University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh UNIVERSITY OF GHANA INSTITUTE OF AFRICAN STUDIES ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS OF GENDER IN SIRIGU DOMESTIC DWELLINGS IN THE UPPER EAST REGION OF GHANA BY AKOLGO AYINE (10083002) THIS THESIS IS SUBMITED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON, IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY (MPHIL) DEGREE IN AFRICAN STUDIES JULY 2016 i University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Declaration I, hereby declare that this submission is my own work towards the award of MPhil in African Studies at the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, and that, to the best of my knowledge, it does not contain any material previously published by another person nor material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree of the University, except where due acknowledgement has been made in the text. AKOLGO AYINE (10083002) ………………………………… ………………………….. Student’s Signature Date Certified by: PROF. AKOSUA ADOMAKO AMPOFO ………………………………………………. ………………………….. Principal Supervisor’s Signature Date DR. KWAME AMOAH LABI ……………………………………………. ………………………….. Co-supervisor’s Signature Date ii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Abstract The Sirigu architectonic tradition consists of sculptured buildings with geometric patterns in mainly red, white and black. Scarifications on the faces of the indigenes also consist of intricate geometric incisions. The artistic traditions of the women of Sirigu play a vital role in their cultural identity, therefore the women demonstrate commitment not only to maintain their artistic uniqueness but also to brand and market it both locally and in the international tourist market. Research on Nankana architecture suggests a history of correlation between dwellings, gender and scarifications. Recent studies have sought to balance the static structural and symbolic analysis with a more dynamic approach, which addresses both continuities and change in artistic representation. Yet interest in gender has been limited to the functions of space and gender, with little interest in the symbolism of space and motifs. Therefore, this study explores the gender dynamics in domestic dwellings of Sirigu, analyzing the relationships between the art of wall decorations and scarification with a focus on the visual analysis and symbolic meanings of motifs and their functions as they reflect gender, continuities and change and the economics of women’s arts. 54 respondents purposely sampled from all five communities in Sirigu, namely, Guwonkor, Busongor, Wugingo, Nyangolgo, and Basengo were interviewed. Qualitative analysis of data from interviews, observations, photographic, archival and oral sources led to the conclusion that Sirigu wall paintings and scarifications as well as their rituals are symbolic representations of their construction of gender and that transformations and commercialization of women’s arts has inspired the participation of men in it. This study recommends more in-depth research and documentation of architectonic and scarification traditions of all ethnic groups in Ghana with similar practices since these art forms are either transforming rapidly or disappearing altogether. iii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Dedication This thesis is dedicated to my lovely wife Lydia Adelyine Ayine and to my two lovely children, Ashlyn Yinemalia Ayine and Amram Yinemalisum Ayine. Seeing you people inspire hope and challenges me to press on. iv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Acknowledgements Glory and honour first and foremost to the Almighty God for His uplifting scriptures, which have constantly reassured me that I can do all things through Christ who strengthens me. I also thank my wife, Lydia Adelyine Ayine for her encouraging words, anytime I felt like giving up. I wish to acknowledge my supervisors, Professor Akosua Adomako Ampofo and Dr. Kwame Amoah Labi for their invaluable time put into reading and guiding this work and for their relentless insistence that I did the right thing. I am indebted to both of you. I express my gratitude to all my lecturers at the Institute of African Studies for contributing towards my intellectual development. I am particularly grateful to Dr. Deborah Atobrah and Dr. Benjamin Kwansa for giving me the opportunity to serve as your Graduate Assistant. I learnt a lot under you. I am most indebted to the Mwalimu Nyerere African Union Scholarship Scheme for their support towards my graduate research programme. I am also grateful to Hon. Aduko Barnabas, Assemblyman of Guwonkor, staff and management of SWOPA, especially Albert Aeng-paa. I also appreciate the invaluable sacrifice and efforts of my friend and brother, Michael Anaafo, who daily went with me to Sirigu for my fieldwork. I also acknowledge my colleague staff at the Upper East Regional Museum, especially my boss, Mr. Francis Coffie Ayi Amu, Madam Martha Lardi Agandaa, Evans Ayariga and the rest. I thank all my colleagues in the 2013/2014 academic year group. Our friendship and bonding was like family. I am particularly grateful to Patience Gyamenah, Roland Mireku Yeboah, Inusah Awuni, Jean-Paul Agidi, Amu Divine, Mercy Mingle and Grace Opare. I am grateful to all the staff of the Institute of African Studies, your cooperation and understanding has been very remarkable. v University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table of Contents Declaration ………………………………………………………………………… ii Abstract ……………………………………………………………………….…… iii Dedication …………………………………………………………………….…… iv Acknowledgements ………………………………………………………….…..... v Table of Contents …………………………………………………………….........vi-xi List of Plates ………………………………………………………………….....xii-xvi CHAPTER ONE …………………………………………………………………. 1 INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………….... 1 1.1 Background to the Study ……………………………………………….…. 1 1.2 Background of the Study Area ……………………………………………. 4 1.3 Research Objectives …….………………………………………………… 8 CHAPTER TWO ………………………………………………………...……… 9 LITERATURE REVIEW …………………………………………………………. 9 2.2 Nankana Dwellings ……………………………………..………………… 12 2.3 Architecture and Dwellings of other Parts of Ghana and West Africa …… 21 2.4 The House-Body Symbolism ……………………………………………... 28 2.5 The Economics of Women’s Arts ………………………………………… 32 2.6 The House as a Symbol of Identity and Status ……………………………. 34 2.7 Esther Nikwambi Mahlangu and the Ndebele Art of Wall Painting ……… 36 2.7.1 The BMW Project ………………………………………………………… 38 2.7.2 Ndebele Wall Paintings …………………………………………………… 39 2.8 Scarifications, Body Markings and Wall Motifs ………………………….. 43 vi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.9 Significance of Body Markings and Scarification ……...………………… 48 2.10 Statement of the Problem ……………………………...………………….. 50 2.11 Conclusion ….……………………………………………………………... 51 CHAPTER THREE …………………………………..………………………….. 53 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY …………………………………………………. 53 3.1 Introduction …………………………………………………………..…… 53 3.2 The Purpose and Scope of the study …………………...………………… 54 3.2.1 Specific Research Questions ……………………………………………… 54 3.3 Data Collection Methods ………………………………………………….. 55 3.3.1 Library Research ………………………………………………………….. 55 3.3.2 Interviews ……………………………………………………………….… 56 3.3.3 Observation ………………………………………………………..……… 58 3.3.4 Visual Analysis …………………………………………………………… 58 3.4 Sample Size ……………………………………………………………….. 59 3.5 Sampling and Sampling Strategies ………………………………………... 60 3.6 Data Analysis Plan ………………………………………..……………… 64 3.7 General Challenges encountered in this Study……………………………. 64 3.8 Organization of the Study ……………………………………………….. 66 3.9 Conclusion ………………………………………………………..……… 68 CHAPTER FOUR ………………………………………………………………. 69 GENDER IN THE ANATOMY OF NANKANA DWELLINGS ……………….. 69 4.1 Introduction ………...……………………………………………………… 69 4.2 The Sirigu House …………………………………………………………. 69 vii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.3 The Rituals in Founding a House ………….……………………………… 71 4.3.1 Tampugre – The Dunghill or Compost Heap ……………………………... 73 4.3.2 The Zenyore – Outer Compound …………………………………………. 74 4.3.3 Yanŋa – The Main Entrance ……………………………………………… 77 4.3.4 Nandene – The Animal Kraal …………………………………………….. 78 4.3.5 Ba-are – The Granary ……………………………………………………... 80 4.3.6 Geheŋa – The Low Entrance Wall ………………………………………… 81 4.3.7 Zenzaaka – The Inner Compound ………………………………………… 82 4.3.8 Deya’anŋa – The Twin Room / Ritual Room …………………………….. 84 4.3.9 Da’anŋa – The Kitchen …………………………………………………… 88 4.3.10 Deto – Rooms …………………………………………………..………… 89 4.4 Gendered Rites of Sirigu Funerals ………………………………………... 90 4.4.1 Dressing the Corpse for Lying in State …………………………………… 91 4.4.2 Placing the Copse in the Grave …………………………………………… 91 4.4.3 The Grave as a House ……………………………………………………. 91 4.5 Conclusion ………………………………………………………..……… 93 CHAPTER FIVE ………………………………………………………………... 96 GENDER IN SIRIGU WALL MOTIFS AND THEIR MEANINGS …………….. 96 5.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………..……… 96 5.2 The Origin and Sources of Knowledge of Mural Decorations ……………. 96 5.3 Symbols of Power, Wealth and Status …………………………………….. 97 5.3.1 Akunyana Nee Ndole Bobga – Akunyana’s Cattle ………………………... 98 5.3.2 Saaba – Amulets …………………………………………………………... 98 5.3.3 Ebga – Crocodile ………………………………………………………….. 99 viii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.3.4 Naaho – a Cow ……………………………………………………………. 100 5.3.5 Do’ore – a Walking Stick …………………………………………………. 101 5.3.6 Amizia Zuvaka – Amizia’s Hat ……………………………………………. 102 5.3.7 Nee’la – Domesticated Birds ……………………………………………… 103 5.4 Feminine Symbols ………………………………………………………… 104 5.4.1 Zaaliŋa – Calabash Holder ………………………………………………... 104 5.4.2 Sukuu Koma Ngore Nu’osi – School Children Holding Hands …………… 106 5.4.3 Wanzagsi - Broken Pieces of Calabash …………………………………... 107 5.4.4 Tangolma – Zig Zag Lines ………………………………………………… 108 5.4.5 Waafo – Python ……………………………………………………………. 108 5.4.6 Yu’oŋo Bangsaana / Tana – Recognize a Visitor at Night ………………... 109 5.5 Symbols with Economic Significance …………………………………….. 110 5.5.1 Ligipella – Cowry Shells ………………………………………………….. 111 5.6 Other Ways of Analyzing Motifs ………………………………………….. 112 5.7 Colour Symbolism of Sirigu Motifs ………………………………………. 113 5. 8 The Significance of Motifs/Symbols ……………………………………… 114 5.6 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………… 116 CHAPTER SIX ………………………………………………………………….. 118 FAÇADES AND FACES – A GENDERED ANALYSIS OF SCARIFICATIONS AND WALL MOTIFS IN SIRIGU ……………………………………………….. 118 6.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………..………. 118 6.2 Interviews with Practitioners or Connoisseurs ……………………………. 118 6.3 The Purpose of Scarification Marks ………………………………………. 119 6.4 Sources of Knowledge on the Practice of Scarifications ………………... 120 ix University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6.5 Types of Scarification Marks ……………………………………………. 121 6.5.1 Weska ……………………………………………………………………………… 121 6.5.2 Ninzo’resi …………………………………………………………………. 123 6.5.3 Kisko ……………………………………………………………………… 124 6.5.4 Identity Marks …………………………………………………………….. 125 6.5.5 Slave Marks/Slave Raiding ……………………………………………….. 125 6.5.6 Medicinal Marks ………………………………………………………….. 126 6.5.7 Marks of the Child believed to be Dying and Returning …………………. 127 6.5.8 Beautification and Adornment Marks ……………………………………. 127 6.6 The Current State of Scarifications in Sirigu ……………………………… 128 6.7 The Relationship between Wall Motifs and Scarifications ……………….. 130 6.8 Conclusion ………………………………………………………..……….. 134 CHAPTER SEVEN ……………………………………………………………… 137 INNOVATIVE TRANSFORMATIONS AND THE ECONOMICS OF WOMEN’S ARTS IN SIRIGU …………………………..…………………… 137 7.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………….. 137 7.2 The Impact of Social Change on the Sirigu Community ………………….. 137 7.3 Transforming Sirigu Arts ………………………………………………….. 138 7.3.1 The Navrongo Cathedral …………………………………………………... 138 7.3.2 The Sirigu Women Organization of Pottery and Art (SWOPA) ………….. 141 7.4 The Economics of Sirigu Women’s Arts ………………………………….. 143 7.5 Men’s Participation in Sirigu Women’s Arts ……………………………… 145 7.6 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………… 147 x University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER EIGHT ………………………………………………………………. 149 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ………………………………………………………… 149 8.1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………….. 149 8.2 Summary of Main Findings ……………………………………………….. 149 8.3 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………… 153 8.4 Recommendations …………………………………………………………. 154 References ………………………………………………………………………… 157 Appendices ……………………………………………………………………....... 168 xi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh List of Tables Table 1: Some key respondents from communities in Sirigu ……………………... 60 Table 2: Respondents interviewed from each community and their scarification status ………………………………………………………… 128 xii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh List of Plates Plate 1: Inner compound of Sirigu dwelling showing the Twin room (Deya’nŋa) and wall motifs ……………………………………………….. 3 Plate 2: Map of Sirigu – Nankana East ……………………………………………. 4 Plate 3: Map of the Eastern Part of the Kassena Nankana Socio-linguistic Area …. 5 Plate 4: Esther Mahlangu’s BMW 525i model in the Car Art collections, 1991 ….. 39 Plate 5: Esther Mahlangu ………………………………………………………….. 41 Plate 6: Esther Mahlangu sitting in front of her house ……………………………. 41 Plate 7: Mahlangu’s abstract painting on canvas ………………………………….. 41 Plate 8: Esther Mahlangu in her exhibition gallery ……………………………….. 41 Plate 9: Esther Mahlangu’s abstract painting on canvas with natural pigments …... 42 Plate 10: On the way to initiation rites by Esther Mahlangu on canvas ……..…… 42 Plate 11: Around the Home by Esther Mahlangu on canvas …..…………………. 42 Plate 12: Some of the awards of Esther Mahlangu during her career ……………... 42 Plate 13: Mahlangu’s painting on Canvas with natural pigments ………………... 42 Plate 14: Photograph of Ndebele Painted House ………………………………….. 42 Plate 15: Photograph of Ndebele Painted House ………………………………….. 43 Plate 16: Photograph of Ndebele Painted House ………………………………….. 43 Plate 17: Facial Scarifications from North-Eastern Ghana (Frafra facial marks) …. 44 Plate 18: Pretty Bodi Girl from Ethiopia`s Omo Valley Showing her Beautification marks ………………………………………………………. 48 Plate 19: Mursi Girl with her Beautification Marks ……………………………… 48 Pate 20: Layout of a Typical Sirigu House, Sketched by Researcher …………….. 70 Plate 21: Showing the Zenyore of a Sirigu House…………………………………. 76 Plate 22: Some respondents sitting under the Pata or shade, Sirigu ……………… 76 xiii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 23: Ancestral shrine in front of the main entrance to the house …………….. 77 Plate 24: Yaŋa, Sirigu ……………………………………………………………... 78 Plate 25: Researcher and his assistant in the Nandene ……………………………. 79 Plate 26: The Ba-are or Granary in Sirigu ………………………………………… 81 Plate 27: Gehenŋa – Researcher standing by the lower entrance wall, Sirigu ………………………………………………………………… 82 Plate 28: Showing the Zenzaaka or inner Courtyard and entrance to some rooms, Sirigu ………………………………………………………... 84 Plate 29: Deya’aŋa or Ritual room, Sirigu ………………………………………... 87 Plate 30: The Researcher coming out of the Twin room ………………………….. 87 Plate 31: Kalinŋa arranged on the Ki’ema niŋa, Sirigu …………………………… 87 Plate 32: Olivia Akaba showing the Researcher round the Twin room …………… 87 Plate 33: Neere or Milling stone inside the Twin room …………………………… 88 Plate 34: Olivia Akaba holding up the Zaaliŋa inside the Twin room ……………. 88 Plate 35: The Mother’s shrine, at the entrance to the Twin Rooms ……………….. 88 Plate 36: The Researcher squat in front of the Twin room ………………………... 88 Pate 37: Bo’or with a Staircase leading to the Gosko Sirigu ……………………… 89 Plate 38: Detinne or thatch roofed room, Sirigu …………………………………... 90 Plate 39: Akunyana Nee Ndole Bobga, Sirigu ……………………………………. 98 Plate 40: Saaba, Illustrated by the Researcher …………………………………….. 99 Plate 41: Ebga, Sirigu wall motif ………………………………………………….. 100 Plate 42: Naaho, Sirigu wall motif ………………………………………………... 101 Plate 43: Do’ogolma on the left and Akaba Ayamdoo on the left, dressed and holding his walking stick ready to leave home ……………………….. 102 Plate 44: Amisia Zuvaka, Sirigu …………………………………………………... 103 xiv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 45: Nee’la – A Guinea fowl and a Rooster …………………………………. 104 Plate 46: Zaaliŋ-daa, Sirigu ……………………………………………………...... 105 Plate 47: Zaali-nya’ŋa, Sirigu ……………………………………………………... 106 Plate 48: Sukuu Koma Ngore Nu’osi, Sirigu ……………………………………… 107 Plate 49: Wanzagsi, Sirigu ……………………………………………………….... 107 Plate 50: Tangolma, Sirigu ………………………………………………………... 108 Plate 51: Waafo, one in relief and the other in painting, Sirigu …………………... 109 Plate 52: Yu’oŋo Bangsana design and Akaba Ayamdoo, family head arrayed in his Yu’oŋo Bangsaana Smock …………………………………. 110 Plate 53: Ligipella. Illustrated by the Researcher …………………………………. 112 Plate 54: Sirigu Woman with Weska marks ………………………………………. 122 Plate 55: Sketch by the Researcher of Weska marks on males from Sirigu ………. 122 Plate 56: Sketch by the Researcher of Weska marks on females from Sirigu …….. 122 Plate 57: Sketches by the Researcher of Distinct Weska marks commonly observed on males and Females in Sirigu …………………………………. 122 Plate 58: Different kinds of Weska marks on Bolgatanga women ………………... 123 Plate 59: Different kinds of Ninzo’resi marks from Sirigu ……………………… 123 Plate 60: Sketches by the Researcher of Weska marks observed in Sirigu ……….. 124 Plate 61: Puo’a (stomach pains or umbilical hernia) mark, Sirigu ………………... 126 Plate 62 (a): Tangolma wall motif ………………………………………………… 130 Plate 62 (b): Wanzagsi wall motif ……………………………………………….... 130 Plate 62 (c): Ninzo’resi wall motif ………………………………………………... 130 Plate 63 (a): Yu’onŋo Bangsana wall motif ………………………………………. 132 Plate 63 (b): Photograph of Ninzo’resi scarification ……………………………… 132 Plate 64 (a): Sukuu Koma Ngore Nu’osi wall motif ………………………………. 133 xv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 64 (b): A sketch of Ninzo’resi Scarification marks …………………………. 133 Plate 65: Navrongo Cathedral ……………………………………………………... 140 Plate 66: Women designing motifs on Cathedral walls …………………………… 140 Plate 67: Motif designed on Navrongo Cathedral walls …………………………... 141 Plate 68: Motif designed on Navrongo Cathedral walls …………………………... 141 Plate 69: Mama Melanie Kasise, Founder of SWOPA ……………………………. 142 Plate 70: Photographs of SWOPA Visitor’s centre and Guesthouse ……………… 144 Plate 71: Open Exhibition gallery of Alliance Francaise …………………………. 145 xvi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background to the Study This study explores how Sirigu art portrays gender dynamics in traditional domestic spaces. It focuses on the visual representation of relationships between domestic dwellings, scarification and gender in Sirigu, a traditional community in the Kassena Nankana West District of the Upper East Region. The study concerns itself with how dwellings and their symbols are gendered; how beliefs and socio-cultural practices in domestic spaces define and influence gendered identities; and compares the motifs on buildings with scarifications made on the citizenry. It also assesses the impact of innovations on these traditional art forms. Sirigu has an architectural tradition made up of sculptured buildings with geometric patterns in red, white and black. Their pottery and basketry are similarly decorated. The artistic traditions of the people form a significant part of their cultural identity, therefore the people demonstrate great commitment not only to maintain their artistic uniqueness but also to brand and market it. Local demand for mural and pottery production therefore creates livelihood to majority of the women in Sirigu. Separate circular buildings of a compound bounded by curvilinear high mud walls characterize Sirigu architecture. Moving into the interior of the walls, a vast space is easily noticeable. According Norman (1997:7), “one is greeted by a big open space that serves as a transitional link between the communal space and the privacy of the domestic enclosure.” The curvilinear walls connect parts of the building into one 1 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh complete whole, which accommodates all members of the household. This gives a sense of oneness to the entire household. The traditional settlements reflect the way of life of the people who inhabit them. Each building consists of several rooms, passageways, stairways, granaries and animal pens. Wall paintings in Sirigu are a typical part of Nankana architecture where the buildings are constructed out of the earth and plant materials, and painted with the same materials, which constitute an ideal technology used in their regular maintenance. According to Cole and Ross (1977:86), the buildings are constructed to insulate the inhabitants from the harsh weather conditions of heat during the day and the extreme cold dry harmattan conditions between late November and February. Cowhey (1996:5) and Nyarkoh (2009) have both observed that in Sirigu, the maintenance of the compound is a reflection of the man’s ability to provide for his family. A well-decorated adobe wall is a credit to the man, though he may not have personally participated in the painting. Also, it shows that he is a responsible family man. Painting the walls improves the appearance, and beauty is added to the compound. The Nankana is the larger socio-linguistic group of which Sirigu constitutes a small sub-set. Visonà, et al. (2008:162-164), explained that the arts of the Nankana people most especially their architecture, directly reflect their ethnic and cultural identity. Visonà, et al. expressed appreciation for the aesthetic ingenuity of the Nankana people as is manifested in their dwellings. They also discussed the gendered nature of Nankana domestic spatial arrangements as men often occupy the public spaces of dwellings while women and children occupy the private spaces. The construction process is gendered with men doing the actual construction while women carry water 2 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh for them and do the finishing and decorations. Visonà et al. (2008) further discussed the symbolism that is associated with the dwellings signaling that the rectilinear patterns on Nankana pottery and façades or walls are similar to scarification marks on faces of the indigenes. Plate 1: Inner compound of Sirigu dwelling showing the Twin room (Deya’aŋa) and wall motifs. Photograph by the Researcher, November, 2015 This study argues that Sirigu art is a mirror of the cultural construction of gender as is evidenced in the relationships and representations of their wall paintings, scarification and organization of space. It provides an opportunity for the examination of the complex ways in which gender visually manifests in social, political, economic and religious arenas. Again, art is a pointer to the resilience of traditional social and economic systems on the one hand and socio-cultural transformation on the other hand. Sirigu art shows changes in styles, materials, production technology and modes of distribution and consumption (Aronson, 1991; Labi, 2009). In other words, there is both continuity and change in the artistic production and representation of Sirigu art. 3 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Therefore, a study of this nature becomes interesting because despite the rapid innovations and social change, the people of Sirigu have been able to preserve their culture and their artistic traditions, and yet have selectively added to it to make it a more productive economic endeavour. 1.2 Background of the Study Area Sirigu is in the Kassena Nankana West District, which was established by a Legislative Instrument (LI 1855), in 2007 and inaugurated on 29th February 2008. It was carved out of the then Kassena Nankana District. The district forms part of the thirteen (13) municipalities and districts in the Upper East Region of Ghana. It is located approximately between latitude 10.97° North and longitude 01.10 West. The district has a total land area of approximately 1,004 square kilometers. It shares boundaries with Burkina Faso to the North, and in Ghana, Builsa District to the South, Sissala East District in the Upper West Region to the West, and Bongo District to the East. Plate 2: Map of Sirigu – Nankana East (Source: Kassena Nankana West District Assembly, Planning Department) 2008. 4 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 3: Map of the Eastern Part of the Kassena Nankana Socio-linguistic Area (Source: Kassena Nankana West District Assembly, Planning Department) 2008 The Kassena-Nankana West District forms part of the interior continental climatic zone of the country characterized by pronounced dry and wet seasons. The two seasons are influenced by two oscillating air masses. First is the warm, dusty and dry harmattan air mass, which blows from the northeasterly direction across the whole district from the Sahara desert (late November – early March), and May to October is the wet season. The population of the District as indicated by the 2010 Population and Housing Census was 70,667. Males were 34,747 (49.2%) and females were 35,920.00 (50.8%) with a growth rate of 1% and a population density of 70 persons per sq km. The district’s population is projected to be 74,120 by 2014. 5 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh There are seven paramount chiefs in the Kassena Nankana West District. They are: Paga Paramouncy, Chiana Paramouncy, Katiu Paramouncy, Nakong Paramouncy, Kayoro Paramouncy, Mirigu Paramouncy and Sirigu Paramouncy. In matters concerning chieftaincy, the traditional council is the custodian of the culture, land and tradition. Also, the traditional council has representation on the District Assembly. The District Assembly is the highest political, administrative and planning authority in relation to provision of educational, health, economic and other social services. The District has one Constituency with one hundred and twelve (112) communities. Agriculture is the dominant economic activity in the district. The sector employs over 68.7 percent of the people. The major crops grown are millet, sorghum, rice, groundnuts, leafy vegetables, cowpea, bambara beans, okro, cotton, tomatoes and onions. Livestock reared in the district include cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, guinea fowls, fowls and other domestic animals such as donkeys. Farm sizes are relatively small and yields are very low compared to other parts of the country due in part to poor soils and unreliable rainfall pattern. The Kassena-Nankana West District has no large-scale manufacturing industries. It is characterized by small-scale food processing, craft and manufacturing industries. Examples include smock and basket weaving, pottery and blacksmithing. Processing of foodstuff, cash crops and goods are common features of the local economy. The major small scale industrial activities include, but are not limited to the following: shea butter extraction, pito brewing, milling or grinding of millet for domestic use, Dawadawa processing, weaving and dressmaking, pottery, rice milling and soap making. Most of these small-scale industries are “one-man” businesses and hardly employ other people. 6 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Women are generally disadvantaged as compared to men. This situation is attributed to the traditional belief systems about sex roles, marriage and bride wealth system. Traditionally, men are regarded as heads of families and ‘breadwinners’ while the women are limited to the domestic sphere in that they are responsible for the households and childcare, even though women also play important roles in farming and commerce among others. In the district, men and women work together, however, the men are considered the primary decision makers. The bride wealth system supposedly makes the wife the “property” of her husband thereby giving the man the right to use her resources, including labour (Composite Budget, Kassena Nankana West District Assembly, 2014:13). Sirigu is located 30 kilometers from Bolgatanga, the regional capital, and is made up of five communities namely: Guwonkor, Busongor, Wugingo, Nyangolgo, and Basengo. The study is therefore limited to these five communities. The Sirigu people speak Nankam, a language of the Gur family belonging to a larger group of languages that are historically related to the Niger-Congo languages (Naden, 1988). Descent is traced patrilineally. Marriage is patrilocal and is very important to the people, usually legitimized by the payment of a bride wealth. Children are also held in high esteem especially males since they are necessary for the perpetuation of the lineage. Family sizes are thus large. The three main religious traditions found here are the traditionalists (who make up about 60% of the population), and Christians and Muslims, who, together constitute the remaining 40% of the population (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010:5). The Sirigu chief is the highest traditional political authority, who ostensibly maintains law and order over the whole community aided by his elders as counselors. The tendaana or 7 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh earth priest is also the ritual head of the area and specializes in mediation between the living and the ancestral world. He is also the chief custodian of land, in-charge of its fertility and its distribution. 1.3 Research Objectives The objective of this thesis is to examine the gendered nature of dwellings and the motifs on them that symbolize such representation and relationships in Sirigu. The study also seeks to probe how beliefs and practices in domestic spaces define and influence gender identities of the people of Sirigu. It compares and contrasts motifs on dwellings and scarification marks on Sirigu people. And finally, the study assesses the impact of innovative transformation or socio-cultural change on the arts of Sirigu. 8 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Introduction The literature on the arts of Africa points to an increasing interest in gender and female-related issues. This review covers Nankana dwellings, architecture and dwellings of other parts of Ghana, West Africa and the rest of Africa, the house-body symbolism; the economics of women’s arts; the house as a symbol of identity and status; scarifications, body markings and wall motifs; the Ndebele art of wall paintings; and the significance of body markings and scarifications. The approach adopted in this study is a gendered analysis of Sirigu dwellings and scarifications as African art forms. Discussing Sirigu arts from a gender perspective does not mean simply acknowledging the roles of men and those of women in the creation of the arts. A gendered approach is sociological and acknowledges the fundamental fact that men and women have different experiences and that women have a unique set of challenges related to the arrangement of space, and distribution of roles in any particular setting. Gender connotes the social construction of femaleness and maleness. It refers to the socially constructed and institutionalized roles and relations between men and women whether real or perceived, which have been valued, used and relied upon to classify women and men and to assign roles and expectations to them. Gender differs from ‘sex’, which refers to biological characteristics that define humans as female or male. Pamela Creedon asserts that gender is an “ongoing cultural process” that constructs differences between women and men (1994:4). 9 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh It stands to reason that gender roles are sets of social norms dictating what types of behaviours are generally considered acceptable, appropriate or desirable for a person based on their actual or perceived gender (Adomako Ampofo 2001, 2007). She explained that gender roles are structured around opposing conceptions of femininity and masculinity. She perceives them as culturally relative and a product of our socialization experiences. For her, gender roles function in domestic spaces to give identity, “rights” or entitlements and responsibilities to an individual right from birth until they exit the earth. (Adomako Ampofo, 2001, 2007). Adomako Ampofo’s (2001) study of boys, girls and their parents in Ghana clearly exemplifies people’s disposition towards specific gender roles, and how patriarchal attitudes cut across age, sex and lineage types. What is particularly important for this study is her emphasis on the important role of the domestic unit in the development of gender roles and gender identities. According to her, sexual initiation and practices result from an assortment of social, economic and gender dynamics deeply rooted in family systems, peer relationships, and social institutions. This assertion is relevant in our context where the domestic space is compartmentalized in such a way that certain spaces are considered male domains while others are consigned to females. In such instances, roles are assigned and carried out stereotypically in the confines of structured domestic arenas. The Nankana and other northern dwellings are typical of this description as observed by Prussin (1969), Cole and Ross (1977), Drucker-Brown (2001), and Cassiman (2011). Therefore, it is in the structured spaces of the domestic unit that gendered identities are formed. According to Adomako Ampofo (2001), gender identities are formed through a process whereby an individual comes to acquire, value, and adopt gender appropriate 10 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh behavior patterns. This process is largely domestic and is often enforced by certain beliefs and practices, myths and rituals, which solicit conformity from role players. Awedoba (in Cassiman, 2011:78) corroborates that “cultural capital is passed down to a person within the context of the home.” Children and youth observe first-hand what goes on in the house. Girls join the company of adult females, including those of their grandmothers’ generation, while men gather in private and public spheres. Awedoba concludes that social grooming and preparation take place through the agency of the songo (house). This implies that Ghanaian societies, like many others, have prescriptions as to what are appropriate male and female roles. Sociologically, these are expressed in community norms and values acquired primarily in the confines of domestic dwellings and are frequently used to maintain social control over women and children. It is within this conceptual frame that the arts, including architecture is said to influence gender identities and gender roles. The assignment of roles with regards to who makes what, what it is used for, the economic value or otherwise of these arts, and many other considerations are situated in this context. It is obvious from the ensuing therefore that gender has far reaching implications than the mere division of labour and allocation of domestic spaces and roles as it has been narrowly conceptualized in most of the works herein reviewed. The questions we should concern ourselves with are: to what extent can the construction and representation of gender and gender roles be fluid, subject to multiple interpretations? Do males and females perceive their relationship with one another in Marxist terms, as conflicting, confrontational and exploitative or in functionalist terms as cooperative 11 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh and complementary? Or is this relationship defined in symbolic and structural terms? These are critical issues that this research addresses. A gendered approach also highlights as invaluable the informal contribution of women in the process. By so doing, structural inequalities and power dynamics, which are the foundation of gender discrimination, are addressed. A gendered approach is therefore instrumentalist in appeal. That is seeing women as instrumental and creative in the entire process and not just as helpless respondents to the expectations of society as the functionalist would want us to believe. 