South African Archaeological Society ADEVU AND CHIWARA RITUALS IN WEST AFRICA COMPARED TO HUNTING RITUALS AND ROCK ART IN SOUTH AFRICA Author(s): J. FRANCIS THACKERAY, WAZI APOH and KODZO GAVUA Source: The South African Archaeological Bulletin, Vol. 69, No. 199 (JUNE 2014), pp. 113- 115 Published by: South African Archaeological Society Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/24332738 Accessed: 21-11-2018 08:53 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms South African Archaeological Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The South African Archaeological Bulletin This content downloaded from 197.255.69.68 on Wed, 21 Nov 2018 08:53:15 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms South African Archaeological Bulletin 69 (199): 113-115,2014 113 ADEVU AND CHIWARA RITUALS IN WEST run him through with their spears, raising the hunting cry, till at length he falls upon the ground as if dead. If this man after AFRICA COMPARED TO HUNTING RITUALS wards kills a head of game, he hangs a claw on his arm as a AND ROCK ART IN SOUTH AFRICA trophy, but the animal must be shared with the rest (Lichtenstein 1812, Part 1: 269). J. FRANCIS THACKERAY1, WAZIAPOH2 & Such rituals are definite evidence for the principle of 'sym KODZO GAVUA2 pathetic hunting magic' in South Africa. The isiXhosa term iguba (referring to hunting rituals in which hunters feigned 1 Evolutionary Studies Institute, University of the Witivatersrand, killing an animal) was recorded by Dohpe (1857), and discussed P.O. WITS, Johannesburg, 2050, South Africa in the context of the 'sympathetic hunting magic' ritual E-mail: francis.thackeray@wits.ac.za described by Lichtenstein (Thackeray 1986), and in the context 2Department of Archaeology and Heritage Studies, University of Ghana, P.O. Box LG3, Legon, Ghana of the Melikane painting (Thackeray 2005). E-mail: apoh@ug.edu.gh / kgavua@ug.edu.gh At least some examples of rock art in southern Africa, including the scene of therianthropes at Melikane in Lesotho (Received August 2013. Revised February 2014) (Fig. 1) copied by Orpen (1874), Vinnicombe (1976) and INTRODUCTION Thackeray (2005), are likely to be associated with trance-related beliefs (Lewis-Williams 1980, 1981), death, and rituals associ In May 2013 in Accra, a Memorandum of U antdeedr swtaitnhd itnhge principle of 'sympathetic hunting magic' was signed by Vice Chancellors of the University of Ghana (Professor Ernest Aryeetey) and the South Af r(iTchaanc kUenraivye 2r0si0t5y,2013). It may not be coincidental that hunting of the Witwatersrand (Professor Loyiso N ornitguxalas) .a sAsolmciaotsetd with adevu among the Ewe in Ghana are also immediately, ethnographers and archaeolo griesltatse df rtoo mth eb cootnhcepts of death, success in the hunt, and trance. countries met to discuss matters that related t oH YanPOtThHrEoSpISo lHoIgy in Ghana and South Africa. Of particular interest were accounts of hunting rituals, stimulated by discussion W oef prreospeoaser cahs a working hypothesis (HI) that West African reported by Frobenius (1931) and Thackeray ( 1r9it8u6a,l2s0 (0i5n,c2lu01d3in).g adevu among the Ewe) and iguba rituals in Here we report the results of our initial rese aSrocuht,h a sAsforciiactae, dhave common heritage, both relating to the with the principle of 'sympathetic magic'. principle of 'sympathetic hunting magic' whereby a ritual is performed to mimic the wounding and killing of an animal, in ADEVU IN WEST AFRICA AND RITUALS IN the belief that this will facilitate success in a forthcoming hunt. SOUTH AFRICA This hypothesis can be assessed in the context of rituals and Among the Ewe in Ghana, there are hunting r ibteulailesf dausrsioncgiated with various African