“LA MIGRATION, C’EST UNE TRADITION, C’EST UNE MODE DE VIE”: THE 

NIGERIEN MIGRANTS ON THE STREETS OF ACCRA. 

 

 

 

 

 

BY  

 

ISHMAEL BOAMPONG OSEI 

 

(10401564) 

 

 

 

 

 

 THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN 

PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF A 

MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY SOCIOLOGY DEGREE.  

 

 

 

DECEMBER 2021 

 

 

 

 

 
       
 

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DECLARATION 
 

I Ishmael Boampong Osei do hereby declare that this thesis is the result of my research work, 

conducted at the Department of Sociology, University of Ghana, Legon, under the joint 

supervision of Prof. Akosua K. Darkwah and Prof. Steve Tonah. All references have been duly 

acknowledged and all errors found in this work are solely mine.  I also declare that as far as I 

know, this thesis has not been published nor presented to any academic institution for an 

academic award.  

                                                                  

 

                                          17th December, 2021 

------------------------------                                  ------------------------------- 

Ishmael Boampong Osei                                    Date 

 

Student 

 

 

 

           17th December, 2021 

 

--------------------------------                                    ------------------------------- 

Prof. Akosua Keseboa Darkwah          Date 

 

 

Principal Supervisor 

 

 

 

    17th December, 2021 

 

-------------------------------    ----------------------------- 

Prof Steve Tonah     Date 

 

Co-Supervisor     

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ABSTRACT 

 

The presence of Tuareg migrants on the streets of Accra confirms the idea that south-south 

migration is prominent on the African continent. It also presents a case of international 

migration for begging as a form of economic mobility outside formal labour markets yet within 

the framework of the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement. Drawing on 21 in-depth 

interviews and informal conversations with participants from the Accra mall area and Sabon 

Zongo in Accra, this study examines the distinctive form of migration for begging amongst the 

Tuareg migrants on the streets of Accra as part of intra-regional migration flows in West Africa. 

Data were analysed within the framework of the Push-Pull Plus model and the culture of 

migration with themes generated accordingly.  

My findings show that following the 1970s and the 1980s drought in Niger and other parts of 

the Sahel region, and the various Tuareg rebellions that have happened between that time and 

now in Niger and Mali, racially white Tuareg migrants, in particular, have been drawn to 

Ghana. Over the years, these Tuareg migrants have developed a culture of migration for 

begging in Ghana. This is because Ghana is a politically stable country with democratic 

provisions that allow the Tuareg migrants some rights and freedoms. The political and 

economic freedoms afforded the Tuareg migrants in Ghana match their economic interests. 

This international migration for begging amongst the Tuaregs in Accra is engendered by the 

fact that begging is a common phenomenon in Ghana’s Zongo communities, which are usually 

the first places of residence for the Tuareg migrants in Accra. These, coupled with the fact that 

there is a somewhat lax approach to the implementation of laws on begging in Ghana as 

compared to other countries in the sub-region where the Tuareg migrants report negative 

experiences with the law enforcement agencies, make begging a favourable means to income 

generation amongst the Tuareg migrants.  

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Furthermore, the Tuareg migrants on the streets of Accra, albeit foreigners in another country, 

are not totally cut off the Ghanaian society. Although they prefer residential segregation, there 

are nonetheless aspects of their living arrangements that have traces of Ghanaian societies. 

  

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DEDICATION 

 

To my friends: 

I am deeply indebted to my friends for supporting me through this journey. In no particular order of 

importance, I want to acknowledge the following: Ebenezer Eshun, Sandra Kutin and the family in 

Akuafo Annex D room 204, Stella Dankyi, Ernestina Botchwey, Priscilla Fosu, Kwadwo Aniboe-

Brenya, Harriet Boamah, Janet Cobbinah, Dora Acheampong, Kate Kyeremateng, Kingsley Appiah, 

Mishael Ahia, Ellen Amo-Tachie, Doreen Amon, Dufie Donyina, Akua Ameley, Michael Addo, Derrick 

Degboe, Samuel Amo-Tachie, Abena Yeboah Asuamah, Abrafi Asiedu, Awura Akua Agyemang. Your 

varied contributions have not gone unnoticed. God richly bless you. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

       

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 

 

God has, through an army of people, provided help and support from the commencement of the 

project to its completion. This acknowledgement session is to recognize all those who have 

contributed to this project.  

Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisors: Prof Akosua Darkwah and Prof Steve Tonah. 

Prof Darkwah, you have always been present and prompt with your responses. I cannot thank 

you enough. Prof Tonah, this thesis has greatly benefited from the knowledge you imparted 

during the Urban Sociology course. I am thankful that you were willing to teach a class of only 

one student, who happened to be auditing the course. Thank you very much.  

I also want to thank all the participants in this study. I am grateful for your willingness to share 

your views and experiences with me. I am thankful to Chief Yahaya Hamisou Bako, Sakora 

Bako, Mallam Imurana Bako and all the members of the Bako family of Sabon Zongo. Your 

warm welcome and willingness to participate in this study were both helpful and reassuring. 

My translators, Samira, Fauziya and Ikram also need special mention. Your assistance aided 

greatly in the production of this work. 

Further, I would like to thank Dr Samuel Ntewusu and Miss Esther Asenso-Agyemang for 

devoting their valuable time to discuss aspects of this work. I am also thankful for all the 

comments from faculty and colleague students during my seminar presentations at the 

Department of Sociology. Dr Geraldine Adiku, I still have the papers you sent early on when I 

discussed my research plans with you. I am grateful for opportunities like these. 

Finally, I am thankful to my entire family, particularly Oye, Jomo, Naomi and Kofi for their love, 

patience and support in diverse ways. This work would not have been possible without your 

prayers. 

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 

DECLARATION.................................................................................................................................... i 

ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................................... ii 

DEDICATION...................................................................................................................................... iv 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT .................................................................................................................... v 

TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................................... vi 

LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................ xii 

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................................. xiii 

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................................xiv 

CHAPTER ONE ................................................................................................................................... 1 

TUAREG MIGRANTS IN ACCRA: A REFLECTION OF MIGRATION IN AFRICA? ........... 1 

1.0 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 1 

1.1 Problem Statement .......................................................................................................................... 5 

1.2 Research Objectives ........................................................................................................................ 6 

1.2.1 Specific Research Objectives ................................................................................................... 6 

1.2.2 Research Questions .................................................................................................................. 6 

1.3 Definition of Terms ......................................................................................................................... 7 

1.3.1 Tuareg Migrants ...................................................................................................................... 7 

1.3.2 Begging ...................................................................................................................................... 7 

1.3.2.1 Passive Begging ..................................................................................................................... 7 

1.3.2.2 Aggressive Begging ............................................................................................................... 8 

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1.3.3 Migration for Begging ............................................................................................................. 8 

1.4 Significance of the study ................................................................................................................. 8 

1.5 Conceptual framework ................................................................................................................... 9 

1.5.1 Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 9 

1.5.2 Drivers of Migration: Push-Pull Plus Model ......................................................................... 9 

1.5.3 Towards a Culture of Migration........................................................................................... 12 

1.5.4 On the Margins of Society: The marginal man ................................................................... 15 

1.5.5 Stigma...................................................................................................................................... 15 

1.6 Summary of Thesis Chapters ................................................................................................... 16 

1.6.1  Chapter Two:  Migration is a tradition; it is a way of life. ............................................ 17 

1.6.2 Chapter Three:  Doing Research Amongst Tuareg Migrants In Accra ........................ 17 

1.6.3 Chapter Four: From The Desert To The Gold Coast: International Migration Of 

Tuareg Migrants To Ghana ....................................................................................................... 17 

1.6.4 Chapter Five: Ma Me One Cedi, Me Pε One Cedi: Migration For Begging Amongst 

Tuareg Migrants In Accra ......................................................................................................... 18 

1.6.5 Chapter six:  Tuareg integration in Ghanaian society ................................................... 18 

1.6.6 Chapter seven:  Conclusions ............................................................................................. 18 

CHAPTER TWO ................................................................................................................................ 20 

“ MIGRATION IS A TRADITION; IT IS A WAY OF LIFE.” ..................................................... 20 

2.1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 20 

2.2 The Blue men of the Sahara ......................................................................................................... 20 

2.2.1 The Lesser gods of the Sahara .............................................................................................. 20 

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2.2.2 Tuareg societies and the Colonial Masters .......................................................................... 24 

2.2.3 Lost lords of the Sahara: Tuareg Societies on the margins of the Post-independent 

Saharan countries ........................................................................................................................... 25 

2.3 Ecowas Protocol on Free Movement ........................................................................................... 29 

2.4 Zongo: Where strangers settle ..................................................................................................... 31 

2.4.1 Understanding the “Zongo” .................................................................................................. 31 

2.4.1 Sabon Zongo: The home of migrants ................................................................................... 34 

2.5 Summary of existing gaps............................................................................................................. 36 

CHAPTER 3 ........................................................................................................................................ 38 

DOING RESEARCH AMONGST TUAREG MIGRANTS IN ACCRA ...................................... 38 

3.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 38 

3.1 Research Design and Data Collection ......................................................................................... 38 

3.1.1 Research Design ..................................................................................................................... 38 

3.1.2 Data collection Method .......................................................................................................... 39 

3.1.2.1 Sampling population ....................................................................................................... 40 

3.1.2.2 Study Sites ........................................................................................................................ 41 

3.1.2.3 Sampling Procedure and Strategies .............................................................................. 46 