2.2 Nankana Dwellings The euro-centred evolutionist and diffusionist theoretical frameworks of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, which projected material culture as an important tool in understanding the world, led to a ballooning interest in West African architecture and arts by anthropologists, archaeologists, art historians, architectural historians and sociologists as well. Ironically, there is a paucity of literature on Ghanaian arts by Ghanaian researchers (Labi 2013). Not surprisingly therefore, the earliest literature on Nankana domestic dwellings is quite recent, spanning the latter part of the twentieth century or the late 1970s. Herbert Cole and Doran Ross (1977), both art historians, were among the first to have studied the subject of Nankana dwellings directly. Though they were most definitely inspired by earlier works such as Labelle Prussin’s book on Architecture in Northern Ghana: A study of Forms and Functions (1969) and her other writings (1965, 1968, 1974 1976), and Paul Oliver’s book on Shelter in Africa (1971), they did not break out completely from the colonial administrators, explorers and early anthropologists’ approach to the art of Africa. The early anthropological writings on African art were approached with admiration and 12 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh delight. Therefore, they were essentially descriptive, characterized by the use of adjectives to explain the aesthetic qualities or beauty of art works. Preceded by this tradition, though Cole and Ross’ (1977) discussion of architecture of the northern part of Ghana and for that matter their approach to the Arts of Ghana, is from an art historical perspective, it still has some functional undertones. Cole and Ross identified dwellings of northern Ghana under dwellings of the “Sudanic style”, and distinguished between two main types of dwellings under this group. The first and most common, which is the focus of this study is the earthen round house widespread among the Kassena, Nankana, Bulsa, Tallensi, Nabdam, Kusasi, Mamprusi, Konkomba and Dagomba. These houses according to them are common in non-centralized, non-Islamized areas where power is consigned to the Tendanas as ceremonial clan leaders or Earth-priests. The second type is the square or rectangular house with rounded corners, common among the Isala, Birifu, Lobi, Dagaba, Gonja and Vagala (Cole & Ross 1977:86). This clear dichotomy is however, not distinct to each group as they seem to portray. Cole and Ross (1977) offer a vivid description of northern architecture. As they observed, each building consists of several chambers, passageways, stairways, granaries and animal pens. Aesthetically, dwellings of the Sudanic style according to them are “sculpturally handsome,” usually lying low when viewed from a distance but rising massively as one approaches it. They radiate strength and “tectonic solidity” (Cole & Ross 1977:87). Drucker-Brown (2001) corroborates the assertion by Cole and Ross by affirming that such dwellings composed of a series of circular reddish- brown patterns, implying the wall motifs on Nankana dwellings. The majority of the dwellings are built up like the sides of enormous pots and roofed with thatch. 13 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Cole and Ross (1977) also noted the gender division of labour in the construction process, that men usually do the work of moulding earth; constructing dwellings and roofing them while women carry water. When the buildings are completed, women do the plastering and motif designs. They also alluded to the fact that people in this area carried scarification marks in delicate geometric fashion. This is an important point of interest to this study but was only mentioned in passing by Cole and Ross. On the subject of the symbolism of dwellings, Cole and Ross admitted that Nankana and their neighbouring women decorate their walls and name the motifs with items familiar to their world. They, however, said these motifs are not symbolic but rather practical and functional (Cole & Ross 1977:89). This is a view that diverges from almost all other researchers as is herein discussed. Motifs of Nankana dwellings have been presented as shrouded in symbolic meanings. They however, undermined the symbolic importance of Nankana architecture by limiting their discussion of the subject to the physical and aesthetic characteristics of such artistic realities. Also, though they identified both motifs and scarifications (Cole & Ross 1977:26-27), they did not give the least indication of any possible relationship between motifs on buildings and scarifications on the citizenry and their meanings. They were not interested in who does the scarification, how it was done and from where the practitioners drew inspiration. They also did not indicate whether the marks were of any interest; whether those on men were different from those on women. Further, ritual practices in domestic spaces did not interest them at all, not to talk of how these rituals and practices influence the identities of men and women differently. Cole and Ross (1977) were fascinated by the diverse nature and aesthetic qualities of 14 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Nankana dwellings in conformity with the traditional approach of studying African art. Notwithstanding, I can understand Cole and Ross’s generalized approach considering the fact that their work appears to be pioneering research on Nankana architecture which formed part of a larger work on the arts of Ghana. It also had such a broad scope in which Nankana dwellings are lumped together with those from other parts of northern Ghana. This did not give Cole and Ross ample time and space to analyze Nankana architecture comprehensively. Their work remains a valuable baseline for further research and is commendable in that it brought scholarship of Nankana architecture and scarifications to limelight. Another useful interjection on Nankana dwellings and more specifically to those of Sirigu was a research report by Christine Cowhey (1996). She offered that mural decorations serve as a protection to the surface of dwellings. Mural decorations, she asserts, is a woman’s chosen traditional mode of embellishments, which serves diverse purposes. The social milieu has an overwhelming stimulus on the art form that is created. The physical environment, the Nankana culture and the agrarian lifestyle all constitute social factors that influence the arts. Approaching her analysis basically from a functional perspective, like Cole and Ross, Cowhey (1996) was set on the fact that the society greatly influences the creation of the artwork, and as a result, art was a product or tangible reflection of the society. In her words, “the mural decorations, therefore, function as an interpretational art piece of the community” (Cowhey 1996:34). Cowhey also observed that mural decorations as an art form are “dying out as quickly as they are literally fading from the surfaces of the compounds” and therefore opined that this is a direct reflection of both the “fading records of the 15 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh culture that initiated them, and as dynamic records that document the changing culture that currently creates (or neglects) them” (1996:34). This position suggests that the Nankana art is not static but dynamic. The functional importance of traditional mural decorations are that: one, they protect the walls; two, it improves the house owner’s status in the eyes of the community as well as the woman’s status in the eyes of her peers, and three, it provides an opportunity for women to gather socially (Cowhey 1996:34). Cowhey’s analysis leads to the conclusion that Sirigu arts are essentially utilitarian with the aesthetic goal of beautifying the environment. Though I agree with Cowhey, I believe there could be some greater motivations that urge the women to decorate their walls. This is what this thesis sets out to interrogate further. In 1998, Judith Perani and Fred Smith in their book The Visual Arts of Africa: Gender, Power and Life Cycle Rituals, another useful discussion of Nankana architecture is espoused. They focused on Frafra architecture, wall paintings and pottery, which of course include that of the Nankana. Their discussion however is not very different from the preceding ones except that they did not limit the subject to just the functional importance of the art of wall painting. They also discussed the ritual importance of the parts of the dwellings such as the zenore, shrines and the rest. It is important to note that Perani and Smith (1998) made the first attempt of introducing local nomenclature in discussing Nankana dwellings. Perani and Smith (1998:63) made another interesting observation about the art of wall painting and gender of the Frafra. Though they admitted that painting of walls is reserved for women, they observed that men usually decorate motifs of entrances to shrines. This is quite interesting, though it is not supported by any other literature 16 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh from the area. Though they did not explain why, it is reasonable to extrapolate based on the general perception across Africa that the rationale for this may be because menstruating women supposedly can neutralize the potency or the powers of the shrines. They also discussed scarification as a form of adornment for the indigenes much as wall decorations are adornments reserved for buildings. What is significant about Perani and Smith (1998:11) is that they delineated the approaches appropriate for the study of African arts. They prescribed contextual studies of African art that leads to multiple meanings of art in the social lives of the people. Based on the works I reviewed, it appears that the period between 1998 and 2007 laid fallow as far as research on Nankana dwellings is concerned. This was until Monica Blackmun Visonà, Robin Poynor and Herbert Cole (2008), art historians who researched extensively on the arts of Africa interjected again with a very comprehensive report on Nankana architecture in their book on A History of Art in Africa. The new approach they brought to the analysis of Nankana dwellings, the structural symbolic approach, was quite novel in refocusing research on the subject. Their account discusses the domestic spatial arrangement of Nankana dwellings and their gendered nature. They conceptualized the dwellings themselves as well as the motifs on them as symbolic. A position clearly at variance with the one earlier espoused by Cole and Ross (1977). Public spaces were identified as the domains of men and private spaces or the inner enclosures of dwellings as the reserve of women. Visonà et al. (2008) gave attention to the construction process of the dwellings, indicating that the hardwork of construction is usually done by men, while fetching of water, plastering and wall decorations are done by women. It is, however, quite interesting that Visonà et al. (2008:163) described the construction process as hard work but did not see the plastering and decoration process as labourous and energy 17 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh exacting enough for women. This is a reflection of the general misrepresentation of women’s roles as rudimentary, less demanding, unproductive and economically unrewarding. A construction this study identifies as problematic and seeks to challenge. Exploring the symbolic nature of Nankana dwellings, Visonà et al. (2008:163) alluded to the fact that the woman’s room, or twin room or ritual room, is symbolic of her womb. They asserted that the twin room symbolize a place of fertility and regeneration. They also identified entrances to rooms as “mouths” and those of women’s houses as the “genital openings.” Their work also points to the fact that life transitions are architecturally articulated. By identifying the woman’s sideboard, which is known as the the “face of the deceased”, they pointed out that death rituals are intrinsically linked to architecture. The corpse of an elderly woman is usually laid in the twin room, facing the Ki’ema niŋa (face of the deceased). An important observation by Visonà et al. (2008:164) was that the rectilinear patterns on walls and pottery were analogous of the dense patterns that were incised on men and women and that the embelishments on houses, containers and people’s faces reinforces the symbolic relationship among them. This thesis interrogates the relationship between wall motifs and scarification marks or façades and faces. The contribution of Visonà et al. illucidates the subject of Nankana art and by direct implication those of Sirigu by their structural symbolic approach. They averred that Nankana arts participates directly in their ethnic and cultural identities. Building on their work, which identified role differentiations for men and women, this study takes a step further by addressing the unique challenges that confront women in domestic spatial arrangements and also discusses the economics of women’s arts. The 18 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh economics of Nankana women’s arts, especially pottery and weaving, are as old as the arts themselves. It is in the economics of women’s arts that the cultural construction of gender is challenged, as this study seeks to exemplify. Quite recently, Ann Cassiman, an anthropologist, exploring further the role of Nankana domestic dwellings in the book she edited, titled Architectures of Belonging: Inhabiting Worlds in Rural West Africa, specifically on her submission on Bodies of Belonging, she constructs the Nankana house as an important tool in the formation of the cultural and ethnic identity of the people. She stated that: The living and the dead share the same domestic spaces, which are given a rhythm by the coming and going of men and women (through matrimonial alliances), children, food, animals, utensils, objects, words and ideas. That is why a house is ritually founded in, and moulded from the earth. It grows and changes in harmony with the lives that unfold within its confines. The house then is an organic being offering protection and giving identity to its inhabitants (2011:26). The above statement suggests that the domestic unit is fundamental in the socialization of individuals. It is obvious that Cassiman (2011) was sociological in her approach. Therefore, she perceives dwellings as playing social structural functions where humans’ construct their dwellings and the dwellings in turn structure and shape the way they behave and relate with one another. In other words, dwellings are integral in the identity formation, promotion and regulation of the individuals who inhabit them. Cassiman proceeded to defragment the Kassena/Nankana house into its constituent parts and discussed their functional importance. She also alluded to the symbolic connotations attached to some of the parts. Neither Cassiman (2011) nor the other contributors in the volume Architectures of Belonging in anyway address the subject of scarifications. The value of their work, including the submission by Awedoba on Concepts of Home among the Kassena, 19 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh which is also herein discussed, is quite significant. They raised critical questions, which has informed the direction of this thesis. The questions of symbolism and representations, change and continuity of architecture as an artistic form, as well as the impact of Christianity and Islam on Nankana architecture, which are critical questions addressed in this thesis are all highlighted in their work. Other works that address the subject of Nankana dwellings directly are theses reports written by Clement Anaba (1995), Rolland Wemegah (2009) and Emmanuel Antwi (2015). Anaba (1995) for instance, identified mural decoration as Bambolse in the local language and asserted that it is mainly an art reserved for women. According to Anaba, it is employed for purposes of adornment, communication and preservation of traditional values. Anaba admits that motifs used by the muralists are either symbolic, geometric or a combination of both and that, a knowledgeable visitor can tell a resident’s ethnic group by the traditional roofing of rooms and the style of a compound entrance. Anaba identified the symbolism of the colours used in designing motifs among the people of Sirigu. The white stood for purity, happiness and faultlessness; black represented death, gloom, wickedness and uncertainty; and red represented danger and importance. Wemegah (2009) built on Anaba’s research and added some more clarity to the subject of Sirigu architecture. He wrote on Sirigu architecture, murals and pottery, where he revealed that architecture was developed to reflect the needs of the people, that is, their cosmological beliefs, economic system, which is, predominantly agriculture as well as other cultural values. He admits that there has been continuity and change by alluding that architectural designs have improved over time, and are conventionally practiced because the techniques seem to be quite efficient and 20 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh appropriate for not only the present generation, but also all those that preceded it. Wemegah (2009) adds an important interest to Sirigu art. He went ahead to identify the parts of the dwellings using local nomenclature and their social, political and religious significance. He identified the gendered nature of the social, spiritual and economic roles of the head of the compound, who spiritually and physically protect the people in the house. Wemegah (2009) also identified the role of the head woman, which includes beautifying the house using bambolse or mural decoration, which in turn reflect her beliefs, concerns, interests, and aspirations. Antwi’s (2015) doctoral thesis on paint and paintings in traditional Ghanaian art also touches on Sirigu murals, motifs and gender. Architecture and mural arts of Sirigu according to him are a reflection of their collective qualities. The murals philosophically convey a feminine impression over all domestic responsibility to the immediate family, neighbours and visitors. Antwi, however, like Wemegah did not delve deep into the gender and economics of the arts. Again, the subject of scarifications did not interest him. 2.3 Architecture and Dwellings of other parts of Ghana and West Africa Architecture in other parts of Ghana as well as the rest of Africa is discussed along similar themes. Labelle Prussin’s (1969) pioneering work together with the work of Paul Oliver (1971) rekindled cross-disciplinary interest in the architecture of West Africa. Discussions thereafter have centered on building technologies and processes, distinction between public and private spaces, sacred and profane domains, motifs and symbols on dwellings, domestic rituals and religious considerations in spatial organization. Prussin, an adept architectural and art historian, has contributed to this discourse. In her 1974 article on An Introduction to Indigenous African Architecture, 21 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh though preceded Cole and Ross 1977 book, Prussin adopts a different approach. Prussin views architecture as a symbolic expression of culture of which gender becomes an important component. From this broader perspective, she recognized rather early in her studies that women’s domestic responsibilities contribute significantly to the formation and meaning of architecture. Prussin (1974) goes on to assert that an understanding of architecture requires specific examination of the physical, technological, socio-cultural and politico-economic environment, which constitutes concrete reality. She also proposed that it is crucial for us to deliberate on the process whereby humans, as rational, symbol-making animals abstract their realities into meaningful and eventually religious or symbolic representations of architectural philosophy. In other words, the physical environment offers the raw material of concrete space, the technological environment provides humans with the toolkit to control these accessible material resources, and the socio- cultural, politico-economic environment provide the context for restructuring the natural environment into a man-made one. Prussin here is challenging the deployment of a one-fit-all methodology for the analysis of architecture and is advocating a relativistic approach. This affords the researcher the flexibility to analyze the complex weave of symbolism and representations of African dwellings. For instance, a purely functionalist approach does not make sufficient room for a thorough analysis of the symbolic functions of dwellings, which is the objective of this thesis. Prussin (1974) identified granaries of the Tallensi, also in the Upper East Region, as being located in men’s compounds, which are perceived as the center of the universe. According to Prussin, male domains of the Tallensi are considered sacred and are marked off by walls, which separate them from the “profane women’s domain.” This 22 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh contrast between the Tallensi and the Nankana raises critical questions. While it is women’s domains that are considered sacred among the Nankana, and men are confined to the outer compounds (Cole & Ross 1977:89; Visonà et al. 2008:163), it is rather the man’s domain that is sacred and marked off among the Tallensi. This sharp contrast between the Tallensi and Nankana who bear geographical proximity justifies the calls for historical particularism as an approach in studying African arts. The lumping up of places leads to generalizations that are usually not representative. This however, has been the approach adopted by most of the works reviewed in this thesis. Therefore, a study of Sirigu architecture specifically, with the view of bringing out the symbolisms of parts of the dwellings and those of the motifs meticulously incorporated into them is justified. In other words, the gendered analysis of these dwellings and motifs while relating them to facial and body scarifications adds further impetus to this work. In another article on Traditional Asante Architecture (1980), Prussin makes an attempt to establish a link between northern Ghana architecture and that of the south. She traces the origins of development of Asante traditional architecture to the northern Savannah hinterlands, arguing that the history of the origin of most Akan-speaking people has it that they migrated from the northern parts of Ghana or beyond in the early parts of the sixteenth century. History is replete with instances of such migrations to and from the northern parts of Ghana and beyond. According to her, in the seventeenth century, there was again a flux of migrations of Akan-speaking people from the coastal Adanse region (Wilks 1975:110 cited in Prussin 1980:57). She asserts that “the interface of architectonic responses indigenous to each, one from the coastal rainforest and the other from the grassland Savannahs, set the stage for the emergence and development of the traditional Asante architectural tradition” 23 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh (1980:57). What is particularly important is the fact that she proceeds to identify common symbolic and ritual items in the founding of Akan, nomadic and sedentary architectures. She for instance identifies the nyame dua in the south with the earthen pillar among the sedentary people in the north. Prussin also identified some adinkra motifs as having architectural reference. She identifies aban, a symbol formerly worn only by the Asantehene as one of such adinkra symbols. This aban has phonetic similarity with the Arabic related term abanna, which means to build, used in the northern Savannah regions as Prussin (1980:61) asserts. Prussin identified the dwenninin mmen motif, which is the ram’s horn as the commonest symbol on Asante dwellings. This same symbol has been identified on the asipim chairs, geometric goldweights and leatherworks. As Prussin has demonstrated, wall motifs and symbolism in Ghana are not unique to the Nankana people. It is an art form that is found across Ghana and beyond. Though she discussed thoroughly the concept of African architecture with emphasis on the socio-economic, religious and political dimensions and symbolisms of domestic dwellings, Prussin constructs gender in terms of division of labour in domestic and public spaces; the distribution of the sexes in relation to space and the arts of men as against the arts of women. That is why a more critical interrogation of the gender of arts, symbolisms and dwellings is a useful ideal. Suzanne Preston Blier (1987) is one prominent art historian whose work shows a clear departure from the general fascination of art and architectural historians with the technical and aesthetic qualities of dwellings. She focused rather on the symbolic and metaphorical implications of the built space. Blier in her book, Anatomy of 24 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Architecture does not only focus on the architectural history of Batammaliba, a town found between the border regions of Togo and Benin, but also on its construction techniques, and more prominently on the symbolism of the dwellings. She explores the symbolic density of the dwellings, presenting the houses as symbolic of the cosmogony of the Batammaliba, which reflect the powers of the divinities. The house and its parts are presented as the ontological image of the family, and the parts of the house are analyzed as symbolic replica of the human body. While Blier’s analysis of the iconographic implications of the Batammaliba house cannot be overemphasized, her analysis gives the impression that the house, as an art form is impervious to cultural change. She gives little attention to the house as a creative and ever evolving phenomenon, but rather as representing meaning that is static in relation to space and time. Her work therefore does not accommodate change. Susan Drucker-Brown also in her comparative study of the Tallensi and Mamprusi (2001), paid more attention to the spatial distribution or allocation of space, most especially of Tallensi dwellings, which also reflect gender and gender roles. Drucker- Brown discussed the gender and political or power relations that exist in the domestic spaces of these two societies. In the case of the Mamprusi, she asserts that spatial distribution reflects in hierarchical power relations in the domestic unit, where power flows from the household head to the senior wife and down to the others. The Tallensi domestic space on the other hand is said to be more egalitarian. However, just like Blier (1987), Drucker-Brown constructs the house as static signifier of cultural meaning and did not consider the house as the site of religious, economic, and political activities. She failed to identify and establish how beliefs and practices in domestic spaces define and influence the gendered identities and gender 25 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh roles of the people. Spatial distribution and use is surrounded by myths. Myths and rituals underpin ceremonial activities such as naming, marital and funerary rites. However, Drucker-Brown did not in anyway show how myths shaped the traditions used to structure space and space making. Ignoring such an integral part seems to suggest that domestic space distribution, myths, rituals ceremonies and daily domestic activities are separable wholes, when as a matter of fact they are inter-twined. Trevor Marchand’s (2009) Masons of Djenné explored the relationship that exists between indigenous knowledge and vernacular architecture in Djenné, a renowned town of Mali. His work constitutes a clear departure from the traditional art historical and anthropological approach in the analysis of dwellings of West Africa and its arts in general as static cultural symbols, defiant of change and innovation. He analyzes the apprenticeship process of the masons of Djenné and indicates how young men not only acquire technical competences for the trade but are also socialized with indigenous wisdom and cultural values, as well as powerful benedictions to safeguard building sites. The test of a mason’s competence is therefore not based on just technical skills but on his ability to replicate an environment that is both secure and ‘meaningful’. According to Marchand (2009), experts in the masons’ association or barey ton, possess the know-how for balancing tradition or indigenous expectations with the dynamism and changing aspirations and lifestyles of their patron-clients. In this process, innovation is a key to staying in business. Marchand’s (2009) analysis of dwellings of Djenné was based on his anthropological fieldwork as a building labourer, and therefore has produced firsthand knowledge on the history and organization of the barey ton, and the mode of training of the masons. 26 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The shift in focus from the dwellings as cultural objects to the masons as social subjects as they live out their evolving relationship in the spaces they inhabit answer the calls on African arts to factor in change in their analysis. Paula Ben-Amos (1989), an African art historian in her article on African Visual Arts from a Social Perspective, and Aronson (1991) in her article on African Women in the Visual Arts echoed this call, which informs the approach of this thesis. Ben-Amos (1989) emphasized the need to consider change ushered in by socio-economic factors. Change in the arts according to Ben-Amos (1989) is a shift in patronage from a commission system to an open market system. While traditional patronage has declined due to social, economic and religious changes, Peace Corp volunteers, resident whites, tourists and an emerging local middle class provide a new market, which leads to innovations to meet their taste. Aronson on the other hand was concerned with the fewer number of women as compared to men who venture into the contemporary art market and the factors that encourages or inhibit their participation. It therefore appears that most studies on domestic dwellings or architecture of West Africa are limited in their exploration of artistic motifs and their symbolism, including those of Cole and Ross and Drucker-Brown, Cowhey, Antwi, Wemegah, Prussin, Blier, Visonà et al. and Marchand cited above. They pay extensive attention to discussing the parts of the dwellings, the construction process, the materials used, technology employed, and sometimes the domestic and ritual modes but fail to examine their place in the household economy or their significance as power symbols that influence gender and identities. 27 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.4 The House-Body Symbolism According to Christine Cowhey (1996), Sirigu symbols are of two kinds: stylized animal motifs or symbolic geometric forms. The principal motifs are either two- dimensional designs spread over the entire surface area of the wall and the second, are reliefs or raised designs shaped by adding mortar to the wall. They are usually organic or abstract symbols epitomizing the idolized features and beliefs of the people of Sirigu and include pythons, snakes, cows and crocodiles. Visonà et al., (2008:162-168) discussed the house-body symbolism of Nankana architecture. According to Visonà et al., the house in Nankana dwellings and its pottery are symbolic of women. The constant maintenance and embellishment of the Nankana house is symbolic of a woman’s nurturing and childbearing role. The woman’s room is symbolic of her womb, a place of fertility and regeneration. This is the place she conceives and nurtures her children, stores and prepares her food and enshrines her most treasured possessions. In Nankana architectural symbolism according to Visonà et al., entrances to the house are “mouths” and those of women’s houses are representative of “the genital openings.” Nankana dwellings therefore have a back, front, head, mouth, phallus and genital openings. These features relate human anatomy with dwellings. Albert Awedoba (2011) further extended the argument for the house-body symbolism of Nankana dwellings. He expounded on the concept of home among the Kassena. The Kassena house (songo) according to him is a “cultural template” that provides essential knowledge about some core concepts in Kassena culture (Cassiman 2011:86). First, there is the directional orientation of the house, which is symbolic of the human person. The house has a ‘face’ or front (yiga), which usually faces 28 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh westwards. Therefore, among the Kassena’s the west of the house is termed its face. The word for the back of the house (kwoga), which faces eastwards, is the same word used for the human back. However, Awedoba did not exemplify motifs and patterns on the Nankana house as having any connection with scarifications. The subject of scarifications is conspicuously absent in his discussion and the entire book in which his contributions are made (Cassiman 2011). On the house-body symbolism of dwellings in the rest of West Africa, Suzanne Preston Blier (1987) in her seminal anthropological and sociological work The Anatomy of Architecture, as already stated discussed extensively the symbolic relevance of architectural forms and the body-house nexus in Batammaliba. Blier focuses on Batammaliba cosmogony, religion, psychology, society, politics and theater as represented by architectural symbolism. According to Blier, the house and its component parts are symbolic of humans and reflect their deep-seated beliefs and practices. Blier (1987) presents anthropomorphism as one of the most important concerns of building designs, decoration, symbolism and use in Batammaliba architecture. Symbolism is an overriding consideration in African traditional built-form. It reflects in the choice of building material, the arrangement of space, the functions to which the built form is put to, and the roles that are assigned to individuals in the domestic unit. The dwelling is a “living art form” embedded with meaning (Blier 1987:234; & Osasona et al. 2007, cited in Jiboye & Ogunshakin 2010). Therefore, a proper understanding of a people’s values and culture is hence, contingent on unraveling the symbols and meanings that inform their spatial arrangements and their gender implications. 