LEGON CENTRE FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND DIPLOMACY. TOPIC: AN ASSESSMENT OF GHANA’S ENGAGEMENTS WITH ITS DIASPORA UNDER THE FOURTH REPUBLIC BY ANGELA AKORFA APEDOH (10406532) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON, IN PARTIAL FUFILLMENT OF OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE MA DEGREE IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS & DIPLOMACY University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh i University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ii DEDICATION I dedicate this work first to the Almighty God, the source of my strength. I am also dedicating it to my selfless parents. Mum and Dad, you have encouraged and supported me through this journey. God richly bless you! University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My profoundest thanks go to the Lord Almighty, for endowing me with wisdom and strength to finish my Masters Programme. To him is all the glory! My heartfelt appreciation goes to Dr. Boni Yao Gebe for his patience, encouragement and useful criticisms in the course of putting this dissertation together. You are the best supervisor ever! Again, to Dr. Delali Badasu, I can’t thank you enough for the support you gave me right from helping to shape the topic, giving me research materials and of course your constant encouragement and ultimately granting me my first interview. May the good Lord bless you.. My appreciation also goes to all my interviewees, Mr. Ernest Amporful of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration, Miss Annabelle Mckenzie of the Year of Return Secretariat, Mr. Ben Nsiah Anane of the Ghana Tourism Authority, Mr. Jake Obeng Bediako, Office of the President. To the Christlike maidens, God bless you for all the support. Finally to all the lecturers and my classmates at LECIAD, you made every experience memorable! University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AU - African Union EC - Electoral Commission CIDO - Citizens and Diaspora Organisations Directorate DCA - Dual Citizenship Act ERP - Economic Recovery Programme FDA - Foreign Direct Investment FDI - Foreign Direct Investment GDP - Gross Domestic Product GIPC - Ghana Investment Promotion Centre GLA - Ghanaians Living Abroad GTA - Ghana Tourism Authority IMF - International Monetary Fund IOM - International Organisation of Migration NACD’s - North American and Carribean Diasporians MPFA - AU Migration Policy Framework MIDA - Migration for Development in Africa MFARI - Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration NDC - National Democratic Congress NPP - National Patriotic Party University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh v ODA - Official Development Assistance PANAFEST - Pan-African Historical Theatre Festival PNDC - Provisional National Defence Council ROPAA - Representation of People Amendment Act. UN - United Nations UNESCO - United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vi TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION................................................................................................................................... .i DEDICATION....................................................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS................................................................................................................. .iii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS...............................................................................................................iv TABLE OF CONTENTS .....................................................................................................................vi ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................................ viii CHAPTER ONE................................................................................................................................... 1.0 INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Background to the study............................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem ............................................................................................................. 3 1.3 Research questions....................................................................................................................... 5 1.4 Research objectives...................................................................................................................... 5 1.5.Scope of the Study ..................................................................................................................... 6 1.6 Rationale of the Study.................................................................................................................. 7 1.7 Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................................ 7 1.8 Literature Review ...................................................................................................................... 12 1.8.1 Conceptualization of the African diaspora ................................................................................. 14 1.8.2 State-Homeland Diaspora Relations: Conceptualization of Diaspora Engagement Policies…..16 1.83 Limitations and Strengths of Literature Review……………………………………………….. 19 1.9 Research Methodology........................................................................................................... 20 1.10 Sources of Data.......................................................................................................................... 21 1.11Data Collection Methods……………………………………………………………………….. 21 1.12 Data Analysis and Interpretation……………………………………………………………….. 22 1.13 Ethical Considerations……………………………………………………………………………22 1.14 Arrangement of Chapters....................................................................................................... 22 References ..............................................................................................................................................24 CHAPTER TWO................................................................................................................................. 26 AN OVERVIEW OF ENGAGING THE DIASPORA ....................................................................... 27 2.0 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 27 2.1 Diaspora and Development Origin.....................................................................................................31 2.2 Intra Regional African Migration..................................................................................................... 33 2.3 Contemporary African Migration beyond Africa………………………………………………. 36 2.4 Exodus of Ghanaian Migrants and the Formation of the Ghanaian Diaspora………………. 37 2.5 Linkages between the African Diaspora and their countries ......................................................... 40 2.6 Benefits and Challenges of Diaspora Engagement............................................................................ .43 2.7 The Ghanaian Diaspora and the Nation State: Modes of Engagement………………………….. 46 2.8 The Fourth Republic and Engaging the Diaspora……………………………………………….. 47 2.9The African Union and Diaspora Engagement………………………………………………………56 2.20 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 61 References……………………………………………………………………………………………… 62 CHAPTER THREE.................................................................................................................................66 A CRITIQUE OF GHANA’S DIASPORA REGIME……………………………………………. 66 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh vii 3.0 Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 66 3.1 Gains from Engaging the Diaspora.......................................................................................................66 3.2 Ghanaian Diaspora Associations and their contribution to Ghana’s development………………….. 69 3.3 An Ideal Engagement Strategy............................................................................................................ 73 3.4 Diaspora Engagement Without a Policy Guide ................................................................................... 73 3.5 Mapping out Diaspora Engagement Programmes under the Fourth Republic………………………. 77 3.6 The Implications.................................................................................................................................. 84 3.7 Conclusion........................................................................................................................................... 89 References ................................................................................................................................................ 90 CHAPTER FOUR……………………………………………………………………………………... 92 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................... 92 4.0 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 92 4.1Summary of Findings............................................................................................................................. 92 4.2 Conclusions....................................................................................................................................... 96 4.3Recommendations...................................................................................................................... ………97 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................. 99 APPENDIX……………………………………………………………………………………….. 108 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh viii ABSTRACT The discourse on linkages between migration and development is receiving a lot of scholarly attention. With the increasing interest in the discourse of the diasporas of Africa as a great potential contributor to Africa’s development, it has become imperative for research to be conducted on the new methods and policies that African states have implemented to tap into this developmental potential. In view of the foregoing, this study seeks to investigate the strategies Ghana has adopted to engage its diaspora under its Fourth Republic. Within the framework of transnationalism, the study adopts a qualitative research approach aimed at exploring the state led engagement initiatives undertaken during this period. It identifies the successes and challenges that have been associated with their implementation and whether or not these programmes have culminated into gains for Ghana’s political and socio-economic development. The policies are also critically examined to determine whether or not they have been undertaken on the long term being continued by successive governments. Relying on primary sources of data obtained by interviewing experts on the topic, as well as secondary sources comprising books and journal articles, the study found that most of the programmes were not long term not because successive governments failed to continue them; rather these were not designed to be long term and some lacked proper coordination. The study thus concluded that Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora has been conducted in an ad hoc manner mainly due to a lack of a comprehensive national engagement policy. The study thus emphasized the need to launch the national engagement policy and also extend more rights to its diasporians amidst other pragmatic ways of integrating them into the homeland. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background to the Study Migration is an age long phenomenon that is influenced by a multiplicity of factors. Whether forced to flee from imminent danger or seeking economic refuge popularly referred to as ‘greener pastures’, humans have migrated to different parts of the world. The phenomenon of transnationalism or cross border migration has resulted in the establishment of transnational links that have been theorized today to include the concept of diaspora and in effect, studies on the diaspora. Over the years, the concept of diaspora has been undergoing a fast evolution from hitherto, one with a negative connotation to a more appealing one. In the past, the diaspora could be defined in terms of forced migration and its negative implications on a group. In modern terms however, the term has taken on a broad dimension to include voluntary migration, its diversity and its influence on engagements with the state it describes as its homeland. The argument of what should constitute a diaspora has evoked several differing views from scholars in the field. While some scholars like Safran (1991) posit that the study of any diaspora should be done from the perspective of the Jewish dispersal, other scholars like Zeleza (2008) assert that Diaspora, refers to a process, a condition, a space, and a discourse; the continuous processes by which a diaspora is made, unmade and remade, the changing conditions in which it lives and expresses itself, the places where it is moulded and imagined, and the contentious ways in which it is studied and discussed. It is worth noting, however, that all though scholars posit University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2 different conceptions of the diaspora, all seem to converge on the point that not all migration or dispersals qualify to be diasporic. Studies on the African diaspora which has been described as one of the largest diasporas in the world, undoubtedly has received recognition due to its connection with the continent as a result of a resurgence of what is described as black internationalism. According to the AU, the African Diaspora refers to the geographic dispersal of peoples whose ancestors, within historical memory, originally came from Africa, but who are currently domiciled, or claim residence or citizenship, outside the continent of Africa, thus “people of African origin living outside of the continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality, and who are willing to contribute to the development of the continent and the building of the African Union”. The International Organisation for Migration (IOM ) and the Migration Policy Institute have defined ‘diaspora’ as emigrants and their descendants who do not live in the country of their birth or ancestry, either on a temporary or permanent basis, yet still maintain effective and material ties to their countries of origin .These ties or linkages between the African diaspora and their homeland Africa contributes to a revolution of development of the continent by providing both material and economic benefits to many African countries. Studies have shown that the continent continues to rely heavily on diaspora remittances for development. The concept of the diaspora quickly incites a mental image of assistance aimed at development. It is therefore commonplace to find countries especially developing countries make efforts at establishing ties with its diaspora so as to harness some potential for its development. According to the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (2018), North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa are reported to have about over 25million international migrants in 2017. It is therefore not surprising that the 2017 Migration and University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3 Remittances Data compiled by the World Bank revealed total remittances from the African diaspora to Africa exceeded 33 billion dollars. This figure has increased to over 54 billion in 2019. All across the African continent, policy programmes are being outlined for the purpose of engaging the diaspora. The African Union as a body itself has made the diaspora its sixth region. Ghana’s engagement initiatives with the African diaspora are worth mentioning. Remittance flows more than doubled from 7 million dollars to 16 million dollars when the 4th Republic started. Ten years after the ushering in of the 4th Republic, there was a dramatic increase in Ghanaian total remittances from 46 million dollars to 136 million dollars by 2001. By the close of the 2015 fiscal year, migrant remittances to Ghana were at a total of 2 billion dollars (Quartey, 2009). The above information then suggests an increasing level of remittances flow resulting from Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora. In view of this, this study examines how Ghana engages its diaspora by assessing the implementation of diaspora engagement policy instruments over the span of the fourth republic. 1.2 Statement of the Research Problem Ghana, due to a shared history in the Transatlantic Slave Trade and colonialism, has been in constant touch with the African diaspora. This is mainly because the diaspora has played no mean a role in influencing Africa’s political, social and economic lives. Citing the efforts by the members of the African diaspora’s such W.E.B Du Bois and Marcus Garvey who influenced involvement in liberation struggles for the African continent as well. The benefit of remittances to aid development in the sub region and several other benefits derived from the African diaspora have sparked interest in diaspora engagement discourses amongst African states. Today, a lot of African countries including Ghana seek to harness a lot of potential from the diaspora for developmental University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4 purposes. Again, technological advancements have increasingly made it easy for diasporians to maintain long term, economic, social cultural and political links with their homeland. Statistics from the IMF report on remittances in 2018, indicate, the diaspora contributes over 46 billion as remittances to the continent. Owing to the huge potential financial benefits homelands derive from their diaspora, African countries are responding to the call for more effective means of tapping into this huge resource for continental development. It has therefore become imperative for Ghana to also strengthen its ties with its diaspora by implementing policies aimed at engaging the diaspora for national development. Eventhough Ghana is yet to implement a comprehensive National Diaspora Engagement Policy, it must be mentioned however, that it has been involved in diaspora engagement since independence. Diaspora engagement has however taken on a major shift to focus strategically on socio economic engagement as seen in the last two decades, following the inception of Ghana’s fourth Republic. Under the fourth republic, Ghana has intensified its diaspora engagement through the implementation of key policy programmes and initiatives aimed at harnessing resources from the diaspora. They include the historic Panafest celebrations started in 1992, the Diaspora Home- Coming Summit in 2002, the establishment of the Non-Resident Ghanaian Secretariat for Investment in 2003, the Joseph Project in 2007, creation of Tourism and Diaspora Relations Ministry 2007, and the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) for Diaspora Engagement in 2010, the creation of the Diaspora Support Unit in 2012, the Year of Return Programme in 2019 and Beyond the Year of Return Programme in 2020. All these policy instruments are geared towards harnessing resources from the diaspora as well as strengthening ties and maintaining a close link with the diaspora. It is against the background of ongoing discourse on the diaspora and national development, and again the numerous potential Ghana can harness for its development University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5 that this research seeks to investigate Ghana’s engagement with the diaspora under the Fourth Republic, by examining the content and nature of the specific policy instruments that each government initiated, whether or not they have been consistent, the challenges or benefits of the policy instruments and finally how those policies have promoted an effective engagement with the diaspora and the accumulation of resources for national development. 1.3 Research Questions 1. What policies have each government under the fourth republic put in place to actively engage the diaspora? 2. Were the policies long term in that, successive governments ensured continuity of these policies? 3. What are the successes chalked, and challenges encountered in the implementation of the various Diaspora Engagement policy Programmes under the fourth republic? 4. Has the AU’s diasporic clause and its recognition of the diaspora as its sixth region contributed to Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora under the fourth republic? 1.4 Research Objectives The study generally examines diaspora engagements of governments under Ghana’s fourth republic outlining specific policies that have been implemented by each government. The objectives of this research in this regard are to: 1. Identify the policies or programmes that each government under the fourth republic put in place in order to actively engage the diaspora; University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6 2. Determine whether the policies were long term, in that successive governments ensured their continuity; 3. Determine the successes chalked and the challenges encountered in the implementation of the various Diaspora Engagement Programmes under the fourth republic 4. Determine whether the AU’s diasporic clause and its recognition of the diaspora as its sixth region, has contributed to Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora under the fourth republic; 1.5 Scope of the Research The study explores Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora from the inception of the fourth republic, thus from 1992 till 2020 under the governments of Jerry John Rawlings, John Agyekum Kuffour, John Evans Atta Mills, John Dramani Mahama and lastly Nana Addo Danquah Akuffo Addo. This period is characterized by peaceful democratic change of government in Ghana and personal commitments from all the administrations towards enhancing diaspora engagement. There are therefore a significant number of programmes to assess and hence its selection for this study. The research therefore outlines specific policy instruments that have been formulated and implemented under each government in its relations with its diaspora. It also assesses new initiatives taken by each government aimed at increasing the country’s engagement with the diaspora. The study also explores the AU’S clause on Diaspora Engagement and other policies it has implemented to assist member states in diaspora engagement. The aim is to help the researcher ascertain whether its implementation by Ghana as a member state significantly contributes to the country’s engagement with its diaspora. 1.6 Rationale of the Research University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 7 The findings and recommendations from the study seek to contribute to knowledge on diaspora engagement policies that Ghana has implemented under the fourth republic as it will serve as a good academic resource which other researchers can make reference to or can build on. It will also serve as a resource base to inform policy makers on the progress that Ghana has made in its engagement with its diaspora, the existing challenges and opportunities there are, with the overall aim to make a case for a better and well- coordinated diaspora engagement than exists currently. The selection of the fourth republic is crucial to the study because this period marks the end of coup d’etats in Ghana, paving way for a more stable political atmosphere for the country to better engage its diaspora in order to harness their potential for national development. It makes the case that Ghana is better positioned under a stable pollical atmosphere to do more to develop a well coordinated engagements with its diaspora. The period is also significant because it was in 2001 that Ghana decided to formalize its relations with its diaspora by organising a Homecoming Summit that focused on enhancing dialogue and exploring the opportunities for relations and for identifying ways of tapping into the acquired capacity of Ghanaians living abroad. It is also during this period that the AU introduces the diaspora clause to engage the African diaspora for continental development and thus the study seeks to critically interrogate whether the AU promotes or hampers its member states’(in this case Ghana) engagement with its diaspora and this disproves claims of the latter as articulated by one of the scholars on the topic. 