3.1.2.4 Characteristics of Sample ............................................................................................... 48 

3.1.2.5 Interview Process and Research Instruments .............................................................. 50 

3.2. Data Handling .............................................................................................................................. 54 

3.2.1 Data transcription .................................................................................................................. 54 

3.2.2 Data Analyses ......................................................................................................................... 55 

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3.3 Ethical Consideration ................................................................................................................... 56 

3.4 Challenges of the study ................................................................................................................. 57 

CHAPTER FOUR ............................................................................................................................... 59 

FROM THE DESERT TO THE GOLD COAST: INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OF 

TUAREG MIGRANTS TO GHANA ................................................................................................ 59 

4.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 59 

4.1 Journey to the South ..................................................................................................................... 60 

4.1.1 Origins of migration decision and the political economy of marginalization ................... 61 

4.1.2 Active agents or slaves of the structure? .............................................................................. 66 

4.2 Ghana, Africa’s Land of opportunities ....................................................................................... 74 

4.3 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 80 

CHAPTER FIVE ................................................................................................................................ 81 

MA ME ONE CEDI, ME Pε ONE CEDI: MIGRATION FOR BEGGING AMONGST 

TUAREG MIGRANTS IN ACCRA .................................................................................................. 81 

5.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 81 

5.1  International Migration for begging amongst Tuareg Migrants in Accra ............................. 82 

5.1.1 Towards a Culture of begging............................................................................................... 82 

5.1.2 Culture of Migration amongst Tuareg Migrants ................................................................ 87 

5.2 Beggars on the streets of Accra .................................................................................................... 92 

5.3 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 95 

CHAPTER SIX ................................................................................................................................... 97 

TUAREG INTEGRATION INTO GHANAIAN SOCIETY .......................................................... 97 

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6.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 97 

6.1 On the margins of Accra, yet not left out: Integration amongst Tuareg migrants ................. 98 

6.1.1 Towards a Tuareg Zongo? Residential Arrangements amongst the Tuaregs in Accra .. 98 

6.1.2 Forever strangers or Tuarego-Ghanaians: The Adaptation of Tuaregs into Ghanaian 

society ............................................................................................................................................. 101 

6.1.2.1 Me ti Twi nkakra nkakra : Language practices amongst Tuareg migrants ............ 101 

6.1.2.2 Eating Habits Amongst Tuareg migrants in Accra ................................................... 102 

6.1.2.3  Social Life Amongst Tuareg migrants in Accra ........................................................ 104 

6.2 The Future of the Tuareg migration in Ghana ........................................................................ 107 

6.2.1 “Trying to level up”: Shifting Trends amongst Tuareg Youth in Accra ......................... 107 

6.3 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 115 

CHAPTER SEVEN ........................................................................................................................... 116 

CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................................................................... 116 

7.0 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 116 

7.1 Key Research findings ................................................................................................................ 117 

7.2 Recommendations ....................................................................................................................... 119 

7.2.1 Opportunities for Research ................................................................................................. 119 

7.2.2 Policy Considerations .......................................................................................................... 120 

REFERENCES .................................................................................................................................. 122 

APPENDIX I: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR ADULT NIGERIEN 

MIGRANTS....................................................................................................................................... 151 

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APPENDIX II: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR YOUNG NIGERIEN 

MIGRANTS....................................................................................................................................... 156 

APPENDIX III: ETHICAL CLEARANCE ................................................................................... 161 

APPENDIX IV: INTERVIEW DATES .......................................................................................... 162 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

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LIST OF FIGURES 

 

Figure 2.1: Sketch of the Tuareg area in the Sahara and Sahel………………………........19 

Figure 2.2: Map of Sabon Zongo, Accra Central and Western Periphery………………...32 

Figure 3.1: Settlement for Tuareg Migrants at Vulcanizer………………………………...39 

Figure 3.2: Informal settlement for urban poor Ghanaians at Vulcanizer…………………41 

Figure 3.3: Mallam Bako’s Mosque……………………………………………………….42 

Figure 4.1: Growth Rates Between Ghana, Mali And Niger from 2011-2021…………….73 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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LIST OF TABLES 

 

Table 3.1: Socio-demographic characteristics of Adult Tuareg Migrants………..45 

Table 3.2 Socio-demographic characteristics of young Tuareg migrants…………46 

Table 6.1: Quantity and quality of employment…………………………………………108 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 

 

CBD         Central Business District 

ECOWAS    Economic Community of West African States 

G C H C    Gold Coast Hausa Constabulary  

GDP     Gross Domestic Product  

GLSS     Ghana Living Standards Survey  

ID     Identification 

IFI     International Financial Institution 

ILO     International Labour Organization  

IMF     International Monetary Fund  

PRSP     Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers 

SAP    Structural Adjustment Programmes   

SSA    Sub Saharan Africa 

STC     State Transport Company  

SUV       Sports Utility Vehicle  

UNDP     United Nations Development Programme 

UNHCR    United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 

USA       United States of America 

USAID   United States Agency for International Development 

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CHAPTER ONE 

 

TUAREG MIGRANTS IN ACCRA: A REFLECTION OF MIGRATION IN AFRICA? 

1.0 Introduction 

On the foot walk near the Accra Mall and in many other parts of the bustling city of 

Accra, there is the now familiar sight of little children who should be in school, instead 

chasing after cars and following pedestrians to importune them for money. We 

sometimes see the parents sitting afar of [sic] beckoning the children to continue their 

begging. Sometimes, we see mothers with helpless babes in arms begging in traffic. A 

few years back they looked amusing, speaking the little local dialect they managed to 

pick up. Presently, some use abusive words if you do not oblige them. Often, the 

children, persistent through practice, hold on to you until you give them money. You 

can see some of them running alongside the cars as they drive off from traffic stops. 

One may ask, who are these people? Where do they come from? Why are they here? 

(Donyina, 2019:1) 

 

The presence of these migrants on the streets of Accra affirms the notion that the historical and 

contemporary experience in Africa is heavily characterized by migration (de Bruijn, van Dijk 

and Foeken, 2001). Across all countries on the continent, there are accounts of various forms 

of migration for reasons such as pastoralism, conflicts, natural disasters, trade, and labour 

(Arthur 1991; Tonah 2002; Adepoju 2003, Bukari and Schareika 2015). Adepoju (2019) 

explains that people that embark on these movements can be categorized into “temporary cross-

border workers, unskilled and temporary contract workers, traders, undocumented migrants, 

highly skilled professionals, and refugees” (p.2).  

The various sub-regions within the continent are, however, different in terms of the forms of 

migrations that dominate in these places. Western and Central Africa are noted for intra-

regional labour migration, as are the developed countries in the global North and the Middle 

Eastern oil-producing nations. They are also noted for the cross-border migration of nomads 

seeking food and water for their livestock. The Eastern part of Africa is mostly characterized 

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by refugee flows. Crush, Williams, and Peberdy (2005) observe that the Southern African 

countries are also noted for labour migration to South Africa. The Northern parts of Africa are 

noted for movements of citizens to Western and Southwestern European countries. This, de 

Haas (2008) posits, is a result of Northern African countries’ colonial ties with countries like 

France and Spain and also selective labour recruitment by the various receiving European 

countries. 

Recent scholarship on migration on the continent, however, has largely focused on the 

international migration of Africans especially those in the sub-Saharan region to the developed 

world. Especially with respect to the most recent migration crisis in Europe, headlines such as 

"Europe is trying to cut the flow of migrants from Africa. It won’t be easy” (Sieff, 2017); 

“Africa’s media silent over the Mediterranean refugee crisis” (Africa media silent, 2015); “At 

least a million sub-Saharan Africans moved to Europe since 2010” (At least a million, 2018), 

amongst several others provide a one-sided view of migratory patterns on the African 

continent. de Haas (2005) and Adepoju (2019) contend that the least known fact about the 

migratory patterns of African populations is that most migration in Africa continues to take 

place on the continent rather than out of the continent. In West Africa, for instance, Adepoju 

(2019) reports that 80 percent of migration takes place within West Africa. The figure is slightly 

reduced but still relatively high in East Africa where there is a record of about 60 percent of 

intra-regional migration.  

In Ghana, the presence of African migrants is not a new phenomenon. Adepoju (2003) explains 

that Ghana and Côte' d'Ivoire have long been major destination points for many migrants in the 

sub-region. He recounts that the "gold coast" era of Ghana for instance meant that it was the 

“go-to" country for thousands of people from Togo, Burkina Faso, and Nigeria. As Cardinal 

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noted, Nigeria in particular had the largest number of migrants in the country in 1931 (Cardinall 

as cited in Aremu and Ajayi, 2014). 

In the 1970s, however, Ghana experienced a period of political instability as a result of the 

various coup d'états of 1966, 1972 and 1979. The mismanagement of the nation's resources and 

corruption allegations attached to these regimes led to an economic decline in Ghana. The 

deteriorating economic situation of Ghana coincided with Nigeria's discovery of oil leading to 

the subsequent burgeoning oil industry. The change in fortune of Nigeria spurred growth in 

other sectors of its economy and therefore it started to attract many migrants across the sub-

region (Adepoju, 2005). Tonah (2007) indicates that Ghanaians, both skilled and unskilled, 

moved to Nigeria during this period in search of greener pastures as a result of fallen living 

standards in Ghana. Indeed, the histories of Ghana and Nigeria in terms of migration are 

characterized by periods of either of the two countries being a receiving or a sending country 

depending on the economic situation in the other country. 