29 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh According to Blier (1987), a house is like a human being and represents men and women. The framework of the house complements that of the human body; the earthen core is its flesh – elastic, resistant and strong; the water used in moistening the earth is its blood, the numerous pebbles are its bones and the smooth clay-plaster surface is its skin. Victor Turner (1973) in explaining symbols opined that symbols are multi-vocal and have deep-rooted cultural, ritual and political implications that point to ideas of personhood, power and gender. Labi (2009:46) corroborates by making specific reference to the Akan that, “Akan artworks bear the hall marks of their historical cultural milieu and reflect the social and political conditions of the time when they were produced, but they also always have an underlying intangible aspect that the viewer must understand.” This further anchors the assertion that symbols are expressive of deep mythical, socio-cultural and historical meanings. Blier’s assertion is corroborated by Ola Balogun (1979), a Nigerian artist, who also wrote quite extensively on African arts. He identified the architecture of Dogon, Bambara, Mossi, Bobo, and Tamberma or Batammaliba found in Mali, Burkina Faso and Togo to be anthropomorphic. Dogon arts and architecture are founded on a rich and intricate philosophical underpinning. The Dogon village layout is symbolic of a human, known as the Nommo that is the first humans created by the Dogon sun and creator god. Therefore, in the layout of the house, the head is identified as the smithy and men’s house; the chest being the houses of lineage leaders; the hands, which stands for women's houses; the genitals represented by a mortar and altar; and the feet being the shrines. This fits into Visonà et al. description of Nankana architecture, discussed earlier in this study. 30 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Also, Kate Ezra (1988) further exemplified the human-house symbolism when she identified domestic dwellings of the Tamberma of Togo as unique and full of symbolic complexity. The Tamberma are also known as the Batammaliba, meaning the “people who are the architects,” and this actually reflects in their architectural complexity. The house is viewed as distinctly human. Outer surfaces of dwellings have scarification marks that are also incised on women. The parts of the house also represent the human body. The door is the “mouth,” the window is the “eyes,” and the grinding stone is the “teeth.” The houses of the Tamberma or Batammaliba of Western Togo and Benin, the Dogon of Mali and the Tallensi, Nankana and Sirigu of the Upper East Region of Ghana can be said to be presented symbolically as a body, with different parts of the structure as its organs. It has a face, a back, a skin, different mouths, phallus, vagina and a belly or womb. Houses also have beautification motifs and aesthetics just as the human body has scarification marks as we shall see later. For instance, when you examine Frank Willet’s (1994) study of the Dogon people, he observes that the people of Dogon decorate their houses and granaries with vertical and rectangular relief works, similar to the scarification marks found on the faces of their masks. This is an indication that both houses and humans were once sculptured in motifs and scarification marks respectively. This is another instance where a relationship is identified between motifs on walls and scarifications. It is in this light that this study seeks to interrogate further the subject of motifs on the façades of dwellings and scarifications on the faces of the people of Sirigu. My observations are that both old and emerging researchers on Nankana dwellings, those of Ghana and West Africa have not changed their focus significantly. 31 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Architecture is perceived as anthropomorphic, represented by human parts and symbolizing parts of the human body. The approaches have, however, changed over time or at least have become more integrated. There has been a shift from the purely functional approach through to the structural symbolic approach and finally to change analysis. However, what is lacking in most of these works is the failure to establish how the activities, rituals, and ceremonies in turn influence gender identities and how these ultimately affect socio-economic privileges of the sexes differently. In other words, we need to do more than list typologies and describe activities. To address gender issues truly, we must conduct more far-reaching and contextual studies on arts as they function in the domestic sphere. As is apparent from the literature, certain critical questions have eluded discussions of domestic dwellings of the Nankana and tentatively those of Ghana and West Africa at large. 2.5 The Economics of Women’s Arts An important theme, which is conspicuously missing in many of the discussions on Nankana dwellings and African architecture and arts in general, is the subject of the economics of women’s arts both within the domestic framework and as part of a larger market economy. The mere segregation of the sexes, roles and labour among the sexes does not lead to the import of the gender debate, which is inequalities and discrimination on grounds of sex. It is the outcome of such a “doctrine of separate spheres” as conceptualized by Nancy Folbre (1986), which engenders gender inequalities. Folbre (1986), a gender theorist, advancing “the doctrine of separate spheres” argued that in the domestic unit where the economic power resides solely in one person, usually the head of the family, the other members are likely to be exploited. He controls all the power because he controls all the resources and takes all decisions. It is this purportedly exploitative relationship that is at the centre of the 32 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh economics of women’s art. It therefore becomes crucial to find out the ways in which women’s arts feature in the domestic economy, such as in household exchange, funerary rites, or bride-wealth payments. The factors (such as property rights) that legitimize women’s access to resources and related production are also crucial. What happens to this equilibrium in the face of changing socioeconomic conditions? Is it true that a woman’s art is less likely to adapt to escalated market conditions? In what ways does the sexual division of labor change amid socioeconomic change brought about by increased commercialization or urbanization? These are important questions that Aronson (1991) raised and should guide a gendered discussion of women’s arts. In context, the arts of Sirigu started as an appropriate technology for routine maintenance of adobe buildings. However, they have transmogrified into a viable economic alternative, which has attracted both local and international acclaim. What accounts for this? And has the economic viability of the arts attracted any men into this art that is culturally reserved for women? Victor Agadjanian’s (2002) study of Men Doing Women’s Work’: Masculinity and Gender Relations among Street Vendors in Maputo, Mozambique, revealed that, men are ready to de-gender or relinquish their masculine ideals in pursuit of roles that are economically rewarding, even if those roles were traditionally reserved for women. They perform these roles very well, but are reluctant to take up similar roles in the domestic space. Perani and Smith (1998:19) also observed how the men of Bolgatanga have dominated the production of commercial baskets whiles women have focused more on those for domestic use. Similarly, Hausa men of northern Nigeria have completely taken over the art of dyeing indigo from women. Both art forms are traditionally reserved for women, and yet economic factors have attracted men to them. This is the missing link in the discussions of art historians and anthropologists as far as gender is concerned, a 33 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh lacuna that this research seeks to speak to. It is therefore crucial to delineate a case in point, Esther Mahlangu and her promotion of the Ndebele art of wall paintings to help properly situate this discussion. 2.6 The House as a Symbol of Identity and Status Awedoba (2011), captures the significance of the Nankana house as a symbol of status succinctly in the Kassena adage that “a person without a house is a non-person, a vagabond or a nobody” (Cassiman 2011:81). The Kassena person according to Awedoba is expected to have a house to live in or return to. This implies that the house marks the fundamental determinant of Nankana identity and status, without which nothing else matters. This is validated by Cassiman (2011) when she attests that “the house is a condensed metaphor of the cosmos and of the human life-cycle” (Cassiman 2011:81). This again exemplifies its importance both culturally and symbolically in the nurturing of its inhabitants right from birth through to death. Awedoba practically exemplifies the value of the house in the identity and status formation of the Nankana by drawing attention to certain parts of the house as the centre of ritual and ceremonial activity. He mentions specifically the Tampuuri (rubbish heap) as having a strong symbolic significance for ritual dignitaries like the chief. In times of crisis, the Kassena chief symbolically “banished” and consigned the crisis to the Tampuuri. The chief himself according to Awedoba is equated to the Tampuuri (rubbish heap), who is immune to negative spiritual forces and can neutralize evil forces that endanger the community. He also mentioned that the placenta or neonates of newly born babies are interned on the rubbish heap. These assertions have informed the framing of some key questions of this thesis. 34 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh On the subject of dwellings as signifiers of identity and status, Dominique Malaquais, an art historian captures the basic philosophy of the Bamileke, a people of Western Cameroon saying, You are what you build: Architecture as identity among the Bamileke of West Cameroon: “It is not enough to be somebody; you must prove that you have what it takes to be who you are. You must build” (1994:21). Bamileke are said to be a very hierarchical society where status and power are attainable only by a man’s economic power. This economic power is evident in the kind of house a man is able to build, and this in turn positions him directly at a place of advantage to acquire political power (Malaquais 1994:22-24). According to Malaquais, the ‘head,’ ‘stomach’ and ‘mouth’ of a house represent unequivocally building blocks of status and social identity among the Bamileke. They are the centre of very elaborate rites that give identity and status to both children and adults of this community. Malaquais once again observed that scarification marks on Bamileke women were similar to designs and motifs on men’s meeting places. Women received scarification marks during three occasions in their life: firstly, during puberty to announce their readiness for marriage; secondly, when they marry and finally, when they give birth to their first children. According Malaquais, apart from the fact that scarification marks symbolize specific rites of passage, they more importantly, highlight male concerns: the quest for power, prestige, and economic advantage. Scarification designs were the preserve of the bodies of the daughters and wives of the noble and prominent in society. These identity and status symbols, however, did not reflect on the social placement of women. Just like architecture, they amplify the identity and status of men. 35 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Similarly, Visonà et al. (2008) discussed scarification from an art historical perspective among the Ga’anda, a Chadic speaking people of the Gongola River area. The practice of marking the skins of girls and young women with patterns of scars was purposely to celebrate their sexual maturity. Sacred ceramics are said to have shared motifs and underlying meanings with other art forms including objects of iron and brass, domestic pottery, ornamented gourds, basketry, architecture and body arts. Visonà et al. (2008:83) identified scarification patterns on men and women as the “most dramatic” art form in the Gongola region. Among the Ga’anda, scarification, commonly called hleeta is created by making hundreds of tiny cuts in the skin to make small wounds that heal to produce “carefully spaced raised marks of identical size and shape.” Scarification marks form marks of single, double or triple outlines of geometric shapes. Another thing Visonà et al. observed about scarification in the Gongola region is the fact that it is imbricated into their rites of passage and forms an integral part of their marital rites. Visonà et al. (2008:164) intimated a similar relationship between motifs on Nankana architecture and scarification marks on the faces of the indigenes, even though this point was not elaborated at all. This study therefore explores further the nature and extent of this relationship among the Sirigu people. 2.7 Esther Nikwambi Mahlangu and the Ndebele Art of Wall Painting The Ndebele art of wall painting can be described as an art that is steeped in tradition, yet abreast with the times. In an exhibition by Vgallery cc. (2003) to celebrate the works of Esther Mahlangu (b. 1935), the internationally acclaimed South African artist of Ndebele art fame who is still actively painting and teaching in her hometown of Weltevreden (Mabhoko) in Mpumalanga Province, South Africa, the arts of the Ndebele women are discussed. The discussion shows how the art of wall painting by 36 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ndebele women have evolved from a purely traditional utilitarian art to a contemporary and an internationally recognized one. Mahlangu’s works demonstrate clearly the dichotomy between traditional arts and contemporary arts in a harmonious evolutionary relationship. This same evolution is observed in the Sirigu art of wall paintings. Mahlangu uses traditional tools such as feathers, brushes and her fingers in executing her works, the same tools that have been used by generations of traditional Ndebele women. Nevertheless, Mahlangu, just like her Sirigu counterparts in recent times, blends the traditional Ndebele semi-abstract geometric motifs in modern style, including her legendary 1991 BMW 525i car project, which is discussed in this section. She also integrates imagery in her works and uses traditional Ndebele colours. Her paintings reflect the history and a culture of many generations. Mahlangu’s works are situated in tradition and yet reflects brilliantly a willingness to adapt to change. What has influenced Mahlangu’s approach to wall painting include her exposure to new materials, new cultures, different techniques and the taste of her patrons. Also, the influence of the political landscape on her paintings cannot be overemphasized. With a stylistic vocabulary deeply embedded in tradition, Mahlangu displays great innovation in her paintings (Vgallery cc 2003:10). Traditionally, Ndebele houses were redecorated after every winter when the rains had washed away the less durable pigment used in wall paintings in those days. Similar observations are made about Sirigu wall paintings (Cole & Ross 1977; Wemegah 2009; Antwi 2015). Wall designs “were austere and uncluttered, handed down by tradition from one generation to the next” (Vgallery cc 2003:12). 37 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Mahlangu lost her husband and two sons and has one surviving son. Even though traditionally, it was girls who were socialized into the art of wall paintings, Mahlangu was left with no choice than to train her only remaining son, to help her with her painting and later assist her in her many travels overseas. So in the absence of a girl, the boy was socialized into the female reserved role of wall paintings, a clear validation that gender roles are culturally ascribed and not biologically determined. 2.7.1 The BMW Project The execution of the 1991 model of BMW project by Mahlangu marked an important milestone as far as the international recognition and patronage of Ndebele arts is concerned. Mahlangu was commissioned to illustrate the eleventh in the BMW Car Art collections, and as the first female artist and the first African for that matter to paint a prototype of the new BMW 525i model. Therefore, Mahlangu became the first black woman artist from a little-known South African community to have been included in the prestigious international artistic line-up, placing BMW in the spotlight of cross-cultural, out-of-Africa art promotion. Mahlangu said after the project that “My art has evolved from the tribal tradition of decorating our homes ... The patterns I have used on the BMW marry tradition to the essence of BMW” (Vgallery cc 2003:16). This clearly demonstrates the fusing of tradition and change in artistic representation. 38 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 4: Esther Mahlangu’s BMW 525i model in the Car Art collections, 1991 Photo credit: Vgallery cc 2003 2.7.2 Ndebele Wall Paintings The Ndebele people of South Africa are renowned for their vibrant wall paintings, which is believed to have followed them from their original roots in Zimbabwe. Their art of wall motifs is far more than artistic opulence, rather it constitutes a spiritual way by which the Ndebele express their identity and belonging. It is deployed during the celebration of important social occasions. The tradition of house decoration is usually passed down from mothers to daughters in an informal apprenticeship training. Again, during Ndebele initiation rites, pubertal girls undergo a three months isolation and training programme during which they are groomed for womanhood. They are usually taught the basics of married life and good motherhood where serious lessons on traditional techniques of mural painting and beadwork are an integral part. Ndebele women believe that old designs prescribed by the ancestors have sacred protective powers (Vgallery cc 2003:21). Sirigu wall paintings on the other hand are not associated with any rituals or rites of passage. They are purely functional and symbolic expressions of gender, status and worldview. 39 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The current state of Ndebele wall paintings, which is characterized by brightly coloured motifs as presented in plates 5 - 16, is the transformation of traditional domestic decorative patterns, which has been boosted by the invention of industrially produced paints. In the Apartheid era, the art of wall paintings was redeployed as a symbolic affirmation of ethnic identity. Also, the economic down-turns of the time forced men to migrate to urban towns to work, leaving their wives and children. This forced Ndebele women to organize themselves into guilds to undertake the commercial art of wall paintings. Therefore, the chaotic politico-social climate in South Africa and its concomitants had an impact on the symbolic relevance and evolution of the Ndebele art of wall painting (Vgallery cc 2003:21). Ndebele house decorations just like those of Sirigu are also a status symbol, representing social status, domestic expertise and are also invariably aesthetic. This has resulted in the introduction of more figurative motifs such as aeroplanes, animals, light bulbs, cars, razor blades, and many others into the wall paintings. Houses generically represent dreams and aspirations. This implies that social change results in changes in the ideals, expectations and aspirations of the people, which is directly reflected by the current iconography of Ndebele and Sirigu wall paintings. Ndebele painting as a contemporary art form with economic undertones is attributed to Esther Mahlangu, who pioneered innovations such as paintings on canvas and other media, which have given them the status they enjoy both locally and internationally today. Hence, the international exposure and subsequent commodification of Ndebele arts are attributed to her. Mahlangu asserted that, “ ... not everybody could come to see our houses and therefore I decided to put the painting on the canvas and boards and take it to them...” This makes the artistic traditions of Ndebele accessible to anybody 40 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh anywhere in the world (Vgallery cc 2003:22). Although, critics have perceived this as an adulteration of tradition, Mahlangu seems to disagree with them. She believes in cultural adaptability and cultural exchanges that are necessary in the global economy. Mahlangu’s understanding and participation in the international art market has empowered her and many others economically as women and as artists. She has therefore been instrumental in conscientizing Ndebele artists about their artistic legacy and its socio-economic contribution towards their economic and social emancipation. Mahlangu has many exhibitions and collections to her credit. She is also the recipient of many awards home and abroad. Plate 6: Esther Mahlangu sitting in front of her house. Vgallery cc 2003 Plate 5: Esther Mahlangu Vgallery cc 2003 Plate 7: Mahlangu’s abstract painting Plate 8: Esther Mahlangu in her exhibition on canvas. Vgallery cc 2003 gallery. Vgallery cc 2003 41 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 9: Esther Mahlangu’s abstract painting on canvas with natural pigments. Plate 10: On the way to initiation rites by Photo credit: Vgallery cc 2003 Esther Mahlangu’s on canvas. Photo credit: Vgallery cc 2003 Plate 11: Around the Home by Esther Mahlangu’s on canvas. Photo credit: Vgallery cc 2003 Plate 12: Some of the awards Esther Mahlangu during her career. Photo credit: Vgallery cc 2003 Plate 13: Mahlangu painting on Canvas with Plate 14: Photograph of Ndebele Painted House. natural pigments and cow dung. Photo credit: www.eartharchitecture.org, 2016 Photo credit: Vgallery cc 2003 42 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh P late 15: Photograph of Ndebele Painted House. Photo credit: www.eartharchitecture.org, 2016 Plate 16: Photograph of Ndebele Painted House. Photo credit: www.eartharchitecture.org, 2016 2.8 Scarifications, Body Markings and Wall Motifs Nevadomsky and Aisien (1995:65) defined scarification as “deliberate incisions that leave deep scars” on the body. They distinguished scarification from cicatrization, which is “the intentional formation of keloids” that serves medicinal rather than strictly social purposes. Scarification and cicatrization are therefore forms of permanent body arts that are employed for different intents and purposes. This distinction is illustrated clearly by plates 17, 18 and 19, which show sketches of Farafra scarification marks from north-eastern Ghana, cicatrization marks of the Omo girl from Ethiopia and those of Mursi girl respectively. Cole and Ross (1977:26-27) described scarification as the most personal and enduring form of body decoration, which is highly developed in the north, among the Nankana, Gurunsi, Tallensi and Kassena, where many people formally embellished large areas of their bodies and faces. According to Cole and Ross, types of permanent body decorations are still being effected on children of this area, despite a government ban on such practices in 1960. The fact that the practice endures according to them, is an indication of the relative conservatism of the north and exemplifies body sculpture as 43 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh an important practice in the value systems of the people, an objective that is explored into detail in this study. Cole and Ross (1977:27) further observed that facial scarification was usually carried out on both sexes when they are young to signify ethnic affiliation. These marks are incised more or less deeply and often in dense patterns. Cole and Ross make a distinction between marks on males and those on females, asserting that body designs, especially those on the chest and abdomen, are more common for women than men. According to them, the marks on women are primarily for decoration and beautification purposes. These beautification scares are applied at the onset of puberty. Other small marks, on faces or bodies and especially around the navel, are applied as cures or protection against some diseases or physical problems such as convulsions or umbilical hernia. Some patterns also provide spiritual protection, while others were applied by northern slave dealers to identify their “cargo.” A B C Plate 17: Facial Scarifications from North-Eastern Ghana (Frafra facial marks): Source: drawn after Armitage, 1924, cited in Cole & Ross (1977) The Arts of Ghana, page 26. Cole and Ross also observed that tattoos have been less common than incisions and keloids but have some popularity today among women who have birds, animals, insects and even their names applied for their decorative value. Cole and Ross 44 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh conclude that despite the general decline of scarification marks, personal decoration may continue to evolve. In other words, they are very resilient (Cole & Ross 1977:26- 27). Though Cole and Ross discussed extensively on scarifications of the study area, they did not in anyway give the slightest indication that the motif and scarifications have any symbolic meanings. They did not also indicate whether there is any relationship between the wall motifs and the scarification marks. This explains why this study has as one of its objectives to identify the motifs on buildings and scarifications on the indigenes and their symbolic meanings while exploring the relationship between them. As already intimated, Visonà et al. (2008) inferred basically that there was a connection between geometric wall motifs on Nankana dwellings and intricate facial scarifications. However, they did not explore further the subject among the Nankana as they did with the Ga’anda people of the Gongola River area. This still leaves the question on Nankana scarifications, their symbolism, their relationship to dwellings and functional utility hanging and begging for answers. Alice Korkor Ebeheakey (2015), recently conducted her thesis research on The cultural interpretation of body marks among selected Dangme groups in Ghana, where she focused on the cultural analysis of body marks among three Dangme ethnic groups of Ningo, Prampram and Ada. She also explored the philosophies underpinning the making of these marks and their socio-cultural connotations. Although Ebeheakey’s work is in different communities, it illuminates the discussion of Sirigu scarifications. According to Ebeheakey (2015), the underlying reason for native Dangme art of body marking is spiritual. The help of a traditional priest or 45 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh priestess is usually sought to verify the identity of a child the moment the child is born before marks are given to him/her and this according to her explains why the practice still persist in these areas. Ebeheakey identified several types of marks in her study communities and the underlying reasons for making them. The Gbeba mark, which literally means “Die and come back” “gbeba” is the same as what the Nigerians term “abiku”, and it is a mark given to a child believed to die every time it is born. Therefore, the child is usually marked in order to prevent it from dying shortly after its birth again. Another type is the So gbɔ bɔ, which means “clan mark” and is usually given to a child to identify it as a member of a particular clan. The Sέ bɔ, which means “chair mark”, is reserved for members of the royal family who are entitled to the throne. These marks are given at childhood depending on the lineage. Another type of marking, Fɛo bɔ meaning “beauty mark” is given for purposes of adornment or for fun or beautification. Akaba on the other hand literally means a “slash” and is done on the face for identification. Kunŋɔ nane bɔ or “mark of the feet of a cock” is a mark on the face to identify the Ga-Dangme with their totemic animal, which is the cock. It also serves the sole purpose of identification for the Dangme people. According to Ebeheakey, Semi bɔ is interpreted to mean “back mark” and can be done on the back of the neck or on the space between the dimples that are located slightly above the buttocks. This is usually done on the backs of Dangme women to represent the back of the lady as flawless and beautiful enough to be displayed. This according to Ebeheakey is termed “kwɛsem gbowe zo” literally translated to mean, “the back is not shy.” Joku-joku means “strokes” and is the mark given to children who allegedly die shortly after their birth. It consists of horizontal strokes on the sides 46 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh of the mouth, meant to dissuade the spirit of death from consuming them. Pusu hiɔ bɔ literally means, “heavens sickness mark,” given on very rare occasions. According to some of the Dangmes, there is a point in time where the heavens are believed to “suck up” children. These are the serious kinds of convulsion where the children shake and shiver uncontrollably and the pupil of their eyes either get dilated or vanishes completely. If a child has experienced this convulsion before, there is the high tendency of this child experiencing the convulsion again so this mark is administered as preventive medicine against reoccurrence of the sickness. The final type of marks is the Blɔ kpɛ bi / Agbee bi bɔ, which means “middle of the road child” or “child of a deity.” Where a woman seeks the assistance of deities for conception, this peculiar marks are usually given to the resulting child close to his/her eyes for easy identification as such (Ebeheakey 2015:62-67). The reasons elaborated by Ebeheakey body markings are similar to those identified for Sirigu scarifications. Blier (1987), in drawing the links between wall motifs and scarifications among the Batammaliba, explained that the dressed house and its decoration defined the human identity of the Batammaliba. After completion, each house usually receives a smooth silt plaster both to protect its inner core and to smoothen its skin. This is synonymous with good health and beauty. The delicate markings incised into the still-wet plaster also add to the beauty of each house. Such patterns are designed and incised by Batammaliba women to recall their own body cicatrization patterns. According to Blier (1987:188), “After the house has been born, the time arrives for it to have its cicatrization. Houses also should enjoy their youth and beauty. That is why one puts the beauty of women on them. We incorporate the beauty of women into the house to show what women do. One imitates these women in showing that the house is a person.” 