1.7 Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework proposed for this study is transnationalism. The study is conducted within the framework of transnationalism. Transnationalism is a term often used to describe the social phenomenon of the delicate interconnectivity among humans and the ever-declining social University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 8 and economic importance of borders between nation states. Transnationalism is often used both more narrowly – to refer to migrants’ durable ties across countries – and, more widely, to capture not only communities, but all sorts of social formations, such as transnationally active networks, groups and organisations. (Faist 2010). Transnationalism – and transnational spaces, fields and formations – refer to processes that transcend international borders and therefore appear to describe more abstract phenomena in a social science language. By transnational spaces we mean relatively stable, lasting and dense sets of ties reaching beyond and across borders of sovereign states. Transnational spaces comprise combinations of ties and their substance, positions within networks and organisations and networks of organisations that cut across the borders of at least two national states (Faist 2000). In migration research, the concept of transnationalism was coined to focus on the grass root activities of international migrants across borders as being something distinct from the dense and continuous relations of macro-agents such as multinational or transnational companies. In this sense, the term ‘transnationalism’ builds upon – yet is distinct from – transnational relations in the political science sub-discipline of international relations, and differs from that usage in its focus on non-state actors (Portes 1996). Diaspora and transnational perspectives also emphasise deep connections to national or local territories, especially in the case of migrants. One of the earliest proponents of transnationalism was the 20th Century writer, Randolph Bourne, who used the term to demonstrate a new way of perceiving relationships among differing cultures when he wrote about a trans- national America. The term transnationalism was first used in international relations (IR) to explain the activities and the influence of transnational actors such as multi-nationals corporations and International Non-Governmental Organisations (INGOs). Scholars in University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 9 International Relations adopted the term transnationalism in the 1970s to represent the increase of non-state institutions and governance regimes role of acting across national boundaries. In the last decade of the 20th century, transnationalism as a concept has been seen as an approach that saw migrants coming ‘back in’ as important social agents as against large organizations such as multinational companies and political parties that had been the object of earlier research of a transnational character. Put another way, the traditional understanding of transnationalism, which involved the activities of multinational corporations, was adopted by scholars of diaspora and migration studies to also highlight the activities of individuals as migrants and not only the transnational companies. Although the terms diaspora and transnationalism are used interchangeably sometimes, or even in the face of the evolution of the term ‘diasporic transnationalism’, there still exist some disparities between the two. Diaspora relates most often to religious, ethnic and national groups and communities, whereas transnational approaches connect to all sorts of social formations, including the ones already mentioned, as well as to phenomena such as networks of businesspersons and social movements. The other respect concerns the even narrower term ‘transnational community’. Contemporary definitions of the diaspora, may relate to a form of transnational organisation spanning a specific country of origin and a set of host countries. In contrast, ‘transnational community’ encompasses a broader range of phenomena, such as cross-border village communities or borderland communities. Thus, transnational communities encompass diasporas, but not all transnational communities are diasporas. However, it is evident that in order to better understand how diasporas operate in relations to connections to their state of origins and destinations, the term transnationalism is the appropriate concept that best describes this relationship. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 10 Scholars like Caroline Nagel (2002) criticized the concept that its applicability has come to mean so many things to such an extent that the term loses its original content. Nagel’s(2002) view is that there is a conceptual conflation and overuse of the term so that transnationalism is often used interchangeably with ‘international’, ‘multinational’, ‘global’ and ‘diasporic’.There is also the problem of suggesting that all migrants engage in transnationalism. Ludger Pries (2008) also argues that the concept is at risk of degenerating into what he describes as a ‘catch all and say nothing’. They argue that it is not all migrants who engage in transnationalism and even among specific groups or local communities; there is great difference in migrants’ border-crossing practices. Adding his voice to the debate, Portes et al(2001) assert that irrespective of the meaning attached to the concept of transnationalism, under diaspora studies, for any group of migrants or diaspora to be called transnational, that group must include a significant number of people engaging in ‘sustained social contacts over time’, across national borders. Another criticism of the concept of transnationalism is the claim that it facilitates the activities of trans -border crimes and transnational criminal networks. Kapur and McHale (2005) assert that ‘diasporas have been a boon to international crime ’, and thus suggest that much like any international industry, many criminal networks rely on expatriated populations to help facilitate their activities. The concept has also received a backlash for its association with migration vices such as human trafficking. Irrespective of the criticisms of the concept, transnationalism is employed to underpin this study because the concept is often used to describe the social phenomenon of delicate interconnectivity among humans and declining social and economic borders between nation states. It is a concept that has been predominantly used to discuss issues of migration and diaspora relationships. It is the concept that can best explain the integration of international migrants into their host nations and also explain how they are still able to make ties with the homelands or roots. Transnationalism University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 11 has often placed emphasis on the economic and political interconnectivity maintained by migrants with their countries of origin. This has often been seen in Europe and America, where Polish and Russian immigrants retain associations with their relatives back home; sending money, investing in business, paying visits to relatives and maintaining interests in the political activities in their home countries. This is also the case in Africa, where financial remittance is a significant part of national economies. Furthermore, Basch et al(,1992) capture the transnational idea much better when they noted that transnationalism is “a process by which trans migrants, through their daily activities, forge and sustain multi-stranded social, economic, and political relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement, and through which they create transnational social fields that cross-national borders”. Although not all transnational migration can be defined as diasporic, In cases where migrants get integrated into host societies, Carstens(2003) argues that a form of cultural transnationalism becomes apparent. He argues that the construction of cultural products and outlooks can create transnational imageries, which are able to produce and promulgate new forms of “transnational publics.” This results in the cases where visual culture emerges as an alternative form of identification with the homeland. This form of transnationalism places importance on kinship and emotional relations grounded in the shared associations and identifications with the homeland. This is usually evident in the way diasporians transport their culture into the host nations. It can also explain why some diasporians are not able to properly integrate into host nations. It is however worth noting that the concept of transnationalism helps to better appreciate the reasons and processes that facilitate diasporians building ties with the homeland. It is concept that brings to fore the linkages between migration and development ad in this case, how diasporians though off the borders of a country can still University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 12 maintain some form of links with it. It is therefore the reason the possibility to claim a Ghanaian diaspora exists and a reference point to initiate the conversation of such a diaspora’s contribution to the development of Ghana or a diaspora engagement policy. Therefore, since the transnational ties the Ghanaian diaspora maintains with the home country could be explored when discussing the Ghanaian diaspora. The researcher thus deems the concept appropriate for the background against which the discourse on Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora is set. 1.8 Literature Review The literature review highlights contributions of existing scholarship to the understanding of the historical and contemporary conception of diaspora, the African diaspora and finally the evolution of diaspora engagement policies. It has become commonplace for countries especially developing countries, to have engagements with their diaspora. Joseph Harris emphasizes the ways in which diasporas impact the economies, politics and social dynamics of the host country and the homeland. It is therefore imperative to understand the notion of the diaspora as has been explained by scholars in both historical and contemporary times, in order to better appreciate its significance to the discourse of diaspora engagement policies. Ankomah et al, 2012 reveals that “originally, diaspora comes from the ancient Greeks, who equated this term with conquest, migration, and expanding colonization. Classical diaspora refers to the practice of forcibly removing people from their homelands to places of exile (e.g., Jews, early Christians, Palestinians, and Africans).” The concept of ‘diaspora’ has since evolved from being used formerly to describe firstly the Jewish exiles and how they envisioned a conceptual University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 13 homeland to which they would return, to what now seems to be any form of international migration that requires it migrants to maintain effective ties to the country of origin. Rogers Brubaker (2006) describes the proliferation of the term as being broadened to include the various intellectual, cultural and political perspectives, semantic, conceptual and disciplinary spaces. In terms of semantics, he criticizes the proliferation of the term to include all dispersed communities, adding that even though the concept emerged from the Jewish and classical perspective of dispersion; it does not necessarily apply to all dispersed communities. He therefore outlines three core elements that should constitute a diaspora. The first being a form of dispersed community across state borders as associated with the classical diasporas. The second criterion is the orientation to a real or imagined ‘homeland’ as an authoritative source of value, identity and loyalty. Then finally, he cites the maintenance of a boundary, over an extended period of time. William Safran (1991) in his definition of the diaspora outlines six characteristics of the diaspora.:1) “they, or their ancestors, have been dispersed from a specific original "center" to two or more "peripheral," or foreign, regions; 2) “they retain a collective memory, vision, or myth about their original homeland, its physical location, history and achievements;” 3) “they believe that they are not and perhaps cannot be fully accepted by their host society and therefore, feel partly alienated and insulated from it”; 4) “they regard their ancestral homeland as their true, ideal home and as the place to which they or their descendants would (or should) eventually return when conditions are appropriate”; 5) “they believe that they should, collectively, be committed to the maintenance or restoration of their original homeland and to its safety and prosperity”; and 6) they continue to relate, personally or vicariously, to that homeland in one way or another, and their ethnocommunal consciousness and solidarity are importantly defined by the existence of such a relationship. He also seems to emphasise the element of a connection to a homeland. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 14 Scholars like Akyeampong (2000) however criticize Safran’s work with the assertion that “however useful a prototype for diaspora might be, the Jewish dispersion was a unique historical event and should not define the nature or essence of subsequent dispersions”. Robin Cohen ( 2008) takes the same position when he points out that Safran’s work limits the definition of the diaspora to only the concept of returning to their homeland using the Jewish and some classical diasporas like the Armenian and Irish diasporas as a yardstick. To make up and sufficiently address the evolution of the term, he suggests four additional characteristics to the ones Safran outlines. These are 1) “that the groups that disperse do so for colonial or voluntarist reasons”.2) “that there should be more recognition of the positive virtues of retaining a diasporic identity than is implied in Safran’s original list”. 3) “that diasporas often mobilize a collective identity, not only a place of settlement or only in respect of an imagined, putative or real homeland, but also in solidarity with co-ethnic members in other countries” 4. “that ‘diaspora’ can be used to describe transnational bonds of co-responsibility even where historically exclusive territorial claims are not strongly articulated”. 1.81 Conceptualisation of the African Diaspora Following from the discourse on the diaspora, it is not surprising that the African diasporas, described as “one of the largest diasporas in the world” (Zeleza 2008), has also undergone evolution. While scholars attribute the first use of the term to George Shepperson, they do not fail to recognize the complexity in the definition of what has become known as the African diaspora. George Shepperson in his definition draws some similarities between the Jewish dispersion and the dispersion of Africans from the lenses of forced migration due to slave trade. He argues that “African American and Caribbean intellectuals themselves had for a long time recognized and articulated connections between their own people in exile and that of the Jews”. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 15 Alpers (2008), opines that Harris’s conception of the term constitutes “the first attempt to define the diaspora beyond the original boundaries set forth by Shepperson” in 1965. Harris (1993) defines the African diaspora as a concept subsuming the following: “the global dispersion (voluntary and involuntary) of Africans throughout history; the emergence of a cultural identity abroad based on origin and social condition; and the psychological or physical return to the homeland, Africa. Thus viewed, the African diaspora assumes the character of a dynamic, continuous, and complex phenomenon stretching across time, geography, class and gender”. Zeleza (2008) in his definition of the African diaspora argues, quite simply, that the “African diasporas include all those peoples dispersed from the continent in historic and contemporary times, who have constituted themselves or been constituted into diasporas”. He further asserts that an attempt to categorize African diasporas is by no means an easy task. He begins with the historic categorization where he argues that, “in terms of dispersal of populations we can identify four broad movements: Intra-African, Trans Indian Ocean, Trans-Mediterranean, and Trans-Atlantic”. He however focuses on the last three which he says “qualify to be regarded as potentially constitutive of diasporas”. He further posits that studies on the African diaspora has over a long period, centred on the Atlantic World, that is the popular narration of the dispersal of African peoples through forced migration, pointing mainly to the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade which culminated into the formation of the New World, to the neglect of the Indian Ocean and Mediterranean stories of both forced and voluntary migration where Africans travelled as sailors, traders, clerics, concubines and slaves. He describes the contemporary diaspora as one consisting of three different waves of dispersal, wave of colonization, waves of decolonization and finally waves of structural adjustments. “The diasporas of colonization includes the students who went to study abroad and stayed, seamen who University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 16 became settlers, and many others who could migrate and become citizens according to the prevailing immigration regimes in the host country”. The diaspora of decolonization include besides “the so-called ‘indigenous’ Africans, European and Asian settlers, those who relocated overseas during the struggles for independence and immediately after”. The diaspora of structural adjustment “have been formed since the 1980s out of the migrations engendered by economic, political, and social crises and the destabilizations of SAPs”. They include “professional elites, traders, refugees and students”. He further makes a distinction between African migration and African diasporization based on the duration of their stay away from the homeland. Thus a migrant could only become diasporan “as a result of prolonged settlement followed by permanent settlement in the host country; otherwise he/she is only a temporal migrant”. Based on the above assertion, he further argues that unlike the historic, the contemporary diaspora have to “negotiate temporary prolonged permanent intention, duration degrees relations with the historic diasporas themselves and also not just with ‘Africa’ but with their particular countries of origin and the countries of transmigration. The revolution in telecommunications and travel, which according to him, has compressed the spatial and temporal distances between home and abroad, offers the contemporary diasporas, unlike the historic diasporas from the earlier dispersals, unprecedented opportunities to be transnational and transcultural, to be people of multiple worlds and localities”(Zeleza 2008). They are able to retain ties to Africa in ways that were not possible to, for earlier generations of the African diasporas. 1.82 State/Homeland-Diaspora Relations: Conceptualization of Diaspora Engagement Policies University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 17 As Zeleza(2008) rightly puts it, “one critical measure of the diaspora condition as a self-conscious identity lies in remembering, imagining and engaging the original homeland, whose own identity is, in part, constituted by and, in turn, helps constitute the diaspora.” The above assertion suggests a kind of engagement between a state and its diaspora that makes it possible for both to influence each another. The African diaspora has engaged the continent in several significant ways. In terms of politics, the concept of Pan Africanism was embraced by both political leaders in the diaspora including W.E. Du Bois and Marcus Garvey and those on the continent like Dr, Kwame Nkrumah. We see the role the above mentioned diasporans play in the liberation struggle for independence on the African continent. On the subject of music to religion to fashion and food, the African diaspora has constantly engaged the continent creating a powerful linkage and common cultural expressions with the continent. While copious work has been done on how immigrants or diasporians reach out to the homelands or homestates, increasing interest in how states implement policies to reach out to its diaspora usually the contemporary diaspora or what is generally termed as diaspora engagement policies seems to gaining grounds in recent scholarship. With regard to the discourse on Diaspora Engagement Policies, Gamlen (2006) states that there is general assumption that the concept of diaspora engagement policies has generally been attributed to countries of the global South and those poorer countries are the ones who engage their diaspora for the purposes of nation building. He however disproves this claim, arguing that “states using diaspora engagement policies are found in all geo-political regions. They are not all poor, and some of them are transnationalizing a civic model of citizenship. He further posits that diaspora engagement policies cannot be seen as singular, discrete, or historically sui generis”. “Rather, they form a constellation of institutional and legislative arrangements and programmes that come into being at different times, for different reasons, and operate across different timescales at different University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 18 levels within the state. Discussion of diaspora engagement policies usually highlights the home- state’s extraction of economic and political benefits from the diaspora. The former are extracted through investment policies” (Levitt and de la Dehesa 2003), while the latter are pursued by the promotion of external expatriate lobbies. Accordingly, diaspora engagement policies can be broken down into three main categories: The first being “capacity building policies aimed at discursively producing a state-centric ‘diaspora’, and developing a set of corresponding state institutions to govern the diaspora”. Secondly, “extending rights to the diaspora, this suggests playing a role that befits a legitimate sovereign”, and lastly, “extracting obligations from the diaspora, based on the premise that emigrants owe loyalty to their legitimate sovereign”.