Nigerians, Togolese, Burkinabe, and other labour migrants from the sub-region are not the only 

known types of migrants from the sub-region to have moved to Ghana. The commencement of 

the Liberian civil war in 1989 saw the arrival of many displaced Liberians in Ghana. As a 

response, the Ghanaian government established the Buduburam refugee camp to absorb these 

refugees (Essuman-Johnson, 2007). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 

(UNHCR) confirmed in June 2012 that Liberians' refugee status has ended worldwide 

(UNHCR, 2012). Many Liberians living in Ghana were forced to return home as a result of this 

decision. Despite this, some 7,000 Liberians stayed in Ghana and continued to live in exile 

under the new Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) migrants’ 

classification (Omata, 2016). 

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The recent clashes on May 4, 2021 between Fulani pastoralists and indigenous Ghanaians over 

access to and control over land and other resources may suggest that their presence in the 

country is a recent phenomenon1(Man Killed 5 injured, 2021). However, Tonah (2002) shows 

that since the 20th century, Fulani pastoralists in West Africa, prompted by the dry and rainy 

seasons, had to seasonally move from their Sahel regions to the savanna zone due to differences 

in environmental conditions. The number of those moving to and eventually settling in these 

"green" zones increased in the 1960s and 1970s due to the drought that affected the Sahelian 

region consequently destroying the land, soil, and environmental conditions in the area. The 

Northern parts of Ghana particularly became a hotspot for these Fulani pastoralists because 

aside from other factors like the control of diseases and the availability of veterinary 

professionals to meet the health needs of the animals, the Fulani migrants were able to establish 

relationships with the Ghanaian locals based on reciprocity (Tonah, 2000). 

The answer to Donyina’s (2019) questions of who the migrants described in the opening 

vignette are and where they come from, is quite simple to ascertain. You only have to ask them 

where they come from after giving them a Cedi or two on the streets, and they would willingly 

give you the answer. They are Tuaregs mostly from the Tillabéri region of Niger and other 

parts of Mali. They are neither labour migrants, refugees, nor Fulani pastoralists, which are 

usually the categorizations of international migrants from the sub-Saharan region in Ghana.  

But why are they here? In this study, I extend the discussions on the subject of the Tuareg 

migrants on the streets of Accra by adding to the question of why they are here. The fact that 

it is very easy to find out who these people are but as observed by Donyina (2019), they are 

 
1 See also Daily Graphic (2017).   https://www.graphic.com.gh/news/general-news/nine-

killed-in-clash-between-fulani-herdsmen-and-farmers.html 

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mostly mistaken for Somalis and Chadians, affirms the fact that although physically present in 

Ghana, knowledge of the Tuareg migrants is close to zero.  

In her work, Donyina (2019) envisaged that answers to her questions would throw more light 

on the legal categorization of these migrants to ensure that the right policies are enacted to 

regulate their activities. Sociology, however, seeks to scientifically uncover the various 

explanations for any given human action. Therefore, my interest lies in the social causes of this 

particular phenomenon. In answering the question of why they are here, I want to know the 

social or cultural factors in their countries of origin and Ghana that necessitated their 

movements. Also, I want to know how are they integrated into Ghanaian society and what 

informs their decisions to adopt begging as a livelihood strategy. 

1.1 Problem Statement 

 

Several calls have been made for attention to be paid to south-south migration on the African 

continent. Although begging as a phenomenon has received scholarly attention globally 

(Duneier, 1999; Asante, 2006; Kassah, 2008; Diop 2010), migration for begging as a 

phenomenon is a relatively unresearched area. The known studies conducted on the subject are 

in the context of the Roma living in Scandinavian countries (Djuve et al.,2014). In Ghana, there 

is a growing interest in issues relating to Tuareg migrants on the streets of Accra. This can be 

seen from short videos and documentaries on YouTube by bloggers and established Ghanaian 

media houses2. There is, however, little scholarly attention paid to this phenomenon.  

 

2 One Ghana TV (2019) and CitiTube (2019) 

 

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This study, therefore, seeks to contribute to the knowledge gap in the area of south-south 

migration by focusing on the unique form of mobilities as evident in the lives of the Tuareg 

migrants on the streets of Accra. 

1.2 Research Objectives 

The overall aim of this study is to explore the phenomenon of migration for begging amongst 

the Tuareg migrants on the streets of Accra. 

1.2.1 Specific Research Objectives 

1. To investigate the factors in the country of origin that prompt the decision to 

migrate. 

2. To find reasons that make Ghana their preferred choice of host country. 

3. To find out why begging has become a common livelihood strategy amongst these 

Tuareg migrants on the streets of Accra. 

4. To explore the extent to which these migrants are integrated into Ghanaian society. 

5. To understand what imagined futures these migrants have constructed and how their 

presence in Ghana contributes to that. 

1.2.2 Research Questions 

 

The research questions for the study are based on the three main themes explored in this study- 

motivation for migration, aspiration of these migrants, and their integration into Ghanaian 

society.  

1.  What factors in the country of origin prompt the decision to migrate?  

2. Why is Ghana the preferred choice destination?  

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3. Why has begging become a common livelihood strategy amongst the Tuareg migrant?  

4. To what extent are they involved in the Ghanaian socio-cultural fabric?  

5. What futures do they envisage as migrants and how does their presence in Ghana foster 

these ambitions?  

1.3 Definition of Terms 

 

1.3.1 Tuareg Migrants 

 

In this study, a Tuareg migrant refers to all Tuaregs who trace their origins from Niger or other 

countries in the Sahel region but have moved to Ghana voluntarily or are forced to move from 

their countries to Ghana as a result of natural disasters, conflicts, or any other unfortunate 

incidence which threaten their survival in their countries of origin. It also includes all children 

born in Ghana to parents who fall in the category of a Tuareg migrant as employed in this study. 

1.3.2 Begging  

 

Begging as employed in this study refers to the act of imploring others with no obligation to 

grant a favour, often a gift of money or material things by persons who claim to be needy. The 

study will take both the passive and aggressive forms of begging into consideration. 

1.3.2.1 Passive Begging 

 

Passive begging is the form of begging in which a request is made gently without threat or 

malice, or sometimes with an outstretched container as a gesture of solicitation with no words 

uttered at all (Asante, 2006). 

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1.3.2.2 Aggressive Begging  

 

Aggressive begging is a form of begging where the passerby is harassed with loud and 

persistent demands even after refusal.  

1.3.3 Migration for Begging 

The concept of Migration for begging is borrowed from Friberg's (2020) description of the 

phenomenon amongst the Roma in Scandinavian countries. In this study, however, it is 

employed to depict movements whether forced or voluntary into Ghana as a form of economic 

mobility outside formal labour markets in Ghana, and yet within the framework of the 

ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement. This definition is helpful because it will bring out the 

differences in the various types of Tuareg migrants that are present in Ghana. For instance, 

skilled professionals from Niger working in Ghana's formal labour market in various capacities 

or as Foreign Service Officers in Niger's foreign mission in Ghana will not form part of the 

study.  

 

1.4 Significance of the study 

 

The significance of this study is that it fills the gap in the literature on the presence of Tuareg 

migrants in Ghana. This importance is manifested in two ways.  

First, the study provides a general understanding of Tuareg migrants in Ghana. It does this by 

highlighting the nature of their migratory patterns and their experiences on the streets of Accra.   

The thesis also serves as a point of reference for future studies on Tuareg migrants in Ghana 

and the West African sub-region at large. 

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1.5 Conceptual framework 

 

1.5.1 Introduction  

 

This section highlights the framework of theories and concepts that help explain the 

phenomenon of Tuaregs migrants begging on the streets of Accra. The various theories or 

concepts are generally described. Their specific use in explaining the phenomenon of migration 

for begging as evident amongst the Tuareg migrants in Accra are also outlined. In this study, 

Van Hear, Bakewell and Long’s (2018) “push-pull plus” framework is extensively adopted to 

explain the drivers for migration amongst the Tuareg migrant. An intersection of Kandel and 

Massey’s (2002) Culture of Migration, Park’s (1928) Marginal man theory and Goffman’s 

(1963) stigma is applied to shed more light on street life amongst the Tuareg migrant and to 

appreciate why begging over the years is the preferred means for surviving on the streets of 

Accra.  

1.5.2 Drivers of Migration: Push-Pull Plus Model 

 

Originally developed in 2012, the push-pull plus model is an extension of the functionalist 

“gravitational” models and “migration laws” prominent from the late 19th century through to 

the second half of the 20th century. Popularly referred to as “push-pull” models, they stress 

economic, environmental, and demographic factors as reasons behind movements from one’s 

place of origin to another place of destination (de Haas, Castles and Miller, 2020).  They are 

simplistic because the emphasis is on all those factors that affect migration decisions. Where it 

is limited, however, is in its ability to explain the roles of these outlined factors and how they 

interact to cause population movements. Therefore, one may miss the intricacies of migration 

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evident across cultures when the phenomenon is viewed through the lenses of push-pull 

models.  

Migration is a complex phenomenon. So, the various factors that cause people to move from 

one place to another should not be studied in isolation. There is a need to focus on the 

complexities of these factors in determining the inception of migration decisions and how they 

are perpetuated (Massey and Parrado, 1998). The push-pull plus model, therefore, fills the gaps 

usually associated with the push-pull models by proposing a framework that combines those 

structural forces that drive migration. The major thesis for the push-pull plus framework is that 

the various drivers of migration interact to create the structural conditions that inform people’s 

migration decisions (Van Hear et al., 2018). 