47 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The above statement implies that motifs on houses beautify them just as scarification marks beautify young women. Therefore, just like the newly formed cicatrization marks on Batammaliba girls, the women bath the fresh house scars with rich oils to ensure that their surfaces will remain resilient and smooth. In all these discussions by Malaquais, Blier and Visonà et al., they only identified similarities between the motifs on dwellings and scarifications on humans, however, all of them have failed to identify the particular patterns of both wall motifs and scarifications, and their symbolic meanings on the indigenes. It is this gap that this study seeks to fill. Plate 19: Mursi beautification marks (Source: http//:www.randafricanart.com/images/ scarification:23/10/ 2015) Plate 18: Pretty Bodi girl from Ethiopia`s Omo Valley (where they maintain their traditional African culture devoid of foreign/alien contamination) Showing her beautification marks. (Source: Internet: http//:www.randafricanart.com/images/scarification: 23/10/2015) 2.9 Significance of Body Markings and Scarification Mbiti (1991:30) expatiates on the importance of body inscriptions by asserting that the body “has been largely responsible for shaping the character and culture of African peoples throughout the centuries.” In that sense, the body is the storehouse of history and a medium through which past traditions are put on display (cited in 48 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Chikukuango 2013). It is in the same vein that Catherine Bell (1992:94) presents the body “as a social construction in the image of society and a microcosm of the universe, transporting multiple ideas and meanings.” In other words, the body and its scarifications carry functional symbolisms. As a plate, the body has always communicated deep-rooted symbolic language that needs to be unraveled. This is why the identification of the symbolic meanings of motifs and scarifications is one of the main preoccupations of this study. Cuzima-Zwa Chikukuango in his work on Angolan body painting and performances maintains that paintings on the body express a relationship between nature and traditional religious beliefs and ideas. He does not refute the fact that body paintings can sometimes serve aesthetic functions. He, however, emphasizes the fact that the body illustrates cultural myths and serves as a visible representation of proverbs, fables and stories (Mbiti 1975:24; Labi, 2009:42,45). In summary, research on Nankana architecture, which started in the late twentieth century, was initially approached from a functionalist perspective. Right from the onset, gender division of labour has been identified as an integral part of the construction process and gender considerations underpinned the allocation of space in the domestic unit. The history of wall motifs and that of scarifications have often converged. Wall motifs as well as scarification marks have served both functional and symbolic ends, even though early writings on the subject limited discussions to the functional aspects of these arts. The dawn of the twenty-first century witnessed an emphasis on the iconographic or the symbolic aspect of West African architecture. Structural symbolism therefore became the predominant method of analysis (Blier 1978; Willet 1994; Malaquais 49 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1994; Visonà et al. 2008). The common observation in the works of Prussin (1969, 1974), Cole and Ross (1977), Blier (1987), Aronson (1991), Malaquais (1994), Drucker-Brown (2001), Marchand (2009) and Cassiman (2011) was that domestic dwellings of most northern compounds and those of other parts of West Africa, and their related activities are embedded with symbolic density and gender considerations. The overemphasis on symbolism however, was criticized as conceptualizing buildings as static signifiers of cultural identity. Therefore, midway through this twenty-first century witnessed another shift in the focus of analysis, which has imbued dwellings and motifs with the quality of continuity and change (Vgallery cc 2003; Marchand 2009; Cassiman 2011). The resultant methodological changes now underpin contemporary or change analysis of the arts. 2.10 Statement of the Problem The question of symbolism of dwellings across West Africa is firmly established in the literature. However, the problem is in establishing specific symbolisms of the specific parts of the Sirigu house and its motifs, and how they reflect gender. Awedoba and Cassiman, writing on Nankana architecture, admitted that the buildings are symbolic. They discussed the symbolisms of certain parts of the house, but failed to exemplify the symbolism of the wall motifs and their gendered representation. Also, as observed in the literature, researchers have demonstrated apparent lack of interest in the relationship between Sirigu wall paintings and scarifications. Another problem is the fact that analysis of gender by anthropologists, art historians and architectural historians as per the literature discussed, has been extremely romanticized. Gender has been constructed as a harmonious concept where men and women cooperate in doing tasks and sharing domestic and other responsibilities. Conceptualizing gender in this sense without recourse to the reasons that underpin the 50 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh spatial, social and economic differentiation of men and women is problematic. Sirigu art cannot be seen as representing cultural and social harmony in this context without reflecting the undercurrents of exploitation. Similarly, researchers have shown little interest in exploring how domestic rituals reflect and reinforce gender and ultimately affect the socio-economic privileges of the sexes differently. It is in this light that this study concentrates on symbolism as it reflects gender in Sirigu. The study concerns itself with the gender dynamics in the symbolisms of dwellings and motifs on them; the relationship between these motifs and scarification on the people of Sirigu; and the beliefs and socio-cultural practices of the people of Sirigu, which influences their construction of gender. The evolutions of the art in the phase of innovative transformations have also been explored. 2.11 Conclusion The discussion of the literature on dwellings, motifs and symbolism has demonstrated that wall motifs and symbolism are not unique to the Nankana people. They are also associated with Asante traditional buildings, Batammaliba architecture, Dogon buildings, Bamileke architecture, the Ga’anda people of the Gongola River and Ndebele houses of South Africa. However, a lacuna is still observed in their failure to address the unique symbols and their meanings across all these cultures. The challenges that confront women in domestic spatial arrangements relative to the economics of women’s arts, such as their place in household exchange, bride-wealth payments, funerary rites and property rights have also been less explored. The house, especially the Nankana house has been conceptualized as a critical tool in the formation of their cultural and ethnic identity. However, the house and its representation either in whole or in part as a tool in defining gender identities has not 51 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh been sufficiently explored. This is especially so in identifying the rituals and ceremonies in the context of the domestic unit that reflect and reinforce gender. Moreover, facial and body scarifications have been identified as intimately linked to traditional architecture, wall motifs and patterns in other parts of West Africa, even though, such a relationship is murky in the Nankana context. The contemporary analysis of dwellings, motifs and wall paintings has revealed that the art has evolved from purely domestic arts of women to arts imbued with socio- economic importance. This consequently has influenced their iconographic qualities. This is clearly exemplified by the Ndebele arts of South Africa and the transformations that Esther Mahlangu has brought to the art of wall paintings. In a nutshell, the literature points to the need for more contextual, analytical gender- focused research on the subject of wall motifs, patterns and symbolisms as they relate to scarifications, especially in the study area to further ground the subject. A gender focus analysis is commendable, as it will fill the gaps that have been identified in the literature on Nankana dwellings and symbolisms. 52 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.1 Introduction Art history as a discipline has developed many approaches such as formal analysis, semiotics, psychoanalysis, aesthetics, iconology and iconography. Other methods include humanism, Marxism, gender or feminism that have been deployed in the study of art. Also, to make analysis of art more grounded, art history have often resorted to archival sources, oral sources and participant observation or other field methods. The rationale for my preference for a qualitative design in this study is prompted by the need to break away from the temptation to conform to the traditional art-historical mold, which has persisted for so long. The analytic design as evident from the literature reviewed suggests that iconography is more appropriate for the analysis of artistic representations of gender and the symbolic meanings of the arts of Sirigu, particularly architecture and scarifications. Panofsky (1937:3), defined iconography as “a branch of the history of art which concerns itself with the subject matter or meaning of art objects, as against their form.” This implies that meaning and symbolism are integral in iconographical analysis. Also, iconography advocates a less impressionistic and naturalistic methodology in the analysis of art objects, and that is appropriate for studying Sirigu arts, which constitute basically geometric and relief figures imbued with symbolic meanings. The analytic design as revealed by the literature review is more appropriate for the iconographical analysis of Sirigu arts. Here, I focus on the explanations and meanings from the architects, muralists and practitioners of scarifications’ own perspective 53 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh instead of my own subjective interpretations of the symbolisms and representation. This is appropriate for the gendered analysis that underpins this study because drawing from the respondents’ perspective, issues can be interpreted from an insider angle using symbolisms and meanings that the people provide for their arts. 3.2 The Purpose and Scope of the Study The purpose of this study is to analyze how the construction and arrangement of space and the identification of symbolisms and meanings of motifs on dwellings and scarifications on the bodies and faces of the indigenes reflect the ideologies of the people of Sirigu about feminine and masculine ideals. Therefore, the focus of the study is to explore how symbols or motifs on dwellings and scarifications on the people of Sirigu reflect gender. The study population includes men and women, young and old and is limited to the five main communities of Sirigu, which are Guwonkor, Busongor, Wugingo, Nyangolgo, and Basengo. 3.2.1 Specific Research Questions The study is designed to answer the following questions: 1. What is the relationship between traditional domestic dwellings and the human body? 2. What are the functions and symbolisms of parts of the dwelling and the meanings of motifs on them? 3. What is the relationship between facial and body scarifications, and wall motifs on traditional domestic dwellings? 4. How does the allocation of domestic spaces influence gender roles in Sirigu? 54 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5. What is the importance of domestic dwellings in the ritual performances of the people and how do they influence gender? 6. What is the influence of innovative transformation or change on the traditional arts of Sirigu? Answers to these questions will elucidate our knowledge on the gender dynamics in traditional domestic dwellings; find meaning for the symbolisms of motifs and scarifications, and contextualize domestic rituals, beliefs and practices in the gender debate. 3.3 Data Collection Methods Both primary and secondary data have been collected. The primary sources included interviews, observations, visual analysis of particular dwellings, photographs and people. Secondary data was gleaned from published sources such as books, journal articles, online sources and archival sources. Archival data constitute part of my analysis and serves as part of the historical reference documents for cross-examining written literature for clarity. 3.3.1 Library Research Library research was an integral part of this study. This involved a collection and review of existing literature on the subject of enquiry. Library research, often referred to as secondary data, is different from the primary data that is directly sourced from the researcher’s field efforts. It forms an important component of this study in that it informed the researcher about what has already been done in the thesis area. It also informed the type of design or approach I adopted for this study. The Literature review constitute chapter two of this work. The reviewed sources include journal articles, books, published and unpublished thesis, and the Internet. My search for 55 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh literature took me to the Balme Library and Institute of African Studies library both at the University of Ghana, Legon. I also visited the Ghana National Archives in Accra, the National Museum, the Sirigu Women Organization of Pottery and Arts gallery and the Upper East Regional Museum. All these efforts informed my perspectives in one way or the other through the valuable information I gathered. 3.3.2 Interviews Interviewing involves an interaction with at least two people. Interviews are of two kinds – structured and qualitative (Yin 2011:132). This study makes use of the latter. A structured interview is a carefully scripted interaction with a respondent. This involves a formal questionnaire that lists every question to be asked. The researcher as interviewer elicits responses from the interviewees. The researcher’s behaviour and demeanor are usually as scripted as the questions, consistent when interviewing every participant. In structured interviews, interviewees are restricted to a set of responses predefined by the researcher, otherwise known as closed-ended questions (Yin 2011:133). The study did not adopt this approach because of its rigid nature. It does not make room for more exploration. Qualitative interviewing on the other hand, which is preferred in this study and in most other qualitative studies, is the direct opposite of structured interviewing. Others call it in-depth interviewing, intensive interviewing or unstructured interviewing. Questions posed here differed with context and setting of the interview and the individual respondent. My interviews were very interactive and followed a conversational mode, building up into a social relationship. The questions and answers were not scripted yet followed a well-designed format to ensure I stayed focused on the research questions. 56 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In qualitative interviews, the researcher tries to understand the respondents “on their own terms and how they make meaning of their own lives, experiences and cognitive processes” (Brenner 2006:357). Therefore, I interrogated respondents’ knowledge about the house, its parts and their symbolism; observed whether respondents’ were scarified or not, whether the house had motifs; why the motifs or scarifications are part of their culture; whether respondents had any knowledge about the symbolisms of the motifs and their meanings; how artists were trained; which symbols related to men and which ones related to women; and why motifs were designed in particularly black, white and red colours. I also tried to find out about rituals and practices in the domestic context and their implications for men and women. So I interrogated the ones related to marriage, pregnancy and childbirth, naming, death, burial and funerals. Qualitative interviews provide room for further probing, longer interactions and quality responses and that is exactly what I did. The challenges, however, were: the temptation to speak too much and stay long with one respondent; the difficulty in remaining neutral and hiding my own biases, which sometimes manifest in your non- verbal communication. However, by the use of a well thought out interview protocol, I was able to surmount these challenges. Apart from the field notes taken, interviews were also recorded and later transcribed. 57 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.3.3 Observation According Yin (2011:143) observation is an invaluable way of collecting data because others do not filter what you see with your own eyes and perceive with your own senses. Observations are therefore a form of primary data to be highly cherished. Through observation, I was able to identify pure forms and artistic motifs. Consistent observations of artistic and symbolic objects were recorded appropriately pending further analysis. I observed and recorded the spatial arrangements of domestic dwellings, the motifs on them, the components of the traditional compound houses, their names, similarities and differences in the designs. I also observed scarification marks that were visible on the faces of people and on photographs of deceased people. I collected most of these photographs, scanned and returned them to their owners. I also made rough sketches of some of the scarification marks that it was not possible to photograph, like those in private places which could only be explained. This is important in constructing not only what is known and seen at the moment, but also reconstructing what existed in the past. 3.3.4 Visual Analysis Visual analysis is the approach that guided my observation and distinguished it from other forms of ethnographic observations. I started by making critical observations, looking at the overall tone, settings and moods of the dwellings and people (for scarification marks). Naturally, I tried to identify the overall theme or message that the artists have tried to convey. I observed the background, the narrations and interpretations, the motifs or symbols. These were carefully recorded in my field notebook. Following this was a more focused observation on the artworks (dwellings and scarification marks) with the aim of identifying the finer aspects of the artworks 58 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh like spatial arrangement and distribution, component parts, texture, hue, emotions, background, colours, borders and many others. The focus of my visual analysis was basic and centered around: v Lines - The most basic visual element, lines can be used to define shapes and figures, but also to indicate motion, emotion and other elements v Colours - Can be defined on several scales, including hue, value, and saturation v Shapes - A two-dimensional area with boundaries defined by lines or colors v Forms - Three-dimensional shape, either real or in illusion v Naturalism - Making an image look like the “real world” 3.4 Sample Size A sample size of 50 respondents was selected. These 50 respondents were drawn from the five communities, 10 respondents from each community for purposes of representativeness. The respondents are composed of 3 men, 3 women and 4 young people totaling 10 from each community. The sample size had to include men, women and younger people, and the rationale was to examine how domestic spaces have contributed in influencing their respective perspectives on gender. It therefore provides a basis of making a cross-gender comparison. Also adding young people to the sample allows the researcher to examine whether knowledge, practice and art of motifs, symbolisms and scarifications are passed on to successive generation. Though most of these participants were selected purposefully, it had to take snowballing to reach some key informants. A key informant is “an individual who possesses specialized knowledge of some aspects of research, and is thus able to provide data which would probably be unavailable from a different respondent” (Oliver 2010:113). 59 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The respondents for this study included muralists who were mostly women, practitioners of scarification marks or connoisseurs of the artistic traditions of the people, or people knowledgeable in domestic architectural design, symbols and their meanings, mostly very elderly people. Table 1 shows some of the key informants that were interviewed. No. NAME AGE NAME OF HOUSE COMMUNITY 1. Abovaam Adongo 90 Adongo’s house Guwonkor 2. Aduko Barnabas 43 Akanwele Adombire’s Guwonkor house (Assemblyman) 3. Aburepore Agombire 65 Agombire’s house Guwonkor 4. Akayuure Adongo 75 Akayuure’s house Guwonkor 5. Abalungu Akobulgo 59 Akobulgo’s house Busongo Divisional chief 6. Asaase Aburipoore 55 Apoore’s house Guwonkor 7. Azure Amoloho 70 Adongo’s house Nyangolgo 8. Akurebire Ayamga 70 Adaapa’s house Basengo 9. Atanga Atogede 60 Atogede’s house Basengo 10. Atiamah Anaatuya 65 Aputuna’s house Wugingo 11. Aduko Mary 60 Avo-etigo’s house Wugingo 12. Olivia Akaba 18 Akaba’s house Guwonkor Table 1: Some key respondents from communities in Sirigu Assemblymen of the respective communities suggested some key informants. Also, Albert Aeng-paa, a staff of the Sirigu Women Organization for Pottery and Arts (SWOPA) led us to many other informants, especially the women artists. Others were also suggested by colleague informants. 3.5 Sampling and Sampling Strategies Two main sampling strategies were employed in this study, stratified purpose sampling and snowball sampling. Sampling refers to the selection of individuals, units and/or settings to be studied. A sample is, however, a set of subjects selected from a population. The goal of sampling is to select a sample where the sampling error (or 60 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh difference between sample and population characteristics) is minimized (Miller & Salkind 2002:52). To achieve this in Sirigu, I adopted stratified purposeful sampling and snowball sampling techniques. A combination of these two was necessary considering the nature of the research, with each type of sample serving a specific need of the study. This fits very well with Patton’s (1990:169) assertion that all types of sampling in qualitative research may be categorized under the broad term of ‘purposeful sampling.’ He opines that ‘qualitative inquiry typically focuses in depth on relatively small samples, even single cases, selected purposefully’. In other words, any sampling strategy selected is guided by a specific rationale, to answer a specific aspect of the research question(s). Yin (Yin 2011:88) corroborates this when he said samples in qualitative research are chosen deliberately, to yield the most relevant and plentiful data. Stratified purposeful sampling focuses on characteristics of particular subgroups of interest that have the characteristics relevant to the research question(s) and for purposes of comparison. Visonà et al. (2008) adopted stratified sampling in their discussion of the History of Art in Africa. In their work, the entire African continent is stratified into five major divisions: the Nile to the Niger, Western Africa, Central Africa, Eastern and Southern African, and the Diaspora. Under these major divisions are many other sub-divisions under which different groups and their arts are discussed. This was done on purpose, to enable a consistent, comprehensive and coherent discussion of the arts of these geographic regions representatively. Prussin (1974) chose the Mamprusi and Tallensi for her comparative study purposively, based on their socio-cultural similarities and differences. Blier’s (1987) study of the Batammaliba was also purposive, because of their unique architecture and cosmogony. It is in the same vein that I have adopted the geo-political stratification of 61 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the Sirigu community by its five communities of Guwonkor, Busongor, Wugingo, Nyangolgo, and Basengo. Two main levels of stratification were adopted. First was in terms of drawing samples from each of the five communities that constitute the study population. Therefore, respondents were drawn from Guwonkor, Busongor, Wugingo, Nyangolgo and Basengo. This is for purposes of representativeness. The second level of stratification is consciously grouping respondents into men, women, young and old. In addition, respondents with scarification marks and those without marks were also considered. By definition, young people are those aged between 13 and 35 years while the older respondents constitute those aged 36 years and above. The main problems encountered in using stratified sampling had to do with how to identify the boundaries of each of the five communities. Some of the communities were not easily distinguishable by their physical location. This made it quite difficult to identify respondents of a particular community. However through the snowball technique, I appointed an informant who took me round the communities. Another challenge arose with the second level of stratification, specifically with regards to respondents that had scarification marks and those that had not. This is because apart from the obvious marks on faces, others underneath clothing like torso marks and those on the chest were difficult to identify. Asking respondents directly whether they had any hidden scarifications appears to be quite derogatory. So I had to employ indirect means to get such responses. For instance, I will usually asked a respondent, “do you know anybody with hidden scarifications?” Snowball Sampling is the second sampling strategy I adopted considering the challenges of identifying key people to interview. Snowballing is a sampling 62 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh technique that generates a chain effect of cases of interest from people who know people who are a “store of knowledge” and can therefore serve as good interview participants. Goodman (1961) terms snowball sampling as chain sampling or chain- referral sampling and it is a non-probability sampling technique where already existing subjects refer to possible future subjects among their friends and associates. Applying this technique, I asked any respondent I interacted with for nominations of others they thought could respond to the issues at stake. I continued in this regard until the nominations snowballed, that is got bigger and bigger until a few key names were recurrent. Those names were particularly flagged and I ensured that I interviewed them. Cole and Ross, Visonà et al., Blier and many others employed snowballing in identifying connoisseurs, key informants and artists of particular arts. This is because the artists do not sign most of their art. This technique complemented stratified purposeful sampling perfectly in my study when I was selecting key informants for qualitative interviews, otherwise known as in-depth interviews with practitioners of scarification marks, connoisseurs of the artistic traditions of the people, or people knowledgeable in domestic architectural design, symbols and their meanings. It is a useful method because it led me to resourceful people whom I might never have met. The particular challenge with using snowballing was encountered when I had to interview practitioners of scarification marks. Though the snowballing led me to the practitioners, almost all practitioners denied the fact that they were still practicing scarification. This is because of the government decision to illegalize “tribal” marks in 1960. Even though I observed that even babies of less than one year old had scarifications, almost all practitioners denied that they still practiced it and some even 63 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh denied granting interviews. So what I did was to interview them as though I did not know they were practitioners. By so doing, I was able to get answers to all questions that needed clarification from them. 3.6 Data Analysis Plan The data collected through interviews, photographs, and observation were subjected to qualitative and visual analysis. The analysis got me further grounded in the available data after transcription and coding them under thematic categories. I now employed “thick description” as proposed by Geertz (1973) to facilitate the interpretation. Data analysis is a complex activity that involves a lot of moving back and forth between data and concepts, between description and interpretation, using both inductive and deductive reasoning (Merriam 1998). I used the constant comparison method and content analysis. Thus, all three stages stressed by Patton (1987), in data analysis were explored; data organization, data reduction through summation and categorization and finally, the identification and linking of patterns and themes that arose in data. The writing of the report was contextually described under subtitled categories after the analysis was epistemologically completed. 3.7 General Challenges encountered in this Study The challenges encountered in this study seemed insurmountable, especially those encountered in the field. Apart from the specific ones already enumerated, other challenges are also worth mentioning. Even before the field research, the scarcity of literature on Ghanaian art by Ghanaian authors made my literature search a frustrating endeavor. It had to take a lot of diligent search and gleaning of many sources. Many other challenges were also encountered in the field. First is a latent chieftaincy dispute in the study community following the death of the paramount chief and 64 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh subsequent enskinment of one of his sons. Two of his sons aspired for the skin, and the younger son of a younger wife was enskinned. This has generated disquiet in some of the communities, especially among some elders and sub-chiefs, which affected my fieldwork. This is because at certain times, there was the need to make reference to the fact that I had the endorsement of the Paramount chief. However, anytime I mentioned that I had the endorsement of the Paramount chief to conduct the research, some elderly respondents became very infuriated and exclaimed that they did not have a paramount chief. This sometimes disrupted the flow of the interview and sometimes curtailed it altogether. So I had to rely on the assemblymen instead of making references to the chief. Secondly, the time the fieldwork was conducted greatly hampered the ease of visibility and mobility. Doing fieldwork at the time when the millet stalks had submerged the entire town did not augur well for the researcher at all. It was difficult to locate houses, and even more difficult to do follow-up visits. I could not get an aerial view of the study community as is usually possible in the dry season. To overcome this challenge, I recruited a young man from each community I entered who was familiar with the households to take me round and also do follow-ups. The distance of the study community posed another challenge. The researcher commuted between Bolgatanga, the regional capital and Sirigu, over 35kilometers away daily and a greater part of the road is untarred. Doing this daily for almost three weeks behind a motorbike was not only tiring but also physically exacting. This was worsened by the setting in of the Harmattan in the second week of fieldwork. Yet again the researcher persistently pulled through with undivided focus. Additionally, fieldwork became financially demanding because of the incessant demands from 65 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh respondents for money. The monetization of Sirigu domestic dwellings due to the influx of generous tourists, who usually dish out monies to residents after visits has institutionalized monetary demands from residents. They did not distinguish between student researchers and tourists and sometimes insisted that before they pay attention to you, you must give money. Again, some respondents were suspicious of our motives. They perceived us as spies, especially when it came to issues related to scarification marks. To surmount these challenges, I deployed the fact that I spoke their language without an interpreter to my advantage by convincing them that “I was their blood,” and son, and did not harbour any ill motive. Some other times, I had to call the assembly member of that particular community to intervene. Finally, memory loss, which was very characteristic of the elderly respondents, who are considered connoisseurs of the artistic traditions was another challenge. The very elderly respondents were not able to recollect details of certain vital information, which they usually alluded to in their responses. However, some younger ones were very abreast with such issues and would usually fill in the gaps. They acquired such knowledge as they interacted with the elderly. 3.8 Organization of the Thesis This thesis is organized into eight main chapters. Chapter one constitutes a general introduction and presents a background to the study, including a background to the study area and the research objectives. Chapter two focuses on a review of literature and discusses the literature on Nankana dwellings, those of other parts of northern Ghana, West Africa and the rest of Africa. The literature review is situated in time and presents an analysis of changes in methodological approaches. In this light, the house-body symbolism; the economics 66 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh of women’s arts; the house as a symbol of identity and status; the Ndebele art of wall painting, scarifications, body markings and wall motifs; and the significance of body markings and scarification are discussed. The literature review identified the gaps in the literature and therefore recasts the statement of the problem. Chapter three explains the methodological approach that is employed in this study. Time-tested ethnographic data collection techniques like observations; interviews and visual analysis, complemented by the use of archival sources for crosschecking historical information are deployed in the study. The next four chapters, that is, chapters four, five, six and seven constitute the discussion of the findings, framed out of the research questions raised. Chapter four is titled “gender in the anatomy of Nankana dwellings,” and focuses on the distribution of space in relation to roles in Sirigu domestic settings. The parts of the house are identified and their relative symbolism and functions analysed. Chapter five explores the functions of wall motifs and is titled “wall motifs as symbols and their meanings.” This chapter identifies the types of motifs typically found on Sirigu walls, analyses their symbolism and representation. Chapter six explores scarification marks in Sirigu, and is titled “façades and faces – an analysis of scarification and wall motifs in Sirigu. It basically identifies the points of convergence between wall motifs and scarification marks. Chapter seven is an analysis of tradition and change and their socio-economic impact on the Sirigu arts of wall paintings. Titled “transformations and the economics of women’s arts in Sirigu, this chapter analyses the impact, both negative and positive, 67 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh of transformations or social change on Sirigu arts. It also discusses how the traditional art of wall painting has transformed into an economic venture for women. The final chapter is chapter eight, which is the summation of the key findings and outlines the conclusion and recommendations for further research. 3.9 Conclusion A qualitative design was adopted with the aim to further break away from the traditional art historical mould of the past with its fixation on impersonal inventories or descriptions as the “eye can see.” A study sample of fifty four (54) respondents was considered for interviews comprising of 3 men, 3 women and 4 youth from each of the five communities in Sirigu. The rationale for this sample structure was to enable cross gender and cross-generational analysis of the data. Stratified purposive and snowball sampling techniques were deployed in selecting respondents. Respondents included muralists who were mostly women, practitioners of scarification marks or connoisseurs of the artistic traditions of the people, or people knowledgeable in domestic architectural design, symbols and their meanings, mostly very elderly people. Data from interviews and observations, photographic and oral documentation were subjected to qualitative and visual analysis, which resulted in a comprehensive report that is structured into four additional chapters. This excludes the introductory chapter one, chapter two, which is the literature review and chapter three which is the methodology. In all therefore, the study comprises of eight chapters, each focusing on a specific aspect of the thesis. 68 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FOUR GENDER IN THE ANATOMY OF NANKANA DWELLINGS 4.1 Introduction This chapter focuses on the form and function of space distribution relative to roles in Sirigu domestic settings. The names of the parts of the dwellings are discussed in relation to their ritual, symbolic and socio-economic functions. In the discussion, rituals relating specifically to marriage, childbirth and funerals are highlighted. An analysis of the impact of such practices on the formation of gendered identities has also been discussed. The discussions and analysis makes use of many photographs. Apart from those otherwise indicated, the researcher personally took all photographs in this thesis. 