(Gamlen,2006) Essentially, Gamlen suggests that Diaspora Engagement Policies are those policies that states employ to engage those they deem as their nationals abroad. It is in the light of this assertion that African countries or home states engage their diaspora and therefore within this context that this study which seeks to examine the strategies or policy programmes Ghana has employed to engage its diaspora for the purposes of its development, is set. Ankomah et al. (2012), assert that in its diaspora engagement strategy, “Ghana has devised rather unorthodox methods to target its intended market”. He explains that through policies, special invitations, conferring of traditional titles, free land offers, and advocacy of pan-Africanism, the government and people of Ghana have been able to transform diasporans from passive visitors to the country into active cultural brokers, marketers, willing ambassadors abroad, and active participants in the country’s economic development efforts. He reiterates that, “the diaspora market in Ghana is constituted by Africans dispersed from the continent by the trans-Atlantic slave trade now settled in the Americas, and more recent Ghanaian migrants live in Europe, North America, and other places of the world”. (Ankomah et al 2012). He further restricts the Ghana University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 19 diaspora market to Blacks residing in North America and the Caribbean and Ghanaian migrants in Europe and North America. He outlines certain factors that influence the decision by African American and Caribbean Diasporans (NACDs) diasporians to visit or even seek residency in Ghana: (a) “Many cannot trace their heritage to a particular country in Africa and have adopted Ghana as their homeland” (b) “Kwame Nkrumah’s (first prime minister and president of postindependence Ghana) efforts at pan-Africanization and the establishment of the African Union and Marcus Garvey’s call for Blacks to go back to Africa, which was a precursor to pan- Africanization, have encouraged those with African heritage to want to return to the motherland” . (c) “Prominent pan-Africanists, like W. E. B. Du Bois and George Padmore, are buried in the country, and their grave sites have become a historical monument for pilgrims from the diaspora”. (d) “Ghana is also replete with many artifacts related to the Transatlantic Slave Trade with stations of the slave route scattered throughout various regions of the country”.(Ankomah et al. 2012) He further classifies Ghana’s engagement efforts into two broad categories; the state/government policies, and then the contribution of civil societies both in Ghana and abroad. 1.83 Limitations and Strengths of Literature Review The review of the literature revealed a gap of inability of scholars to ascribe a concrete definition to the term diaspora, thus making it difficult to conceptualize the term ‘Ghanaian Diaspora’. However, the above literature clearly gives a concrete guideline on the kind of engagement that can exist between a state and its diaspora and how states can leverage on this relationship to efficiently harness resources from its diaspora for national and homeland development without a compromise on strengthening the ties between the two. The review also shows some of the means University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 20 by which Ghana has been engaging its diaspora over the years. The researcher however notes a general limitation of finding literature (in this case books) on Ghana’s state-diaspora engagements thus the inclusion of Ankomah et al work as the only literature sufficient to address the sub topic. This study therefore fills in the gap by proposing a concrete definition for the Ghanaian diaspora and also outlining the specific engagement policies that have been implemented by successive governments under Ghana’s Fourth Republic for the purpose of engaging the Ghanaian diaspora for national development. 1.9 Research Methodology The study adopts a qualitative research approach because it allows for an in-depth research using a range of techniques with the aim to understand reason, opinion and motivations. In this type of research approach, sample size is usually small since it does not focus mainly on “how many” but how well the sampled views display knowledge in relation to the topic. The benefit of qualitative approach is that it is an open-ended approach and its ability to evolve as the study progresses enhances the quality of the data and insights generated. It also allows the researcher understand the issues from different perspectives for a more descriptive and analytical study. It requires the study of human behavior, exploring the attitudes, feelings and ideas that humans display and how they affect their decisions. Relating it to the topic, this approach will help better understand the rationale behind the economic, political and social ties that form the basis for integration of the diaspora into homelands for national development. The methodology is also crucial to appreciating how different stakeholders matter in the design and implementation of diaspora engagement policies at varying levels and times in promoting an active engagement with Ghana’s diaspora. The study employs the purposive sampling method which requires a selection of key personalities University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 21 with expertise on the topic, from key stage agencies who have been involved in facilitating Ghana’s engagement programmes with its diaspora. Their views are sampled through semi structured interviews. Snowball sampling is also employed for the study since targeted participants recommended other participants who responses were crucial to the objectives of the research. 1.10 Sources of Data The study employs both primary and secondary data. The researcher uses interviews as source of primary data for this study. In all, about six respondents are sampled and interviewed from diverse state agencies that play active roles in Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora. Mr. Ernest Amporful, The Director of the Diaspora Affairs Bureau at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration is interviewed. Jake Bediako of the Director of the Diaspora Affairs, Office of the President is also interviewed. Former Director at the Centre for Migration Studies, Dr. Delali Badasu at the University of Ghana is also interviewed. An official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration was interviewed under strict anonymity. Manager for the Year of Return Secretariat, Miss Annabelle, Mckenzie is also interviewed. Mr Ben Anane Nsiah of the Ghana Tourism Authority is also interviewed. Secondary data in the form of published online articles and books are also consulted to consolidate the primary data for the study. 1.11 Data Collection Methods Primary data was collected from all respondents to the research, using semi-structured interviews. This was done with the aid of an interview guide outlining potential interview areas with open- ended questions. Face to face interviews were conducted for four of the respondents while zoom or virtual interview was conducted for two respondents. All interviews lasted for about 45 minutes University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 22 to an hour. Some responses were recorded using an electronic device and others in the form of hand written notes. 1.12 Data Analysis and Interpretation Recorded data was transcribed for faster and easy analysis. Transcribed data was carefully read and important aspects of the data were then analysed along developed themes based on the objectives outlined in the study. Some of the responses are however quoted directly in certain parts of the study. 1.13 Ethical Considerations This research is conducted with strict adherence to the principles of anonymity and confidentiality. Principle of anonymity: The decision by participants of the study not to reveal their identity is duly respected. The study did not disclose the names of some interviewees nor quote directly comments from the said respondents . Principle of confidentiality: Participants who decided not to divulge information they consider sensitive have their decision duly respected. 1.14 Arrangement of Chapters The study is organized into four chapters. Chapter One is the introduction. This constitutes the background to the study, the statement of the research and the general research design. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 23 Chapter Two outlines the overview of the diaspora, the conceptualization of the Ghanaian diaspora and some highlights of Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora. It also highlights efforts made by the AU to facilitate the diaspora Engagements for member states. Chapter Three focuses on the specific policy instruments that have been initiated and their implementation by the various governments under the fourth republic as well as challenges faced in their implementation. Chapter Four provides a summary of findings, conclusions and recommendations of the study. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 24 REFERENCES: 1. Akyeampong, Emmanuel, “Africans in the Diaspora: The Diaspora and Africa. African Affairs, Vol. 99, No. 395, Centenary Issue: A Hundred Years of Africa (2000), pp. 183- 215. 2. Alpers, Edwards. “Defining the African Diaspora” (2008). 3. Ankomah, Paul et al. A Creative Approach to Development: The Case for Active Engagement of African Diaspora in Ghana, Journal of Black Studies,( 2012) Vol.43(4) pp.385–404. 4. Awumbila, Mariama et al. "Migration Country Paper: Ghana." Paper prepared as part of the African Perspectives on Human Mobility Programme: (2008.) Centre for Migration Studies, University of Ghana. 5. Bauböck, Rainer & Faist Thomas, “Diaspora and Transnationalism: Concepts, Theories and Methods” (2010) IMISCOE Research, Amsterdam University Press. 6. Bolaji, Mohammed Hadi Abdul-Ganiy. "The African Union’s Call for Global Pan- Africanism and the Ghana Diaspora Relations in the 21st Century." Journal of Black Studies vol. 46.1 (2015): 62-101. 7. Brubaker,Rogers. ‘The “diaspora” diaspora’, Ethic and Racial Studies, (2005), vol. 28 pp. 1-19. 8. Carstens, S. A., 2003. 'Constructing Transnational Identities? Mass Media and the Malaysian Chinese Audience', Ethnic and Racial Studies, 26 (2), pp.321-344. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 25 9. Cohen, Robin. “Global Diasporas: An Introduction”. London: Routledge, 2008, pp.20-22. 10. Gamlen, Alan. "Diaspora engagement policies: What are they and what kinds of states use them?" (2006). 11. Harris E. Joseph, “Global dimensions of the African Diaspora”, First edition. (1982). 12. Harris, Joseph. “Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora” Howard University Press, Washington, (1993). 13. Kamei, Seraphina. "Diaspora as the ‘Sixth Region of Africa’: An Assessment of the African Union Initiative, 2002–2010." Diaspora Studies 4.1 (2011) 14. Kapur Devesh & McHale John, “Economic Effects of Emigration on Sending Countries”, Oxford Handbook of the Politics of International Migration, (2012). 15. Kivisto, Peter. "Theorizing transnational immigration: a critical review of current efforts." Ethnic and racial studies Vol.24.4 (2001): 549-577. 16. Nagel Caroline, “Geopolitics by another name: Immigration and the politics of Assimilation” Political Geography, (2002), Vol.21, Issue 8. 17. Portes, et sA., “Introduction: The Debates and Significance of Immigrant Transnationalism', Global Networks” A Journal of Transnational Affairs, (2001) 1(3), pp. 181-193. 18. Safran, William. “Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths of Homeland and Return.” Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational studies (1991), vol.1, pp.83-99. 19. Schiller, Nina et al. "Towards a definition of transnationalism." Annals of the New York academy of sciences 645.1 (1992). 20. Schiller, Nina et al., "From immigrant to transmigrant: Theorizing transnational migration." Anthropological quarterly (1995), 48-63. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 26 21. Vertovec Stephen , “Conceiving and Researching Transnationalism: Ethnic and Racial Studies (1999),Vol.22.2. pp.447-462. 22. Zeleza, Tiyambe Paul. “The Challenges of studying the African Diasporas”, African Sociological Review/Revue Africaine de Sociologie, (2008) vol. 12, pp.4-21. 