Drivers of migration are referred to as those forces external of the individuals that affect their 

migration decisions (Van Hear et al., 2018). At a glance, it appears the push-pull plus model 

places migration decision-making in the realm of the structural forces at the expense of 

individual motivations and aspirations. This particular viewpoint suggests that there is a 

dichotomous relationship between the structure and agency of individuals in determining 

migration decisions. This is not the case as individual aspirations and desires are usually set in 

contexts such as the history and culture of the society in which the individual is located, 

economic and political factors that affect social life and, in some cases, environmental factors 

that bring about social changes. The drivers for migration are thus the structural factors that 

facilitate or obstruct an individual’s ability to exercise agency in migration decisions. 

In the push-pull plus framework, four sets of drivers are identified. These are predisposing, 

proximate, precipitating and mediating drivers. 

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Predisposing drivers are explained as those external factors that create an enabling environment 

for migration. Taken in isolation these predisposing drivers may not influence movements. 

However, their interaction with other factors would increase the likelihood of migration. For 

instance, differences in environmental conditions in two places may cause members of the 

region with less favourable conditions to think of migration as a solution for improved living 

conditions. These environmental differences may not be the actual stimuli for migration 

because, with advancements in science and technology, a given society facing harsh 

environmental conditions may be able to turn its situation without having members of the 

community move from one place to another. 

   

Proximate drivers have a greater influence on migration. In the aforementioned example, 

migration would be highly probable if the disparities in environmental conditions are combined 

with dire economic situations for instance in the place of origin as against improved economic 

conditions in another place. A case in point is where a lot of Ghanaians migrated to Nigeria in 

the 1970s due to the deteriorating economic situation coupled with political instabilities vis-a-

vis Nigeria’s discovery of oil leading to the subsequent burgeoning oil industry (Tonah, 2007). 

A combination of economic and political factors, which are in themselves predisposing factors 

to the extent that they had become acute, are now working as proximate drivers of migration.  

Precipitating drivers are those that prompt movement. This is where individuals or households 

decide to move. They are usually associated with particular events. Examples are natural 

disasters, an outbreak of war and financial crises. Relaxed migration laws or increased demand 

for labour in another country can be the precipitating drivers that pull migrants to that country. 

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Mediating drivers are those structures available in society that can either foster or inhibit 

migration. In and of themselves, they are not exclusively associated with migration but they 

are needed to ensure that migration is possible. Quality transport systems, for instance, are 

provided to ensure easy commuting of people from one place to another. The end is not to 

promote migration but without transport services, an individual who has decided to migrate to 

another country may find it difficult to do so. Thus, quality transport services are mediating 

factors that can either facilitate or obstruct migration. 

This study benefits from the push-pull plus model because it provides a framework to discuss 

the inception of migration, the implementation of migration decisions, and the sustenance of 

mobilities amongst the Tuareg migrants. Tuareg migration can be attributed to a complexity of 

factors. Thus, the simplistic nature of the push-pull model would not do justice to the 

phenomenon.   

1.5.3 Towards a Culture of Migration 

 

Societies with a long history of migration over time develop new sets of values and cultural 

orientations that are influenced by earlier migratory experiences (Massey et al., 1993). This is 

what is termed a culture of migration. Horváth (2008) argues that three major interpretations 

can be derived from this definition. These three interpretations or meanings are adopted in this 

study to understand the phenomenon of migration amongst the Tuaregs on the streets of Accra 

and why begging in particular has become the adopted survival strategy. 

The first interpretation of the “culture of migration” identified is the fact that migration 

becomes a constant feature in the culture of particular sending regions. The focus here is not 

only on the fact that a particular society becomes characterised by constant mobilities. It also 

takes into consideration those tangible and intangible aspects of a society’s culture that are 

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starkly affected by migration and therefore affects decision-making processes (Massey et al., 

1994). These cultural components are observable but can also be subtle in terms of their effects 

on people in a given society. Kleist’s (2017:327) description of a town in what used to be the 

Brong-Ahafo region of Ghana heavily influenced by migration is an example of a society 

characterized by a culture of migration.  

While many townhouses are dilapidated, with old structures and tin roofs, there are a 

number of big houses in bright colours as well as smart hotels, almost all built by 

migrant money from Europe, North America or, sometimes, Libya. Similarly, the 

orientation to the outside world is visible in the names given to shops and spots (small 

food or drinking places), such as Ben Ghazi Cold Shop, Washington Spot, Cambridge 

International Secondary School, Napoli Furniture, Great Jamahiriya Hardware Store, 

and FC Barcelona Sports Bar. Visiting or returning migrants driving fancy cars, 

donating huge amounts of money to churches, or generally showing wealth is also 

widely seen as ‘proof’ that migration is a potentially profitable and relatively fast way 

out of the destitute life that would otherwise await most people in town with little 

education and/or demanding family responsibilities. 

 

In some cases, studies have shown how returnees after experiencing changes in orientation in 

their host countries, return with new ideas that sometimes are in contestation with the old ways 

of doing things in the place of origin (Horváth, 2008). 

The second meaning of “culture of migration” is related to the various belief and value systems 

that are likely to be brought about by a society characterized by enduring migration. Over time 

a society where migration is common develops different interpretations of the phenomenon of 

migration and migrants in general. In Ghana, for instance, migration is well-liked. Literature 

on internal migration from the northern part of Ghana to the southern part is vast (Hashim, 

2005; Van Der Geest, 2010; Pickbourn, 2011, Abdulai, 2016). The same can be said about 

international migration (Kabki, Mazzucato and Appiah, 2004; Mazzucato, 2008; Nieswand, 

2014; Wong, 2014). Especially with international migration, some go as far as fasting for days 

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for a visa application (Sackey, 2006). The term “Borga3” has over the years become a marker 

for success, wealth and good living. Therefore, comments from participants, like the one 

immediately below, will only go a long way to ensure that the valorised status of a “borga” in 

society remains intact: 

As I said, I am 38 years old. I spent 2 and a half years in Libya. The rest of my years I 

spent in Ghana. I couldn’t acquire anything in the years spent in Ghana but the two 

years I spent in Libya helped me to build the house that I’m in currently. I’ve been in 

Ghana for the past two years but I don’t even have GHS1000 [roughly $200] to show 

for it. Over there I was making GHS3000 [roughly $600] every month. Therefore, I’ve 

seen that the benefit derived from my migration to Libya was good. In view of this, I 

look forward to enjoying more benefits when I migrate again. (Darkwah, 2019:15) 

 

In comparison with traditional economic activities like farming and fishing, members of a 

society characterized by a culture of migration can experience a lack of motivation to engage 

in these traditional activities. This is because to the extent that migration is viewed as 

beneficial, immediately after individuals in such societies raise enough funds, they would move 

to their desired places of destination. Studies on the subject of rural-urban migration from the 

northern to the southern parts of Ghana have shown that even in instances where the young 

migrants are provided with farm implements and some form of capital to engage in some 

farming activities in the north, they still run away to the urban centres in Accra and Kumasi 

(Pickbourn, 2011; Agyei, Kumi and Yeboah, 2016; Teye et al., 2017).  

The third interpretation of “culture of migration” is when migration becomes a symbol deep-

seated in the culture of a particular society.  Massey, Goldring and Durand (1994) argue that 

in some cases migration can become the prime symbol for transition into adulthood, akin to a 

rite of passage. Studies by Monsutti (2007), Castle and Diara (2003) and Conrad Suso (2020) 

 
3 “A reference to Hamburg where many Ghanaian migrants to Germany in the 1980s settled 

and a term now used in reference to international migrants” (Darkwah et al., 2019:14).   

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demonstrate how migration has become a rite of passage in Afghanistan, Mali and Gambia 

respectively.  

In effect “the essence of the culture-of-migration argument is that non-migrants observe 

migrants to whom they are socially connected and seek to emulate their migratory behaviour” 

(Kandel and Massey, 2002: 983). 

In this study, the culture of migration is adopted to help explain why begging over the years 

has become the adopted survival strategy amongst Tuareg migrants on the streets of Accra. It 

also throws more light on their actions and inaction in relation to their integration into Ghanaian 

society. 

1.5.4 On the Margins of Society: The marginal man 

 

Park’s (1928) classic, The Marginal Man is adopted to explain the experiences of the Tuareg 

migrant on the streets of Accra. Although it has been refined, extended and reviewed by several 

scholars over the years, in this study, its application is sourced from its original interpretation. 

“The marginal man…is one whom fate has condemned to live in two societies and in two, not 

merely different but antagonistic cultures…his mind is the crucible in which two different and 

refractory cultures may be said to melt and, either wholly or in part, fuse” (Park 1928:4). 

The marginal man is especially useful when discussing the extent to which the Tuareg migrant 

is integrated into Ghanaian society. 

1.5.5 Stigma 

 

In all societies, some conform to expectations of normal behaviour. Some also fall short of 

these societal standards. The latter are those Goffman (1963) refers to as the stigmatised in 

society. The stigma attached to these individuals can either be discreditable or discredited.  

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Discreditable stigma is where the stigma exists, but has not yet come to the attention of the 

public. Discredited stigma, on the other hand, is in the full glare of the public eye. Beggars 

have discredited stigma. This is because their actions are generally not considered to be in 

harmony with societal expectations. However, the religious underpinnings of begging 

activities, especially amongst Muslim societies like Northern Nigeria (Usman, 2008) and the 

Talibés of Senegal (Diop, 2015; Zoumanigui, 2016), may suggest that beggars having 

discredited stigma varies from society to society. 