4.2 The Sirigu House Though dwellings in northern Ghana generally possess similar characteristics, the house in Sirigu is herein presented as a unique architectural arrangement with each part playing a ritual and socio-economic function that has a bearing on the identity of every inhabitant. Most of the parts of the house are spatially connected and yet distinct. They are ritually significant, symbolically dense and gender sensitive. Round mud compounds characterize the architecture of Sirigu. The dwellings consist of a series of circular rooms arranged around a central open area (see 12 of plate 20). The main entrance to the compound (Yaŋa) leads to the (Nandene or kraals), which consists of structures that house the animals and those that contain staple foods (Ba- are or granaries). A dwarf wall (Geheŋa) separates this area from the inner court of the house (Zenzaaka), which usually becomes the center of activity especially for 69 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh women and children. Women and children gather here; the children sleep, and the women do the cooking, pottery, and other domestic chores in this enclosure. The immediate noticeable sign of a man’s wealth is the physical compound structure. Since a person must first walk through the entrance area, and step over low walls in order to reach the center of the compound, the kraals and granaries become the first symbols of a man’s wealth that a visitor sees (Prussin 1969:58). Coming in through the main entrance, the kraal is the open space in the scheme of spatial organization and the granaries are located in this space (see 8 & 9 in plate 20). Pate 20: Layout of a typical Sirigu house, sketched by Researcher 1. Zenyore - Outer compound 13. Gosko - Room with platform 2. Tampugre - Compost Heap 14. Detinne - Thatch roofed rectangular room 3. So’o Bagre - Father’s shrine 15. E’he-sohaka - Bathroom 4. Pata - Shed for sitting 16. Bo’o - Rounded room 5. Yaŋa - Main entrance 17. Detinne - Thatch roofed round room 6. Nandene - Animal kraal 18. Da’anŋa - Kitchen 7. Zoŋo - Sheep/goat Pen 19. Mma Bagre - Mother’s shrine 8. Ba-arekiŋo - Primary granary 20. Gosko doroko - Ladder leading to platform 9. Ba-arebilla - Secondary granary 21. Deya’aŋa - Ritual room 10. O’ogsi - Hen coops 22. Sara’a - Inner room of ritual room 11. Geheŋa - Dwarf wall 23. Doroko - External ladder 12. Zenzaaka - Inner court 70 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The spatial organization of Sirigu architecture in circular compounds, all leading into similar inner courts and joined by curvilinear walls symbolizes the communal nature of the people. They are very communal by nature and this reflects even in the construction process and motif making. 4.3 The Ritual in Founding a House In Sirigu, and among many Gurunsis, you do not just build a house. Not just anybody must build a house. According to Abalungu Akobulgo,1 “just like a male bird does not have a nest, even so a bachelor does not have a house.” One must be married with children before one can build a house of his own. Also, the house must be ritually founded. When a man decides to build a house on his property, he must first consult a soothsayer. The soothsayer will divine and determine the specific spot that the Deya’aŋa (twin room), which is usually the first to be built, is to be founded. This is usually followed by a sacrifice to his ancestors for their protection as he builds the house. Once this process begins, the man founding the house does not return to his old house until his entire nuclear family moves to join him. After building the Deya’aŋa (ritual or twin room), Ba-are (granary) and a room or two, a ritual is performed. This involves the sacrificing of fowls and guinea fowls, which are usually cooked and eaten. The ashes that remain after the cooking is taken and sprinkled round the house even before the plastering. After this is done, the entire family, from the dabuo (old house) can now move into the new dwelling. All other parts of the house can then be completed. 1 Abalungu Akobulgo (head of Akobulgo’s house and sub-chief of Busongor), interviewed on 13th November, 2015 at Sirigu by Akolgo Ayine. 71 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Rituals are therefore connected to every aspect of the people of Sirigu. It is required in founding the house, in sustaining the lives in it and in ushering out the people that transition from this life to the next. Though the decision to found a house is an individual one, constructing the house however is a communal activity. There is usually at least, one, two or even more local masons in every community. They are invited following and announcement by the one founding the house. On the stipulated date for the commencement of the project, men, women and the youth all gather for the work. The men dig out the soil, mix it with water and mould them into sizeable balls; the women fetch water for the mixing of the motor; and the youth, who usually stand in a long row from where the mortar is made to where the mason is, pick up the balls of earth, pass it on to one another until it is finally delivered to the mason(s) who does the building. This chain effect is replicated harmoniously and with expert alacrity until a complete layer of about one- and-half or a two-foot wall round the house is produced. This is usually done amidst singing. The construction process is therefore gendered. Men, women and young people all have their respective roles they play in the process. The house is built in layers. Once a layer round the house is completed, the next layer comes on top of it two or three days later, when the previous layer would have dried fairly well. As the wall becomes higher and higher, the more days apart are required for the layers to dry since the mason(s) will now have to sit on the walls while building. The entire wall rises to about nine feet. After this, the roofing, either with thatch or as a platform, is scheduled and executed in the same scheme. In the entire process, the masons and labourers are not paid. The only responsibility of the founder of the house is to feed and entertain them with drinks, tobacco and cola nuts. At the 72 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh end of the process, the mason may also be given a fowl as a expression of gratitude. Once the process is completed, the women take over and do the plastering and decoration of the walls with motifs. 4.3.1 Tampugre – The Dunghill or Compost Heap The Tampugre (see 2 in plate 20) is the compost heap or dunghill. It may be a non- essential part of modern architecture but not with traditional Sirigu architecture. It usually lies directly a few meters away, in front of the house. It is a dumping place for all unwanted materials from the house and therefore constitutes a good source of organic manure for plant life in Sirigu. Apart from the generic function of the house, it also has symbolic and ritual implications. It symbolizes both life and death. Life because the compost from it support plant life and death because it is believed to possess the power to neutralize evil powers against the inhabitants of the house. It is in the same vein that the placenta of a newly born baby is buried here. It is equally the same rationale that accounts for the baby and mother taking their first bath here. It is believed that by this, the baby will be able to grow up well just like a tender plant grows up with the help of good compost underneath it. As already intimated, rites of passage begin and end on the Tampugre. This also means that gendered socialization begins and ends here. If a woman gives birth to a boy, the residue of Kosooto, a herbal solution, which is used to bath the baby and mother for three days (to fortify them) is buried on the Tampugre. If she gives birth to a girl, the Kosooto is used to bath the baby and mother for four days and the residue is also buried in the Tampugre. The Tampugre also symbolizes the chief of the community metaphorically. The chief is immune against magical forces that maybe released against him. This corroborates Awedoba’s assertion 73 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh discussed earlier that among the Kassena, during famine or misfortune, the chief ritually banishes the misfortune to the Tampuri. He is also expected to be accommodative and tolerant as many negative attitudes and situations maybe thrown at him, which he has to solve. This does not mean that the chief is not respected in these communities. Chiefs are held in high regard. In addition, during the final funeral rites of a deceased husband, specifically on the last day of the funeral, in the evening, the widow/widower is brought out for shaving and bathing on the Tampugre. A group of women usually surround her and while the shaving is going on, these women ululate. While the ritual of shaving the hair is going on, some herbs together with leaves from the sheanut tree are being gradually burnt in a pot nearby. After the hair has been shaved, he/she then moves to the pot with the roasted herbs and purifies him/herself with the smoke coming from the herbs. When that is done, the widow/widower then goes to bath with warm water boiled in the herbs. This is done in the full view of everybody to mark the final purification rites. 4.3.2 The Zenyore – Outer Compound The Zenyore (see 1 in plate 20) is the compound lying immediately before the main entrance of the house. It is usually kept clean and tidy. There is no grass or animal dung littered on it in both the rainy and dry seasons. Culturally, it is the center of socialization for boys. Boys receive training on their roles, duties and responsibilities here. They are also monitored here to ensure that they carry them out religiously. A father or grandfather will usually sit here at night to tell stories and tales to his male children and grandchildren. Family disputes are also settled here. The Zenyore is the cradle of ritual activities. The ancestral shrine(s) is located here. Apart from shrines of the “Mother”, that is the female deity, which is usually found inside the house, almost 74 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh all shrines are here. Therefore, most sacrifices are made at the Zenyore. Some rituals related especially to funerals are also performed at the Zenyore. The rites of interrogation, the rite of smashing animals, the rite of divination and many others are performed here. Its gender implications are that, it is the domain of men and boys. Women are not supposed to “hear what men discuss,” therefore even on the rare occasions that they find themselves here, they are told to go inside before any matter is tabled for discussion. It is therefore properly termed ‘men’s meeting place.’ Men sit here to take decisions regarding the family and the clan as a whole. Since decision-making is affected by spatial barriers, it means women’s views are not considered. This brings into reality Folbre’s (1986) doctrine of separate spheres. As she suggested, this is a recipe for gender inequalities. Once women’s views are not considered, decisions are certainly not representative. There cannot be functional harmony as the functionalists’ postulates, in a system that relegates one group of people to the background. As we shall see in their arts, women have circumvented these spatial barriers by finding an alternative way of expressing themselves, in wall motifs and economic pursuits of their arts. The Zenyore symbolizes peace and agreement. It exemplifies the communal nature of the people of Sirigu. Apart from that, it also symbolizes male superiority. Once men gather here, the decisions made are sacrosanct, not subject to contestation by women. Plate 21 is a photograph of the Zenyore. This structured system therefore entrenches the patriarchal social structures of the people of Sirigu. Other features of the house such as the Pata (see 4 in plate 20), which is a shed made in the compound to provide shade for those who sit there are also found in the 75 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Zenyore. Sometimes, this shade is provided by a big tree or both. Seats made of carefully arranged wooden logs are placed in the shade. Plate 22 is a photograph of the Pata taken from Sirigu. Plate 22: Some respondents sitting under the Pata or shade. Sirigu, November 2015 Plate 21: Showing the Zenyore of a Sirigu house, November 2015 The Bagre (see 3 on plate 20), which is the ancestral shrine, is also located in the outer compound. The ancestral shrine usually lies immediately before the main entrance to the house. Plate 23 is a photograph of the shrine. Culturally, every baby born into the family is named after a tutelage god, which is one of the ancestors. Sacrifices are made periodically to these gods to solicit their protective powers over the entire household. Even shrines in Sirigu, and among many Gurunsis are gendered. The shrine(s) in the outer compound, in front of the main entrance is/are So’o (fathers’ shrine). The Mma (mothers’ shrine(s) is/are usually found in the inner courtyard. This, however, does not mean a woman can possess her own shrine. A woman in Sirigu cannot possess a shrine nor even offer sacrifices. This is in line with the masculine ideal that the head of the household should provide protection and security to the people of his household. This protection includes physical and spiritual, which makes him the custodian of the family shrine. 76 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 23: Ancestral shrine in front of the main entrance to the house, Sirigu, November 2015 4.3.3 Yaŋa – The Main Entrance The Yaŋa (see 5 in layout in plate 20) is the entrance that separates the outer compound or men’s meeting place from the animal kraal. It usually consists of two conically shaped mounds joined on each side by curvilinear walls, which connects it to the rest of the house. This entrance is usually closed at night by the head of the family to prevent the animals from coming out. At the base of each conical mound is a small hollow opening called O’oka (singular) and O’ogsi (plural), which serve as hen coups. These coups are dotted around different parts of the walls that join the house together, especially those that constitute the animal kraal. (See 10 of the layout of the Sirigu house for illustration of the O’ogsi). The Yaŋa also plays a gendered role during funeral celebrations in Sirigu. According to respondents, during funerals, the undertakers bring out the corpse and stand facing the main entrance. An elderly family member will usually climb on the wall of the Yaŋa and call out the name of the deceased. This is known as interrogation rites. He 77 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh would usually call the name of the deceased three times and this rite is reserved for only heads of the family or elderly males in Sirigu. Plate 24 shows the Yaŋa. Plate 24: Yaŋa, Sirigu, November 2016 4.3.4 Nandene – The Animal Kraal The Nandene comes right after the main entrance. It is the animal kraal or pen (see 6 in plate 20). The Nandene is where animals such as cattle, donkeys, goats and sheep are housed at night. Since these animals are of different sizes, the smaller ones such as goats and sheep are usually separated into the small rounded thatched roofed rooms known as Zonno (see 7 in plate 20). This is to prevent these smaller animals from being trampled upon by the bigger ones. The zonno are also built into the curvilinear walls that mark out the domain of the kraal. During funerals, closed family men will usually meet in the Nandene to take quick decisions on what to do since the outside is usually crowded with people and the inner courtyard is the domain of women. The kraal is the domain of men and constitutes the economic base of the family. The family’s wealth is measured by the size and contents of its kraal. The granary, animals of all kinds and compost used in fertilizing farms are all here. Plate 25 is a photograph of the kraal. The cattle are used to pay the bride wealth of wives. Customarily, it 78 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh appears the payment of bride wealth gives uxorial access of men not only the reproductive but also domestic services of women. This reflected in the opinions of male respondents who insisted that they owned women because they paid their bride wealth with three cows. When I asked Akayuure Adongo2 why women helped in farming and in bringing the food home and yet when the food comes home, they say it is theirs, he exclaimed, “It’s ours, not that we are saying it,” implying that it was practically automatic ownership. Adongo further asserted, “even if a woman buys a cow, it is mine.” Even the female respondents similarly expressed this view. This view is generally a reflection of the patriarchal cultural arrangements in the Sirigu community and among Gurunsis in general. This arrangement has denied women any property rights whatsoever. They have no right to land and economic crops such as millet and other cereals, groundnuts and rice. They can only produce crops that are solely for domestic consumption such as okro, beans, vegetables, pepper and others. I believe it is this almost complete lack of entitlement of anything of economic and social value by women that has forced them into transforming their domestic utilitarian and cultural art into an income generating activity. Plate 25: Researcher and his assistant in the Nandene. Sirigu, November 2015 2 Akayuure Adongo (a family head) interviewed on 6th November 2015 at Sirigu by Akolgo Ayine. 79 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.3.5 Ba-are – The Granary The Ba-are or granary (see 8 and 9 on the layout in plate 20) is located in the Nandene. It is the storehouse of the house that rises massively like a big conically shaped mound. It is built on carefully arranged logs of wood raised and supported by stones. The reason why the foundation is not laid on the ground is to prevent the food in storage from direct contact with moisture. Usually, one enters the granary from the very top with the aid of a carved wooden ladder that leans on it. The ba-are is a symbol of phallic competence, the proof of manhood, productivity, capability, masculinity or male power. If a man will be able to marry many wives and have many children, then the size of his granary should be able to feed them. If a man is able to fill his granary with grain, then he proves to be hardworking and deserving enough of headship. There are two main types of ba-are: Baakinŋo (primary granary - represents the male head of the household). The Baakinŋo is usually bigger than the Baabilla. The second type is the Baabilla (smaller granary - for general use). According to respondents, the senior son of the family head and his wives do not look into the Baakinŋo. Plate 26 is a picture of the granary. This only happens after the death of the family head. The senior son of the head of the family gets the rare privilege of looking into his father’s granary for the first time only after his death. This is the physical sign that he is inheriting his father and is assuming responsibility over the household. From the discussion so far, it is obvious that the symbols of the house that have relative economic, political and socio-cultural value such as the Zenyore, bagre, Yaŋa and Ba-are are associated with men. These parts of the house, which have practical, power and symbolic relevance, are arrogated to the male gender. The only part of the 80 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh house of cultural significance for women as we shall soon discover, is the Deya’aŋa (twin room). It is of historical and ritual significance not only for women, but for both men and women. Spatial distribution therefore reflects gender and patriarchy and can be considered discriminatory. Plate 26: The Ba-are or Granary in Sirigu, November 2015 4.3.6 Geheŋa – The Low Entrance Wall The Geheŋa (see 11 in plated 20) is a dwarf wall that separates the animal kraal from the inner courtyard known as the Zenzaaka. It is the point of entry into the inner courtyard. It is the middle wall of partition between public and private spaces. Symbolically, it marks the transition from one domain to the other or from on stage of life to the other. One does not sit on the Geheŋa for long. You would have been obstructing the “free flow of spiritual traffic,” that is the coming, in and exit of the ancestral spirits. Also, the mortal remains of anybody deceased in Sirigu is wrapped in the mat and carried by only two people on the left shoulders, one in front and one behind, with 81 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh other undertakers following who, take turns and carry the corpse until they arrive at the family graveyard. However, when the head of a family dies, his senior-most son will usually be the first to take the front part of the mortal remains and walk pass the Geheŋa before handing it over to an undertaker. This physically symbolizes that he can shoulder the responsibility automatically passed on to him by the demise of his father. It also explains why sons are treasured so much among the people of Sirigu. Plate 27 is a photograph of the researcher standing in front of the Geheŋa. Plate 27: Gehenŋa – Researcher standing by the lower entrance wall, Sirigu. November 2015. 4.3.7 Zenzaaka – The Inner Compound The Zenzaaka (see 12 in plate 20) is the inner compound or courtyard reserved as the domain of women and children. It is usually compacted with gravel and overlain with laterite. Nowadays, most compounds are overlaid with cement. All rooms in the compound open unto the courtyard. Depending on the size of the house, a house can have at least one courtyard or as many as one can count. Each courtyard houses a father, his wife or wives and their children. His brothers and grown-up children can also marry and create their own courtyards within the same household. 82 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Therefore, depending on the number of siblings and sons a man has, the courtyards expand and contract to accommodate them. The courtyard is where all harvested foods such as millet, sorghum, maize, groundnuts, beans, okro, pepper, etc. and shea fruits are dried. The Zenzaaka has many ritual implications. For instance, when somebody dies, the person is brought out every night from the ritual room and laid in the courtyard where women sit around and fan the corpse. Also, the final rites of separation in Sirigu funerals (known as Piiliŋo tu’a), which consists of a special earthen pot placed in a basket and its content) takes place in the courtyard while that of the man takes place in the ritual room. The shrine of Mma (see 19 on plate 20), that is the shrine of a deceased mother or grandmother is found in the courtyard, usually very close to the entrance to the ritual room. That of the So’o, the father’s or grandfather’s shrine, is usually outside the house. The courtyard is the place where girls are assigned roles, instructed and supervised on their chores. They are taught how to sweep, wash, cook, fetch water and take care of a home generally in the courtyard. Boys are not expected to be found in the courtyard during the day. They only come in to sleep at night. According to Akayuure Adongo,3 any boy usually found here is considered “spoilt” or a Pognindow, that is “man- woman.” Boys stay outside with their fathers, or may play under a shaded tree nearby the house. This physical estrangement of boys and girls is what deepens their gendered socialization into distinct identities. Plate 28 is a photograph of the Zenzaaka. 3 Akayuure Adongo, family head of Akayuure’s house, interviewed on 7th November 2015 at Sirigu, by Akolgo Ayine 83 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 28: Showing the Zenzaaka or inner Courtyard and entrance to some rooms, Sirigu. November 2015 4.3.8 Deya’aŋa – The Twin Room / Ritual Room The Deya’aŋa (see 21 in plate 20) is the most important part of Sirigu architecture. It is the first to be constructed when founding a house. The term Deya’aŋa literally means “female room” or “mother room.” I choose to call it the twin room because it is usually built in a pair of two, consisting of the Deya’aŋa and the Sara’a, which is an inner room within it. Outwardly, it looks simple, an oval shaped structure with a flat roof, however, a closer examination reveals it as a complex construct with symbolic and ritual significance. Inside it are the Ki’ema niŋa (the “face” of the deceased); the Zaaliŋa (calabashes arranged in a net-like woven raft, which is discussed in details under symbols); Piiligo (a special kind of pot used in funerary rites); Neere (a grinding stone or stone mill); different kinds of pottery and earthen bowls; the Soŋo (the mat made from elephant grass, usually hanged on the ceiling, used for sleeping, but most importantly for laying and wrapping the corpse for burial); and the Sara’a (the inner room in the Deya’aŋa). 84 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The Deya’aŋa has natural thermal properties. Inside the room becomes warm during the cold harmattan seasons of November to January and relatively cold and very comfortable to live in during the hot seasons, between February and April. It is the ritual room where both birth and funerary rites are performed. It is symbolic of the womb and the nurturing role of the woman. The entrance to the ritual room has been identified by Visonà et al. (2008:163) as symbolizing the vagina. When a baby is born, both baby and mother are laid here for at least three months. This can sometimes even go beyond a year. The baby is laid on an animal skin, which originally was used as mats and on which almost all northern chiefs sit. This is meant to give the baby a treat of royalty. In my interactions with Paulina Tangoba Abayage,4 she intimated that “if a woman had a premature delivery in those days, the old ladies kept the baby in all available wraps and kept the baby in the ritual room, with constant smoldering fire to keep the room at a certain temperature until the full term of the baby. And they almost always survived. So, that is an incubator!” Kasise Ricky Peprah,5 also said that the ritual room “doubled as an infirmary for babies where natural temperature adjustment is guaranteed.” The Deya’aŋa served as a kind of clinic where both babies and sick people received treatment, care and attention. The Deya’aŋa is also constructed with some security considerations. It is a kind of bunker in times of wars, which were very common in pre-colonial Africa. It also served the same purpose during the era of slave raiding. At the sight of the enemy, 4 Paulina Tangoba Abayage is a gender activist who comes from the Kassena Nankana area, online interview on 24th May 2016, by Akolgo Ayine 5 Kasise Ricky Peprah, an indigene of Sirigu, knowledgeable in the culture. Online interview on 24th May 2016 by Akolgo Ayine 85 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh women and children are pushed into the innermost part of the twin room that is the Sa’raa. The head of the house now stands at the entrance holding a mallet. Because of the narrow and low lying nature of the entrance, anybody coming in must necessarily first put forward his/her head, which leaves you completely defenseless. The head of the family will then hit the enemy’s head with the mallet. No matter how many enemies there are, they must necessarily go in one after the other and this becomes a very deadly endeavor during a conflict. Also, when somebody dies in the house, the corpse is usually prepared and laid in the Deya’aŋa, on a mat made from elephant grass facing the Ki’ema niŋa. The women would usually sit around the body in the ritual room and fan it as long as it stays in there. On the day of burial, the undertakers prepare the body from here, wrap it up in the mat and take it for burial. Again, the important rituals of final funeral rites of both men and women are performed in the ritual room. The other items in the Deya’aŋa (see plate 29) such as Ki’ema niŋa, Zaaliŋa, Piiligo, Neere, Sara’a are of utilitarian value. The Ki’ema niŋa, which literally means the “face” of the deceased is more observed than explained. It is usually built unto the wall, that is where the earthen pots and bowls are arranged. The Neere is a stone mill where grains and ingredients are grinded for routine cooking purposes. It usually consists of a flat rock fitted into a molded platform and always has a smaller stone used in grinding. 86 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 29: Deya’aŋa or Ritual room, Sirigu. Plate 30: The Researcher coming out of the November 2016. Twin room, Sirigu. November 2015. 6 Olivia Akaba, conducting the researcher round inside the Deya’aŋa. Plate 31: Kalinŋa arranged on the Ki’ema Plate 32: Olivia Akaba showing the Researcher niŋa, Sirigu, November 2015. round the Twin room, Sirigu, November 2015. 6 Olivia Akaba, a young respondent at Sirigu who was quite knowledgeable in the art of wall paintings. Interviewed on 3rd November 2015 by Akolgo Ayine 87 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 33: Neere or Milling stone inside Plate 34: Olivia Akaba holding up the the Twin room, Sirigu, November 2015. Zaalinŋa inside the Twin room, Sirigu, November 2015. Plate 35: The Mother’s shrine usually at Plate 36: The Researcher squat in the entrance to the Twin Rooms, front of the Twin room, Sirigu, November 2015. Sirigu, November 2015. 4.3.9 Da’aŋa – The Kitchen The Da’aŋa (see 18 in plate 20) is the kitchen. Some of the kitchens are completely roofed with thatch while others are completely roofless. The Da’aŋa is sometimes built as an arc-like structure upon which sheaves of millet stock are overlaid to provide shade from the scorching sun. It is also these millet stocks that are used to cook. Sometimes, firewood is used for cooking. Inside it are the hearths or three 88 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh carefully laid stones upon which the pot sits on for cooking. The kitchen definitely is the domain of the woman and her female children. Men are not expected to be seen in the kitchen. Male children do not wash bowls, cook or fetch water. That is the sole prerogative of women and girls. As earlier on noted, the parts of the house that have socio-economic relevance are largely reserved for men. Those that are assigned to women more or less go to reinforce their traditional gender roles as nurturers and caregivers. The Zenzaaka, Deya’aŋa and Da’aŋa are all symbolic of her reproductive roles. 4.3.10 Deto - Rooms There are different types of rooms in the domestic set-up. Some are flat-roofed known as the Bo’or (see 16 in plate 20 and plate 37 for a photograph of the Gosko bo’or). The Bo’or can either be rectangular or oval shaped. The roofed platform is known as the Gosko (see 13 in plate 20). Usually cereals, groundnuts and other foods are dried here to keep them away from domestic animals and birds. During funerals, all roofed platforms are places that drumming troops stand to drum throughout the night. In the hot season of November to April people, especially males go up there to sleep so as to catch fresh air. Pate 37: Bo’or with a Staircase leading to the Gosko Sirigu, November 2015. 89 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Other rooms are roofed with thatch and may also be rectangular or oval. The thatch- roofed rooms are called Detinne (singular) and Detinna (plural). They are basically for sleeping purposes, especially for unmarried men in the house (see 17 in plate 20, and plate 38). Plate 38: Detinne or thatch roofed room. Sirigu, November 2015. 4.4 Gendered Rites of Sirigu Funerals Components of the funeral rites of the people of Sirigu performed in domestic spaces are expressions of their gendered approach to life. Though there are points of convergence, rites for men are noticeably distinct from those of women. The Sirigu funeral has two components, the Kumahere, which is literally translated to mean “wet funeral” and the Koke’eŋa, meaning “dry funeral”, or properly put the final funeral rites. The wet funeral is the period between death and burial while the dry funeral, which may come off immediately afterwards, or may come off later, sometimes even years later, is known as the final funeral rites. In both instances, there are gendered dimensions of the rites, which are highlighted in this section. 90 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.4.1 Dressing the Corpse for Lying in State A man is usually dressed in his lebere (a triangular pant or loin cloth) while a woman is dressed in valse, which is a strings made from a special grass and used as waistbands. This goes with the voneŋa, another dress, made from a collection of thread woven into fine long columns, which covers just the front side of the private parts. This is also worn alongside a leather material designed like a tale, known as the vuo, which covers the buttocks. The corpse of both male and female are covered with a cloth from the shoulders downwards. 4.4.2 Placing the Copse in the Grave Another gendered fact is that males are buried facing the east while females face the west. Meaning that men are placed in the grave facing the direction of the rising sun as women face the setting sun. This is a reflection of the worldview of the Sirigu people that the ancestral world is a direct reflection of this mundane world. Therefore gendered roles persist in the next world where women still carry out their domestic roles in the same way as the men go to the farm as they did on earth. The implication for burying the women facing the setting sun is so that they can be reminded that it is time to prepare the evening meal, which is the major meal of the day. The man on the other hand is to see that the day is breaking so that he can get up and go to the farm. This makes gender an overacting consideration in the burial rites of the people of Sirigu. 