: The case of Ghana. The Professional growth and structure, Accra, Ghana. (Doctoral Thesis. Los Geographer, 52, 469–483. Angeles, CA): University of California. Korah, P. I., Cobbinah, P. B., Nunbogu, A. M., & Gyogluu, S. (2016). Busia, K. A. (1950). A Report on a social survey of Sekondi-Takoradi, Spatial plans and urban development trajectory in Kumasi. Crown agents for the colonies for the government of the Ghana. GeoJournal, 1–22. Gold Coast. London Kuusaana, E. D., & Eledi, J. A. (2015). As the city grows, where do Caldwell, J. (1969). African rural-urban migration. The movement to the farmers go? Understanding Peri-urbanization and food Ghana’s towns. Canberra: Australian National University Press. systems in Ghana – evidence from the Tamale Metropolis, Cobbinah, P. B., & Amoako, C. (2012). Urban sprawl and the loss Urban Forum doi:10.1007/s12132-015-9260-x of Peri-urban land. Kumasi, Ghana International Journal of Langevang, T., & Gough, K. V. (2012). Diverging pathways: Young Social and Human Sciences, 6, 388–397. female employment and entrepreneurship in sub-Saharan Cohen, L., Manion, L., & Morrison, K. (2011). Research methods in Africa. The Geographical Journal, 178, 242–252. education. London: Routledge. Langevang, T., Gough, K. V., Yankson, P., Owusu, G., & Osei, De Bruijn, M., Van Dijk, R., & Foeken, D. (2001). Mobile Africa: An G. (2015). Bounded entrepreneurial vitality: The mixed introduction. In M. De Bruijn, R. A. van Dijk, & D. Foeken (Eds.), embeddedness of female entrepreneurship. Economic Mobile Africa: Changing patterns of movement in Africa and Geography, 91, 449–473. beyond (pp. 1–7). Leiden: Brill. Møller-Jensen, L., & Knudsen, M. H. (2008). Patterns of population Dowokpor, V. (2015). Impacts of the oil and gas industry on the change in Ghana (1984–2000): Urbanization and frontier livelihoods of men and women working in the fisheries: A study development. GeoJournal, 73, 307–320. of Shama, Ghana (Master’s thesis). University of Bergen, Nugent, P., & Locatelli, F. (Eds.). (2009). African cities: Competing Norway. claims on urban spaces. Leiden: Brill. 92 P . W. K. YANKSON ET AL. Obeng-Odoom, F. (2009). Oil and urban development in Ghana, Simone, A. (2004). People as infrastructure: Intersecting African Review of Economics and Finance, 1, 18–39. fragments in Johannesburg. Public Culture, 16, 407–429. Obeng-Odoom, F. (2013). Resource curse or blessing in Africa’s Skelton, T., & Gough, K. V. (2013). Young people’s im/mobile oil cities? Empirical evidence from Sekondi-Takoradi, West urban geographies: Introduction. Urban Studies, 50, 455–466. Africa. City, Culture and Society, 4, 229–240. Songsore, J. (2009). The Urban transition in Ghana: Urbanization, Obeng-Odoom, F. (2014a). Oiling the urban economy: Land, national development and poverty reduction. Retrieved labour, capital and the state in Sekondi-Takoradi, Ghana. from http://pubs.iied.org/pdfs/G02540.pdf. London: Routledge. Stow, D. A., Weeks, J. R., Hsiao-chien, S., Lloyd, L., Coulter, H. J., Obeng-Odoom, F. (2014b). Black gold in Ghana: Crude days for Yu-Hsin, T., … Mensah, F. (2016). Inter-regional pattern of fishers and farmers? Local Environment, 19, 259–282. urbanization in southern Ghana in the first decade of the Oswin, N., & Yeoh, B. S. (2010). Introduction: Mobile city new millennium. Applied Geography, 71, 32–43. Singapore. Mobilities, 5, 167–175. Sumberg, J., Anyidoho, N. A., Leavy, J., te Lintelo, D. J. H., & Owusu, G. (2015). Decentralized development planning and Wellard, K. (2012). Introduction: The young people and fragmentation of metropolitan regions: The case of the agriculture “problem” in Africa. IDS Bulletin, 43, 1–8. Greater Accra Metropolitan Area. Ghana, Ghana Journal of World Bank. (2015). Rising through cities in Ghana: Ghana Geography, 7(1), 1–24. urbanization review overview report. Washington, DC. Owusu, G., & Oteng-Ababio, M. (2014). Moving unruly Yalley, P. P & Ofori-Darko, J. (2012). The effects of Ghana’s oil contemporary urbanism toward sustainable urban discovery on land and house prices on communities nearest development in Ghana by 2030. American Behavioral to the oil filed in Ghana (Case Study: Kumasi and Sekondi- Scientist, 1–17. Takoradi) In: S. Laryea, S. Agyepong, R. Leiringer, & W. Hughes. Pieterse, E. (2011). Grasping the unknowable: Coming to grips (Eds.), Procs 4th West Africa Built Environment Research (WABER) with African urbanisms. Social Dynamics, 37, 5–23. Conference, 24–26 July 2012, Abuja, Nigeria, 1443–1454. Potts, D. (2009). The slowing of sub-Saharan Africa’s urbanization: Yankson, P. W. K. (2006). Urbanization, industrialization, and Evidence and implications for urban livelihoods. Environment national development: Challenges and prospects of economic and Urbanization, 21, 253–259. reform and globalization. Accra: Ghana Universities Press. Potts, D. (2012). What do we know about urbanisation in sub‐ Yankson, P. W. K. (2013). Aspects of Manufacturing Geography in Saharan Africa and does it matter? International Development Ghana. In G. Owusu, S. Adjei-Mensah, P. W. K Yankson, & E. M. Planning Review, 34, V–xxii. Attua (Eds.), Readings in Geography. Essays in Commemoration Rigg, J. (2007). An everyday geography of the global south. New of the 65th. Anniversary of University of Ghana (Social Science York, NY: Routledge. Series 1. (pp 116–133). Accra: Woeli Publishing Service. ISBN Satterthwaite, D., & Tacoli, C. (2003). The urban part of rural 978-9988-626-10-X development: The role of small and intermediate urban centres Yankson, P., & Bertrand, M. (2012). Challenges of urbanization in rural and regional development and poverty reduction. in Ghana. In E. Ardayfio-Schandorf, P. Yankson, & M. Bertrand IIED Working Paper Series on Rural-Urban Interactions and (Eds.), The mobile city of Accra: Urban families, housing and Livelihood Strategies (Working Paper 9). Retrieved from residential practices (p. 288). Dakar: CODESRIA. http://pubs.iied.org/9226IIED/ Yankson, P. W. K., & Gough, K. V. (1999). The environmental Sekondi Takoradi Metropolitan Assembly (STMA). (2011, impact of rapid urbanization in the peri-urban area of Accra. October). Preparation of Sekondi-Takoradi Spatial Plan: Ghana, Danish Journal of Geography, 99, 89–100. Progress, Report 1. Unpublished. Yankson, P., Kofie, R. Y., & Møller-Jensen, L. (2005). Monitoring Sheller, M., & Urry, J. (Eds.). (2006). Mobile technologies of the city. urban growth: Urbanization of the fringe areas of Accra. New York, NY: Routledge. Bulletin of the Ghana Geographical Association, 24, 1–13.