Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 1 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson Language Centre, College of Humanities University of Ghana, Legon goldathompson@gmail.com Abstract This paper focuses on expected communicative behaviours during asymmetrical interactional events among Ghanaians, with special reference to Ewes and Akans. Drawing on the ethno- pragmatic techniques of semantic explication and cultural scripts, it demonstrates how Ghana- ian concepts of social hierarchy (roughly, the thought that some people are “above” others) in- fluence verbal interaction. Five social categories that are prominent among Ghanaians in terms of age and social status are explicated to ensure a detailed description of individuals in such categories. Four cultural scripts are then posited to capture what is expected when one has to interact with someone thought of as “above” oneself. Some linguistic evidence is provided from Ewe and Akan, as well as from some other Ghanaian languages. The study attempts to show the possibility of describing some Ghanaian communicative norms in simple cross-translatable terms in order to enable non-Ghanaians to understand the viewpoint of cultural insiders. Keywords: hierarchy, communication, norm, authority, age, social status Author’s bio Rachel G. A. Thompson obtained her PhD at Griffith University, Australia. She is currently a research fellow at the Language Centre, College of Humanities, University of Ghana. Her ma- jor research interest is the use of language in Ghana’s electronic media. She is also interested in the study of meaning, language and cultural values, political communication, social media, (im)politeness, and discourse analysis across various domains such as health and language contact situations. Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 2 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson 1 Introduction* This paper explores some sociocultural expectations and communicative norms regarding asymmetrical interactions in Ghana. It focuses on interactions with people in the Ghanaian society considered to be “people above others”. They include elderly people (people who are advanced in age), high ranking people (people who have or represent authority), and chiefs (traditional rulers). These categories have been chosen because among several ethnic groups in Ghana, individuals belonging to these social categories are recognised as deserving of special respect or deference due to their roles in decision-making processes, the welfare of others, or the development of the communities in which they live (Flamembaum 2016). Generally, they are held in high regard. If one’s social behaviour demonstrates an act of disrespect towards these individuals, one is likely to incur repercussions either from the target or from “concerned observers” who monitor others to determine the extent to which their behaviour is acceptable. According to Mosha (2000, 100), one of the basic principles of African indigenous thought is “respect for age and authority (that is, for people older than oneself and those in authority)”. Those who are considered socially lower in terms of age and authority often appreciate it when they are shown respect by those considered socially higher. However, the common expectation is that those who are socially lower will not behave in any way that poses a direct challenge to the system of “age-and-status-graded respect hierarchies” (Flamenbaum 2016, 140). Several studies have shown that Ghana is one of such African societies, where respect is attached to age and social status (e.g. Obeng 1997; Agyekum 2003; Flamenbaum 2016). In Flamenbaum’s (2016, 134) words, there exists, among Ghanaians, “this deeply rooted preference for unques- tioning deference to parents, chiefs, elders, and other authority figures” (emphasis added). That is, there is a strong expectation that age, position, wealth, and experience are well regarded and thus that anybody who is considered superior in terms of any of these social variables must be treated with “respect” or “deference” (Salifu 2010, 2014; Flamenbaum 2016; Thompson and Anderson 2019). Hierarchy and the relative status of a speaker and an addressee can be regarded as social universals in that they should exert an influence on the organisation of speech in any social interaction, no matter in what cultural context they are found (Kirkpatrick 2007). This means that, during a speech event, there should be a link between the relative statuses of the interac- tants and the interactional flow. Asymmetrical social interactions are rarely engaged in on equal terms because subordinates are expected to yield to higher-status individuals (in many cases, their superiors), and acknowledge the privileges associated with their status. For instance, the higher-status individual or superior should be able to speak for longer periods of time, and of- ten, while the superior is speaking, there is an expectation that the subordinate will not interrupt (Guerrero et al. 1999, 326). Moreover, a speaker’s linguistic choices during the interaction are highly influenced by the status of the addressee or referent (Hudson 1996; Barbieri 2008). During subordinate-supe- rior speech events, subordinates are required to engage in what Obeng (1997, 52) refers to in Akan as “kasa pa [good speech], ɔpɔ kasa [polite or civilized speech] or obuo kasa [respectful speech]”. They are also expected to manage their non-verbal and paralinguistic choices such * This paper forms part of a larger research project that explores political discourse in Ghana, prepared under the mentorship of Cliff Goddard and Andy Kirkpatrick, with the support of an Australian Government Research Train- ing Program Scholarship. I am grateful to the cultural specialists for their input, to the audience at the Natural Se- mantic Metalanguage 2016 Workshop, where an earlier version of this paper was presented, and to the anonymous reviewers for their helpful suggestions and comments. Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 3 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson as silence, body language, gaze, proxemics, and pitch in a socially acceptable manner (Obeng 2003; Thompson and Agyekum 2016). The forms of language used towards people of high social status can be described, as Ide (1989, 225) puts it, as: (i) “a speaker’s use of intentional strategies to allow his or her message to be received favorably by the addressee”, and (ii) “a speaker’s choice of expressions to conform to the expected and/or prescribed norms of speech appropriate to the contextual situation in individual speech communities”. In other words, a subordinate must avoid being offensive and must be able to properly manipulate his/her lin- guistic (as well as paralinguistic) expressions and actions to suit the communicative event, ac- cording to the accepted norms. In view of the preceding discussion, this paper attempts to answer the question of what some of the accepted norms are that one has to consider when interacting with socially elevated people, using the semantic explication and cultural script methods of the ethnopragmatic ap- proach (Ameka 2006; Goddard 2006; Goddard and Ye 2015). 