23. Africanews.com Africa's diaspora remittances rise to $35.2 billion in 2015 - World Bank. http://www.africanews.com/2016/04/20/africa-s-diaspora-remittances-rise-to-352-bn-in- 2015-world-bank// . University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh http://www.africanews.com/2016/04/20/africa-s-diaspora-remittances-rise-to-352-bn-in-2015-world-bank/ http://www.africanews.com/2016/04/20/africa-s-diaspora-remittances-rise-to-352-bn-in-2015-world-bank/ 27 CHAPTER TWO AN OVERVIEW OF THE DIASPORA AND GHANA’S ENGAGEMENT WITH THE DIASPORA 2.0 Introduction This chapter is organized into five segments. It begins with the discussion on the formation of global Diasporas, and then it defines the African diaspora, narrowing it down to the linkages between the African diaspora and their countries of origins, the conceptualization of a Ghanaian diaspora, and then concludes with Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora and the contribution of the AU to Ghana’s engagement with its diaspora. As already stated in the preceding chapter, it is generally difficult to attribute one specific definition to the concept of the diaspora. First and foremost, since trends in human migration have changed over the years, the linkage of the formation of a diaspora to forced migration or dispersal of a group is gradually giving way to a more nuanced and contemporary discourse on what should constitute a diaspora. Historically, the development of the concept of diaspora has been attributed to William Safran,(1991), who outlines six features that constitute a diaspora: 1) “They, or their ancestors have been dispersed from a specific original "center" to two or more "peripheral," or foreign, University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 28 regions”; 2) “They retain a collective memory, vision or myth about their original homeland, its physical location, history, and achievements”; 3) “They believe that they are not and perhaps cannot be fully accepted by their host society and therefore, feel partly alienated and insulated from it”; 4) “They regard their ancestral homeland as their true, ideal home and as the place to which they or their descendants would (or should) eventually return when conditions are appropriate”; 5) “They believe that they should collectively be committed to the maintenance or restoration of their original homeland and to its safety and prosperity”; and 6) “They continue to relate, personally or vicariously, to that homeland in one way or another, and their ethno communal consciousness and solidarity are importantly defined by the existence of such a relationship”. He also seems to emphasise the element of a connection to a homeland. P.T. Zeleza,(2009) also attempts a definition of a diasporic identity which he states in a broad sense, “implies a form of group consciousness, constituted historically through expressive culture, politics, thoughts and traditions in which experiential and representational resources are mobilized, in varied measures, from the imaginaries of both the old and the new world”. He then defines diasporas as “conscious social and cultural communities created out of real and imagined genealogies and geographies (cultural, racial, ethnic, national ,continental, transnational) of belonging, displacement and recreation, constructed and conceived at multiple temporal and spatial scales, at different moments and distances from the putative homeland”. “While there is no one definition, scholars generally agree that in order to qualify as ‘diasporas’, migrant communities should display several characteristics. These include a history of dispersal from a homeland; a collective memory and idealisation of this homeland; an ongoing connection or idea of return; a strong group consciousness and a difficulty to integrate into the receiving/host countries”. (Cohen 2008) University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 29 It would therefore seem easy that following from some of the definitions of the diasporas and how they are created, the notion of the African diaspora would simply be defined as the diaspora that is associated with Africa. However, Zeleza(2009) makes it evident that the construction or conception of Africa in itself poses a great challenge to defining the African diaspora. Several scholars in the area have diverse perspectives on its constitution. George Shepperson who is believed to have been the first to use the term, first joined “African” to “diaspora” in 1965. He explicitly did so because of the close parallels he saw between the Jewish diaspora and the dispersal of Africans as a consequence of the slave trade. Shepperson argued that African American and Caribbean intellectuals themselves had for a long time recognized and articulated connections between their own people in exile and that of the Jews. By his application of “diaspora” to the experience of “The African Abroad,” as the session at which he presented his paper was entitled and his paper makes plain, he declared as an historian and an outsider that he, too, saw such parallels. Shepperson’s achievement here was to “recognize the great similarities in the comparative histories of these two great dispersions, especially the role of “slavery and imperialism” in the forced migration of both Jews and Africans, and to name the one by the term used for the other”. Perhaps PT. Zeleza’s(2009) definition of the African Diaspora incorporates both the historic and the modern or as it were the contemporary conception of the term. In his definition of the African diaspora he argues quite simply, “that African diasporas include all those peoples dispersed from the continent in historic and contemporary times, who have constituted themselves or been constituted into diasporas”. He further asserts that an attempt to categorize African diasporas is not an easy task. He begins with the historic categorization where he argues that, “in terms of dispersal of populations, we can identify four broad movements: Intra-African, Trans Indian University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 30 Ocean, Trans-Mediterranean, and Trans-Atlantic”. He however focuses on the last three which he says “qualify to be regarded as potentially constitutive of diasporas”. Zeleza(2009) further posits that studies on the African diaspora has over a long period, centred on the Atlantic World, that is the popular narration of the dispersal of African peoples through forced migration pointing mainly to the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade which culminated into the formation of the New World, to the neglect of the Indian Ocean and Mediterranean stories of both forced and voluntary migration where Africans travelled as sailors, traders, clerics, concubines and slaves. He describes the contemporary diaspora as one consisting of three different waves of dispersal, wave of colonization, waves of decolonization and finally waves of structural adjustments. The diasporas of colonization “ would include the students who went to study abroad and stayed, seamen who became settlers, and many other others who could migrate and become citizens according to the prevailing immigration regimes in the host country”. The “diaspora of decolonization include besides the so-called ‘indigenous’ Africans, European and Asian settlers, those who relocated overseas during the struggles for independence and immediately after”. The “diaspora of structural adjustment have been formed since the 1980s out of the migrations engendered by economic, political, and social crises and the destabilizations of SAPs”. They include professional elites, traders, refugees, and students. He further makes a distinction between African migration and African diasporization based on the duration of their stay away from the homeland. Thus a migrant could only become diasporan “as a result of prolonged settlement followed by permanent settlement in the host country; otherwise he/she is only a temporal migrant”. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 31 2.1 Diaspora and Development The three waves of dispersal as argued by Zeleza(2009) as constituting the formation of the contemporary diaspora, is of particular importance to this study because it helps to trace and assess the migration pattern of the African diaspora and in this case the Ghanaian diaspora. As he rightly mentions, a certain pattern of migration usually precedes the formation of a particular diaspora. Adepoju(1995) adds that migration from Ghana and other West African countries could be traced from the pre-colonial era, to the colonial era, through to the independence and the post- independence era. He argues that “in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), intra- and inter-country movements continue to be a central feature of life of the people”. “Much of this movement he asserts, takes place in diverse political, economic, socio-ethnic and ecological settings but remains essentially intra-regional”. “Migrants from and within the region include temporary cross-border workers, unskilled and temporary contract workers, traders, undocumented migrants, highly skilled professionals, and refugees”.Zeleza(2009) Zeleza(2009), further argues that unlike the historic, the contemporary diaspora have to negotiate “temporary prolonged permanent intention, duration degrees relations with the historic diasporas themselves and also not just with ‘Africa’ but with their particular countries of origin and the countries of transmigration”. The revolution in telecommunications and travel, which according to him, “has compressed the spatial and temporal distances between home and abroad”, offers the contemporary diasporas, unlike the historic diasporas from the earlier dispersals, unprecedented opportunities to be transnational and transcultural, to be people of multiple worlds and localities. “They are able to retain ties to Africa in ways that were not possible to earlier generations of the African diasporas”. Some scholars on the African diaspora also suggest a move away from the historic focus on slavery and to embrace the emergence of the new diasporas. Koser(2006) for University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 32 instance asserts that, “a preoccupation with slavery and its descendants has diverted our attention from striking new patterns and processes associated with recent migrations. According to him, though often conceived in terms of a catastrophic dispersion, widening the notion of diaspora to include trade, imperial labour and cultural diasporas can provide a more nuanced understanding of the often positive relationships between migrants’ homelands and their places of work and settlement”. Vertovec and Cohen (1999) also hold that “diasporas have recently been conceived as a new social form characterized by special social relationships, political orientations and economic strategies; as a type of consciousness that demonstrates an awareness of multi-locality, and as a novel mode of cultural production that interacts with globalization”. “The literature thus implies that diasporas have a new economic, social, political and cultural potential that can be wielded transnationally”. It is worth noting that in the conception of the contemporary African diaspora or otherwise described as the new diasporas, scholars seemed to be divided on the inclusion of intra continental or intra African migration as part of the description. While some opine that the story of the diaspora can never be complete without the inclusion of the diasporas within Africa, others assert that the African diaspora is primarily composed of those residing outside the continent. Further research into the above debate however indicates that, the decision to include the Intra -African diasporas or not in the discourse on diaspora, usually come up in discourses on the nexus of diaspora and development of countries of origins and destinations. With reference to African diasporas in South Africa, Crush (2011) makes the case for a “spatially inclusive definition” of the African diaspora “that encompasses all migrants of African origin with a development related “interest” wherever they live so long as they are outside their country of origin”. In his opinion, Africa continues to remain the popular destination for many migrants. This includes people of African origin (not just University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 33 first-generation migrants) reside in the North, in the South and, crucially, in Africa itself. He further explains “that the majority of migration within Africa is developmental in nature, motivated by the search for better economic opportunity and building sustainable livelihoods at home”, and therefore makes a strong case for the inclusion of African diaspora inside of Africa. Conversely, Crush (2011) points out that, “internationally and within Africa itself, the African diaspora is generally seen as living outside the continent”. Diaspora engagement strategies, are for development he concludes, are therefore targeted at Africans living in Europe and North America. Again, to several others, the AU’s definition of the African Diaspora as “consisting of people of African origin living outside the continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality and who are willing to contribute to the development of the continent and the building of the African Union” is the standard yardstick that gives finality to the debate. The above debate is of particular interest to the researcher and to this study as it helps to better understand the factors that have motivated the surge in literature on the engagement of African states with their diasporas for development, and hence that on diaspora engagements for Ghana’s development. The focus however will be to include both diasporas formed within and outside the continent, with main emphasis on Ghana’s engagements with both the African diaspora and Ghanaian diaspora, formed and situated outside of the continent. 