animals, including roan which adevu, a term derived from two words (ade ,( Hhiupnptointrga, gaunsd equinus), which has a widespread distribution, vu, dance or music), features prominently. Amu ( 1o9c9c7u)r prrinogv idine sGhana, Mali and East Africa, as well as in southern Africa. the following definition of adevu: "Hunter's music and dance performed by miming serious hunting as pertai nTsh ed uproisnsigbility that Tyi Wara (or Chi Wara; alternatively hunting expeditions (enactment of hunting expe Cdiit Wionarsa).) Trhiteuals in Mali (Fig. 2) developed in part from hunting dance is performed also in honour of any hun bteelri ewfsh oa shsoasciated with roan antelope, and incorporated in successfully killed a wild or huge animal". Am aug r(i1c9u9lt7u) raalls orituals, needs to be considered in the context of an defines adevu as "A hunter's dress costume used f oert ytmheo lpoegryfo orf Tyi Wara, from tyi (wounded, pierced) and wara mance of the hunter's dance". It is known that E(wweil dh uanntiimngal), as proposed by Thackeray (2005). Remarkably, a costumes include the use of animal skins togeth erri twuiatl hp etrhfeormed at Logageng in the Northern Cape of South skulls of animals or parts of skulls worn on the Ahferadicsa ,o fa ntdh ephotographed in 1934 (Fig. 3) is similar to West hunters. A hunter would adopt the posture and b eAhfarviicoaunr T oyfi aWara rituals, incorporating a person under the head, quadrupedal animal, and he would be symbolic saklliyn ,k sikllueldl ainnd horns of a roan antelope, adopting a quadrupedal the ritual by other hunters enacting the hunt. Apdoestvuur er i(tcu/a.l sFig. 2). At least three stripes are painted on the skin were undertaken in order to facilitate a hunt. T hoefy twheer er oaalsno antelope at Logageng, and are interpreted as performed to celebrate a successful hunt. Hunters performing this hunting ritual are known to reach altered states of consciousness (trance). The question arises as to whether adevu and other rituals in West Africa are related in any way to hunt ing rituals and trance-related rock art in South Africa of the kind known at the Melikane Shelter (Fig. 1) in Lesotho (Lewis-Williams 1980,1981; Thackeray 2005,2013). Thackeray (2005) has discussed the Melikane painting in the context of South African iguba hunting rituals of the kind published by Lichtenstein (1812), among peoples who spoke Nguni (Bantu) languages (including isiXhosa) and who inter acted with Khoisan. A hunter would take on a quadrupedal posture of a herbivore, and would be symbolically wounded and killed by others enacting the hunters, in the belief that such iguba rituals were essential for a successful hunt: Before a party goes out hunting, a very odd ceremony or sport takes place which they consider as absolutely necessary to ensure success to the undertaking. One of them takes a hand ful of grass into his mouth, and crawls about on al lF fIGou. r1.s Tthoree therianthropes in a bending-forwardposture, Melikane, Lesotho. represent some sort of game. The rest advance as if th Aeyf twero uOldrpen (1874), Vinnicombe (1976) and Thackeray (2005). This content downloaded from 197.255.69.68 on Wed, 21 Nov 2018 08:53:15 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 114 South African Archaeological Bulletin 69 (199): 113-115,2014 FIG. 3. Sketch based on a photograph of a 'buckjumper' recorded at Logageng, Northern Cape Province, South Africa in 1934. A person adopts a quadrupedal posture under the head and skin of a hippotragine antelope (roan). At least three stripes appear to have been painted on the skin, probably representing symbolic wounds (Thackeray 2005). The individual bends forward, with a stick in each hand to represent front