2 Methods This study is situated in the ethnopragmatic approach, which relies on the methodological tools based on Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM), semantic explications, and cultural scripts. Textual data were obtained from scholarly works and the Corpus of GhanaWeb Comments on Ghana’s Election 2016 (CGCGE16)1. In formulating the semantic explications and cultural scripts, I drew on some observed speech practices and consulted with ten cultural specialists (recruited by means of snowball sampling) over a period of three months. The native speaker intuitions and insights of these cultural specialists were sought on why people are considered to belong to the social category ‘people above others’, as well as what the social norms and values are that regulate interactive events with people belonging to this category. Key points from the discussions were summarised and later revised to conform to the combinatory syntax of NSM, under the guidance of Professor Cliff Goddard. Various studies have proven that the NSM methodological tools are able to adequately describe communicative norms from an “insider perspective” in simple cross-translatable terms known as semantic primes, so as to enable cultural outsiders to understand the viewpoint of cultural insiders (e.g. Wierzbicka 1996; Ameka and Breedveld 2004; Wong 2006; Goddard and Wierzbicka 2014). Semantic primes involve a set of well-specified vocabulary that can be expressed by linguistic expressions which “surface” in all human languages (see Appendix 1 for a full inventory of primes). Proponents of the ethnopragmatic approach stress that the set of highly constrained vocabulary and its grammar appears to have exact equivalents in all or most languages; this has been widely demonstrated by previous studies on languages such as Finnish, Spanish, French, Polish, Ewe, Malay, Russian, Chinese, Korean, etc. Apart from semantic primes, there are also “semantic molecules”, which Goddard (2010, 123) defines as “non-primitive meanings that function alongside semantic primes as building blocks in the composition of yet more complex lexical meanings”. This means that these mol- ecules can themselves be explicated separately using the semantic primes. There are about 50 semantic molecules that have been identified as being (nearly) universal. They include children, hands, and water. Both semantic primes and semantic molecules can be used to construct se- 1 CGCGE16 contains about 2000 reader comments relating to Ghana’s 2016 elections downloaded from www.www. ghanaweb.comghanaweb.com from September 1 to December 6, 2016 (Thompson 2020) http://www.ghanaweb.com http://www.ghanaweb.com Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 4 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson mantic explications and cultural scripts, with semantic molecules usually being indicated with the notation [m] (see Goddard 2016 for more on semantic molecules). Semantic explications are explanatory paraphrases used to unpack the meanings of “local social categories” or complex culture-specific and culture-related keywords and concepts (God- dard and Wierzbicka 2014; Goddard and Ye 2015). Meaning, by this method, is rigorously for- mulated with semantic primes from which reductive paraphrases can be constructed in a fash- ion consistent with well-specified grammatical rules (Wierzbicka 1996, 2010; Goddard 2015). The semantic explication method is intended to provide a universal framework for describing the meaning of language-specific terms, such as the social categories considered in this paper. It helps to circumvent the problems of “obscurity”, “circularity”, “ethnocentrism”, and “exces- sive abstractness” which hamper other methods of meaning analysis (Goddard and Wierzbicka 2014, 12). A good semantic explication generates appropriate implications and enhances understand- ing of culture-specific concepts and terms (Goddard and Ye 2015). Among Ghanaians, for in- stance, some terms have no direct equivalent expressions in European languages. Examples of these (though not of direct concern to this study) are the social category ɔkyeame in Akan or tsiame in Ewe, often translated as ‘orator’, ‘linguist’ or ‘chief’s spokesperson’, and the insult kwasea in Akan or kɔsia in Ewe, often translated as ‘fool’ or ‘foolish person’. The translation “equivalents” do not even come close to capturing the full Ghanaian meaning (see Yankah 1995; Thompson 2020 for the full Ghanaian meaning of these terms). Equally, but much less obviously, the terms examined in this study, including ametsitsi ‘elderly person’ and tɔgbui ‘chief’, may seem to lend themselves to simple translations. This can be misleading because although they appear to be so transparent, such simple glosses may fail to disclose their indig- enous meaning. It is in cases of this kind that semantic explications become very necessary, as they are intended to capture the semantic invariants of the terms. Cultural scripts are “representations of cultural norms which are widely held in a given society and which are reflected in language” (Wierzbicka 2002, 401). Although they are not usually recorded anywhere in writing, they are “conventionalized patterns stored in the long- term memory of language users” (Schneider 2012, 18). Generally, they are learnt during one’s socialisation period and form an integral part of one’s communicative competence. They dem- onstrate shared understandings and expectations of specific speech communities. For instance, certain communicative behaviours, such as the use of first names to address people who are significantly older and the use of the left hand in a speech event, are regarded as interactional taboos across various speech communities in Africa. However, they are acceptable in some speech communities in other parts of the world (Ameka and Breedveld 2004). This means that the norms that guide the interpretation of communicative practices and serve as the measuring rod for socio-interactional appropriateness in one community cannot adequately deal with simi- lar practices in another community. Cultural scripts, therefore, guide speech participants in the course of production, interpre- tation, and understanding of interactions, as they form a kind of interpretive background against which the speakers position their own acts and those of others (Goddard and Wierzbicka 2004; Ye 2004; Wong 2006; Wierzbicka 2010). They do