2.2 Intra -regional African Migration The era of colonialism shaped many patterns of international migration in Africa. Due to the development of capitalist enclaves and estate economies in the colonies, with a subsequent demand for (indentured) labour, many migration flows developed. Well-known examples are the movement of African slaves from West Africa to the West Indies, or the movement of African labour to the mines of South Africa. Subsequently, the process of decolonization was accompanied University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 34 by large-scale migrations. During the Cold War period many so-called Third World countries were client states of the dominant powers (USA, USSR, and China) and were dependent politically, economically and militarily. In this period, international migration was underpinned by the political conflicts between the Communist Bloc and the West. These had their parallel in the Third World and contributed to armed conflicts in Chad, Ethiopia, Somalia and Angola, to name but a few. Furthermore, the stark contrasts between the developed and developing world were combined with strong political, economic and social links, leading to the migration of labour and students from developing countries to the former colonizers. Migration between the countries of the South was still limited and was superseded by internal movements such as rural-urban migration (particularly to capital cities), traditional nomadic movements and seasonal movement. Much of this migration was a result of the earlier exploitation of natural and mineral resources and the estate crop economies during the colonial period: the Copper Belt in Zambia, mining areas in Zimbabwe, Nigeria and South Africa, and the rubber, cocoa and coffee plantations in coastal West Africa remain poles of attraction for internal and international migrants up to this day. Even during the colonial period large-scale labour migration took place in West Africa. The migration was stimulated and organized by the colonial powers in their quest for cheap labour needed for the plantation and estate economies. Thus, many workers from Upper Volta and Mali worked in the gold, tin and coal mines in Ghana and Nigeria, and on the cocoa, coffee and oil palm plantations in Ivory Coast, Ghana and Nigeria. This organized migration eventually resulted in chain and family migration to the coastal areas, which was further facilitated by the development of infrastructure (Makinwa-Adebusoye, 1995). The creation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 1975 also facilitated the international movement of people and also goods and services in West Africa with University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 35 the implementation of the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons and goods by the ECOWAS in 1980. The main migration flows in the period 1945–1980 were those from Burkina Faso, Mali and Guinea to Ivory Coast on the one hand, and from Burkina Faso, Mali and Togo to Ghana and Nigeria on the other hand. In 2017, the United Nations Population Division, estimated that although the United States remains an important global destination for sub-Saharan Africans, intra- regional migration is far more common, at least with 71 percent of emigrants moving between countries in the region. South Africa, Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, Uganda, Nigeria, and Ethiopia are the main destinations, hosting 32 percent of all intraregional migrants. Migration in Africa involves large numbers of migrants moving both within and from the region. An IOM World Migration Report 2020 indicates that, in 2019, over 21 million Africans were living in another African country, this represented a significant increase from 2015, when at about 18.5 million Africans were estimated to be living within the region. Also, intraregional migration especially within West Africa dominates for several reasons, including “visa-free movement among the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) members, the relatively small sizes of many countries in the sub region and the strong networks among the many ethnic groups scattered across the sub region”(. 2.3 Contemporary African Migration beyond Africa Zeleza(2010) holds that “while the majority of Africa’s migrants stayed in other African countries, growing numbers went outside the continent, especially to Western Asia and the global North. Migration to the North in the 1990s was characterized by several new trends amidst the persistence of old ones”. In most of the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) countries, legal immigration flows decreased in 1993, although migration still played a significant role in annual population growth despite a fall in domestic fertility rates and an increase in ageing University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 36 native population Also, the number of asylum claims decreased, but an increase in the relative importance of temporary and highly skilled workers in the total continued. Immigration for family reunion continued to predominate. Foreign labour force rose in almost all the OECD countries permeating more sectors, including services and self-employment, although foreigners continued to be more vulnerable to unemployment than nationals, particularly in Europe. Infact, some scholars hold that Post-Colonial African immigration to Europe has generally followed the historical and linguistic trails of colonialism, so that Britain and France are usually the preferred destinations of migrants for the former British and French colonies, respectively. African immigration to North America has also increased rapidly with the U.S.A being the preferred destination of many. Statistics from the US census Bureau indicate that immigrants from Sub Saharan African alone rose from 130, 000 in 1980 to 2,019,000 in 2018. The United Kingdom, France and Italy and Australia are also common destinations for sub-Saharan African migrants. Anarfi(1982), asserts that the immigration of Ghanaians to EU countries “can be traced back to a combination of factors of a socioeconomic and political nature, the major push factors including economic decline, political instability and dictatorship which were prevalent in the late 1970s”. “The post-independence military coups in 1966-1992 and subsequent regime brought political instability, which consequently changed the dynamics of mobility from single groups to mass movements” (Adepoju, 2005). Later, “push factors included the impact of Structural Adjustment Programmes in 1983 and acute drought and famine in 1983 and 1984” (Osman, 2010), in addition to poverty, unemployment and conflict at the beginning of 1990s. These culminated in the large emigration of Ghanaians between 1990 and 2010 in search of better opportunities abroad having Africa, Europe and North America as the three main destinations. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 37 2.4 Exodus of Ghanaian Migrants and the Formation of the Ghanaian Diaspora The exodus of the Ghanaian abroad for economic and political reasons is usually blamed on to the economic decline the country faced and the subsequent implementation of Structural Adjustment Programmes in the 1990’s. According to Anarfi (1982), in Sub-Saharan Africa, Ghana had been a favourite immigration destination for many African countries due to a relatively vibrant Ghanaian economy, attracting quite a significant number of citizens from neighboring countries. Migrant labourers from the neighboring West African countries “came to Ghana in large numbers to work in the mines, cocoa plantations and as workers in the expanding civil service and the urban economy”. (Anarfi 1982) Spaan and Moppes (2006) has it that, the mass expulsion of a quarter of a million immigrants in 1969 originating from Niger, Nigeria, Togo and Burkina Faso was a watershed and “marked the start of a decade of economic recession in Ghana”. The resulting labour shortages on the cocoa estates caused a slump in production and, together with hyperinflation and droughts, brought the economy to the brink of collapse. From that point onward Ghana experienced a shift in its status “from immigration to an emigration country”, especially after the discovery of oil in Nigeria. Many Ghanaians went there to work in the oil industry. Ivory Coast and Togo were also countries of destination for Ghanaian migrants. Nieswand( 2009)also adds that in “1983 and 1985, there were mass forced expulsions in Nigeria, which saw about a million Ghanaians returning to Ghana”. As a result, Ghanaians began to seek greener pastures outside the continent with preferred destinations being USA and Canada, UK, Germany, Spain, Italy and the Netherlands. Migration patterns were gradually reversed during the period of Ghana's post-independence crisis. During the 1970s, many Ghanaian migrants went to University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 38 other African countries, mainly Nigeria and Côte d'Ivoire, in search of work. An estimated one million Ghanaians worked in Nigeria in the early 1980s. “As a political reaction to Nigeria's economic crisis and internal political tensions, hundreds of thousands of Ghanaians were expelled in 1983 and 1985” (Adepoju 1986). In 1983 an estimated 700,000 returnees met Ghana. suffering under political instability and economic chaos, worsened by disastrous bush fires whhic destroying food and cash crop plantations all over the country. “Many returning migrant workers and several others who could afford it, left the country during this period” (Van Hear 1998: 204). Many travelled to Western Europe and North America, although this often meant a devaluation of the migrants' cultural and social capital, such as language skills, school and university degrees and work experience. “In Western Europe, Great Britain, Germany, the Netherlands and Italy, are the countries with the largest official Ghanaian populations, ranging from between 20,000 and 55,000” (Bump 2006). “Outside of Europe, Canada and the USA are the most important destinations for transcontinental Ghanaian migrants. In 2000, more than 30,000 Ghanaians officially resided in Canada and more than 65,000 in the USA”. (Owusu 2003) In Ghana two historical layers of diaspora discourses co-exist. Going back to the Gold Coast’s role in the transatlantic slave trade and Nkrumah’s commitment to Pan-Africanism,“Ghana is one of the focal points of Afro-American ‘roots tourism’ on the African continent” (Commander 2007; Gaines 2005; Lake 1995; Schramm 2004). Recently the diaspora discourse became expanded to