legs. normally covered with calico, red fabric or strands of plant fibre and is often protected from public view. Performers of the music and dance are mostly men of the African Indigenous Religious faith. They adorn themselves with indigenous regalia that may comprise plant-dyed fabric to which animal hair (tails/whisks) and other charms are attached. According to oral accounts narrated by elders of Kpando in the Volta Region of Ghana, warriors usually perform adevu to 'charge' or psyche themselves before going to battle. In contemporary contexts of performance, such as during the funeral rites of deceased chiefs and other elderly statesmen and warriors, 'asafo' or the guards of chiefs of Kpando use knives, machetes and clubs to mimic the act of hunting, stabbing and cutting the throats of their victims. Some of them test or show off their magical powers, 'ade-dzo', by attempting to cut or stab themselves or cut their tongues with sharp knives without FIG. 2. Tyi Wara (Chi Wara or Ci wara) rdirtauwainl ga sbslooocdi.a tIne de fwfeictth, ar woealnl- faonrttieflioedp ewarrior is not expected (Hippotragus equinus) and other animal st oa mbeo hnagr mtehde bBya am kbnairfea winou Mnda lain,d W is eastttributed with the abil Africa. Two individuals bend forward, ho lidtiyn tgo sktiilcl ka sl iivne aenaicmha lh tahnrdo utgoh rtehper peosienntting and flipping of his front legs. The wooden carvings represen tf hinigpeprost.r Saegaisnoen e(rdo apnr)i easntst ealnodp ep. rPihesotteosses of the Indigenous graph by Pascal James Imperato. Religion fortify hunters and warriors through the use of herbs (Apoh & Gavua 2010). The flipping and pointing of fingers of a symbolic wounds associated with thhunet eprr (ionrc ai pwlaer roiofr )' styo mkilpl aatnh aentimical or enemy could be hunting magic' (Thackeray 2005, v2ie0w1e3d) a.s 'sympathetic magic' since it provides an assurance to In South Africa, Bantu words fo trh e whuonutenr dosr woarr ripora ionf ttehde efsfterctiipvensess of his magical potency are based on the form -tshi, simi lwahri cph hcounlde tenicsuarlel ya stuocc eKsshfuol ihsuant !fgori prey or success over which are stripes or scarification ensem iy.nflicted on hunters in the belief that these 'wounds' will contribute to success in a forth In secular contexts, including festivals and other celebrations coming hunt (Thackeray 2013). Our HI hypothesis is supported an adevu dance is performed by anyone who has learnt the act by linguistic evidence, in the sense that South African word sof taking the right steps and making the right throat and hand based on -tshi or !gi are phonetically similar not only to an Ew ceutting and stabbing gestures to accompany the adevu music word, si, which refers to wounding, cutting, scarification o r(Fig. 4). painting, but also to the Bambara word Tyi (as in Tyi warn or Chi Wara or Ci Warn) which means to pierce (c/. woun dC)ONCLUSIONS (Thackeray 2005). Perhaps not coincidentally, the Khoi term for Beliefs associated with hunting would have had a wide a supernatural potency is Tsui //Khoab, where tsui mean sspread distribution in Africa prior to the domestication of wounded (Hahn 1881) and //khoab means roan antelope plants such as sorghum, and prior to the dispersal of domesti (Thackeray 2005). cated animals (notably sheep, goats and cattle) within the last 3000 years. Hunting rituals such as those reported by ADEVU AND THE PRINCIPLE OF SYMPATHETIC Lichtenstein (1812), and rituals of the kind associated with HUNTING MAGIC' the Melikane rock painting and the 'buckjumper' (Fig. 1) in The Ewe adevu is associated not only with hu snouttihnegr nb Auftr iaclas o(Thackeray 2005, 2013) may have prevailed with war. It is generally associated with the m