Nonetheless, the call for the abolishment of this phenomenon by members of these Islamic 

societies goes a long way to support the claim that all societies frown on begging because their 

actions are against what is considered "normal" (Goffman 1963). The Tuareg migrants on the 

streets of Accra have discredited stigma because their actions which are frowned upon in Ghana 

are conspicuous. Stigma is applied when discussing the begging activities of Tuareg migrants 

on the streets of Accra. Other strategies for survival as migrants living on the margins of 

Ghanaian society would also be better understood when viewed through the lens of stigma. 

 

1.6 Summary of Thesis Chapters 

 

The subsequent chapters comprise of the literature review, methodology, three empirical 

chapters, and a conclusion. Each of the three empirical chapters focuses on a part of the 

objectives of the study. Therefore chapter five looks at the factors in the country of origin that 

prompt the decision to migrate and the reasons that make Ghana their preferred choice of 

destination country. The fifth chapter investigates the reasons why begging has become a 

common livelihood strategy amongst these Tuareg migrants on the streets of Accra. Finally, 

the sixth chapter focuses on the lives of Tuareg migrants in Accra and understanding what 

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imagined futures these migrants have constructed and how their presence in Ghana contributes 

to that. 

1.6.1  Chapter Two:  Migration is a tradition; it is a way of life. 

 

In this chapter, existing literature on Tuareg society in the Sahel region is reviewed. In order 

to put the social transformation of the Tuareg society into perspective, a historical account of 

pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial Tuareg society is provided. Furthermore, I explore the 

nature of migration within the West African sub-region through the lens of the ECOWAS 

Protocol on Free Movement. The chapter also examines the concept of “Zongo” in Ghana and 

its association with Tuareg immigration to Accra in particular. 

 

1.6.2 Chapter Three:  Doing Research Amongst Tuareg Migrants In Accra 

 

This chapter focuses on the research design that was used for the study. This includes the 

procedures used to collect data as well as the study sites and selection of participants.  I also 

discuss the qualitative approaches that were used, as well as how the data was handled and 

analyzed using the Thematic Network Analysis method. Furthermore, the chapter looks at the 

ethical considerations involved in acquiring research permissions and clearances, as well as the 

ethics of my interactions with the participants and the challenges involved in the study. 

 

1.6.3 Chapter Four: From The Desert To The Gold Coast: International Migration Of 

Tuareg Migrants To Ghana 

 

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This chapter analyses migration for begging amongst Tuareg migrants. The chapter explores 

the factors that inform migration decisions from their places of origin and the factors that attract 

Tuareg migrants to Accra. It does this by drawing on empirical data and discussing findings 

through the lens of the Push-pull plus model. 

 

1.6.4 Chapter Five: Ma Me One Cedi, Me Pε One Cedi4: Migration For Begging 

Amongst Tuareg Migrants In Accra 

 

This chapter explores why begging has become a livelihood strategy amongst Tuareg migrants 

on the streets of Accra. From the perspective of Kandel and Massey's (2002) culture of 

migration, I explore Tuareg migrants' international migration for begging. I also examine 

begging on the streets of Accra in general from the viewpoint of Tuareg migrants.  

 

1.6.5 Chapter six:  Tuareg integration in Ghanaian society 

 

This chapter explores the lives of Tuareg migrants on the streets of Accra. It presents the extent 

of integration of Tuareg migrants in Ghanaian social life. It also examines the future aspirations 

of young Tuareg migrants in relation to their current statuses as beggars on the streets of Accra. 

 

1.6.6 Chapter seven:  Conclusions 

 

 
4  An expression in the Twi language which translates as “give me one cedi, I want one cedi” 

and is the usual cries of the Tuareg beggars on the streets of Accra. 

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The final chapter connects the main arguments to twofold conceptual frameworks for the study. 

Revisiting the research objectives, I summarise my key findings relating to the drivers of 

migration of Tuareg migrants to Ghana, the reasons why begging over the years has become 

the preferred means for surviving on the streets of Accra and also the big dreams of the Tuareg 

migrants. Finally, I provide some recommendations for future research on the subject matter. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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CHAPTER TWO 

 

“ MIGRATION IS A TRADITION; IT IS A WAY OF LIFE5.” 

2.1 Introduction 

 

This chapter aims to demonstrate why migration has become a way of life amongst Tuaregs in 

the Sahel region of Africa. The chapter is divided into three sections. The first section explores 

the Tuareg societies of the Saharan region. This section is further divided into three parts. The 

first part examines the Tuaregs before the invasion of the Europeans. Emphasis is from 1660 

which is considered the period when the tribal organization started amongst the Tuaregs 

(Keenan, 1972), to the latter part of the 19th century. The second part focuses on Tuaregs during 

the era of colonialism. The third part looks at Tuareg lives after independence.  

The second section places the phenomenon of Tuareg migration within the context of migration 

in the West African sub-region. The ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement is generally 

explored with reference to Tuareg migration in the sub-region.  

The third section reviews the literature on the concept of “Zongo” in Ghana. Here, with Sabon 

Zongo as the point of reference, I examine the roles of Zongos in Tuareg migration to Ghana.   

 

2.2 The Blue men of the Sahara6 

 

2.2.1 The Lesser gods of the Sahara7 

 

 
5 La migration, c’est une tradition, c’est une mode de vie (See also Jegen, 2020). 
6 Tuaregs' moniker for the indigo dye that colors their distinctive flowing clothing. 
7 This title is borrowed from Jeremy Keenan’s (2004) book with the same title 

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The Tuareg, also known as the Kel Tamasheq, are found on the Sahelian edges of the central 

Saharan region of Africa. The language of the Tuaregs is Tamasheq or Tamahaq (Tamahaq or 

Tamasheq for those in the North and South respectively) hence the name Kel Tamasheq which 

means the people of Tamasheq (Rodd, 1926). Tuaregs practice the Islamic religion (Lecocq 

and Klute, 2013) and are said to be ethnically connected to the Berbers of the Mediterranean 

coast because of their language and other cultural characteristics (Keita, 1998). Unlike the 

Berbers,  however, whose economic arrangements were usually a sedentary form of agriculture, 

the Tuaregs were nomadic people who lived in the harsh environment of the Saharan desert 

and thus relied on their livestock for survival (Lecocq, 2010a).  

Until the advent of the European colonial masters, the Tuaregs were a warlike independent 

group that mainly traded and controlled the caravan routes as a result of their raiding activities 

(Rasmussen, 1999; Kohl and Fischer, 2010; Lecocq, 2010a). In the Sahara, five mountains 

served as central ‘meeting spots,' and smaller social groups of Tuaregs sprung up around them 

(Kohl and Fischer, 2010). The Ajjer in Libya, the Hoggar in Algeria, the Adagh in Mali, the 

Aïr in Niger, and the interior bend of the Niger River in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso are 

these mountain ranges8(Lecocq, 2004). 

These smaller Tuareg groups were autonomous, had a well-structured but different social 

organization characterized by a caste system, and adapted to various economic activities in 

which they were involved (Keita, 1998). Lecocq (2010b) observed that at the top of the caste 

system were the nobles. The nobles were perceived as racially white. They were subdivided 

into two categories. These were the noble warriors or Immushag. As the name implies, they 

 
8 See Kohl and Fischer, 2010 for extensive discussions on the smaller groupings 

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were mostly warriors. What set them apart from the other nobles was their honour and shame 

culture, which was widespread among Mediterranean tribes. 

The second noble group were the “Ineslemen”. They were directly under the noble warriors in 

the hierarchy. They specialized in religious issues. With these set of features of the 

aforementioned noble category, the nobles are generally said to have mainly focused on 

fighting, raiding and controlling the caravan routes (Lecocq, 2010b). 

Figure 2.1 Sketch of the Tuareg area in the Sahara and Sahel 

 

 

Source: Adopted from Fischer, 2008 cited in Kohl and Fischer 2010:4 

The vassals were also racially white but unlike the nobles, they mostly did not have a lineage 

to which they belonged. Sometimes described as similar to the notion of feudalism in medieval 

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Europe, the term “vassal” is derived from the notion that this group of Tuaregs relied on the 

nobles for security and in turn tendered to the livestock that belonged to the nobles (Keita, 

1998). Lecocq (2010a) observed that this idea is regularly contested. Nonetheless, as Keita 

(1998) argued, there was generally an interdependent relationship between the nobles and their 

vassals. The vassal tribes are described as being engaged in goat-herding and to some extent in 

their caravan trading in cereals and dates. The vassals on their own had few camels. What they 

had in abundance were goats, whose products were vital to the nobles. The nobles, on the other 

hand, left in the care of their vassals the many camels they owned. These are what the vassals 

used in their caravan trading and small-scale raiding. 

The harsh climatic conditions coupled with their pastoral economic activities meant the nobles 

and vassals from the various tribe and clans were constantly competing with one another and 

with other neighbouring ethnic groups for scarce water, grazing and control of the trans-

Saharan routes (Rasmussen, 1998). 

At the bottom of the strata were the slaves mostly from the Sudan region. They were racially 

black and were mostly remnants of the conquests of the noble groups over the other 

surrounding ethnic groups (Rouch, 1954). They provided manual labour for the nobles and 

vassals in the Tuareg societies. 