include transcontinental Ghanaian labour migrants. Nevertheless, the ‘new’ diaspora discourse has a much larger impact on the political field in Ghana. While the inclusion of Afro-Americans often remains rhetorical, state representatives are much more interested in the practical incorporation of transcontinental migrants with Ghanaian citizenship. Recently the term received recognition in the field of development studies and development cooperation. In this context it centred on migrants’ University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 39 contributions to social and economic development in Ghana and other parts of Africa. This description of the Ghanaian diaspora is of importance to this study since it sets the context for discussion of Diaspora Engagement Policy as one targeting transnational or transcontinental Migration of Ghanaians permanently or temporarily domiciled outside the continent. Explicitly articulated by Dufoix (2011) is the fact that “in recent decades, the use of the word 'diaspora' has undergone significant changes. Among these, the latest evolution is the rise of the term as a political-administrative category mobilised by more and more states to describe either their nationals living abroad, or a body of people that are connected to the homeland through nationality or only by descent. Most of the time, these descriptions go hand in hand with the elaboration and implementation of policies specifically aimed at these populations: voting rights, political representation, online registration, diaspora-homeland meetings, and so on”. It is against this background that the context for the discussion of a Ghanaian diaspora as one of the many new African diasporas that maintain ties with its homeland and nation Ghana, is thus set. With respect to adaptation of Immigrant Ghanaians in host countries, Arthur (2006) explains that, Immigrant Institutional Adaptation is an important facet of the making of immigrant identities in host nations. Based on their immigrant behavior in the USA, he explains that as more Ghanaians enter the USA, they begin to develop their own institutions which sometimes they transplant from home to the USA and the West as a whole. These institutions include the Immigrant Mutual benefits and benevolence societies and other social organisations which are designed to assist them to adapt to their new lives. The same also serve the purpose of anchoring the immigrants in the values and traditions of the Ghanaian society. The behavior of Ghanaians is cast within a perspective that recognises the varied and multiple socioeconomic, cultural and political contexts University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 40 in which the immigrants connect with their host societies and communities as well as the ones they left behind at home. 2.5 Linkages between the African Diaspora and their Countries of Origin Very critical to this study is the fact that the concept of diaspora creation cannot be restricted to the historic definition of the diaspora. The concept has rather taken on a broader spectrum to include as the African Union describes it, the “people of African descent and heritage living outside the continent, irrespective of their citizenship and who remain committed to contribute to the development of the continent”. (AU,2005). According to Parnell- Berry (2012), a supposedly “new” post-colonial diaspora of the contemporary age migrates to Europe, North America and beyond in search of a new life. With his approach to the discourse, we can see a trend of African migrants who go to seek greener pastures abroad especially in developed countries in order to scale through economic hardship so that when they make it, they can support their families back at home. Some of these are those who qualify as those ‘living outside the continent’, who take special interest in supporting the development of the continent usually by maintaining ties with their respective countries of origin. With respect to the discourse on diasporas and their linkages to their home countries Zeleza(2009) argues that, African states are recent colonial inventions that did not exist 150 years ago except for the notable exceptions of Egypt, Morocco, and Ethiopia, which might explain why the Afro- Atlantic diasporas that emerged out of earlier movements and which did not by and large come from these countries, are simply called "African" or identified by their ethnic or regional names. He adds that “the notions of "Asian" or "European" diasporas are not as widespread, since they are often trumped by national identities, for example the Irish diaspora, the Italian diaspora, the Indian University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 41 diaspora, the Chinese diaspora, and so on. For Africa, this is of course becoming increasingly true for the "new" diasporas, whose national identities compete with or subsume their continental identities”. If that is the case, then wouldn’t the above description raise some salient questions on how effective the AU would be in its bid to harness the potential of the diaspora in a manner that would not culminate into competition with member states? I would address this issue as I elaborate on the recognition of the African diaspora as their sixth region of the AU and the initiatives AU has taken to harness their potential later in the chapter. Just like Ghana, several African governments have also taken initiatives to harness some benefits from their respective nationals abroad. In effect, African diaspora are active in political advocacy, charity and cultural exchange with their respective nations back home. For example, Nigerians in Diaspora Organisations (NIDO) have been established and are actively involved in dialogue with governments at home. “Ghanaian Diaspora in the UK have pressed and received concession from their government to participate in national elections and are also actively involved in modernising political process. African diasporic associations also help new arrivals adapt and insert into labour markets, reinforce cultural identity, and mobilise members’ capital for community development projects at ‘home’ and contribute to charity and development programmes” (Adepoju, 2007b). African leaders are also actively exploring strategies to attract back their nationals to contribute to national development. Leaders of Nigeria, Kenya, Ghana, among others, have held series of meetings with their nationals in Diaspora, encouraging them to return with offers of incentives to do so. Governments have established ministries or agencies of the Diaspora to coordinate diaspora related programmes. Many migrants who also nurse the hope to return home ultimately may have acquired skills and capital that can be productively invested back home, eventhough some of these skills acquired by some, may not match available job opportunities at home. “We need more University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 42 evidence-based research on lessons learnt from, for instance, IOM’s ‘Return and Reintegration of Qualified Nationals’ and similar programmes in Africa that facilitate return, retention and reintegration of nationals and which promote their potential for country-of-origin development” ( IOM, 2001). 2.6 Benefits and Challenges of Diaspora Engagement The concept of transnationalism still pose a threat to global security due to its association to diasporas and their relations to their homeland, The upsurge in terrorist activities especially after the 9/11 attack on the US has put a bad name to the concept of diaspora engagement with the homeland with the reason being that these communities facilitate or fund terrorist and criminal activities in their homeland or in some instances in the country of destination. “For example, the Bush administration recently outlawed the al-Barakaat system of diasporic banking among Somalis arguing that it is an easy means of transferring funds to Al Qaida” (The White House, 2001). Because migrants are often faced with the grim reality to survive doing odd jobs, they easily fall prey to the whims and caprices of criminal gangs that often introduce them to all sorts of illegal activities like drug trafficking and these gradually get incorporated into various crime networks. Again, funding from the African Diaspora to support conflict and political insurgencies have also received scholastic attention as constituting one of the banes of diaspora engagement. The Eritrean diaspora is said to have largely funded the conflict with Ethiopia. University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 43 Eventhough these transnational dangers still exist, the discourse on the diaspora should not fail to look at the numerous benefits that homelands reap from their diasporas which. Infact this study thrives on the theme that the African Diaspora or in this case the Ghanaian Diaspora has positive potential, which when harnessed can positively impact the developmental agenda of the state. Moreover, many scholars hold that, international migration has moved from being the source of a brain drain to becoming one of the channels of development for developing countries. Whereas migrants were once viewed as unpatriotic, fleeing the country when they were needed most, the discourse has shifted to a positive dimension which views migrants as very much part of the solution to underdevelopment (Ndofor-Tah, 2000; Ozden and Schiff, 2005). The benefit of remittances though the most popular, is only one of the numerous benefits from the African diaspora. The World Bank Report in 2019 indicates that Nigeria, which has a sizable diaspora across the world, is by far the largest recipient of remittance flows with $23.8 billion, followed by Ghana ($3.5 billion) and Kenya ($2.8 billion). With Ghana as the second largest recipient of remittances in Sub-Saharan Africa, flows through official channels have increased from 117.6 million USD in 2007 to an estimated 3.8 billion USD in 2018, equating to 7.4% of GDP. Flows accounts for almost three times of Official Development Assistance (ODA) received and thus provide the Government of Ghana with a vital source of foreign exchange. Again, “remittances are important source of livelihood for many poor households in Ghana and several African countries. According to the ADB (2008), 80% of remittance beneficiaries in Morocco, Senegal, Mali and Cameroun are poor households from remote areas. The remittances are mainly used to meet basic needs like food, education and healthcare. These households usually do not benefit from development assistance. To these households, the major concern is to meet daily and life’s basic needs than to save towards capital accumulation. However, these notwithstanding, some University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 44 investments are made in the areas of real estate, industry, and import/export through remittances from migrants”. Migrants more often than not remit family members during funeral celebrations and in times of ill health. “Remittance receipts from migrants are also invested in housing projects for personal or family use as well as for income generating purposes by setting up small scale businesses in various towns and cities”. Apart from remittances, homelands also benefit from skilled human resource that brings their training, expertise to play in the developmental agenda of the host nation. In Ghana for example, “highly skilled and educated diaspora Ghanaians have returned to contribute to the country’s reconstruction efforts. Herman Chinery-Hesse, a returnee and executive chairman of Soft Tribe, developed a specialized software fortracking inventory, payroll, and accounting used by companies in Ghana. Another returnee, Ken Afori-Atta, established Databank to provide information about Ghanaian businesses to foreign investors. The company established a medium for listing shares of foreign companies on the Ghana Stock Exchange, a novelty in the economic and banking histor