4.4.3 The Grave as a House The people of Sirigu, like many African societies, have a very exciting concept of death. Death is simply a transition from one realm of existence to another, more perfect and peaceful one. Death is explained as “going home,” or returning to your 91 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh maker. When a person lived a “good life” and dies, he/she transitions to join the ancestral world. In Sirigu, people are not buried in public cemeteries. The family lineage and type of death (“good” death or “bad” death), determines where one is buried. Every extended family has its own graveyard, just like all dwellings of the same extended family are usually nucleated in the same geographical area. The grave in Sirigu, and of many other Gurunsis is round in shape and not rectangular. A sizeable calabash is usually put on the particular spot to mark out its circumference, just enough for a human being to pass through. A soothsayer usually determines this spot. It is narrow from the top but opens up after about three feet down the ground, hence making it look like a mini room. Once the undertakers start digging the grave, they do not return to the funeral house until they finish. Similarly, the founder of a new house does not return to his old house until construction is completed. As already discussed, before founding a house, the soothsayer determines the location and the same applies in the digging of a grave. Also, not everybody can have a fresh grave dug for him in the same way that not everybody can found a house. Mostly, it is family heads who can have fresh graves. Any other family member will usually be added to somebody else, his father, grandfather or great ancestor. In my interactions with Atanga Apagelengo,7 he proffered that a woman scarcely gets a fresh grave. It is only on rare occasions, where her late husband deserved a fresh grave but did not get, due to certain circumstances, that a fresh grave ‘maybe’ given to a woman to “go and give it to her husband.” 7 Atanga Apagelengo of Ayamatanga’s house at Basengo, Sirigu, interviewed on 7th November 2015 by Akolgo Ayine 92 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh More importantly, the grave as a house can be better understood in the light of the Sirigu concept of life and death. Life on earth is seen as a journey. This is better captured by the words of this respondent: Duniya wa dageti yire. La dela Da’a titiza’a wa’ana. Da’a la santa ba’ase tiza’a wan kuule, meaning “life on earth is like going to the market. When night falls, and the market ends, everyone goes back to his own house.” Therefore, death is seen as “going home.” This is usually expressed even in the funeral dirges. The grave is therefore perceived as a house where one goes to join his/her ancestors in the next and more permanent world while waiting for the other family members to join him/her. Also, the cluster of graves in the family cemetery is a symbolic reconstruction of the communal nature of the Sirigu compound. The grave is opened anytime any other family member dies, and such members are continually added to those already buried there, expanding the community of the dead. Therefore, just as birth adds to the community of the living, death also takes from the community of the living and adds to the community of the dead. It is in this light that the Sirigu grave is equally considered as a house. 4.5 Conclusion The components of the Sirigu compound house are not just functional but also symbolic. Much as this symbolism evokes many themes, the dominant and most consistent theme in all the symbolisms of components of the house is gender. Right from the compost heap outside through the main entrance into the twin rooms, rituals, beliefs, practices and symbolisms often have gender considerations. Sirigu dwellings come across as unique traditional adobe edifices compartmentalized into over twenty- three (23) unique parts, each part contributing to the identity of the inhabitants. 93 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Almost all parts have ritual and socio-economic implications. Establishing a house in itself is embedded in rituals. The construction process is communal and yet gendered, with men, women and the youth playing specific roles towards the process. Every part of the dwelling is as symbolic as it is functional. The Tampugre symbolizes life and death and marks the starting point for the gendered socialization of individuals. The Zenyore ironically symbolizes peace and agreement, and yet is also a symbol of male superiority, arrogating the right to decision making to only men. Even shrines are gendered, with male ancestral shrines found outside while female ones are inside. The Yaŋa plays a gendered ritual function during funeral interrogation rites. Only deceased male heads of the house enjoy this rite. The Nandene or animal kraal is the economic base of the family as it is the measure of the family’s wealth. It is where the bride wealth is usually taken from, which payment makes men believe they possess the women. The Ba-are or granary also found in the kraal is symbolically proof of manhood, is an expression of masculinity and male productivity. The Geheŋa is the dividing line between public spaces of men and private spaces of women. The Zenzaaka is reserved for women and is another spot of physical estrangement. The Deya’aŋa or twin room is symbolic of femininity, the reproductive power of women and their nurturing role. It is equated to an incubator and clinic. An extension of the gendered nature of Sirigu is conspicuous in their funerary and burial rituals. How deceased men and women are dressed for lying in state are gendered. With the grave constructed as a miniature house, the burial process is symbolic and also gendered. Men are laid in the grave facing the rising sun while women are laid facing sunset. 94 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In conclusion, parts of the house mostly with economic, political and socio-cultural value or symbolisms are associated with men while women’s domains and their symbolism basically reinforces their cultural reproductive roles. Gender is therefore revealed as an overacting consideration in Sirigu spatial arrangement and symbolism. From the study, not only is the house and its compartments symbolic, but motifs, patterns and reliefs on Sirigu dwellings are also symbolic and equally gendered. The next chapter therefore discusses the wall motifs and patterns applied on Sirigu dwellings and their symbolisms. 95 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FIVE GENDER IN SIRIGU WALL MOTIFS AND THEIR MEANINGS 5.1 Introduction This chapter identifies the motifs and patterns on walls and their meanings. It interrogates the rationale for such motifs and representations from a gendered perspective. The key questions answered here are: what are the motifs on the walls of Sirigu? What is their origin? Are they merely aesthetic or representational? If they are representational, then what do they represent? Who makes them? What are their importance or relevance? Do they constitute a non-verbal language through which women express their deep-seated grievances or affirmations? The motifs discussed are grouped into power, wealth and status symbols, feminine symbols, and symbols with economic significance. In all, fourteen (14) symbols were identified, which include: Akunyana Nee, Saaba, Ebga, Naaho, Do’re, Amizia zuvaka, Ligipella, Nee’la, Zaaliŋa, Agurinusi, Wanzagsi, Yu’onŋo Bangsana/Tana, Waafo and Tangolma. The list is, however, not exhaustive. 5.2 The Origin and Sources of Knowledge of Mural Decorations The history of mural art in Sirigu is of uncertain origin. Though respondents admitted that historically their forebears traveled as far as Burkina Faso to get some of the colours for mural decorations, they were not categorical as to whether the art was also borrowed from there, where it is also highly developed. However, another school of thought holds that the art evolved naturally out of the need to strengthen the surface of walls and to give them a longer lifespan. This view is underpinned by the fact that all the raw materials used in the art are derived from the immediate environment. 96 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Mural decorations have survived to date because it is an art that is passed down from one generation of women to the next. An experienced muralist would usually train her daughter or daughter in-law in the art through informal apprenticeship programme. The training is on-the-job, where the daughter observes and participates in it at the least opportunity. Depending on one’s artistic inclinations, the art can be learned in a year or two. Though traditionally, the art is reserved for women, the intervention of the Sirigu Women Organization of Pottery and Arts (SWOPA) to give serious economic value to the art has seen a number of men interested in it. Aburepore Agombire8 admitted that until his retirement, he did not only learn the art, but had developed himself to become a trainer of trainers for SWOPA. 5.3 Symbols of Power, Wealth and Status Power, wealth and status symbols in this context refer to symbols of authority, superiority and control. They refer to symbols that puts one in-charge or in control and command of respect, honour and status in society. These symbols were identified to include Akunyana Nee, Saaba, Ebga, Naaho, Do’re, Amizia zuvaka and Nee’la. 5.3.1 Akunyana Nee Ndole Bobga – Akunyana’s Cattle Akunyana Nee Ndole Bobga (see Plate 39) literally means Akunyana’s cattle moving in a chain. Akunyana according to legend, was a wealthy man in Sirigu who had many cattle. It was observed that his cattle moved along in a very organized manner without straying into people’s farms or houses. This motif, which is observed to be appearing consistently horizontal on the upper parts of dwellings, symbolizes wealth, prosperity 8 Aburepore Agombire is about 65 years old man interviewed at Sirigu Guwonkor on 11th November 2015 by Akolgo Ayine. 97 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh and abundance. It also exemplifies leadership, order and discipline. According to respondents, these are virtues that are cherished and should be replicated. Cows are synonymous to women in Sirigu and also among the entire Gurunse speaking communities. This is because cows constitute the main bride wealth for the Gurunsis. Also cattle are traditionally a measure of wealth among the Gurunsis. A man with many cattle is considered wealthy because he can marry as many wives as he pleases so long as he is able to pay their bride wealth. A man who can marry many wives is also a man who will have many children and this is the ultimate measure of wealth, power and honour. There is a Gurune adage that A tare nereba ngani a tare bono, meaning, “He who has more people is greater than he who has wealth.” In this scenario, he does not only have wealth, but people as well. Therefore, women incorporate this symbolism on dwellings as a non-verbal language that exemplifies the things they cherish and respect. Plate 39: Akunyana Nee Ndole Bobga. Sirigu, November 2015. 5.3.2 Saaba – Amulets Saaba (see plate 40) is a diamond-shape motif that is characteristically observed on the main surface of dwellings. Traditionally, Saaba is an amulet, a talisman or magical charm that is usually made from leather and worn around the neck or sewn on traditional apparel believed to provide protection and good fortune on their handlers. It is worn specifically during wars and hunting expeditions. This is observable in recent times during funerals of particularly elderly men, where the traditional mock 98 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh war or war dance procession is re-enacted. Saaba on dwellings is a symbol that is presented in acknowledgement of the presence of evil and evil forces that may seek to destroy inhabitants of the domestic unit. Saaba on dwellings run vertically on the main body of buildings and is also symbolic of the protective role of the house on its inhabitants. It assures them of the continual protection against malignant forces, sicknesses and misfortune. Saaba is purely a male symbol and it is not expected that women will have access to it. The head of the family who superintends over the house is supposed to possess the power to ward off evil from it. As a matter of fact, menstruating women possess such power as to neutralize the efficacy or potency of such charms. Plate 40: Saaba. Illustrated by the Researcher, November 2015. 5.3.3 Ebga – Crocodile The crocodile (see plate 41) is another totem of Sirigu. It is a common belief among most clans in Sirigu that very elderly people who died, reincarnate into crocodiles. Therefore, the crocodile as relief on walls is a symbol of veneration for the ancestors. The crocodile also symbolizes longevity, continuity of the clans and the endurance that is often expressed in relation to the toughness of its skin. These are masculine 99 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh qualities, which elderly informants explained as reasons that account for the importance attached to male children. A man according to Abugru Yambire9 must have a “tough skin” like that of the crocodile. He must be able to endure pain and hardship without giving up. Plate 41: Ebga. Sirigu, November 2015. 5.3.4 Naaho – a Cow The cow (see Plate 42) is a very important domestic animal as already discussed. It is usually found on the main body of buildings. While some are designed in relief, others are painted on the wall directly. The cow is a symbol of wealth and prosperity. The wealth of a man is measured by the size of his cattle kraal. It is of great socio- cultural value to the people of Sirigu. Its ritual importance lies in the fact that the funerals of family heads are incomplete without the killing of a cow. It is honourable to have a cow killed at your funeral. Culturally too, the cow is required for bride wealth payment. Its socio-economic importance is observed in the role of bullocks in farming. Bullocks are usually yoked to plough the land. It is the ritual and socio- economic importance of the cow that therefore gives it a place in Sirigu motifs and symbolism. 9 Abugru Yambire is an 80 year old male respondent, and compound head of Andaa’s house, Busongor, Sirigu, interviewed on 3rd November 2015 by Akolgo Ayine. 100 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 42: Naaho. Sirigu, November 2015. 5.3.5 Do’ore – a Walking Stick The Do’ore or Do’ogolma (as in plate 43) is simply a walking stick. Naturally, aged people walk with the assistance of a walking stick. It is commonly observed among the people of Sirigu that most elderly males will not leave their homes to anywhere else without their walking sticks, including those who do not actually need its assistance to walk. The Do’ore or walking stick is usually designed as a relief symbol on walls, close to the main entrance. It is an expression of the authority, wisdom and experience of the ancient. It is symbol of headship and wisdom of the aged. In a society that is gerontologically structured such as Sirigu, respect for the aged is paramount and most revered. Therefore, wisdom, experience and respect are associated with age. 101 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 43: Do’ogolma on the left and Akaba Ayamdoo on the left dressed and holding his walking stick ready to leave home. November 2015. 5.3.6 Amizia Zuvaka – Amizia’s Hat According to respondents, Amizia was a troublesome brother-in-law to one of the muralists who usually teased her while she painted wall motifs. This muralist who observed that her brother-in-law was bald headed teased back by employing her artistic ingenuity. She designed these hat-like motifs (see plate 44) for her bald- headed brother-in-law to use as a covering. This is what has become popular as Amizia Zuvaka – Amizia’s hat. These arc-like motifs usually run horizontally in colours of black, white and red along the base of dwellings. Apart from the humorous historicity of this motif, the zuvaka (hat) is a symbol of authority and status. Just like the Dogolma, the zuvaka is what completes a man’s apparel. An elderly man dressed in his Doogille (up and down smock) without a corresponding zuvaka is deemed incomplete. The zuvaka to the ordinary man is therefore comparable to the crown of the chief. It is his covering, headship and honour. Ceremonially, an elderly man will 102 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh usually receive a gift of cola nuts or tobacco at a marital engagement or funeral present with his zuvaka and not with his hands. This signifies that the presentation is in honour of his head. Plate 44: Amisia Zuvaka. Sirigu, November 2015. 5.3.7 Nee’la – Domesticated Birds It is expected that birds be inscribed on walls because birds such as the fowl and guinea fowl are the commonest domestic animals in every Sirigu home. They are the commonest ransom for ancestral worship. Also, the guinea fowl is one of the early gifts that are presented to a prospective in-law alongside other things on several counts until the lady is given out for marriage. The domestic fowl, particularly a rooster is usually the seal of every marital arrangement. After the rooster is presented to the in-laws, a Sirigu married woman will dare not commit adultery. If she does, she cannot return to her matrimonial home until certain purification rites are performed following her confession. Also if a marriage is to be dissolved, the rooster is returned to the husband’s family and that ends the marriage. Nee’la (see plate 45) is symbolic of marital faithfulness. Fowls and guinea fowls are also important for funeral celebrations. It is in this light therefore that the fowl is incorporated into wall paintings. 103 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 45: Nee’la – A Guinea fowl and a Rooster. Sirigu, November 2015. 5.4 Feminine Symbols Feminine symbols are those that are representative of feminine roles and expectations. Traditional feminine roles are basically reproductive or domestic roles, which include birth, nurturing and providing care or housekeeping. The symbols that were identified in this category include: Zaaliŋa, Agurinusi, Wanzagsi, Yu’onŋo Bangsana/Tana, Waafo and Tangolma. 5.4.1 Zaaliŋa – Calabash Holder Zaaliŋa is traditionally a nested holder of calabashes, which is regarded as essential for women and is made from a kind of fiber common in the study area. Two things constitute a true definition of womanhood among the people of Sirigu – the Zaaliŋa, herein discussed, and the Kalinse. The Zaaliŋa is a collection of calabashes among which is a ceremonial calabash that shall one day be required to perform her final funeral rites. The Kalinse on the other hand, as already stated is a collection of pottery, among, which is the ceremonial pot known as the Piiligo, with pinhole openings on the upper part to enable ventilation. The Zaaliŋa on walls is symbolic of the virtues of womanhood encapsulated in their traditional role as housekeepers and custodians of the treasured traditions of the 104 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh people of Sirigu. In the Zaaliŋa are usually new and old calabashes. Some calabashes (usually processed by using shea butter to give it a certain quality) are used to serve Tuo-zaafi (TZ, the traditional meal of the area, made from millet flour and eaten with leafy soup or okro); others are used to serve water and locally brewed beer (pito) while others are kept fresh for ceremonial purposes. All these calabashes are usually well cleaned after use and arranged meticulously on the nested rafter from the biggest to the smallest, which is known as the Zaaliŋa. According to Akurebire Ayamga10 “women can only own calabashes, baskets and pottery. One man asserted, “even if a woman buys a cow, it is mine.” This implies that in the Sirigu community and those of other Gurunsis, in the household economy, a woman has no legal entitlement to any thing but the Zaaliŋa. Though the Zaaliŋa is principally representative of womanhood, in their portrayal on walls, two main types are distinguished: the Zaaliŋ-daa (see plate 46) and the Zaali- nya’ŋa (see plate 47). The Zaaliŋ-daa, which literally means female Zaaliŋa, is usually designed in vertically arranged triangles in white, black and red. Plate 46: Zaaliŋ-daa, Sirigu, November 2015. The Zaali-nya’ŋa, meaning male Zaaliŋa on the other hand is very similar to the Zaaliŋ-daa apart from the fact that the motifs here are arranged in horizontal triangles with similar colours. 10 Akurebire Ayamga, a 70 year old woman from Adaapa’s house, Sirigu Basengo, interviewed on 14th November 2015 by Akolgo Ayine. 105 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 47: Zaali-nya’ŋa. Sirigu, November 2015. The categorization into Zaali-nya’ŋa, meaning male Zaaliŋa has no definite symbolic significance apart from the fact that it is in solidarity with the complementarity of the sexes in domestic coexistence. 5.4.2 Sukuu Koma Ngore Nu’osi – School Children Holding Hands Sukuu Koma Ngore Nu’osi simply called Agurinusi (see plate 48) is a motif that evolved out of inspiration that a muralist had as she observed the unity that is usually characteristic of school children holding hands as they walk to school. This motif on walls therefore connotes the spirit of unity among the people of Sirigu. According to a respondent, “people must know that we are the same and must therefore come together for better development.” This is a significant call on all in the community to eschew any acts of divisiveness and log hands to work together. Though this symbol is a call for unity among all, it is particularly relevant to women because unity means a lot to them. In the polygynous interactions that characterize conjugal relationships, a special call for co-wives to unite cannot be overemphasized. Domestic rivalries are usually common in domestic setups, therefore, this symbol is a constant reminder on women to join hands and work together. 106 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 48: Sukuu Koma Ngore Nu’osi. Sirigu, November 2015. 5.4.3 Wanzagsi - Broken Pieces of Calabash Wanzagsi (see plate 49) literally means broken pieces of calabash. The importance of the calabash has already been explained. However, Wanzagsi as motifs on walls is further expressive of the usefulness of even broken pieces of calabashes. Physically, even broken calabashes are not thrown away. They still have use value. They are used to mould pottery, fry millet and shea nuts to make shea butter, and are also used extensively during wall plastering and finishing. Metaphorically, however, the importance of broken calabashes cannot be over-emphasized. During the final funeral rites of a woman, calabashes are broken into pieces alongside other pottery to symbolically signify her physical separation from the land of the living. Also, it is believed that it is only after the calabashes are ritually broken into pieces that the dead can use them in the next world. Therefore, Wanzagsi motifs capture the fact that nothing is useless. Every human being is useful and must be respected as such. Plate 49: Wanzagsi. Sirigu, November 2015. 107 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.4.4 Tangolma – Zig Zag Lines Tangolma (see plate 50) are zigzag lines that run horizontally round the walls usually found on the main body of buildings. Respondents explained them as representative of the footpaths that connect dwellings in the community together. When asked why such designs have to be incorporated into buildings, Asaase Aburipoore11 said they exemplify the important role of paths in human existence. Paths provide directions and access to a house. They are particularly important in the performance of certain rituals in the community. She stated for instance that the final funerary rites of a woman are performed on the cross-paths leading to her natal home. Many other respondents confirmed this. Plate 50: Tangolma from Sirigu, November 2015. 5.4.5 Waafo – Python The Waafo or python (see plate 51) is a totem in Sirigu. Respondents recounted how in the past, it used to nurse babies that were left in the room while their mothers went to fetch water at the stream. The python would usually put the tip of its tale into the mouth of the crying baby to suckle while the mother is away. According to respondents, any nursing mother who suddenly heard her baby crying was not expected to rush into the room but wait a while as the python attended to the crying 11 Asaase Aburipoore, a muralist interviewed at Sirigu on 6th November, 2015 by Akolgo Ayine. 108 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh baby. Akaba Ayamdoo,12 told me that the python still visited his house anytime he was doing a particular kind of sacrifice and dared us to tell him of a particular day we will return so he could ensure the python was home for us to see. The python, which is usually found on the main body of buildings in relief form or raised moulds on the walls is symbolic of this believe in the mothering and protective role of the python. Plate 51: Waafo, one in relief and the other in painting. Sirigu, November 2015. 5.4.6 Yu’oŋo Bangsaana / Tana – Recognize a Visitor at Night These are bright horizontal or vertical lines of black, white and red that appears on the walls. These designs are so bright that even at night, they are still visible with the slightest flash of light. These motifs on walls are symbolic of Sirigu hospitality and the recognition and welcome that is usually extended to visitors or strangers. These designs also come on straw mats and hand woven traditional cloths, which are usually given to visitors as cover cloths at night. According to Aburepore Agombire,13 a man in courtship who happens to visit his in-law’s house is usually presented with such a 12 Akaba Ayamdoo, head of Akaba’s house, Sirigu, was interviewed on 3rd November 2015 by Akolgo Ayine. 13 Aburepore Agombire of Busongor, Sirigu. Interviewed on 11th November 2015 by Akolgo Ayine. 109 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh cloth to use at night to keep him warm, signifying that he does not yet have legal access to the wife to be until the marriage rites are completed. Similar motifs are found on smocks and “fugu”, However, in recent times, the colours on the smocks are now so varied and diverse that the primary colours of Sirigu – black, red and white is clouded in this current multiplicity of colours. See plate 52 as it shows a photograph of this motif and its corresponding smock. Plate 52: Yu’oŋo Bangsaana design and Akaba Ayamdoo, family head arrayed in his Yu’onŋo Bangsaana Smock. November2015. 5.5 Symbols with Economic Significance Symbols of economic significance are those that are symbolic or express economic power. It is important to note that though most of these symbols may sometimes overlap with those discussed under power, wealth and status symbols, there are still some differences. Some status or power symbols like the Saaba, has no economic bearing just as wealth does not automatically place one in a position of honour. Naaho, Akunyana nee and Ligipella are the symbols identified under this category. The first two have already been discussed above with the exception of Ligipella. 110 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.5.1 Ligipella – Cowry Shells Ligipella literally means white money or cowry shells. Once used as a medium of exchange or currency, Sirigu women have incorporated it into their artistic tradition to preserve its historical use value. Though respondents were not able to state categorically why cowry shells are incorporated into motifs on walls, I believe it is a reminder of their long held tradition of trade with neighbouring towns and even across the border to neighbouring Burkina Faso, where cowry shells served as the medium of exchange. Therefore, Ligipella is symbolic of trade interactions and commerce. Some elderly respondents recounted this during my interviews. Cowry shells are also used to decorate calabash trophies worn on the head during mock war dances. They are also used in decorating very traditional regalia like animal skins or smocks that are worn on ceremonial occasions. According to information I gathered from the Bolgatanga Regional Museum,14 some of these cowry shells were sewn together into skirts that were believed to have been worn by the daughters and wives of wealthy men. Some were also incorporated into belts that were worn around the waste. I believe it is in this same light that cowry shells are painted into walls to enhance their aesthetic and ornamental quality. See plate 53 for an illustration of the Ligipella motif. 14 The Bolgatanga Regional Museum has in it’s gallery different types of skirts, belts and cowry shell plated trophies. 111 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 53: Ligipella. Illustrated by the Researcher, November 2015. 5.6 Other Ways of Analyzing Motifs Aside analyzing the symbols as symbols of power, wealth and status, or as feminine symbols and as symbols with economic value, another approach is to look at them as either reactive or affirmative symbols. From the above, the obviously reactive symbol is Amizia Zuvaka. The fact that this symbol developed as a reaction to the criticism or teasing of a male in-law gives a clue that women have their own way of responding to what they see as unacceptable. Though the culture of Sirigu bars them from being verbally expressive, women alternatively have resorted to symbolic language as artistic expressions of their views. Other symbols discussed under power, wealth and status are affirmative of the status and roles of the respective gender. They also serve as standards for measuring masculinities and femininities. Anybody who falls short of these is critiqued by these symbols, even though those who made them (the women) may not verbally express these criticisms. The motifs can also be grouped into animate and inanimate symbols. The animate symbols include: Akunyana nee, Agurinusi, Waafo, Nee’la, Ebga and Naafo. The inanimate symbols include the Tangolma, Saaba, Zaaliŋa, Amizia zuvaka, Wanzagsi, 112 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ligipella, Yu’onŋo Bangsana and Do ‘ore. This implies that Sirigu symbolisms employ both fauna and flora in their representations. 5.7 Colour Symbolism of Sirigu Motifs Three main traditional colours are used in motif designs. They are black, red and white. The colour options are limited to the materials available in the area. Though some respondents were not able to tell the symbolisms of the colours, yet some identified black typically as being associated with evil, sadness, magic, or evil medicine. The colour red symbolizes danger or death. White, on the other hand generally is symbolic of purity, holiness, happiness and celebration. Apart from using these colours on wall motifs, they are also used in weaving baskets. However in the case of the baskets, several other colours have been added. Again these three colours are used in Sirigu pottery, with the same motifs on dwellings are transferred to the pottery. Also as already indicated, the three colours are used in weaving the local cloth called Yu’onŋo Bangsana or Tana. Moreover, the same colours are used on all leather products from Sirigu such as leather bags, hats, purses, and many others. Ceremonially, the red clay is usually used to mark the cheek of all surviving children and grandchildren of an elderly person who dies. As already indicated, red is synonymous with death and danger. Therefore, the red clay on the children and grandchildren marks them out as the most affected by the death of their parent/grandparent. It is also the physical sign that they are mourning their departed parent/grandparent. Increasingly, though not customary, red and black Adinkra printed funeral cloths are being introduced into Sirigu funerals. It is very common to 113 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh see people wearing them in funeral ceremonies, especially those of the Christians. This is a clear case of enculturation. 5. 8 The Significance of Motifs/Symbols Symbols constitute a powerful medium of communication, though not all understand them. They are actually not meant to be understood casually by all. Notwithstanding, they represent very important ideals. Encoded in them are historical, philosophical, socio-cultural and moral tenets that are accessible to the enquiring mind. Sirigu symbolisms, encoded in traditional wall motifs and patterns, are significant to both men and women, old and young. A well-decorated compound adds honour to the man. Wall motifs and their concomitant symbolisms, as presented in different ways eulogize masculinity, providence, virility, protection and productivity, which are all traditional roles of men. That is why men are usually the ones who sponsor such endeavors. They have to feed the women for the entire duration of the activity and also buy them drinks (Pito, the local beer). Mural arts are therefore an endorsement of traditional gender roles to a high degree. Secondly, women in Sirigu, just like their counterparts in many parts of West Africa, traditionally, are not supposed to be verbally expressive either in public or in private, especially in the presence of men. Therefore, these creative women have adopted art as a non-verbal, symbolic and coded language to surreptitiously circumvent this cultural barrier and express their opinions and deep-seated thoughts. In this regard, much as they idealize traditional gender roles, they also constitute a critique of same and those who fall short of social expectations. For instance, the symbol of a cow on the wall of a house represents wealth. As one woman asserted, it will therefore be a 114 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh statement against an able bodied family head who is lazy and conceited, spending all his earnings on alcohol and women (widows) outside, and not working hard to expand the size of his kraal. Again, a well-kept and well-decorated compound is generally indicative of the fact that a Pogmenka (a virtuous and industrious woman) is in the house. This was a view expressed by both muralists and men alike. The reverse is equally true. Therefore the symbols serve as a scripted code by which social status, roles and responsibilities, values and ideals are evaluated. They can therefore be viewed sociologically as a means of social control. Mural decorations, much as they have symbolic and communicative value, are equally social events. Apart from funerals, which provide an opportunity for women to gather in a social platform, mural decoration is by far the best social activity in Sirigu for women. Women usually undertake mural decoration amidst singing and dancing, drinking and merry making. This of course cannot happen in a funeral ground, neither can it happen in the market square. It therefore provides a conducive platform for women to socialize and share. Again, the aesthetic relevance of mural decoration cannot be overemphasized. Women use them to adorn and beautify their houses. Finally, and most importantly, murals are a celebration of the unique cultural identity of the people of Sirigu. They are the symbolic markers of their worldview and cosmogony. Murals represent the belief of the people of Sirigu in a hierarchy of supernatural beings responsible for life here on earth and afterwards. This consists of a hierarchy at the apex of which is the Supreme God, followed by the lessor gods, ancestors and evil spirits, culminating into a belief in life in this world and a more perfect world hereafter. 