Another category of Tuaregs, the “Inadan”, was also encountered by early ethnographers. They 

were, however, mostly removed from the Tuareg caste system. This is because they were 

neither nobles and vassals nor slaves. They did not follow the set of culture expected of those 

at the top of the strata, neither were they slaves although they were racially black. They were 

free men who were mostly blacksmiths whose functions were similar to that of the griots of 

other West African groups (Lecocq, 2010a).     

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The relationship between the Tuaregs and their sedentary agricultural neighbours has been 

described as complex and symbiotic. As reported by Keita (1998), they have always thought 

of themselves as superior to their darker-skinned agricultural neighbours on the southern part 

of the Sahara Desert. This was because typically their livestock, trading and raiding activities 

made them wealthy and thus although faced with extreme environmental conditions, they were 

somewhat more financially secure. For instance, as already mentioned above, the Tuaregs did 

not engage in crop agriculture. The staple food in the region was, however, milk and millet 

(Rasmussen,1996). Therefore, to complement the milk from their livestock, the Tuaregs 

depended on the farmers for millet. Furthermore, because of their war-like dispositions and 

several military successes, they were able to demand 'taxes' in kind from the farmers living 

along the Niger River (Komlavi-Hahonou, 2009). The period before the European invasion of 

Tuareg societies was therefore characterized by frequent movements of the Tuareg from one 

region to another.  

2.2.2 Tuareg societies and the Colonial Masters 

 

During the mid-19th century, European armies invaded the Saharan regions of Africa. The 

consequent effect of this invasion was a changed social, political and economic structure of the 

Tuareg societies. The five poles described in Figure 1 above, were penetrated by the Ottoman, 

French, British and Italian soldiers who later enforced their respective colonial regimes. As a 

result, the nomadic boundaries between the various Tuareg societies were dissolved, and new 

colonial boundaries were created solely to advance the commercial interests of the European 

colonial masters (Kohl and Fischer, 2010).  

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Although defeated by the French colonialists in the latter part of the 19th century, the various 

Tuareg societies, true to their warlike tendencies, provided stiff opposition and were mostly 

unreceptive to efforts by the European authorities to change them (Charlick, 1991; Klein, 

1998). In line with their nomadic lifestyles, the Tuaregs tended to disregard the newly 

established European colonial borders. They moved from colony to colony. Indeed, as argued 

by Keita (1998) the French were not successful in assimilating large numbers of the Tuaregs 

into the social milieu of their colonies. To maintain peace with the Tuaregs, French colonial 

officials did not contest Tuareg claims to land ownership or the power to exact tributes from 

sedentary farming people (Lecocq and Klute, 2013). After independence, this problem would 

sour relations between Tuaregs and their neighbours. 

Rasmussen (1999) also noted that the Tuaregs were opposed to taxes and state schools because 

they perceived them as ways to change their culture. By sending the children of blacksmiths 

and slaves to schools, the nobles rejected secular education, preferring instead to send their 

children to Koranic schools. This created a gap in education amongst the nobles. The members 

of the lower caste had been educated in the formal western system. They, therefore, had more 

work options and opportunities to advance economically and politically. The nobles, on the 

other hand, unlike previous slaves, are reported to have despised hard labour and lacked work 

skills upon colonization, therefore they missed out on opportunities to advance (Clarke, 1977; 

Lecocq, 2005). As a result, after colonialism Tuareg nobles have become sidelined in ways that 

former slaves have not (Clarke, 1977; Rasmussen, 2002).  

2.2.3 Lost lords of the Sahara: Tuareg Societies on the margins of the Post-independent 

Saharan countries 

The period of the 1950s and the 1960s saw a lot of former European colonies in West Africa 

gain independence from their colonial masters. The colonies hitherto created by the colonial 

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masters were converted into nation-states with well-defined territorial borders (Kohl and 

Fischer, 2010). The Tuaregs of the Saharan and Sahelian regions who were one people with a 

common language in the past were thus divided into five different countries. These countries 

are Mali, Niger, Algeria, Libya and Burkina Faso. Lecocq (2003) argued that not only were the 

Tuaregs forced to share national identities with ethnic groups different from theirs, but they 

were now part of countries that were characterized by different educational systems and 

economies that were competing against one another and also governments with different 

ideological orientations.  

As a result of these developments, migration amongst the Tuareg was greatly inhibited. The 

creation of the national borders meant the Tuareg who were the lords of the caravan trade could 

no longer move freely from one place to another. They, therefore, developed hatred towards 

these new African leaders. To these Tuaregs, the new governments were structures that were 

no different from the previous colonial regimes. The formal governments would still deny them 

the freedoms they enjoyed as autonomous groups before the colonial era. The Tuaregs, 

therefore, presented a stiff opposition to these new administrations (Rasmussen, 2000).  

 The new independent administrations, largely comprised of people from tribes oppressed by 

the Tuaregs in pre-colonial times, for their part regarded Tuaregs as economically and socially 

backwards (Keita, 1998). Their economic arrangement of subsistence pastoralism was seen as 

a barrier to national growth. Their quest for modernization after gaining independence from 

France meant there was a need to educate the Tuaregs to abandon their “outmoded” lifestyle. 

In order to defend national interests, the new autonomous governments prohibited trade with 

neighbouring countries as expected by the Tuaregs (Rasmussen, 1999). As a result, the majority 

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of the Tuaregs, particularly the nobles remained outside the political and economic apparatus 

of their new countries (Lecocq, 2010a). 

In Mali for instance, the new leaders were in opposition to those aspects of Tuareg economic 

arrangements where their agricultural neighbours paid taxes to them (Keita, 1998). The 

administration termed this phenomenon “extortion”. Land ownership remained a contentious 

issue. This is because post-independent Malian governments believed that land belongs to 

people who worked it and not those who claimed authority due to some historical status of 

power and influence. 

Generally, the Tuaregs became marginalized in their lands and had to take directions from 

people they hitherto regarded as “strangers” and inferior.  

These recent political groupings, built on the Western model of the nation-state, have 

produced a new type of territoriality. In each of these states, the desert zones frequented 

by the nomads are situated on the periphery. … This is why in the Sahara the modern 

states are viewed as machines for turning out minorities who are relegated to the 

margins of the new centralities which are settled and urban, and in other respects 

separated from their ancient poles of attraction (Claudot-Hawad, 2006:655). 

The newly constituted state of Niger, for example, had eight main administrative regions that 

were geographically classified from north to south as the arid desert region, semi-arid 

savannah, and narrow tropical zone. These administrative regions are Agadez, Diffa, Dosso, 

Maradi, Niamey (including the capital of Niger, Niamey), Tahoua, Tillabéri, and Zinder (Afifi, 

2011). A study by United States Agency for International Development (USAID) (2005) 

demonstrated how the agro-pastoral regions of Maradi and Tillabéri and the pastoral regions 

of Agadez, areas in the western and northern part of Niger, are the most food-insecure in the 

country. Reitano and Shaw (2015) reported that living very close to the largely uninhabited 

Sahara Desert, the social and economic development of these communities (mostly Tuareg 

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groups in Niger) were mostly ignored by the newly independent government. And this was 

because these groups constituted a political and economic minority in the newly created state.  

Keita (1998), commenting on the marginalized state of the Tuaregs after the colonial regime in 

Mali, stated that the modernization attempts and marginalization were viewed by the Tuaregs 

as “re-colonization” (p.89). As a result, in 1963, the very first rebellion was staged by the 

Tuaregs in Mali. Many of the Tuaregs were killed in the process forcing most of the survivors 

to move to other places like Algeria.   

The droughts that hit the Saharan and Sahelian regions in the 1970s and 1980s were another 

major catalyst to Tuareg migration. The Tuaregs during this period were still heavily dependent 

on their livestock (Keita, 1998). The drought wiped out virtually all their livestock, therefore, 

it rid them of food and their major source of livelihood. Coupled with mismanagement of relief 

items and corruption from government officials, the Tuaregs moved to other Maghreb regions 

and further south to other West African countries in search of work (Keita, 1998; Lecocq, 

2004). Because of the oil sector and Gadhaffi's military forces, Libya was particularly 

appealing to the Tuaregs (Keita, 1998). 

They returned to their native nations in the 1990s, armed with military tactics and ammunition, 

to demand autonomy. There were battles between the Nigerien army and the Tuaregs of Niger 

in the mid-1990s. The major Tuareg secession movements arose as a result of these 

confrontations. Since then, insurrections have erupted in parts of Mali and Niger regularly 

(Abdalla, 2009; Emerson, 2011; Guichaoua, 2012). 

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In a nutshell, the experiences of the Tuaregs born after the 1950s can be described as those 

marked by socioeconomic ruin, marginalization, and frequent movements. The emergence of 

colonialism consequently leading to an era of decolonization are the two evils that have 

redefined the Tuareg society as people who are not socially important anymore. Colonialism 

did not allow hegemonic systems to exist. The Tuareg societies in the pre-colonial era were 

hegemonic groups. Also, the post-colonial era ushered in a period of democracy and 

liberalization movements. These two features of post-colonial countries privileges numbers 

and not royalty. How then did people of such noble origins turn to begging in their West African 

host countries? Several studies have looked at the effects of the new social status of the Tuareg 

societies especially in terms of migration. What they fail to incorporate in their studies on 

migration amongst the Tuareg, is the begging component of their activities in their West 

African host countries. This study, therefore, seeks to fill that lacuna in the literature. 