not control the pattern of an interaction. In- stead, they can influence the form that specific speech events take because they represent com- monly held assumptions about how people think about social interactions. Cultural scripts, like semantic explications, can be captured in simple and precise terms while avoiding the pressure of cultural bias (Ameka 2006). The ethnopragmatic approach requires that an inventory of the equivalents of the English Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 5 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson semantic primes in a particular language(s) be identified in advance in order to ensure that se- mantic explications and cultural scripts can be expressed in that language(s). This paper does not focus on any specific indigenous Ghanaian language, but in order to fulfil the above-men- tioned requirement, Ewe terms are used for illustrative purposes in this paper. Ewe is chosen for this role because, as far as I know, it is the only Ghanaian language that has yet gained scholarly attention in relation to NSM studies and that has an inventory of the equivalents of the English semantic primes (see Appendix 1). Some linguistic evidence is provided from other languages, mainly Akan, the most widely spoken language in Ghana, to demonstrate that the cultural com- municative norms identified by means of cultural scripts in this paper are not exclusive to Ewes but are shared across different linguistic communities. Such scripts are identified as “areal cul- tural scripts” (Ameka and Breedveld 2004, 169). 3 Explications for Ewe social categories Harkness (2015, 306) notes that “the first condition of having to deal with somebody at all is to know with whom one has to deal” (emphasis added). This implies that it is important for a speaker to know what kind of person their addressee is in any social discourse. For this reason, this section explicates the lexical semantics of five social categories that are prominent among Ghanaians in terms of age and social status. As explained in the preceding section, Ewe terms for the categories are explicated. The age-related social categories explicated are: i. ametsitsi [ame ‘person’ + tsitsi ‘old’ = ‘elderly person’] (a person who is advanced in age) ii. fofo/tɔ2 kple dada/nɔ3 [fofo/tɔ – ‘father’; kple – ‘and’; dada/nɔ – ‘mother’ = ‘parents’] (a person of one’s parents’ age) iii. fo kple daa4 [fo – ‘elder brother’; kple – ‘and’; daa – ‘elder sister’ = ‘elder sibling’] (a slightly older person) The social status categories explicated are: iv. amegã [ame – ‘person’ + gã – big = ‘high ranking person’] (a person who has or represents authority) v. tɔgbui [‘chief’] (traditional ruler) The semantic explications [SE] encapsulate key characteristics of these Ewe social categories. Being social categories, all five explications begin with the component “someone of one kind”. For ease of reference, the components of the explications are each given an identifying letter. 2 Etɔ is a dialectal variant of fofo meaning ‘father’. 3 Enɔ is a dialectal variant of dada meaning ‘mother’. 4 Older brother could also be rendered as fo(fo)vi and older sister as dadavi. Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 6 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson 3.1 Age-related categories Ametsitsi ‘elderly person’ The word ametsitsi designates a person who is advanced in age, but the full content of the Ewe word goes well beyond this. Age is a natural marker of asymmetry. Van der Geest had this to say when describing the concept of the elderly person among Ghanaians: In my own culture, that of The Netherlands, “old” is a mainly negative concept. When the adjective is used for people, it expresses loss of physical strength and social importance, but it is believed that in other cultures a more positive appreciation of “old” exists (van der Geest 1998, 453). In line with this comment, it is not uncommon in Ghana to find people having big celebrations for 60th, 70th and 80th birthdays to mark a person’s passage into old age. This is because age is valued above other social variables, due to the belief that there is a link between growing old and becoming wise (van der Geest 1998). It is assumed that when people become old, they exude wisdom and have more knowledge because of their life experiences. The maxim “wisdom comes with the years” attests to this (van der Geest 1998). Ametsitsi are regarded among Ghanaians as “the symbol of wisdom” and “so- ciety’s memory databank” (Agyekum 2004a, 137). Generally, it is believed that they can make predictions and advise people on how to act in order to attract good fortune and avoid mishaps. They are therefore relied upon to make important decisions that can serve the best interests of their relatives and other people around them, as they are always supposed to know better. Be- low, [SE1] presents the semantic explication for ametsitsi ‘elderly person’.5 [SE1] Semantic explication for ametsitsi ‘elderly person’ As expressed in component (b), ametsitsi are defined primarily in terms of their age, with the implication of greater experience. Components (c) and (d) capture the idea that the elderly are expected to transmit their knowledge to the younger members of the family and/or community who seek their counsel. The expression “live well” in (c) is compatible either with being mor- ally upright or with living comfortably (in terms of wealth and luxury), based on the admoni- tions of an elderly person. Whenever people have to deal with a challenge or make a decision on a crucial issue, es- pecially in traditional settings, it is often necessary that they consult with an ametsitsi. Thus, it is a common practice for them to say something like “You will hear from us after we have seen the old (wo)man”. This understanding is presented in component (d). Component (e) highlights 5 I use a different font for the explications and scripts to distinguish between them and the main text. Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 7 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson the idea that being ametsitsi attracts prestige and respect. Fofo kple dada ‘father and mother’ Apart from showing deference to people of advanced age, one is also expected to show def- erence to people in the same age-range as one’s parents. The people in this social category, although not necessarily as old as ametsitsi, are prototypically old enough to be one’s father or mother. That is, fofo kple dada refers to anyone who is assumed to be old enough to have given birth to a particularly person, but not necessarily their actual biological parents. In the examples from CGCGE16 below, for instance, Dan’s use of “your fathers and your mothers” does not mean he is referring to the parents of his co-participants during their interac- tion on GhanaWeb. Rather, it means that the intended referents of his co-participants can be the contemporaries of their parents. This is made clearer in the comments of Kwame and Sir Levels in examples (2) and (3), respectively. (1) You [are] talking to your fathers and your mother[s] this way because of politics. (Dan 2016-10-20 15:50) (2) U pp [you people] are hear [sic] seriously insulting someone who is old enough to be your father. (Kwame 2016-06-30 09:13) (3) I personally don’t think the insult on the EC chairperson will declare any of the candi- dates winner … she could be your mom. (Sir Levels 2016-11-03 18:21) Two explications are presented below for fofo kple dada ‘father and mother’, to indicate that although the category is typically conjoined, it can be split depending on the context, as shown in examples (2) and (3) above. The semantic explication for fofo is given in [SE2a] and for dada in [SE2b]. [SE2a] Semantic explication for fofo ‘father’ [SE2b] Semantic explication for dada ‘mother’ As component (b) of [SE2a] and [SE2b] shows, a person of this social category is considered to be of the same generational rank as one’s father or mother. They may even have children who are within the same age range as the person. It can be understood from component (c) that the difference in generation means that such a person can be construed as “above” oneself or others. Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 8 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson Fo/daa6 ‘elder brother/elder sister’ The Ghanaian culture encourages people to show respect for seniority in age even within one’s own generation. That is, it is socioculturally required that both advanced age and relative age are respected. During social interactions, an age difference of even one year is very significant. Sometimes, in a speech event, people who are just a few months older, or even a few days older, may (jokingly) remind their interlocutors of their higher status and ask that they are shown some respect. In Ewe, a relatively older person is known as ŋutsu(vi) tsitsi/nyɔnu(vi) tsitsi. The expres- sion tsitsi ‘old’ in ametsitsi ‘elderly person’ is also seen in ŋutsu(vi)/nyɔnu(vi) tsitsi ‘older per- son’ and it often implicates that there is a younger person. That is, while the use of ametsitsi denotes advanced age, the use of ŋutsu/nyɔnu tsitsi denotes relative age. The diminutive vi ‘small’ is added to ŋutsu ‘man’ (= ŋutsuvi ‘young man’) or nyɔnu ‘woman’ (= nyɔnuvi ‘young woman’) when the referent is not yet past the age of adolescence. Morphologically, the diminu- tive vi cannot be added to ame ‘person’. Therefore, the term amevitsitsi [# ame – ‘person’ + vi – ‘small’ + tsitsi – ‘old’] does not exist in the language. As a result, the terms for an older person (i.e. signifying relative age) also clearly mark the difference between male and female. Every ŋutsu(vi) tsitsi can be a part of the social category fo ‘elder brother’, while every nyɔnu(vi) tsitsi can be a part of the social category daa ‘elder sister’. It is noteworthy that some Ghanaian languages, including Akan, do not have lexical equiv- alents for fo and daa. Akan, for instance, has filled this gap by borrowing the English words bra (from the short form of brother, ‘bro’) and sista (from ‘sister’) (Dolphyne 1996). In general, there is very little or no social expectation that people in the social category fo/daa will have much more life experience than the relatively younger person. Therefore, the younger person is not obliged to show them deference, as they should in the case of ametsitsi ‘elderly person’. Nevertheless, the assumption is that people in this social category are more able to take up lead- ership roles and responsibilities in their families than a younger person; thus, they are important and should be treated with respect (Ameka 1991). [SE3] describes one who is part of the social category fo/daa ‘elder brother/elder sister’. In the explication above, component (b) shows that though a fo/daa is older than a person, he/ she is in the same generation as the person. Therefore, as indicated in component (c), it is ap- propriate for that person to be mindful of the age difference. 6 The term fo/daa is polysemous. Apart from being a social category: (1) it can be a title prefixed to a person’s name, as in Fo Yao ‘elder brother Yao’ or Da Adzo ‘elder sister Adzo’; (2) it can also be an address term for a person whose name a speaker does not know but considers as one with whom they want to relate in a manner that people relate to their elder brothers and sisters. Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 9 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson 3.2 Social status-related categories Amegã ‘high ranking person’ The word amegã (literally, big person) refers to an influential person or one who represents authority, either politically, territorially, academically, religiously, economically or socially. People who have not been directly or indirectly impacted by the achievements of the amegã may not hold them in such high esteem as those who have benefitted in one way or the other from their achievements or wealth. It is expected that a speaker, especially one who has not achieved the feats of an amegã, should concede precedence and accord some form of defer- ence to an amegã when addressing any person of this social category in a speech event (Ameka 1991; Yankah 1995; Agyekum 2004b; Salifu 2014). Consider the use of amegã in the bible verses from Biblica Ewe below, with their equiva- lents from the New American Standard Bible: (4) Asrafo-wo ƒe ame-gã la gblɔna ɖekakpui-a be … soldier-pl poss person-big def say_to young.man-det that … ‘So the commander told the young man that …’ (Acts 23:22) (5) Zaxeo nye nu-dzɔ-la-wo ƒe ame-gã … Zacchaeus be thing-collect-ag-pl poss person-big … ‘Zacchaeus is a chief tax collector …’ (Luke 19:2) In example (4), the ‘commander’ is translated literally as ‘big person [amegã] of soldiers’, while in example (5), ‘chief tax collector’ is ‘big person [amegã] of tax collectors’. These ex- amples illustrate that amegã refers to a person who is the head of a group of people, or simply ‘a boss’. Other persons of this social category include wealthy people, business owners, profes- sors, medical directors, religious leaders, school principals, and political leaders. The following is an explication for amegã. [SE4] Semantic explication for amegã ‘high ranking person’ It is pointed out in the second line of component (b) of [SE4] that the masses in various social sects do not belong to the social category amegã. Unlike ametsitsi, whose superiority to others is as a result of their advanced age, being an amegã is not necessarily based on age but on rec- ognition of a person’s achievements, position, and services to the society on account of special personal abilities, education, and/or wealth. This is reflected in the third and fourth lines of component (b). The high social status of amegã is presented in component (c). Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 10 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson Tɔgbui ‘chief’ The second category to be considered with respect to social status is tɔgbui. It should be noted that the term tɔgbui, as used among Ewes, has other meanings in addition to ‘traditional ruler/ chief’; that is, it is polysemous. It can be used to designate a traditional ruler or as a title for a traditional ruler, as in (6a) and (6b), but also as a kinship term (‘grandfather’) as shown in (7), as a term of address for an ancestor/forefather, as in (8), and for a (respected) old man, as in (9). Note that a speaker can use tɔgbui as an address term for any old man, regardless of whether they know him or not. By using this address term, the speaker acknowledges the social distance between them, and is telling the addressee, “I think about you as I think about my grandfather (and I want to relate to you as such)”. (6) a. Tɔgbui la le takpekpe me kple e-ƒe ame-tsi-tsi-wo Chief def be_at meeting inside with sg-poss person-old-old-pl ‘The chief is in a meeting with his elders.’ b. Tɔgbui Nyaho Tamakloe nye Whuti ƒia Chief Nyaho Tamakloe be Whuti chief ‘Tɔgbui Nyaho Tamakloe is the chief of Whuti.’ (7) Me kpɔ ga gbogbo aɖe le tɔgbui-nye ƒe abati dzi 1sg see money plenty indef be.at grandfather-1sg:poss poss bed top ‘I saw a huge sum of money on my grandfather’s bed.’ (8) Ame geɖe ƒe dzi-xɔ-se le tɔgbui-wo alo gbɔgbɔ-wo me person many poss heart-take-hear be_at grandfather-pl or spirit-pl inside ‘Many people believe in ancestors or spirits.’ (9) Tɔgbui la trɔ mo de gli old.man def turn face to wall (Literally: The old man turned his face to the wall) ‘The old man is dead.’ The meaning of primary concern to this study is the category of ‘chief’ (traditional ruler), as in (6a) and (6b). Tɔgbui falls into a different status category when compared to ametsitsi and amegã because the status of tɔgbui is not earned through advanced age or achievements, but is ascribed by the person’s birth into the royal family of the traditional area. In the Akan proverb in example (10) below, food represents chieftaincy, which is meant only for the rightful heir. That is, anyone who is not a legitimate traditional ruler must not desire that status, even if they have all the qualities required to lead or rule the people. Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 11 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson (10) Nea adeɛ wɔ no na o-die ɛ-nyɛ nea ɔkom de no one_who thing be_at 3sg:obj foc 3sg-eat 3sg-be one_who hunger want 3sg:obj (Akan) Literally: He who owns the food is the one who eats it, not the one who is hungry.) ‘Chieftaincy is for the rightful heir and not for the one who yearns for power.’ In line with this proverb, Act 759 of the Fourth Republic Constitution and the Chieftaincy Act of Ghana (2008) describes a chief as “a person who hails from appropriate family and lineage, who has been validly nominated, elected or selected and enstooled, enskinned or installed as a chief or queen mother in accordance with the relevant customary law and usage” (Asamoah 2012; Owusu-Mensah 2013). Tɔgbui is also considered as the father of the people in the area. The following statement made by the Paramount Chief of the Lambussie Traditional Area in the Upper West Region of Ghana, Kuoro Salifu Dy-Yaka, as captured by www.graphic.com.ghwww.graphic.com.gh on September 9, 2016, can attest to this: “As a chief, I am a father, and as you visit the traditional area, I am the father of all.” The people must claim their allegiance to the tɔgbui as the father of the traditional area, revere him, and not disobey him on any occasion, lest they face the necessary sociocultural sanctions (see Yankah 1999). The position of a tɔgbui among Ghanaians, as noted by Owusu- Mensah (2013, 44), is “a prestigious enterprise because of the social, political and cultural pow- ers they possess”. The tɔgbui represents a ‘demigod’ and is supposed to be above reproach of any kind. Consider the explication below. [SE5] Semantic explication for tɔgbui ‘chief’ The components of “high position” linked to “people in a place”, as expressed components (a) and (b), appear at the top of this explication because they are of primary importance to the concept of tɔgbui. Tɔgbui represents the main figurehead of the traditional area he governs. As expressed in component (b), he can perform various functions that ensure the welfare of his subjects, including codifying customary laws, settling disputes, organising ceremonies and festivals, assisting individuals to secure their basic social needs, and promoting socio-economic development in the area (Kleist 2011). On the negative side, he can be an authoritarian and a despot. In the explication of amegã above, unlike in the explication of tɔgbui, component (b) dwells only on the “good things” and not on the “bad things” the person can do. The reason for this distinction lies in the fact that, as already noted, an amegã is often held in high esteem by people who benefit either directly or indirectly from his achievements or wealth. In component (c) of [SE5], it is demonstrated that there is a degree of awe connected to http://www.graphic.com.gh Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 12 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson the traditional power, and one cannot defy the orders or expressed wishes of a tɔgbui. Failure to comply with his wishes attracts a possibility of harsh punishment, which in times past included banishment or even execution, in extreme cases. Component (d) depicts the idea that although there could be several wealthy and influential people in a traditional area, none of them pos- sesses as much power as the tɔgbui, as they are all his subjects as long as they live within his domain. 