115 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.6 Conclusion Wall motifs or murals on Sirigu dwellings are expressive. They usually are geometric figures or stylized reliefs that represent ideals that are embedded in the worldview or cosmogony of the people of Sirigu. These representations have a gendered perspective on life and therefore reflect both feminine and masculine roles and expectations. The history of mural art in Sirigu is of uncertain origin. While some attribute it possibly to trade interactions further north of the Sahara in Burkina Faso and beyond, others believe the art evolved spontaneously out of a need to increase the lifespan and beauty of adobe buildings. The art of wall painting has transcended many generations and is still vibrant today because it is passed down from mother to daughter/daughter-in- laws. Motifs on Sirigu dwellings have been grouped and discussed under power, wealth and status symbols; feminine symbols; and symbols with economic significance. Symbols of power, wealth and status such as Akunyana nee, symbolizes wealth, prosperity and plenty. It also connotes leadership, order and discipline. Saaba is symbolic of the protective role of the house against evil. Ebga or the crocodile, which is a totem in Sirigu, signifies ancestral veneration. Naaho or cow is an emblem of wealth and prosperity, and has ritual and socio-economic significance. The Do’ore is an icon of headship, the authority, experience and wisdom of the aged. Amizia Zuvaka or Amizia’s hat is equally an icon of authority and status. It represents a covering, headship and honour. Nee’la or domesticated birds symbolizes marital faithfulness. The symbols with feminine representations include the Zaaliŋa, which is symbolic of the virtues of womanhood. The Agurinusi is a call for unity in the context of domestic rivalry as a consequence of polygyny. Similarly, the Wanzagsi signifies the usefulness 116 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh of even the base things in the house, the productivity and hard work of women. Ritually, it signifies the physical separation of deceased women from the land of the living. The Tangolma provide directions and access to a house. Also in the feminine category is the Waafo or python, which embodies the mothering and caring role of the python. Finally is the Yu’onŋo Bangsana or Tana, which is symbolic of Sirigu hospitality, which is exhibited in the welcome that is typically extended to visitors. Symbols of economic significance include the Ligipella, which epitomizes money, trade and commerce. The others are the Naaho and Akunyana nee symbols. Sirigu symbols are either reactive or affirmative and employ both fauna and flora in their representation. The colours used designing these motifs are black, red and white, which represent sadness, death and happiness respectively, and are also observed in basketry, the traditional cloth, pottery and leather works. Sirigu motifs and symbolisms therefore constitute a non-verbal language from women, as a subordinate social group, who are not expected to be verbally expressive to surreptitiously present their thoughts and ideals to the dominant social group. Motifs on dwellings are also visually similar to scarification marks that adorn indigenes of Sirigu. The question is, is there a relationship between the façades and faces? In other words, are there any points of convergence between motifs on walls and scarification marks on the faces of the indigenes? This is what the next chapter explores. 117 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER SIX FAÇADES AND FACES – A GENDERED ANALYSIS OF SCARIFICATIONS AND WALL MOTIFS 6.1 Introduction This chapter focuses on analysis of the relationship between motifs on dwellings (façades) and scarification marks (on faces) of indigenes. It is in two parts. The first part is a discussion of scarifications in Sirigu, outlining interviews with practitioners, the sources of knowledge and techniques for scarifications, the types of scarifications, the current state of scarifications in Sirigu and the purpose of the practice. The second part presents an analysis of scarification marks and contends that there is a relationship between scarifications herein discussed and wall motifs discussed in the preceding chapter, by identifying the points of convergence. 6.2 Interviews with Practitioners or Connoisseurs I must admit first of all that this was the most difficult part of my fieldwork. Nobody was prepared to be identified as a practitioner of scarification. My initial approach to one respondent identified as a practitioner led to very disappointing outcomes. The supposed practitioner denied ever being one and refused to even respond to my interview. Apparently, there was sensitization in Sirigu about the health implications of scarification; the fact that it had long been outlawed (1960); and threats of prosecution of anybody caught engaging in or promoting it. So though the practice to some extent is still in vogue, especially the medicinal marks, it was undercover. I therefore developed another strategy to approach them as connoisseurs, that is, as people with expert knowledge on the practice and not as practitioners. With this new approach, I was able to interview two – a male and a female. Both respondents were 118 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh identified by other respondents who volunteered their identity as herbalists or traditional healers and for that matter practitioners. My interviews with both practitioners and other key informants focused on their training and source of knowledge, the names given to the various markings, the rationale for such markings and how they cured the wounds resulting from such a practice. Responses of the two practitioners were similar. 6.3 The Purpose of Scarification Marks Five main reasons were given for scarification. The reasons for scarifications identified in Sirigu are not very different from those from the rest of Ghana. Also, I cross-checked these reasons against archival records15 and found those same reasons as identified by the respondents except for one that was conspicuously missing in the archival records – the mark of the “one who dies and returns.” The archival records, which focused on marks of the area best described today as the Upper West Region of Ghana, identified five main reasons for scarifications: (i) To denote the ethnic group a man or woman was born in, belonged or joined. According to the report, these are not always facial. Even then, their origin was not known. Also there are no ceremonies of initiation into an ethnic group and no customs to be followed by anyone putting tribal marks on a child whose parentage may not be of that tribe. 15 Northern Territories No. 587/01/1908: ADM 56 /1 /138. The archival record was in response to a letter written by the Chief Commissioner of the then Northern Territories (dated 11th September, 1914) to the Provincial Commissioner of the North- Western Province, requiring the latter to furnish him with information on “Native Tribal and other Marks.” 119 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh (ii) Slave markings – these are no longer made and are scarcely seen. They were made on slaves and captives in war by their captors, both for identification and to show ownership. Slave marks were said to be basically facial. (iii) As marks of beauty and made for adornment. These marks could either be on the face or body, that is arms, neck, breast, or back, on some or in all of the parts. The predominant once were, however, found on the faces and arms. These marks are described to resemble crude tattoos, where in certain instances, black charcoal was used to make them permanent. (iv) Marks made on the stomach as surgical or preventive of sicknesses. The fourth were described to be almost universal, but were not compulsory. (v) Marks made in addition to tribal marks to indicate relationship to the reigning family. These marks were observed to be appearing only on the faces. The report contained detailed descriptions of these different kinds of marks by the Dagaaba, Nandom, Wala, the Lobi, the Grunshi and Sissala. The similarities and differences in these marks were discussed with the aid of sketches. Although I did not find any records specific to my study area or of the Upper East Region in general, the descriptions and sketches of the marks in these areas showed clear dissimilarity with the marks of Sirigu and those of the Upper East Region in general. This is a clear indication that though the rationale for scarifications may be the same, the specific art of markings are unique to most ethnic groups. 6.4 Sources of Knowledge on the Practice of Scarifications On knowledge of the practice of scarification, 12 respondents, including the 2 practitioners concurred that those who had such knowledge, skills and techniques acquired it from their forebears. The male connoisseur admitted that he knew a man 120 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh whose great, great grandfather was born with a Bareka, the sharp razor that is used to perform the scarifications, in his hand alluding to a supernatural origin of this art. However, I knew he was referring to himself because other respondents had told me earlier that that was how his ancestors came to be identified with the practice of scarifications. 6.5 Types of Scarification Marks Three main types of markings were identified. These include the Weska, Ninzo’resi and Kiska. The names are actually describing the degree or complexity of the types of marks. These three types are broad categories under which all the specific kinds of markings are discussed. 6.5.1 Weska Weska literally means a slash. This first type refers to the long diagonal deep cuts or slashes that run from around the nose down the cheek. Three kinds of this type of scarification were also observed on the indigenes. Some had one mark on one side of the cheek. With those who were identified with this type, females had it on the right cheek while males had it on the left cheek. The second category of this mark had one on each side of the cheek. The third category, which was observed were those who had one on one side of the cheek and two on the other side. Various kinds of Weska marks are presented in plates 54, 55, 56, 57 and 58, both as photographs, and as sketches. 121 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 54: Sirigu Woman Plate 55: Sketch by the Plate 56: Sketch by the with Weska marks Researcher of Weska Researcher of Weska Sirigu. marks on males from marks on females from Sirigu. Sirigu. a b c d Plate 57: Sketches by the Researcher of Distinct Weska marks commonly observed on males and Females in Sirigu. 122 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 58: Different kinds of Weska marks on Bolgatanga women. Photo credit: Joseph Nyaaba Photography. 6.5.2 Ninzo’resi Ninzo’resi means literally numerous tiny marks. They are the most complex of facial markings in the area. They consist of numerous tiny incisions that are meticulously arranged all over the face in geometric patterns. The Ninzo’resi marks were observed to be the same for both men and women, except that a lot more women had these marks as compared to men. The other gender distinction observed with this category was not readily observable but was, however, explained by those who had them. According to 5 of the respondents, this type of marks on men was marked even into their scalp. So for males, before such scarifications were done, they were usually shaved. Those of females were only on their faces. Plate 59 a, b, and c all show photographs of the Ninzo’resi marks. 123 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh a b c Plates 59: Different kinds of Ninzo’resi marks from Sirigu. a & b, photographed by the Researcher, November 2015; Photo credit of c: http//:www.randafricanart.com/images/scarification: 23/10/ 2015. 6.5.3 Kisko Kisko or Kiska marks are small incisions that are found either on one side of the cheek, or on both, or in any other part of the body. Though identified as kisko, different types of this category were identified. Some were on the cheek, some on the torso, others were on the hand and yet others were identified on upper limbs close to the shoulders. All these varieties had their specific rationale. Plate 60a and 60b are sketches of the kisko marks showing distinction between that of the male, found on the left cheek and that of the female on the right cheek. a b Plates 60: Sketches by the Researcher of Weska marks observed in Sirigu. 124 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6.5.4 Identity Marks The first was for identification purposes. Marks identified an individual with the particular ethnic group he/she hailed from. Some people are born into an ethnic group while others joined a particular ethnic group either by marriage or by conquest. In any of these instances, an individual would usually adopt the ethnic signature upon him or her self. The identity marks were mainly the Weska and Ninzo’resi. Respondents opined that identity marks identified members of the same ethnic group who happened to migrate to southern Ghana in those days where draught and famine forced people out of their homelands. According to some respondents, this probably explains partly how people from northern Ghana came to be known as “Ntafuo” or “peipei” by the Akans. They easily identified one another as Mmabia or brethren and walked, worked and did things together. 6.5.5 Slave Marks/Slave Raiding The second reason for scarifications as identified by respondents was the slave trade or raiding. No living person in the entire community still had such marks, but according to respondents such marks were put on slaves and captives by their captors for both identification and as a sign of ownership. These marks could come on any part of the body and sometimes assumed the marks of the captors. Another angle to slave raiding and tribal markings was that indigenes practiced tribal markings so that peradventure one fell in the hands of raiders, his/her ethnic identity could not be erased. Due to the communal nature of the people, one could identify their Mmabia, that is their close relatives or brethren, for communication purposes. In case one was able to escape, he/she could also retrace his/her original location. Therefore slave raiding increased the patronage of scarifications. 125 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6.5.6 Medicinal Marks The practitioners of scarifications doubled as herbalist or traditional healers, as has already been indicated. Parts of their treatment prescriptions required that they made certain incisions on the skin to insert some charcoal-like powdered herbal substance mixed with shea butter. This was commonly done to cure Ne’eŋa (literally meaning bird, which caused convulsions) and Puo’a (stomach pains or umbilical hernia). The Ne’eŋa mark treats a disease, which is believed to be caused by a particular kind of bird as it flies in the air. It is observed as a small cut diagonally on the cheek, usually on the right cheek for a female and on the left for a male. The main symptoms of this disease are stiffness in parts of the body, violent shaking and widely open eyes without blinking. It can lead to paralysis or blindness if immediate interventions are not sought. It may even lead to death. The Puo’a disease on the other hand causes extreme pain in the abdominal area believed to be caused by toxic blood around the navel, which makes babies and children cry continually. The mark therefore usually consists of many cuts made around the navel (see plate 61). Plate 61: Puo’a (stomach pains or umbilical hernia) mark, Sirigu November 2015 126 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Some marks were also found on the chest, two or three above each breast. They are believed to treat chest pains. Others were tiny marks observed on the upper limbs either on the lower or upper part of the limbs. 6.5.7 Marks of the Child believed to be Dying and Returning When a woman consistently experiences the death of her babies, usually of the same sex for two or three consecutive times, it is believed that the same child is trying to come back but is being hindered by some spiritual forces. Therefore the baby is marked in a certain unconventional way. Among the people of Sirigu, in addition to the mark, either a toe or finger of the baby who dies is twisted before burial. The rationale is usually to disfigure the child in order to make it ugly. This makes him or her ugly to the gods, so that these forces can leave the baby alone. If this child still dies, the mark and twist is supposed to be used to identify the baby on its return. It is believed that when the child is reborn with these ‘deformities,’ it is a sign that the gods have rejected the child and sent it back to the world of the living. The marks therefore are used to enslave the child in the world of the living. Such children are given names like Ayamga, meaning slave or enslaved, Alebena, meaning returnee and Aba’ane, meaning chained. This third name is also given to a surviving twin when the other one dies. 6.5.8 Beautification and Adornment Marks Some of the marks observed were described as beautification marks. These were particularly observed among women. These marks, especially on those who had fairer faces had black markings incorporated into them. They did not have any particular name. Beautification marks were, however, diverse and varied. Some had birds inscribed on their arms. Others had their names or certain images drawn on parts of 127 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh their bodies. Marks such as the Ninzo’resi served the dual role of identity and beautification. 6.6 The Current State of Scarifications in Sirigu Over 43 out of the total of 54 respondents interviewed were unanimous that scarification was no longer practiced in Sirigu. However, my observations revealed the contrary. The reason for respondents’ position as has already been indicated is probably due to the sensitization of the community on the fact that scarifications, together with female genital mutilation (FGM) have been outlawed. Table 2 below shows the number of respondents that were interviewed from each of the five communities in Sirigu and the ratio of those scarified as against those who were not. The majority of those who had the complex geometric markings and deep lacerations such as the Ninzo’resi and weska were aged 50 years and above. No. COMMUNITY RESPONDENTS SCARIFIED % NOT SCARIFIED % 1. Guwonkor 12 8 81 4 19 2. Busongor 10 7 77.14 3 22.86 3. Wugingo 12 9 72 3 28 4. Nyangolgo 10 7 77.14 3 22.86 5. Basengo 10 8 67.5 2 32.5 TOTAL 54 39 15 Table 2: Respondents interviewed from each community and their scarification status. Table 2 clearly shows that the practice of scarification, or at least, its effects, which are visible marks on the faces of respondents is still in vogue. About 81% of respondents from Guwonkor were scarified as against 19% who were not. At Busongor, 77.14% were scarified while 22.86% were not. The same applied to Nyangolgo. The ratio stood at 72% is to 28% for Wugingo, and for Basengo, 67.5% of respondents were scarified while 32.5% were not. From this analysis, it is evident that the practice of scarification is still visibly observable among the people of Sirigu. 128 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh During my fieldwork in November, 2015, I observed that in almost every household I visited, apart from the elderly people, at least, three out of every five children I saw, had a mark on their cheek. These were specifically the Ne’enŋa or bird marks. There were instances where even babies, of less than a year old were marked. I recall one instance at Avo-etigo’s house in Wugingo where a baby had just been marked, and a mixture of black soot with shea butter, I suppose, was rubbed on the almost fresh wound on the cheek. However, the other types of markings explained above, such as the Weska and Ninzo’resi were conspicuously missing among the youthful population. That is respondents aged between 13 and 34 years. Another interesting observation was the fact that even these supposedly permanent markings are disappearing from the faces of the very aged population. Wrinkles resulting from aging had overshadowed the scarification marks such that one needed a very close observation to be able to tell who was scarified and who was not. Nevertheless, it was easier to identify elderly people with one form of scarification or the other. Out of every five people observed randomly, at least, three were scarified. Also, not all scarification marks were visible to the eye. You needed to ask because some marks are usually hidden. Moreover, almost all respondents, including the youthful population I interviewed who had scarifications, attached a feeling of pride and a sense of belonging to the fact that they were scarified. Nobody felt stigmatized, as studies from other parts of Ghana had suggested (Ebeheakey 2015). Overall, the practice of scarification is on the decline, but interestingly, one type that persists is the medicinal or bird marks (kiska), which is perceived as not only curing but also as a form of immunization against convulsions. The question that is raging 129 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh now is, could that be an expression of lack of confidence in modern medicine to take care of this ailment? This is, however, outside the scope of this current study. 6.7 The Relationship between Wall Motifs and Scarifications Wall motifs and scarifications are both practices that traditionally existed and continue to exist in Sirigu, though in a declining fashion. They are both art forms that involve motifs of one sort or the other for purposes of identity, adornment, protection and immunity. Therefore, there are several points of convergence between wall motifs and scarification marks. The similarities that exist between façades and faces are either visual, philosophical and or in terms of the rationale or purpose they serve. Plate 62 (a): Tangolma wall motif. Plate 62 (b): Wanzagsi wall motif. Plate 62 (c): Ninzo’resi mark. Many respondents found it quite difficult drawing a direct relationship between façades and faces, however, they made constant references to both in their responses. Moreover, a careful observation and analysis of some of the wall motifs such as Tangolma, Wanzagsi, Tana or Yu’onŋo Bangsana and Agore nuosi with regards to the 130 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh kinds of patterns employed, where they appear and their functions vis-à-vis those of scarifications, reveals some visual similarities and relationship with scarification marks. Visually, there are similarities between the Tangolma motif (plate 62a), the Wanzagsi motif (plate 62b) and the Ninzo’resi scarification marks in (plate 62c). The diagonal lines running from up to down on both wall motifs are intricately replicated on the face of the woman, running from the forehead down, both to the left and to the right sides of her cheeks. This observation is further validated by the assertion of four (4) muralists, who identified the Tangolma motif (plate 62a), the Wanzagsi motif (plate 62b) as similar to marks on women. They further explained that these motifs (plate 62a, 62b) are usually found on the yiri’nneŋa (face of the house) in the same way that the scarifications are found on the faces of indigenes. A very important observation was a case in point in Sirigu Guwonkor at Akaba’s house, where the motifs incised on the front view of the house were visually similar to the Ninzo’resi scares on Apolala Akaba, the muralist who made them. It is interesting that though the practitioners of scarifications are different from those of wall motifs, the patterns bear some semblance. However, the decorators of wall motifs were able to explain the meanings of their motifs unlike the connoisseurs of scarifications. Also in the above illustration, the rationale for both marking the façades and the faces is the same – identification. As discovered in the literature, Anaba (1995) averred that a well-informed observer is capable of telling a residents’ ethnic group by the traditional roofing of rooms, the style of a compound entrance and the motifs on it. It is the same reason of identification that was assigned to scarification marks of the type discussed above. Traditionally, wall motifs are symbolic of the unique cultural 131 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh identity of the people of Sirigu. Facial scarifications are similarly another way by which this unique cultural and ethnic identity is expressed. From plate 63a, the vertical lines on the façade of the Yu’onŋo Bangsana motif are similar to the vertical lines on the cheeks of the woman on plate 63b. Plate 63 (a): Yu’onŋo Bangsana Plate 63 (b): Photograph of Ninzo’resi scarification. Wall motif. The name of the motif Yu’onŋo Bangsana literally means, “identify a stranger at night” signifying the concept of identity. In the same vein, the markings on the face are for ethnic identification. Therefore, in both cases, the façade and the face are not only visually similar, but also similar in purpose. Similarly observed on plate 64a is the Sukuu Koma Ngore Nu’osi wall motif whose zigzag lines are visually similar to the tiny scarifications that run across the forehead of the sketch on plate 64b. The wall motif is a symbol of unity. However, the specific 132 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh representation of the scarifications is not known, except for the fact that it is for ethnic identification. Plate 64(a): Sukuu Koma Ngore Nu’osi wall motif November 2015 Plate 64(b): A sketch of Ninzo’resi Scarification marks Another definite relationship between wall motifs and scarification marks or faces and façades lies in the fact that they are both for aesthetic purposes. The beautification or adornment of walls is an important consideration in motif making. Similarly, scarification marks were a treasured endeavor for especially women of Sirigu to the extent that women who had no scarification marks were mocked at until they went and had it done. This relates very well to the practice of scarification all over Africa. Batammaliba women transferred their delicate geometric markings to their buildings as a way of transferring the beauty of women to them (Blier 1987:119). Beautification scarifications sometimes incorporated animal symbols, names of the bearers, flowers and many other motifs. Black charcoal was usually applied to them to give them a visual appeal. Beautification marks as observed was not only limited to the faces of the indigenes. Some were on the hands, necks, chests, back and thighs, in the same way that wall motifs are applied to every aspect of the house to beautify it. 133 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Moreover, motifs such as the saaba, waafo and crocodile philosophically are symbolic of the protective power of these motifs on the people of Sirigu. In the same usage, the Ne’eŋa scarification mark, which is by far the scarification type that is still practiced, is believed to provide immunity and protection against convulsions. Respondents also admitted to having different kinds of markings at parts of their bodies for protection against evil forces. Here again, the rationale for both façades and faces is the same – protection. Notwithstanding these similarities, what is also obviously distinct about both façades and faces is the fact that they are carried out by different groups of experts. However, males and females alike are engaged both practices. While mural decoration is purely an artistic endeavor acquired through training, scarification has supernatural or ritual connotations. Not just anybody can become a herbalist or traditional healer. Practitioners are believed to possess some supernatural backing and the herbs and concoctions they administer are similarly acquired. The art of scarification therefore is shrouded in secrecy while that of mural decorations is not. 6.5 Conclusion Wall motifs identified as façades and scarification marks identified as faces have been analyzed as an important theme is this study with an interesting relationship. The findings revealed that knowledge, skills and techniques of facial scarifications just like those of wall decorations are transmitted cross generationally from forebears to their progeny. However, the art of wall decorations is purely learnt, unlike that of scarifications, which is ascribed supernatural origin and therefore lies outside the reach of the ordinary indigene of Sirigu. Most wall motifs and scarification marks are composed of similar geometric patterns. The motifs observed on the walls often 134 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh visually reflect those on the faces of the inhabitants of that particular domestic unit, especially the facial marks of the women who make the decorations. Some marks on walls just like those on faces serve the same purpose, either for adornment, medicinal or for protection. Three main types of scarifications were identified in Sirigu: Weska, Ninzo’resi and Kiska. Each of these three, however, had varying manifestations. Weska scarifications are diagonal deep lacerations running down from the nose area to the cheek. These are different from the meticulously arranged tiny incisions that are all over the face in geometric patterns identified as Ninzo’resi. The third type is the Kiska marks, which are minor marks that are found either on one side of the cheek, or on both, or in any other part of the body. Scarification marks in Sirigu, just like those from elsewhere, serve various purposes. They are for identification, were employed during slavery, serve medicinal functions, are for beautification or adornment and served as well in “disfiguring” babies who continuously die and return after they are born. It is an undeniable fact that the practice of scarifications is diminishing, however, one kind of scarification persists, even among children, and that is the Ne’eŋa or medicinal mark. Three out of five children were observed to be having this mark on their cheeks. Some geometric patterns that were identified on wall motifs were found to show resemblances with patterns of scarifications. The connection was either visual, philosophical and or in terms of the rationale or purpose they serve. Wall motifs such as Tangolma, Wanzagsi, Tana or Yu’onŋo Bangsana and Agurinusi show some visual similarities with scarification marks such as the Ninzo’resi marks. Again, similarities between the Tangolma motif, the Wanzagsi motif and the Ninzo’resi scarification 135 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh marks are equally discernible. The rationale for both marking the façades and the faces is most often identification and (or) beautification. Wall motifs as well as facial scarifications are representational of the unique cultural identity of the people of Sirigu. Philosophically, the Saba, Waafo and crocodile motifs are emblematic of protection, immunity of the inhabitants of the house from evil powers, and sicknesses. Similarly, scarification marks, specifically the medicinal marks are believed to provide both curative powers and immunization against convulsions, umbilical hernia and other evil forces. Traditionally, the decorations of façades or wall motifs have been associated with women. Practitioners of scarifications on the other hand, have been associated more with men than with women, even though there are also some female practitioners. Apart from these acknowledged similarities, certain differences also exist between façades and faces. They are produced by entirely different groups of experts on entirely different media, one on the wall and the other on the human body. Also wall motifs enjoy the luxury of colour, making it more imposing as compared to scarifications, which are less striking. It is therefore obvious from the foregoing that a relationship exists between both faces and façades in Sirigu. 136 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER SEVEN INNOVATIVE TRANSFORMATIONS AND THE ECONOMICS OF WOMEN’S ARTS 7.1 Introduction Change presents both a challenge and an advantage to Sirigu arts. Critically, it is both a bane and a blessing. Therefore, this chapter focuses on the impact (both positive and negative) of innovative transformation on the traditions of motif making in Sirigu and how that tradition has transmogrified into an alternative livelihood initiative for women in the area. It questions the stereotyped construction of women arts as domestic and utilitarian. It also assesses men’s participation in the arts that are traditionally the preserve of women and the possible reasons why men will engage in such an endeavor. 7.2 The Impact of Social Change on the Sirigu Community During my interviews and interactions in Sirigu, the effects of social change or innovative transformation were glaring. Almost everything that was once perceived traditional now had a touch of innovation. The once purely traditional adobe Nankana architecture characterized by round houses bounded by curvilinear walls are rapidly changing shape, size, composition, technology and visage. Many of the once regularly and neatly maintained compounds were broken down, wall motifs had faded beyond recognition and concrete block buildings with aluminum roofing sheets have been introduced. Cold water from the earthenware pot was no longer necessary in most compounds since electricity offered them a ‘better alternative.’ Sadly too, the compounds that were once filled with women and children with the outer spaces full of men and boys now appeared largely deserted, with a few old men and women. The 137 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh youth and energetic population have peradventure, migrated into bigger cities in search for greener pastures, or are following their dreams in various educational institutions. Practically, every question I asked was answered by reference to what pertained in the past in contrast to what pertains currently. These are clear indications of the dynamic nature of the Sirigu community. 