2.3 Ecowas Protocol on Free Movement 

 

Although a lot of movements by Africans on the continent are to other African countries, fixed 

national borders created as a result of colonialism on the continent tend to impede regular flow 

thereby negatively affecting economic activities and denying the continent of realising the 

benefits of intra-regional migration (Yeboah et al., 2021). The ECOWAS Protocol on Free 

Movements of People, Right of Residence, and Establishment (Protocol A/P.1/5/79) was 

established in 1979 as a response to this situation. Other rules and laws have been formed over 

time to serve as supporting frameworks for the flow of products, services, and labour within 

the Ecowas subregion (Adepoju, 2009; Adepoju, 2015). 

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The spirit of the protocol was to provide a “mother” framework that would create a common 

ground that would allow citizens from countries in the subregion to tap into the resources and 

the opportunities available in other countries in the subregion (Brown,1989; Yeboah et al., 

2020; Okunade and Ogunnubi, 2021). 

The protocol was to be rolled out in three phases. The first phase was outlined as the phase to 

remove visa restrictions for all citizens in the subregion. In this phase, all members in the 

subregion were granted 90 days of visa-free travel to another country within the subregion. 

The protocol allows community members to enjoy rights to residence and establishment in the 

second and third phases. The protocol requires member states to allow members of the 

subregion the right of residency, subject to the country's established processes (Article 4 

Protocol A/P/3/5/82 Relating to the Definition of Community Citizen). Member states are 

expected to ensure that there is equal treatment of both indigenous and migrant workers in the 

provision of social, cultural, and health services, as well as job security. 

The literature on the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement focuses on its implementation, 

and the problems associated with it (Adepoju, 2002; Opanike, Aduloju and Adenipekun, 2016; 

Yeboah et al., 2021). Studies have also highlighted the problems that ECOWAS residents face 

when travelling between member states, implying that what is on paper is not actually what is 

on the ground (Onwunka, 1982; Adeniran, 2012; Olusegun, 2015; Yeboah et al., 2021). The 

gap in the literature, however, has to do with movements of members in the subregion who 

move to other countries in the subregion specifically to beg. These categories of migrants are 

unique. This is because although they are members of the Ecowas subregion, and therefore 

within the framework of the protocol, they operate outside the specified range of activities 

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allowed by the protocol. There is therefore the need to expand the literature to include these 

particular migrants.  

2.4 Zongo: Where strangers settle 

 

2.4.1 Understanding the “Zongo” 

 

Several definitions have been provided for the phenomenon of Zongo. These definitions are 

usually dependent on the relative geographical, historical and social positioning of the one 

providing the definition. What is consistent, however, is that with all these definitions, Zongo 

is considered a place instead of a group of people. The word Zongo is derived from the Hausa 

language which means “stranger quarters” (Pellow, 1988:217). Historically, people who lived 

in Zongos were Muslims who had moved from the northern territories in sub-Saharan Africa 

to the southern parts either for trading purposes or as hired fighters (Pellow, 1988; Schildkrout, 

1970; Ntewusu, 2011). A brief history of Ghana’s association with Muslim migrants is essential 

in putting the phenomenon of Zongo in perspective. 

Ghana’s involvement with Muslim merchants in commerce dates back to the 15th century 

(Kobo, 2010). At the commencement of the colonial period, however, only people from the 

northern parts of the country had converted to Islam (Levtzion, 1968; Levtzion & Fisher, 1987; 

Kobo, 2010). Kobo for instance observed that: 

Dagomba, Gonja, Wala, and Mamprusi, converted to Islam as early as the sixteenth 

century, when they came into contact with Mande and Soninke merchants (also called 

Djula) from what is known today as Mali. By the nineteenth century, Hausa merchants 

from northern Nigeria had also extended their commercial activities to Ghana, and in 

the process continued the Islamic propagation that had been begun earlier by Djula 

traders. Through these processes, Islam became the main religion and culture of a 

significant portion of the urban population of the north. Intermarriage between the 

traders and indigenous people facilitated integration, and created a hybrid Islamic 

culture that bears elements of both Mande and Hausa customs (2010:70). 

 

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Although these Muslim traders had been involved in trading activities with the people in 

southern Ghana, they were not successful in converting them to Islam. This is because instead 

of integrating them into their social fabric of life, southern rulers rather provided a place of 

settlement known as Muslim quarters for these merchants and Islamic clerics (Pellow, 2003). 

This is where they engaged in trading activities, performed magic and provided healing 

services to the local people. As a result of this segregation, these migrant quarters become 

known as a place for strangers with a different culture and religion. Examples of these Zongos 

are Zongo Mallam now Zongo lane (Pellow, 2001), Cape Coast Zongo in the Cape Coast 

municipality (Williamson, 2014) and Old Zongo in Kumasi (Schildkrout, 1970).  

During the era of colonization, Ghana’s economy was largely based on mining and cocoa 

farming. These two industries were mostly in the southern part of the country. Therefore, a lot 

of migrants were drawn from the northern part of the country and other parts of francophone 

and anglophone West Africa (Adepoju, 2003). Most of these labour migrants had two things 

in common. These were a shared religion which in this case was Islam and a common culture 

due to the similar environmental conditions associated with their places of origin (Kobo, 2010). 

These set them apart from the local populations in the south. As a result, their isolation from 

the local areas by the colonial masters and traditional rulers at the time enabled them to practice 

their religion and culture without any influence from the indigenes (Pellow, 1985). The Zongo 

was thus born, influenced by the Islamic religion and the Hausa language. 

The meaning of the word and the fact that it is derived from the Hausa language suggests 

temporality, travel and a close association with the Hausa ethnic group. Indeed, the Islamic 

religion and the Hausa influences in terms of language and culture still loom large in Zongos 

of today (Williamson, 2014). They, however, have now become a distinctive place where 

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migrants Muslims and non-Muslims, either from other parts of the country or in the subregion, 

are welcomed (Pellow, 2001; Owusu, 2010; Mensah and Teye, 2021). Some have argued that 

some groups have been residents of Zongos for several generations therefore, Zongos have 

now developed some relative permanence (Essuman and Tonah, 2004; Dauncey, 2016). 

Regardless of this position, Zongos are still places with origins in migration, trade, transient 

living, cultural hybridity, and liminality (Mensah and Teye, 2021). It is therefore the first place 

of call for the Abotsi9 who has moved to Ghana in search of greener pastures (Amuzu, Nutakor 

and Amfo, 2019).  It is also the haven for the Kayayoo10 from the northern part of Ghana who 

has moved to Accra or Kumasi to work (Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schandorf, 2008; Baah-

Ennumh & Adoma, 2012). 

Studies on the Zongo have focused on its distinctive nature as compared to other places 

(Pellow, 2001; Williamson, 2014; Dauncey, 2014). Emphasis has usually been on its different 

social and spatial organizations. Other mostly contemporary studies have focused on the ills 

associated with the Zongo such as overpopulation, crime, poverty and filth (Owusu, 2010; 

Odunuga Afful, Oduro-Kwarteng and Awuah, 2015). Fobil and Atuguba’s (2004:257) 

descriptions that “the city centres are mostly characterized by congestion and squalor, rapid 

urbanization which mostly imposes immense land and shelter demands within short time 

stretches have led to the development of slums popularly known as Zongos” implies that all 

Zongos in all places are problematic. However, as argued by Williamson (2014) depending on 

 
9  A Hausa word which means “my friend” and is used for young Zambrama migrants who 

move from house to house selling all sorts of goods like cosmetics, shoes, pieces of cloths, 

and electrical gadgets. 

 
10 Head Porters mostly from the northern parts of Ghana. 

 

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the context, Zongos differ. In places like Kumasi and Wa for instance, Zongos are among the 

most opulent parts. 

2.4.1 Sabon Zongo: The home of migrants 

Sabon Zongo11 was built in 1912 by Mallam Bako, a migrant from Katsina in Northern Nigeria. 

The Muslim migrants drawn to Accra in the 19th century were mostly those drawn to the Gold 

Coast Hausa Constabulary (G.C.H.C.), traders who relocated to the south of the Gold Coast 

following the collapse of the Salaga market in Ghana's north, and Islamic clerics (Pellow, 

2003). Initially based in the Old Ga section of Accra, it was not long before these Muslim 

migrants outgrew Zongo Mallam12. Political wrangling mainly between the Hausa and the 

Yoruba groups at the time led Mallam Bako, the elder of the Hausa group, to move his people 

to a new location (Pellow, 1985). Upon consultation with the traditional rulers and colonial 

administrators, Bako’s plan for a new Zongo was accepted. A parcel of land shown in figure 

2.2 was allocated for this new settlement. The 75-acre plot of land, which Owusu (2010) 

observed is barely 3 miles north of Accra's central business district (CBD), was initially 

intended as a home for Hausa migrants in Accra (Owusu, 2010). Sabon Zongo is no longer just 

a Hausa community (Pellow, 2001; Pellow, 2003; Owusu, 2010; Dauncey, 2016). There is a 

great deal of ethnic diversity. The diversity of languages spoken in the area reflects this. Hausa, 

Ga, and Twi are common but other languages such as “Fulani, Yoruba, Kanuri, Zabrama, 

Wangara, Buzu, Kotokoli, Mossi, Ewe, Dagomba, and Dagati” (Pellow 2003:63) are also 

present 

    

 
11 “New” stranger quarters 

 
12 The name of the zongo at the old Ga section. 

 

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Figure 2.2 Map of Sabon Zongo, Accra Central and Western Periphery. 