4 Ghanaian cultural scripts for interacting with someone considered “above” oneself/others Section 3, through the Ewe terms ametsitsi, fofo kple dada, fo/daa, amegã, and tɔgbui, pre- sented a picture of individuals who belong to the Ghanaian social categories ‘elderly person’, ‘parents’, ‘elder brother/elder sister’, ‘high ranking person’, and ‘traditional ruler’. Whenever a person’s interactant belongs to any of these social categories, that person must endeavour to adhere to certain cultural communicative norms and expectations or face certain sanctions. When a person’s communicative behaviour is consistent with the norms, they are regarded as communicatively competent. They are regarded as being among those who can maintain and signal to others (by the way they address the interactant) the elevated social status of their inter- actant. In contrast, when a person disregards the communicative norms, it is considered socially unacceptable and such behaviour is seen as disrespectful. This can easily trigger an unintended offence and/or a breakdown in the interaction, as a lack of knowledge about communicative norms and expectations could easily imply that, traditionally, one is not “well bred” (Agyekum 2010). In this section, some of these cultural communicative norms and expectations are drawn out using the cultural scripts method. Four cultural scripts (CS) are proposed for social interac- tions with people considered as “people above oneself/others” in the Ghanaian context. These scripts indicate that speakers in such interactions should have regard for the feelings of their addressee(s) and should be conscious of their own public image and even that of their family members. Scripts [1–3] show how a person’s way of speaking ought to express a positive at- titude to anybody perceived as someone “above” them/others, while script 4 comprises addi- tional components that relate specifically to the special category, tɔgbui ‘chief’. The introductory component (a) of scripts [1–3] models the thoughts of many Ghanaians about an interlocutor who is superior or who is of a higher social status. It is expected that these thoughts will influence how they would normally express and reinforce notable hierarchical differences through their linguistic forms and behaviour. The phrases “someone above me” and “someone above many other people” in component (a) clearly invoke the high status of the social categories described in Section 3 above. [CS1] Ghanaian cultural script for general behaviour when one is with someone “above” oneself/others Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 13 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson Components (b) and (c) in [CS1] illustrate the culturally recommended mindset that, when with a superior, one must not displease or offend them with one’s speech behaviour or general conduct in any way. This implies that one must be conscious of expectations and patterned behaviours that are understood and observed by all at any social event. The idea that one must behave in a way which meets the expectations of the superior and prevents the superior from forming negative thoughts about one is reflected in component (d). Script [2] below is specifically about speaking. It is focused on the general notion that one must speak differently to one’s superiors or face the prospect of disapproval from them and/or the general public, extending also to one’s family. When one’s speech deviates from ac- cepted norms, the question often asked is “Whose son [daughter] is he [she] to be so unrefined in speech?” (Yankah 1998, 40, insertion mine). Not only do those who speak decorously at all times avoid causing their relatives embarrassment, but they also help to maintain the dignity, honour, and good reputation of their relations (Agyekum 2004b). Look at how the idea that refusing to speak differently to someone considered “above” oneself can have certain conse- quences is captured in components (b), (c), and (d). [CS2] Ghanaian cultural script for speaking with one who is someone “above” oneself/ others Component (b) of [CS2] draws attention to the fact that one’s use of language must be “self-cen- sored” and must reflect the socially sanctioned mode of asymmetrical interaction. For instance, there are call-and-response forms that indicate social relations and status. Among the Ewes, a person can respond to a call from another who is their social equal with only the caller’s first name. However, if the caller is higher in terms of age or social status, the person cannot respond with the caller’s first name but has to respond with address forms that indicate asymmetry, such as papa [papa:] ‘daddy’ and efo ‘elder brother’ (if the caller is male) or mami [mami:] ‘mummy’ and daa ‘elder sister’ (if the caller is female). In the same vein, among the Dagombas, there are two response forms to a call: ɛ͂ɛ͂ and nááp/náá. The response ɛ͂ɛ͂ can be used to respond to a call from a person who is seen as one’s social equal, while nááp/náá must be used to respond to a call from a superior (Salifu 2014). Component (c) highlights the fact that apart from avoiding the disapproval of the superior and other people, a speaker must avoid causing the superior any form of discomfort or negative feeling. In this regard, the speaker must be more inclined to use language forms that express respect and deference; otherwise, as previously mentioned, the repercussions of their misbe- haviour could be directed at their family. This is expressed in the last line of component (c). Consider the following comment thread from GhanaWeb that exemplifies how one could attract negative consequences if one’s language choices fall short of the acceptable norms for interacting with someone considered as a person above others. Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 14 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson Background: During the 2020 West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WAS- SCE) in Ghana, there was a viral video of a candidate repeatedly calling President Akufo- Addo kwasea ‘fool’ and using other abusive expressions against him. The reason for this candidate’s behaviour was that, for him, the Integrated Science questions were too diffi- cult. Many people expressed their contempt at his behaviour and the leaders of the Ghana Education Service demanded that he should be dismissed. In a subsequent video, he apol- ogised to the President. This was published on GhanaWeb as a news report with the head- line, “Final year WASSCE candidate who insulted Akufo-Addo in viral video apologises” (https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Final-year-WASSCE-can- didate-who-insulted-Akufo-Addo-in-viral-video-apologises-1028197?jwsource=cl - ac- cessed November 24, 2020). Regardless of the candidate’s apology, some commenters on the news platform continued to express their disapproval of his previous utterances. (11) Re: Final year WASSCE candidate who insulted Akufo-Addo in viral video apologises (i) Disrespectful and ungrateful bad boy. (Bbb 2016-10-08 13:41) (ii) You are a fool ... an idiotic [person] like you is insulting the president. Nothing good will come out of your education. (Abba 2016-07-08 05:43) (iii) Your mother is a bitch and your father is a monkey. (Kumi 2016-08-08 08:38) (iv) Fuck urself, fuck ur parents and fuck ur entire generation … Kwasia you are just an idiotic charlatan exposing ur disgusting upbringing, animal like ur type, you were not trained. Only God knows how you and your entire generation will be. Stupid fool. (Odeneho 2016 07-08 05:38) The WASSCE candidate in the video completely disregarded the expected