7.3 Transforming Sirigu Arts By the transforming of Sirigu arts, I am looking at the ways in which innovation has married tradition in a unique way to produce effects on both the traditional and the contemporary, making greater impact socially, culturally or economically. This was observed in the deliberate attempts to preserve the traditional arts of the area. The effects of innovation on Sirigu arts as observed are positive. Two of such innovations are discussed here: the Navrongo Cathedral and the Sirigu Women Organization of Pottery and Arts (SWOPA). 7.3.1 The Navrongo Cathedral The Navrongo Cathedral, known as the “Our Lady of Seven Sorrows Cathedral” was constructed in 1920 following the arrival of French Canadian missionaries in Navrongo. It was the first large building in the area, but its uniqueness also stems from the fact that it is a major witness of the history of the encounter and merger of two cultures: the Roman Catholic and the Nankana/Kassena. The cathedral has very obvious European influence, however it is a hybrid structure, a mix of vernacular and western know-how, using both local and imported building materials, in a complementary mix (Navrongo Cathedral, 2004:3). In 1972, the interior of the cathedral was harmoniously decorated with the traditional techniques used to decorate dwellings in the area, mixing Nankana motifs with 138 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Catholic ones. Monsignor Kizito Avereyire, a Catholic priest who hails from Navrongo, arrived in Navrongo in the early seventies and initiated this innovation. He found the Cathedral in poor condition and commissioned seven women from Sirigu: Akanvole Akasise, Adumpoka Akasise, Akansaare Akabange, Alobase Asika-Kugre, Asokiwine Apisigre, Atigesama Akurugu and Akurugo Akayire to do the work. These women were assisted by Joseph Abagre and Simon Apio, who were art students from the local Notre Dame Secondary School, who made sketches of the Catholic figures (Navrongo Cathedral, 2004). Under the artistic leadership of Akanvole Akasise, the women worked in unison as they normally do in their communities, complementing one another with their different experiences and coming together spontaneously to create an energy and vitality which would last the next forty days. The care and attention is obvious; the precision in detail is startling; and the overall composition truly revealing of a people whose artwork is not only considered a joyful activity, but also a way of life. It provides joy to the onlooker (Navrongo Cathedral, 2004). This development, where a Christian church whole-heartedly embraces traditional culture in the form of its art and incorporates it into its place of worship is very significant. It constitutes a major advancement in the appreciation and recognition of Sirigu art. Also, it does not only demonstrate the readiness of the artistic culture to adopt to change but also importantly, advancements in innovation, technology and function. The art of wall paintings assumes a religious function in addition to the purely domestic utilitarian ones before then. Also, the technology in terms of the material used changed. Instead of the purely traditional colours derived from the immediate environment, imported synthetic acrylic paints were incorporated. 139 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Moreover, the motifs in this context are not limited to the traditional geometric designs, but add on religious Catholic symbolisms, which hereafter, were incorporated into the collection of motifs used by some muralists, especially those who had become proselytes. Today, the Navrongo Cathedral stands not only as a fusion of two traditions, but also as a historical monument and tourist destination exemplifying the innovativeness of Sirigu artistic traditions in contemporary arts. Plate 65: Navrongo Cathedral. Photo credit: Navrongo Cathedral Brochure. Plate 66: Women designing motifs on Cathedral Walls Photo credit: Navrongo Cathedral Brochure. 140 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh a b c Plate 67: Motif designed on N avrongo Cathedral walls. Picture credit: Navrongo Cathedral Brochure. Plate 68: Motif designed on Navrongo Cathedral walls. Picture credit: Navrongo Cathedral Brochure. 7.3.2 The Sirigu Women Organization of Pottery and Art (SWOPA) Another example of the innovations in Sirigu art is the establishment of the Sirigu Women Organization of Pottery and Arts (SWOPA). Melanie Kasise, an indigene of Sirigu, upon her return to Sirigu in 1995 after haven studied in Israel, noticed the poor state of the village’s paintings as they faded and peeled from the walls. Not only was Kasise’s artistic enough to understand the value of the paintings, but she was also 141 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh entrepreneurial enough to understand that reviving the paintings could also revive the fortunes of the women of Sirigu, who at that time were suffering from the drought brought on by the creeping Sahel. This resulted in some women and youth actually migrating to the cities in the south in search of greener pastures. Therefore, SWOPA was conceived and started under the visionary leadership of Kasise in 1997 as a vehicle of empowering the women of Sirigu in improving the quality of handicrafts and artworks, to enhance their incomes, and to preserve their traditional art forms and culture. Since its inception, SWOPA has received numerous national awards in the tourism sector and has attracted tourists from all over the world, amongst who was Kofi Annan, the then UN Secretary-General who visited the place in the year 2004. A portrait has been mounted at the SWOPA visitors centre in his honour. Plate 69: Mama Melanie Kasise, Founder of SWOPA. Photo credit: SWOPA website: http://www.swopa.org Melanie started SWOPA with 54 women from Sirigu. Each woman was already skilled in painting, making ceramics or basket weaving, but SWOPA gave them an identity, raised the standards of the crafts – and also increased the prices. Before this intervention, the women struggled to sell their products in the local markets. If they 142 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh failed to do so one week, they would drop their price continuously until the basket or the pot is sold. In addition, the painters had no market at all. But SWOPA exported their artworks to the towns, and brought in tourists who were happy to pay higher prices for their pieces of art. Over 300 women are now employed to produce the artworks. In this enchanting village where every house and granary, tells a story, Melanie is the editor who has compiled each of these unique stories into one compendium. The women get to paint and sculpt, their children get to go to school, and Northern Ghanaian art is celebrated, something to be proud of, rather than a flaking, fading relic of the past. 7.4 The Economics of Sirigu Women’s Arts SWOPA is one example of women’s art that has moved out of the confines of domestic spaces and utilitarian arts to an economic venture that has largely broken stereotyped gender barriers. Since the arts of Sirigu gained economic value, men in the community have not only become interested in the art, but have trained to become artists. Currently, SWOPA has a visitors’ centre, a permanent art gallery, and a workshop for art training and accommodation facilities, which are all income generating. SWOPA has three main product lines: pottery, canvas and wall paintings and basketry. All these products are sold both in the local market and internationally. Apart from selling their products, SWOPA also provide art classes for interested persons of which major patrons have been tourists. 143 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 70: Photographs of SWOPA Visitor’s centre and Guesthouse, November 2015. Sirigu wall motifs decorations have broken the barriers as domestic arts of women to become creativity that are adopted by patrons all over the country. Both commercial and private buildings in some parts of Ghana have adopted Sirigu wall motifs. Some of the few buildings observed with Sirigu wall motifs are: Alliance Francaise and sometime back, Golden Tulip Hotel, both in Accra, Tietar restaurant, Black Star Hotel, Sacred Heart Catholic Social Centre and Next Generation Children’s Home, all in the Bolgatanga Municipality. One of the major patrons of Sirigu wall paintings is Alliance Française in Accra, Ghana. Alliance Française commissioned Sirigu artists who painted its outdoor amphitheater. The project had popular elements of Sirigu paintings such as cows, lizards, and geometric designs like Akunyana nii, Amuzia Zuvaka, wanzaagsi, Zaalinga. It was completed and duly unveiled on October, 30th 2013. In recognition of the SWOPA’s excellence in the production of traditional artifacts, Alliance Française in return exhibited the products of SWOPA at their exhibition gallery in Accra from 30th October to 14th November, 2013. Items on display ranged from wall paintings to glossy pottery. 144 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 71: Open Exhibition gallery of Alliance Francaise Picture credit, SWOPA website: http://www.swopa.org 7.5 Men’s Participation in Sirigu Women’s Arts During interviews with respondents, Aburepore Agombire16, a retired male muralist with SWOPA asserted that until age caught up with him, he was a trainer of the women artists. In addition, many other men work at the SWOPA visitors’ center as tour guides and art instructors. Again, men are now largely engaged in weaving, pottery and canvas paintings and wall decorations in Sirigu. Also, men do not only participate in weaving commercial baskets, but also presently dominate the commercial and international trade in basketry, popularly known as Bolga baskets, smocks and leather products, once reserved for women. Popular brands like Dasoa baskets and others who engage in large-scale exports of baskets are evidence to this assertion. Also, the sketches of near realistic Catholic motifs such as angels, the bishop’s rod, and other catholic symbols in the historic Navrongo Cathedral project was done by two young men, Joseph Abagre and Simon Apio, who were then art students of Notre Dame Secondary School, Navrongo. As Agadjanian (2002) observed, where economic gains are involved, men are usually ready to break away from stereotyped gender roles to venture into the roles that are 16 Aburepore Agombire, a 65-year-old retired male muralist with SWOPA, Sirigu, interviewed on 11th November 2015 by Akolgo Ayine. 145 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh traditionally reserved for women. The art of wall paintings, basketry, pottery and tanning of leader, traditionally assigned as women arts, have now become lucrative businesses for men, who are the major tycoons in that industry. This reality was confirmed by the assertion of respondents. For instance, Akayuure Adongo17 in his modest understanding of the economic dynamics asserted that, “pottery and mural arts are the preserve of women, but the monetary enticements (money to buy alcohol as he put it) have forced many men into the art.” This is an admission that men are usually ready to relinquish their stereotyped attachments to masculine ideals in pursuit of economic ends in the public space in a woman’s domain. However, as Agadjanian (2002:329-342) observed they decline to do likewise in the domestic space. True to the observation of Perani and Smith (1998:19), not until quite recently when things are changing, “for the Frafra, women make traditional flat bottom cane baskets used for storage and transporting things while men produce the majority of the more commercial bulbous types.” This implies that the present innovations, change in style, technique for mass production, improved quality of arts of the Frafra to meet international standards and taste are all attributed to the participation of men in the trade. However, specifically in Sirigu, it is actually this commercialization of the arts by men in the other parts of the region that gave impetus to SWOPA to organize the women, train them and empower them financially to compete in the production of commercial baskets, pottery and wall paintings, rather than limiting their arts to domestic utilitarian ones. 17 Akayuure Adongo, head of Akayuure’s house, Sirigu Guwonkor, interviewed on 6th November 2015 by Akolgo Ayine. 146 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Apart from the Sirigu case in point and among the Frafra, evidence of men’s participation in the arts traditionally reserved for women and eventually outperforming or challenging the women to also raise the standards of quality of their products abound in other parts of West Africa. Perani and Smith (1998:59) cited an observation made by Aronson (1985:20) that, “raw cotton, like food, is the woman’s domain and therefore something which only she processes for weaving.” Pitching this against the dyeing of indigo textiles in West Africa, Perani and Smith (1998:17) observed that dark blue indigo dyeing is the preserve of female specialists. However, among the Hausa of northern Nigeria, men have taken over the art and virtually sidelined women’s participation. What is interesting in this particular case is that the participation of men completely removed women from the art unlike the case in Sirigu, where it has actually challenged and made the women to form a coalition to compete with their male counterparts. 7.6 Conclusion This chapter has explored the implications of change on both the Sirigu community and of its arts. Change has affected the social and architectural milieu both positively and negatively. However, change and innovation in the art of wall painting presents new economic and innovative opportunities. Artistic transformation in Sirigu has led to a unique projection of the artistic traditions of the area innovatively, with a blend of both the traditional and the contemporary. The Navrongo Cathedral and SWOPA are two main epitomes of innovative transformation in Sirigu arts. The artistic input of Sirigu women on the Cathedral is a lasting testimony of the history of tradition and change, a fusion of two cultures: the Roman Catholic and the Nankana. The Cathedral is adorned with traditional Nankana motifs as well as with Catholic ones, producing a beautiful edifice for worship and also as a tourist destination. 147 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh SWOPA is the other mark of innovative transformation in the Sirigu feminine artistic heritage. Founded by Kasise in 1997, SWOPA has become a medium for empowering the women of Sirigu. SWOPA has given an identity to Sirigu women and empowered them economically by transforming the art of wall painting from a purely domestic and utilitarian art to one with economic demand both locally and internationally. Consequently, the women engage in their art, generate incomes to feed their families and sponsor their children through school. Also, the culture of Sirigu and its art, once an insignificant part of northern Ghana, gets celebrated and catches the eye of the international community, including Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary General at the time. The participation of men in the arts of wall paintings and basketry in Sirigu has not made the women of Sirigu to relinquish their expertise and resign to their traditional domestic roles as is the case among the Hausa women in northern Nigeria. It has rather spurred them on to form a coalition that makes them stronger and better positioned to compete favourably with their male counterparts. The Sirigu wall paintings, like their Ndebele counterparts, have broken the barriers as domestic women arts and have become creativity being adopted by patrons some parts of the country and beyond. Some commercial and private buildings in Ghana have adopted Sirigu wall motifs. Not surprising therefore, there is an increasing participation of men in the art, which traditionally has been reserved for women. This is evidenced in the commercial and international trade of these arts, where men seem to be dominating. 148 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER EIGHT SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION 8.1 Introduction This chapter presents a summary of the findings of the thesis, a conclusion and recommendations on issues that requires action and possibly further research. This study has investigated the gender dynamics that characterize domestic dwellings in Sirigu, a subsistent community in the Kassena Nankana area. It has documented various relationships that are identifiable in the art of wall decorations and scarification. The visual and symbolic meanings attached to motifs, and their functions and implications for gender have been carefully analyzed. Beliefs and practices in the domestic context, which have shaped the gendered worldview of the people, have been identified as an essential part of this thesis. Besides, adaptability, resilience and change or transformation underpins the contemporary analysis of Sirigu/Nankana dwellings and art. Sirigu is a part of the Kassena Nankana socio- linguistic group found in the north-east of Ghana. The study focused on all five communities in Sirigu, namely, Guwonkor, Busongor, Wugingo, Nyangolgo, and Basengo. 8.2 Summary of Main Findings Sirigu dwellings come across as unique traditional adobe edifices compartmentalized into over twenty-three (23) unique parts, each part contributing to the identity of the inhabitants. The various components of the Sirigu compound house are not just functional but also symbolic. Much as this symbolism evokes many themes, the 149 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh dominant and most consistent subject in all the symbolisms of components of the house is gender. Right from the compost heap outside through the main entrance into the twin rooms, rituals, beliefs, practices and symbolisms very often have gender considerations. Almost all parts have ritual and socio-economic implications. Establishing a house in itself is embedded in rituals. The construction process is communal, and yet gendered. Every part of the dwelling is as symbolic as it is functional and gendered in the same way that the wall paintings are symbolic, functional and gendered. In other words, space, rituals and motifs in Sirigu define and reinforces gender just in the same way that gender equally reinforces spatial use. The gendered nature of Sirigu domestic spaces is conspicuous in their funerary and burial rituals. How deceased men and women are treated from the point of death to the final funereal rites are all gendered. Even how the body is laid in the grave is gendered. Men are laid facing the rising sun while women are laid facing sunset. The study revealed that parts of the house mostly linked with economic, political and socio-cultural value or symbolisms are associated with men while women’s domains and their symbolism basically reinforces their traditional reproductive roles. Gender is therefore revealed as an overacting consideration in Sirigu spatial arrangement and symbolism. The history of mural art in Sirigu is of uncertain origin. While some attribute it possibly to trade interactions further north of the Sahara in Burkina Faso and beyond, others believe the art evolved spontaneously out of a need to increase the lifespan and beauty of adobe buildings. The art of wall painting has transcended many generations and is still vibrant today because it is passed down from mother to daughter/daughter- in-laws. Motifs, patterns and reliefs on Sirigu dwellings were also discovered to be 150 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh functional, symbolic and equally gendered as well as aesthetic. Wall motifs or murals on Sirigu dwellings are geometric figures or stylized reliefs that represent ideals that are embedded in the worldview or cosmogony of the people of Sirigu. They reflect both feminine and masculine roles and expectations. They are unique transformation of Sirigu landscape bringing out in clear visual terms their culture and relationships as well as other beliefs. The study revealed that motifs on Sirigu dwellings can be grouped under power, wealth and status symbols; feminine symbols; and symbols with economic significance. Symbols of power, wealth and status epitomize wealth, prosperity and plenty. They are also symbolic of the protective role of the house. They signify headship, authority, experience and wisdom of the aged and status. The symbols with feminine representations on the other hand are basically symbolic of the virtues of womanhood such as unity, quietness, mothering, care and hospitality. The symbols with economic significance exemplify money, trade and commerce. It was discovered that most of these symbols are either reactive or affirmative and employ both fauna and flora in their representation. Three basic colours are used in designing these motifs. They are black, red and white, which represent sadness, death and happiness respectively. These same colours are also observed on Sirigu basketry, the traditional cloth, pottery and leather works. Sirigu motifs and symbolisms therefore constitute a non-verbal language from women, who are not expected to be verbally expressive to surreptitiously present their thoughts and ideals to the dominant social group. Motifs on dwellings are also visually similar to scarification marks that adorn indigenes of Sirigu. 151 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Wall motifs identified as façades and scarification marks identified as faces have been analyzed as an important theme is this study with an interesting relationship. The findings revealed that knowledge, skills and techniques of facial scarifications just like those of wall decorations are transmitted cross generationally from forebears to their progeny. However, the art of wall decorations is purely learnt, unlike that of scarifications, which is ascribed supernatural origin and therefore lies outside the reach of the ordinary indigene in Sirigu. Three main types of scarifications were identified in Sirigu: Weska, Ninzo’resi and Kiska. Each of these three however had varying manifestations. Weska scarifications are diagonal, deep lacerations running down from the nose area to the cheek. These are different from the meticulously arranged tiny incisions that are all over the face in geometric patterns identified as Ninzo’resi. The third type is the Kiska marks, which are minor marks that are found either on one side of the cheek, or on both, or in any other part of the body. Scarification marks serve various purposes. They are for identification, were employed during slavery, serve medicinal functions, are for beautification or adornment and served as well in “disfiguring” babies who continuously die and return after they are born. The practice of scarifications is diminishing, but the Ne’eŋa or medicinal mark still persists and is common even among children in the area. The study revealed that some wall motifs showed similarities with patterns of scarifications either visually, philosophically and or in terms of their rationale or purpose. Identity, medicinal, protection and beautification are identified as reasons why both façades and faces are marked. Façades and faces are representative of the 152 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh unique cultural identity of the people of Sirigu. It is obvious that a relationship exists between both faces and façades in Sirigu. Another important discovery is the eminence of change and its effects on the social and architectural milieu of Sirigu. Change and innovation in the art of wall painting presents new economic opportunities. Sirigu arts, as revealed by this study are a blend of both the traditional and the contemporary, a fusion of two cultures. The evidence is the Navrongo Cathedral, which is adorned with traditional Nankana motifs as well as with Catholic ones, and SWOPA, as a mark of innovative transformation in Sirigu feminine artistic heritage. SWOPA has become a medium for empowering the women of Sirigu. It has given an identity to Sirigu women and empowered them economically. Also, the culture of Sirigu and its art are celebrated the world over. Sirigu wall paintings can no longer be considered stereotypically as domestic, utilitarian women arts. Some commercial and private buildings in Ghana have adopted Sirigu wall motifs. Also, there is increasing participation of men in the art. Men now dominate the commercial and international trade of these arts. The international traction that Sirigu arts have gained, have attracted a lot of tourists, who visit not just the SWOPA center, but are in turn taken round the compounds to see the unique architectural arrangements. This is particularly interesting because, tourist arts has taken a new turn. It is now formally taught in institutions of learning and pitched as a major foreign exchange generator. 8.3 Conclusion The findings of this study support the conclusion that there is a relationship between traditional domestic dwellings and the human body. Sirigu dwellings and their various parts have been identified as functional, symbolic and gendered. The distribution of 153 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh space into private and public spaces or into male and female domains is a direct reflection of gender roles and identities in Sirigu homes. This has been supported by the discussion of field data collected and analyzed accordingly. Not only are various parts of dwellings functional, symbolic and gendered but also the motifs on Sirigu dwellings, which are in stylized reliefs or in geometric patterns are equally functional, symbolic and gendered. The wall motifs and patterns were identified to be either visually, philosophically or functionally related to the patterns of scarifications that adorn the faces of indigenes. There is therefore a relationship between façades and faces in the study area. Also, spatial distribution in Sirigu compounds has ritual connections. The impact of innovation on Sirigu arts is very direct. Transformations in the arts have made them more economically appealing. This economic appeal has in turn challenged traditional gender roles by attracting men who have relinquished their gendered concept of Sirigu arts as a preserve of women and have ventured into it. I therefore conclude that cultural identity and tradition are significant to the arts of a people. A people’s arts cannot be divorced from their culture and traditions. Transformations in the arts can lead to transformations in the cultural ideals of the people in the same way that social change could lead to innovations and transformations in the arts. 8.4 Recommendations In seeking answers to the research questions, other questions also came up. One of such questions was the seeming lack of confidence in modern medicine by the people of Sirigu to take care of convulsion in children. This was revealed by the pervasiveness of the bird mark or medicinal marks irrespective of the fact that medical facilities are readily available to them. Therefore, I recommend: 154 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1) Further research on the area with emphasis on the health concerns of the people, possibly a joint research between art and medicine or art and health. 2) There is also the need for a comprehensive survey and documentation of the traditional dwellings, scarifications and all other forms of visual and performing arts of northern Ghana. Considering the rate at which some of these monumental structures and unique artistic expressions are disappearing, there is no better time than this for such an ambitious call. 3) I also recommend the setting up of a museum purposely for the traditional arts of the Upper East Region and possibly those of all other parts of the country. Curatorial efforts in this direction will help preserve these rich traditions from complete annihilation. In the meantime, the Upper East Regional Museum could organize exhibitions on the arts herein discussed. A lot of people are ignorant about the symbolic density of these arts. 4) The SWOPA gallery also needs improvement in terms of information and management of their collections. Instead of focusing solely on the commercial components of the arts, the gallery should serve as a cultural museum that dispenses knowledge and information about the artistic traditions of Sirigu. This could be facilitated by the provision of very comprehensive exhibition catalogues, brochures and leaflets, both to market and promote the place. 5) I recommend that SWOPA brand the arts of Sirigu more professionally as part of the transformation process. The geometric figures and stylized reliefs are very beautiful, with convincing symbolic connotations, however, the patterns fall short of visual harmony. The edges of the lines, curves, patterns and reliefs are not well defined, the figures are not uniform and the colours are not properly coordinated. 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Traditional Asante Architecture . African Arts, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Feb., 1980), pp. 57-65+78-82+85-87. UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3335517 Accessed: 06/11/2009 10:19 Prussin, L. (1974). “An Introduction to Indigenous African Architecture,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 33, No. 3 (October 1974): 182- 205, esp. 193. Prussin, L. (1969). Architecture in Northern Ghana: A Study of Forms and Functions. Berkeley: Los Angeles, University of California Press. Turner, V. (1967). The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual. London, England: Cornell University Press. Turner, V. W. (1973). Symbols in African Ritual Science, New Series, 17(4078), 1100–1105. Vgallery cc. (2003). Esther Mahlangu. UCT Irma Stern Museum. www.vgallery.co.za 37 Heron Circle Kommetjie 7975 South Africa. Visona, M.B., Poynor, R., Cole, H. M., (2008). A History of Art in Africa. Pearson Education Inc., Upper Saddle River. New Jersey. Wemegah, R. (2009). Architecture, Mural Decoration and Pottery in Sirigu Culture. (Unpublished MA Thesis, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi. 162 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Willett, F. (1994). African Art, an Introduction. Great Britain: Thames and Hudson. Yin, R. K. (2011). Qualitative Research from Start to Finish. The Guilford Press. A Division of Guilford Publications, Inc. 72 Spring Street, New York, NY 10012. Archives Northern Territories No. 587/01/1908: ADM 56 /1 /138 Websites: http:/www.eartharchitecture.org/Ndebele_house, 2016 163 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh APPENDIX INTERVIEW PROTOCOL AKOLGO AYINE is an Mphil student of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, who is conducting research on “Artistic Representation of Gender roles in Sirigu Domestic Dwellings.” This research is purely for academic purposes and the researcher wants to assure you of confidentiality as much as possible. 1. Name of Community: ________________________________________________ 2. Name of Respondent: ________________________________________________ 3. Sex : ____ Age:_____ Scarification marks? Yes ____ No ____ 4. Name of Household/family: ___________________________________________ 5. THE HOUSE – Mention the various parts of the house that you can remember: (a) ____________________________________ (b) ____________________________________ (c) ____________________________________ (d) ____________________________________ (e) ____________________________________ (f) ____________________________________ (g) ____________________________________ (h) ____________________________________ (i) ____________________________________ (j) ____________________________________ (k) ____________________________________ 6. SYMBOLISM: What do the various parts identified in (5) above represent? 7. Does the house have mural decoration? Yes ____ No ____ 8. If Yes, which parts of the house? 9. What peculiar symbols can be identified on the walls? 10. What do those symbols mean to women? 11. What do those symbols mean to men? 12. How does on become a muralist? 164 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 13. Are there any men involved in the art of mural decorations? 14. Is there any particular reason(s) why wall motifs are red, white, and black? 15. In what other context do you use these same colours? DOMESTIC RITUALS 16. What important rituals take place within the domestic space? 17. Which ones relate to pregnancy? 18. Which ones relate to birth? 19. What are their implications for the birth of males and females? 20. Which ones relate to Marriage? 21. Which ones relate to Funerals? 22. What are their implications for the funerals of males and females? BELIEFS AND PRACTICES 23. Mention some key beliefs and practices in the domestic space? 24. Which ones relate to females? 25. Which ones relate to males? 26. Which ones relate to parts of the house? GENDER ROLES 27. What are the traditional roles reserved for males and females in a domestic unit? 28. What are male (adults) supposed to do? 29. What are male (boys) supposed to do? 30. What are female (adults) supposed to do? 31. What are female (girls) supposed to do? 32. What happens to male (adults) if they don’t do what they are supposed to do? 33. What happens to female (adults) if they don’t do what they are supposed to do? 34. What happens to male (boys) if they don’t do what they are supposed to do? 35. What happens to female (adults) if they don’t do what they are supposed to do? 36. What happens to female (girls) if they don’t do what they are supposed to do? 165 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh SCARIFICATION MARKS 37. Do you have any marks in any part of your body? Yes _____ No _____ 38. Do you know when these marks were given to you? 39. Do you know why these marks were given to you? 40. How do you feel having these marks? 41. Can you identify any similarities between the marks on humans with those on your houses? Yes _____ No _____ 42. Do you know of any reason(s) why both humans and houses have marks? 42. Do you know of any particular types of marks that are for males? Yes __ No __ 43. Do you know of any particular types of marks that are for females? Yes _ No _ 44. How do they come by the knowledge, skill and medicine for scarifications? REQUESTS: - Please, can you do us another favour? (i) Will you allow us to take a picture with you? (most importantly for those who have scarification marks) (ii) Will you be happy to see yourself in a book like this? (show picture to respondent) (iii) Do you have any old portraits (photos) of your deceased mother, father, grandmother, grandfather? (iv) Can we please see them? (take photo shoots of these portraits) (v) Can you direct/lead us to anybody who knows so much about wall motifs or scarification marks? (vi) Do you know of anybody who specializes in giving marks to people in this community? (vii) Can you direct/lead us to him/her? IT’S BEEN AN EYE-OPENER INTERACTING WITH YOU. THHANK YOU SO MUCH FOR YOUR TIME AND WONDERFUL RESPONSES!!! 166