 

           

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Source: Dauncey (2016:41) 

Sabon Zongo has received a lot of scholarly attention. This is in part due to its political history 

in Accra’s Muslim fraternity (Pellow, 1985) and also its role in the transformation of Accra 

into an urban centre (Ntewusu, 2011). Generally, the subjects for studies on Sabon Zongo are 

similar to that of other Zongos elsewhere in the country. The socio-cultural makeup (Pellow, 

2001; Dauncey, 2016), spatial arrangements (Pellow, 1991), crime (Pellow, 2002), poverty 

(Owusu and Afutu-Kotey, 2010) and poor sanitation (Owusu, 2010) feature heavily in studies 

on Sabon Zongo.  

Studies on Sabon Zongo have identified several ethnic groups and categories of people found 

in Sabon Zongo. Pellow for instance reported that “residents speak an extraordinary range of 

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languages, including Fulani, Yoruba, Kanuri, Zabrama, Wangara, Buzu13, Kotokoli, Mossi, 

Ewe, Sisala, Dagomba and Dagati” (2003:63). Buzu refers to a Tuareg slave in Hausa. In 

southern Niger, for instance, people use this term as a metonym or sometimes as an insult, for 

all Tuaregs (Rasmussen, 1999). Pellow’s inclusion of Buzu in her list of languages spoken 

suggests the presence of Tuaregs in Sabon Zongo. Only mentioned in passing in her work, it 

will be a great contribution to the literature on Sabon Zongo to study its association with Tuareg 

migrants. 

2.5 Summary of existing gaps. 

 

The review above identifies some research gaps that will be addressed by this study. First is 

the introduction of migration for begging in the literature on south-south migration. While 

migration scholars have focused on skilled and unskilled labour migration and forced migration 

in the West-African sub-region, there is far less on mobilities intentionally for begging within 

the subregion. Much of what is known about the subject is from the studies that treat migration 

and begging as separate phenomena. However, the little that we do know suggests that begging 

has somewhat become an economic strategy for which these Tuareg migrants would move 

across borders to pursue. This requires scrutiny. This study sought therefore to interrogate why 

migration for begging is perpetuated amongst the Tuaregs of the Sahel region. 

Secondly, studies abound on the impact of the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movements.  What 

these studies mostly have in common is the notion that what is written on paper does not always 

reflect reality. The case of the Tuareg beggars on the streets of Accra confirms this notion. 

 
13 Emphasis is mine 

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Nonetheless, this current study extends the discussions on the protocol by introducing a 

different category of migrants in the subregion. It also adds to the knowledge of the migratory 

patterns in the sub-region, thereby contributing to the scholarship on the ECOWAS Protocol 

on Free Movements. 

Finally, Accra is usually mentioned as a globalizing city. This is in the sense that increasingly 

Accra’s urban economy is being affected by the influx of international ideas. This has caused 

economic transformations and changed relationships among people. Studies have focused on 

both the positive and negative impacts of these global penetrations. The case of the Tuareg 

migrants provides an avenue to explore the extent to which the Tuareg migrants navigate their 

precarious status as international migrants on the fringes of a globalizing city. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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CHAPTER 3 

 

DOING RESEARCH AMONGST TUAREG MIGRANTS IN ACCRA 

3.0 Introduction 

 

This chapter describes the methods, processes and design I employed in conducting the study. 

As outlined in Chapter One, the study focuses on Tuareg migrants begging on the streets of 

Accra. I adopted a qualitative approach to data collection. The adoption of a qualitative 

approach for this research is based on two main reasons. Firstly, the nature of the research 

being conducted as a relatively new subject meant a more exploratory approach was needed to 

provide an understanding of the phenomenon. Furthermore, as a researcher, I subscribe to the 

social constructivist school of knowledge production. I believe in the fact that we can 

understand human actions only by uncovering the interpretations people give to the experiences 

in their everyday lives and generally how they view their world. 

There are three subsections in this chapter. The first part looks at the process of designing the 

research and collecting data. It describes how I developed the research questions, identified the 

field sites, recruited participants and conducted fieldwork activities. The second section 

explains how data was handled. The third section explores the issues of research ethics 

generally related to the subject under study and the methodological and field challenges I 

experienced as a researcher during the Covid-19 pandemic era. 

3.1 Research Design and Data Collection 

 

3.1.1 Research Design 

 

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Scientific research is defined as the application of systematic inquiry and procedures to 

improve, refine, and expand a body of knowledge, establish facts, and/or reach new conclusions 

(Polit & Beck, 2008). The research design is the strategy the researcher uses to answer the 

research questions. It is informed by the researcher’s philosophical worldview which 

consequently informs the methods he or she employs for the study (Cresswell, 2013). 

For this study, a qualitative research design was employed. This is because I subscribe to the 

social constructivist philosophical school of thought. Social constructivists believe that there 

is no such thing as objective knowledge. Rather the experiences that individuals face cause 

them to develop subjective meanings and interpretations of various social phenomena (Kukla, 

2013). To the extent that no two Tuareg beggars on the streets of Accra have the same realities, 

the meanings and interpretations they give to their status as migrants begging on the streets in 

another country in the sub-region are diverse. Therefore, the study sought to advance 

knowledge on the phenomenon from the interpretations given by participants in the study. 

3.1.2 Data collection Method 

 

In terms of the research method, the qualitative research method was employed. In-depth 

interviews were particularly useful because the purpose of the study was to focus on the 

meanings these Tuareg migrants attach to the phenomenon being studied.  

Overall, the researcher conducted thirty to forty-five minutes interviews with participants from 

three different categories of Nigerien Migrants begging on the streets of Accra. Selected adults 

for the study comprised of people with ages ranging from twenty-six to sixty years and those 

who are sixty or above. Young people were the third category of participants. Young people 

are defined by UNICEF and WHO as those whose ages range from ten to twenty-five years. 

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However, in this study, participants considered in the category of young people were those 

from fifteen years to twenty-five. The decision to use young people who fall in the age range 

aforementioned was because these young people were old enough to understand the subject 

being studied and thus were able to provide their versions of their stories as migrant beggars. 

The precarious nature of the Tuareg migrants on the streets meant that the parents were usually 

wary of strangers who approach their children for any form of interaction. In one instance when 

I engaged one of the very young migrants14 in a friendly conversation, I saw his father at a 

distance gesturing to the young boy to move away from me. Given this, it would have been 

very difficult to seek consent from parents for their wards to participate in the study.  

Furthermore, little interactions with some of the children below the age of 18 years revealed 

that they found it difficult to comprehend what exactly I was doing and thus could not provide 

any useful information on their lived experiences as migrants on the streets.  

3.1.2.1 Sampling population 

 

The study population comprised all people of Tuareg origin who moved to Ghana voluntarily 

or are forced to move from their country to Ghana as a result of natural disasters, conflicts, or 

any other unfortunate incidence which threaten their survival in their countries of origin. The 

Ghana Population and Housing Census acknowledges migrants as those who have lived in 

Ghana for six months or more (GSS, 2014). Therefore, in this study, the Tuareg migrants that 

qualified as participants are those who had been in Ghana for six months or more. Experience 

from my fieldwork revealed that most of these migrants are circular migrants. Therefore, the 

 
14 The young boy involved was a little above 10 years per my estimation. This happened on the 

streets before I went to the field to collect data. The boy asked for money and after obliging I 

decided to engage him in a random conversation. 

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study also included Tuaregs who have been living in Ghana currently for less than six months 

but have lived in Ghana for six months or more in the past. The focus is specifically on those 

who beg or engage in informal street work on the streets of Accra. 

 All other people of Tuareg origins who do not reflect the aforementioned category were 

excluded from the study. For instance, a Tuareg Foreign Service Officer or Tuareg expatriates 

working in the formal sector of Ghana’s economy were excluded from the study.  

3.1.2.2 Study Sites 

 

The researcher selected two sites for the study. These are the Accra mall area and Sabon Zongo. 

The Accra mall, since its inauguration in 2007, attracts a lot of patrons daily. In Hobdens’s 

(2015:38) work on the essence of the Accra mall in Accra as a globalizing city, a business 

owner remarked “it’s for everybody because everybody finds whatever they want here in this 

mall, and that’s the beauty of it”. The comment was an explanation to a question on the class 

category of Ghanaians who patronize the mall. It, however, sums up the importance of the mall 

in Accra.  

The ability of the Accra mall to attract a lot of people from all walks of life and geographical 

location (whether local or international patrons) and the presence of the Trotro15 station 

adjacent to the mall have resulted in the presence of informal vendors outside the Accra mall. 

These vendors sell their wares to the various passersby and mall visitors who frequent the area. 

This has made the perimeter between the Accra Mall, the Trotro station, and the overhead 

 
15 Trotros are shared informal mini-buses that are usually privately owned. In Accra, 70 percent 

of commuters rely on trotros (World Bank, 2015).   

 

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bridge close to the African Regent Hotel16 a very busy area. Beggars are usually attracted to 

busy areas (Asante, 2006) and thus the Tuareg migrants were mostly seen at the Accra Mall 

area begging from passersby during the busy times of the day. It was, therefore, prudent to 

choose the Accra mall area as one of the sites for the study.  

Figure 3.1 Settlement for Tuareg Migrants at Vulcanizer. 

 

 Source: Author’s fieldwork, June 2021 

Most of the Tuareg migrants at the Accra mall area were not willing to grant the interviews 

during the periods when they were begging, therefore the interviews granted by Tuareg 

 
16 The African Regent Hotel is a luxury hotel located south of the University of Ghana at Legon 

and just north of Kotoka International Airport.   

 

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migrants at the Accra Mall area were all conducted at their place of settlement known as 

Vulcanizer or Roundabout17 which is abo