communicative norm by insulting the president. That is, his utterances violate component (b) of [CS2] above. The negative consequences of this violation, as reflected in component (c) of [CS2], are seen in the replies (11 i –iv) above. Examples (i) and (ii) are attacks only on the candidate, while (iii) is an attack on his mother and father. In (iv), the attack is directed not only at the candidate but at his parents and his entire generation. The following script is an attempt to zero in on the need for specific “honorific” words and relevant “politeness” markers during asymmetrical interactions. The choice of such expressions is generally determined by the social and psychological distance between the speech partici- pants (Agyekum 2003). When a superior has a title, the speaker must not omit this title when referring to that person (Afful 2006). It is acceptable to refer to people of certain occupations, such as doctors, lawyers, and professors, by their occupational titles alone. Religious titles such as Bishop, Prophet, Reverend, Afa, Alhaji/Hajia, and Sheikh are also used to refer to people who occupy such positions (see Dakubu 2000; Agyekum 2003). Example (12), from Afful (2006, 281), is an exchange (call and response) between a young priest and a female congregant, who was about 60 years old. (12) A: Maame Esi Kakraba Ghann! Maame Esi Kakraba Ghann! ‘Maame Esi Kakraba Ghann!’ https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Final-year-WASSCE-candidate-who-insulted-Akufo-Addo-in-viral-video-apologises-1028197?jwsource=cl https://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Final-year-WASSCE-candidate-who-insulted-Akufo-Addo-in-viral-video-apologises-1028197?jwsource=cl Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 15 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson B: Sɔfo, me-pa kyew me-re-ba o (Akan) Reverend 1sg-remove hat 1sg-prog-come filler ‘Reverend, please, I am coming.’ Even though the congregant is older than the priest, she responds to his call with his identity marker, Sɔfo ‘Reverend’. The use of the identity marker shows that the congregant acknowl- edges and values the social status of the priest. In cases where an interlocutor of a higher social status has no known title, the subordinate is expected to choose from a range of appropriate kinship terms, such as dada ‘mother’, mama ‘grandmother’, ete ‘aunt’, papa ‘father’, tɔga ‘uncle’, or efo ‘elder brother’ in Ewe; nana ‘grandmother/grandfather’, agya ‘father’, maame ‘mother’, sewaa ‘aunt’, or wɔfa ‘uncle’ in Akan; and ma ‘mother’, ba ‘father’, or beli ‘elder brother’ in Dagbani. English titles such as Mister, Sir, Madam, and Mrs. (if the referent is a married woman) can also be used. Apart from the use of address terms, subordinates are also expected to use, as often as possible, politeness markers, including mede kuku (Ewe) or mepa kyew (Akan) ‘I doff my hat’ (please) when they want to say something, make a request, or pose a question. Apologetic ex- pressions such as ɛnyɛ me anisa (Akan) ‘I don’t mean to be impolite’ or sɛbe/taflatse ‘excuse me’/‘apologies’ can also be used when a speaker needs to say something that could cause of- fence. Example (13) is an utterance in Akan from a young man who was called before a group of elders to answer questions relating to an accusation laid against him (Sekyi-Baidoo 2016, 130). (13) Me-srɛ me-ka me-te hɔ yi sɛbe me nsa mu yɛ 1sg-beg 1sg-say 1sg-live there det excuse_me 1sg:poss hand inside good ‘I beg to say, in life, I am quite wealthy.’ The use of the apologetic signals mesrɛ meka ‘I beg to say’ and sɛbe ‘excuse me’ to precede the statement me nsa mu yɛ ‘I am wealthy’ is the speaker’s way of saying “I do not mean to be ar- rogant or prideful before you, but it is necessary I make this point”. These expressions indicate the speaker’s deference to the elders at the gathering. This discussion leads us to [CS3] below. [CS3] Ghanaian cultural script for the use of deferential terms in asymmetrical interac- tions Component (b) of [CS3] indicates that the use of deferential terms as exemplified in the preced- ing paragraphs is essential in subordinate-superior speech events among Ghanaians. In com- Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 16 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson ponent (c), it is specified that it is obligatory for one to employ the appropriate honorifics and titles for someone considered to be socially higher. Employing such linguistic forms displays the speaker’s knowledge of the superior’s status, constantly reinforcing the message that the addressee (superior) is worthy of the speaker’s honour and respect, as expressed in (d). It has already been mentioned that the social category tɔgbui ‘chief’ is a special one. Even though one must also be cognisant of CS1, CS2, and CS3 when talking to a tɔgbui and observe the norms highlighted therein, there are some expected communicative norms that are peculiar to an interaction with anyone who belongs to that social category. For example, one cannot talk directly to a chief but must talk through an intermediary. According to Agyekum (2004b, 84), messages to a chief are channelled through an intermediary because “his face will become vul- nerable if anybody could speak directly to him”. Before presenting [CS4], consider the following speech event in Akan, which involves an interaction with a person who belongs to the social category of tɔgbui ‘chief’. (14) Venue: Otumfoɔ’s Palace – Kumase Period: May 1998 Context: A young man KO (aged 28) has offended the traditional ruler and consults an elderly renowned speaker of Akan to intervene on his behalf. Intervener: Daasebrɛ Otumfoɔ wei deɛ mpanimfoɔ se abɔfra Magnanimous Powerful dem as_for pl-elder-pl say child gya ne nan gu n’agya nan so leave 3sg:poss leg pour 3sg:poss-father leg on a yɛ-pepa na yɛ-n-twa n-twene. Wo then 1pl-rub and 1pl-neg-cut neg-throw_away 2sg ara w-akoa se w-a-fom wo own 2sg:poss-servant say 3sg-perf-wrong 2sg:obj Oburu. Fa kyɛ no. Amu Daasebrɛ Oburu take give 3sg:obj Amu Magnanimous Oburumuankoma Giver_of_full_fresh_animal ‘The Magnanimous and Powerful One. It is the elders who have an ad- age that if the child excretes on the laps of his father it is wiped away, but the lap is not cut off. Your own servant says that he has offended you Oburu. Forgive him Amu. The Magnanimous and the “Giver of Full Fresh Animal”.’ (Agyekum, 2004b, p. 75) In this speech event, KO has regretted his actions, but it is socially unacceptable for him to ask for forgiveness from the traditional ruler directly. Therefore, he engages an intermediary to speak to the traditional ruler and intervene on his behalf. As mentioned earlier, any interlocutor of a traditional ruler must employ CS1, CS2, and CS3 in his speech. In line with these scripts, the intervener embellishes his utterances with traditional honorifics such as Daasebrɛ ‘The Magnanimous One’, Otumfoɔ ‘Powerful One’, and Oburumuankoma ‘Giver of Full Fresh Animal’ to show his honour for the addressee. He also uses an apologetic expression in the form of a maxim, “If the child excretes on the lap of his father it is wiped away, but the lap is not cut off”, and further belittles KO, referring to him (KO) as a “servant” to indicate the social distance between KO and the traditional ruler. The intervener employs these strategies to mark the elevated status of the addressee (i.e. the tradi- Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 17 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson tional ruler), as well as to show him deference as demanded by the norms regarding interactions with a chief. The following is a cultural script posited specifically to capture the peculiarities involved in an interaction with anyone of the social category tɔgbui. [CS4] Ghanaian cultural script for interacting with tɔgbui (in English) In all formal situations, the intermediary (identified as “someone else” in the second and third lines of component (c) above) between the chief and his subjects is often an elderly person who holds the position of tsiame (Ewe) or ɔkyeame (Akan). Yankah (1995) describes this interme- diary as the chief’s ‘mouth’ and ‘ear’. Traditionally, the chief’s words are conveyed to people through this person, and the words of the people reach the chief through him (see Yankah (1995) and Ameka (2004) for details on the role of the tsiame/ɔkyeame). The fourth and fifth lines of component (c) show that a person who refuses to adhere to this regulation can be de- scribed as one who is uncultured or lacks proper upbringing, or whose family can be described as irresponsible. Apart from giving people negative perceptions about the person or about the family, the person is susceptible to harsh punishments, such as banishment, as mentioned in the discussion of [SE5]. This is expressed in the last line of component (c). Component (d) reflects the idea that people would want to avoid such repercussions. 5 Concluding remarks This paper dwelt on the notion that Ghana is a hierarchical society and thus that speakers must choose language forms that reflect positively on interlocutors who are considered as social- ly higher. It articulated in detail some expected norms for communicative behaviours during asymmetrical interactional events among Ghanaians and showed that one’s language choices must be within the limits of the underlying interactional norms and values of the society. By means of the semantic explication method, social categories related to age and social status, including elderly people and traditional rulers, were identified as local social categories that are recognised and deemed as being “above” others in Ghanaian society. The idea that a person who belongs to any of these social categories is “above” others is related to that person’s pre- sumed significance to the society. Normally, the social demands and responsibilities bestowed on them elevate them above others and make them icons of dignity. The paper explained that, in Ghana, specific emphasis is placed on respect or deference for hierarchical differences in that there is a marked difference between the way a person is expected to communicate with interlocutors of equal social status, and interlocutors of higher social status. This implies that the knowledge that one’s interlocutor belongs to any of the so- Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 18 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson cial categories described in Section 3 should inform one’s speech behaviour. Otherwise, one is likely to face some negative consequences. Cultural scripts were posited as descriptions of underlying thought processes that should guide an interaction with people of the social catego- ries presented; that is, they can describe what is expected when one must interact with a person thought of as “someone above oneself/others”. Components of all these cultural scripts were carefully phrased and discussed to reflect the shared social understandings of showing respect to these kinds of people during social interactions among Ewes, as well as among other eth- nic groups in Ghana. Although there is a wide range of appropriate communicative behaviour among Ghanaians, the cultural scripts discussed in this paper provide basic guidelines and specify some key verbal attitudes expected of interlocutors of lower social status during asym- metrical interactions. List of Abbreviations 1 first person INDEF indefinite marker 2 second person NEG negative 3 third person OBJ object DEF definite marker PL plural DEM demonstrative marker POSS possessive DET determiner PROG progressive marker FOC Focus marker SG singular Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 19 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. 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Thompson Appendix 1 Table: Semantic primes (English and Ewe exponents) grouped into related categories substantives NYE~ME-, WÒ~(N)È, AME(ÁÐÉ), NÁÐÉ~NÁNÉ, AMEWÓ, LAME i, you, someone, something~thing, people, body relational substantives TƆGBI, AKPA(ÐE) kinds, parts determiners SIA, NENEMAKE, BUBU this, the same, other~else quantifiers ÐEKA, EVE, EÐE, KATA~PETEE, GEÐE~GBOGBO, SUE one, two, some, all, much~many, little~few evaluators NYO, BAÐA~VƆ good, bad descriptors GA, VI big, small mental predicates NYÁ, BU TAME, DÍ, GBE, SE, KPƆ, SE know, think, want, don’t want, feel, see, hear speech GBLƆ~BÉ, NYA, NYATEƑE say, words, true actions, events, movement WƆ, DZƆ, ƲA do, happen, move location, existence, specification NƆ (AFIÁÐÉ), LI -LEE~NƆ ANYI, NYE (AMEAÐE/NAÐE) be (somewhere), there is, be (someone/something) possession TƆNYE (is) mine life and death NƆ AGBE, KU live, die time NE~ƔEKAYI, FIFIA, HAFI, MEGBE, ƔEYIYI DIDI AÐE, ƔEYIYI KPUI AÐE, NA ƔEYIYI AÐE, AÐABAƑOƑO when~time, now, before, after, a long time, a short time, for some time, moment place AFIKA~TEƑE, AFII, DZI~TAME, GƆME, DIDI, TE ÐE, AKPA, EME, KA ASI where~place, here, above, below, far, near, side, inside, touch Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 1 (2021) 24 (24) Cultural Scripts for Asymmetrical Interactions in Ghana Rachel G. A. Thompson logical concepts ME…O, ÐOMAHI, TEŊU, EYATA~ESIATA, NE not, maybe, can, because, if intensifier, augmentor ŊUTƆ, GA very, more similarity ALE~ABE like~as Note: Primes exist as the meanings of lexical units (not at the level of lexemes); exponents of primes may be words, bound morphemes, or phrasemes; they can be formally complex; they can have combinatorial variants or “allolexes” (indicated with ~); each prime has well-specified syntactic (combinatorial) properties (Ameka and Thompson 2017).