aumsoincg ancdes tdraln Kcheoisan as well as Bantu speakers who immi form of spiritually powerful hunters and/or w agrartieod rins,t oa tlhteh Aofurgichan sub-continent within the last 2000 years other members of the public may perform it in cfornomte Wxte sto fA fernicta earnd elsewhere on the continent. Anthropolo tainment. Some of the drums on which the mu gsiiscts iasn dp earrcfhaoerolmogeisdts from the University of Ghana and the are supposedly vested with special powers. The Uirni vmeresimty borf atnhee sWitwatersrand are pursuing research related are of the skins of roan and other animals whic tho athre HtIh hoyupgohthte stios, suggesting that West African rituals have powerful spirits. The lead drum, the mos (tin cpluodwinegr afduevlu, aims ong the Ewe) and iguba (as well as related This content downloaded from 197.255.69.68 on Wed, 21 Nov 2018 08:53:15 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms South African Archaeological Bulletin 69 (199): 113-115,2014 115 following the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Vice-Chancellors of the respective universities. We thank David Pearce and the Rock Art Research Institute for assistance with the scanning of the figures. We thank P.J. Imperato for kindly providing permission for the repro duction of the Tyi Wara photograph in Figure 2. REFERENCES Amu, M. 1997. Glossary of Ewe musical terms. Research Review (New Series) 13(1). Apoh, W. & Gavua, K. 2010. Material culture and indigenous spiritism; the Katamansu archaeological 'Otutu' (shrine). African Archaeological Review 27: 211-235. Dohne, J.I. 1857. A Zulu-Kafir Dictionary Etymologically Explained. Cape Town: St Pike. Frobenius, L. 1931. Madsimu Dsiingam. Berlin: Atlantis. Hahn, T. 1881. Tsuni-HGoam, the Supreme Being of the Kkoikhoi. London: Triibner. FIG. 4. A Kpando-Dzoanti performance o fL ewanis- Wadilleiavmus, dJ.aDn. 1c9e80. . NEtohntoeg rtaphhey aknnd icfoen ogarnapdhy: aspects of the tail of an animal in his hands. Photogr asopuhth ebrny S aWn t hAoupgohth a.nd art. Man (n.s.) 15: 46-482. Lewis-Williams, J.D. 1981. Believing and Seeing: Symbolic Meanings in rituals in South Africa) have comm Sounth erhn eSarni Rtoackg Peai,n tibngos.t Lhon drone: lAacatdiemnicg P rtesos. the principle of sympathetic hun tLicnhtgen stmein,a Mg.Hi.cC.' 1w812h. Terarveelsb iny S ouat herrni tAufraicla ini sthe Years 1803, performed to mimic the wounding 18 0a4,n18d05 akndi 1l8l0i6n. Pgar t o1. fLo nadnon: Ha.n Coilmburna.l, in the belief that this will facilitate sOrupecnc, eJ.s 1s8 74i.n A gali mfpsoe rinttoh tcheo mytihnologgy hofu thne tM.aluti Bushmen. Such beliefs may have consider aCabpel Meo ntthilmy Maeg azdinee (pn.st.) h9:1 -1i3n. African prehistory, recognising that an AThpackoelralyo, J1.E 119 8C6. aSovutehe rtn hAferircaina rnoctk hartr, o"sypmepathetic magic" (art mobilier from Namibia, dated aantd th2e7 tr a0nc0e 0hy pBotPhe sias.n Thde Daigsgsinog cStiiackt 3e(1d): 6-7. Thackeray, J.F. 2005. The wounded roan: a contribution to the relation with hippotragine horns), may relate to the principle of 'sym of hunting and trance in southern African rock art. Antiquity 79:5-18. pathetic magic' (Thackeray 2013) .Thackeray, J.E 2013. The principle of "sympathetic hunting magic" in the context of hunting, trance and southern African rock art. The ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Digging Stick 30:104. We thank the University of Ghana and the Un Viivnenricsoimtyb e,o fE 1t9h7e6. The People of the Eland. Pietermaritzburg: Natal Witwatersrand for the opportunity to pursue r eUsneivaerrcsihty pPreosjse. cts This content downloaded from 197.255.69.68 on Wed, 21 Nov 2018 08:53:15 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms