University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LANGUAGE USE AMONG EWE-SPEAKING ARTISANS IN SOME SELECTED TOWNS IN VOLTA REGION AND GREATER ACCRA REGION BY ENYONAM YAWA AKPAKLI (10274214) THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON, IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY IN LINGUISTICS DEGREE JULY, 2019 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DECLARATION I, Enyonam Yawa Akpakli, declare that this thesis is the result of my original research under the supervision of Dr. Evershed Kwasi Amuzu and Dr. Paul K. Agbedor, except for references to other works which have been duly cited. I also declare that it has neither in whole nor part been presented for another degree elsewhere. ……………………………………………….. ………………………………………….. ENYONAM YAWA AKPAKLI DATE (Student) …………………………………………….. ……………………………………… DR. EVERSHED KWASI AMUZU DATE (Supervisor) ……………………………………………….. ……………………………………… DR. PAUL K. AGBEDOR DATE (Supervisor) i University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DEDICATION To my parents, Mr. Simon Kofi Akpakli and Mrs. Paulina Abla Akpakli To my siblings, Elorm Akpakli, Dorcas Akpakli, Elizabeth Akpakli and Emmanuel Akpakli. ii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Indeed, with God all things are possible. This is my story. It has not been easy but God has brought me this far. My heartfelt gratitude goes to Him. I would like to thank my supervisors, Dr. Evershed Kwasi Amuzu and Dr. Paul K. Agbedor, for devoting their time to making all necessary corrections and input in this thesis. Dr. Evershed Kwasi Amuzu, my principal supervisor, a special appreciation goes to you for recommending the topic of this thesis. You have been more than a supervisor. It is your guidance, efforts, suggestions, and comments that made up this thesis. I really appreciate your patience with me. Prof. Kofi Korankye Saah, I thank you for your words of encouragement. You always reminded me of my work any time you see me. God richly bless you. I would also like to thank all lecturers of the Department of Linguistics, University of Ghana. Prof. E. K. Osam, Prof. Nana A. A. Amfo, Prof. Kofi Agyekum, Dr. Reginald A. Duah, Dr. Yvonne Agbetsoamedo, Dr. Mercy Bobuafo, Dr. Clement K. I. Appah, and Dr. Fusheini Hudu for the knowledge they imparted in me, not forgetting their words of encouragement. I thank all the participants, the artisans, who willingly accepted me in their workshops to get the data for this thesis. My sincere thanks go to my colleague at work, Mr. Dautey William, for supporting me from the beginning of this course to the end. You were always ready to proofread all my works. God richly bless you. Special thanks go to my family. My parents, Mr. Simon K. Akpakli and Mrs. Paulina Akpakli, you have assisted me throughout the academic ladder. I cannot forget your words of encouragement. You are a blessing to me. To my siblings, Elorm Akpakli, iii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Dorcas Akpakli, Elizabeth Akpakli, and Emmanuel Akpakli, I appreciate your words of encouragement and support. God bless you all. I greatly appreciate the University of Ghana and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation for awarding me a full-time scholarship to pursue this programme. Finally, I say ‗thank you‘ to everyone who helped one way or the other towards the success of this thesis. I am grateful. iv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ABSTRACT The study presents an account of the language alternation patterns among Ewe- speaking artisans in some selected towns in the Volta Region and part of Greater Accra Region. The data for the study were collected from semi-structured interviews and voice-recordings of spontaneous conversations of the artisans. From the interview data, two groups of artisans were found at the workshops: bilinguals and monolinguals. Analyzing the linguistic and sociolinguistic features of the language alternation patterns using Myers-Scotton (1993) Markedness Model, findings show codeswitching and an emerging mixed language are spoken by the artisans. The bilinguals, as part of their linguistic repertoire, use Ewe-English codeswitching while the monolinguals use the emerging mixed language. The monolingual artisans learned the emerging mixed language by virtue of their exposure to bilingual speech (codeswitching) through the process of borrowing. The artisans employed these language alternation patterns as the language of work. Both codeswitching and the emerging mixed language served as the medium of communication at the workplace. In general, the study was motivated by prediction made in the literature to the extent that Ewe will turn into a mixed code due to the intensive use of codeswitching by Ewe bilinguals. Based on the data analyzed, it is clear that Ewe is really at the transition period of turning into a mixed language as the result of the excessive love for codeswitching. v University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh TABLE OF CONTENT DECLARATION ................................................................................................... i DEDICATION ..................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...................................................................................iii ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................... v TABLE OF CONTENT........................................................................................... vi LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................... ix LIST OF FIGURES .............................................................................................. x LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .............................................................................. xi CHAPTER ONE ...................................................................................................... 1 GENERAL INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 1 1.1 Introduction ..................................................................................... 1 1.2 Background of the study .................................................................. 1 1.3 Ethnographic background of Ewe speakers ...................................... 4 1.4 English in Ghana ............................................................................. 8 1.5 Statement of the problem ................................................................. 9 1.6 Research objectives ....................................................................... 10 1.7 Research questions ........................................................................ 10 1.8 Organization of the thesis .............................................................. 10 1.9 Chapter summary........................................................................... 11 CHAPTER TWO ................................................................................................... 12 LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ........................ 12 2.1 Introduction ................................................................................... 12 2.2 Literature Review .......................................................................... 12 2.2.1 Introduction ............................................................................... 12 2.2.2 Codeswitching ............................................................................ 13 2.2.3 Mixed languages ........................................................................ 19 vi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.2.4 Language use at the workplace environment .............................. 23 2.3 Theoretical Framework .................................................................. 27 2.3.1 Mackey’s description of bilingualism ......................................... 27 2.3.2 Markedness Model ..................................................................... 29 2.4 Chapter summary........................................................................... 31 CHAPTER THREE ................................................................................................ 33 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................. 33 3.1 Introduction ................................................................................... 33 3.2 Type of data................................................................................... 33 3.2.1 Interview ................................................................................... 34 3.2.2 Recorded conversations ............................................................ 35 3.3 Research area................................................................................. 37 3.4 Participants ................................................................................... 37 3.4.1 Profile of workplaces ................................................................ 39 3.4.2 Sociolinguistic profile of the artisans ......................................... 44 3.5 Sampling Method ................................................................................. 51 3.6 Data transcription and translation .................................................. 52 3.7 Chapter summary........................................................................... 53 CHAPTER FOUR .................................................................................................. 54 LINGUISTIC AND SOCIOLINGUISTIC FEATURES OF ARTISANS‘ LANGUAGE OF WORK ....................................................................................... 54 4.1 Introduction ................................................................................... 54 4.2 Analysis of interview data.............................................................. 54 4.2.1 Bilinguals response .................................................................... 55 4.2.2 Monolingual response ................................................................ 61 4.3 Linguistic features ......................................................................... 65 4.3.1 Types of mixed constituent.......................................................... 65 4.3.1.1 Alternational codeswitching.......................................................... 65 4.3.1.2 Insertional codeswitching .......................................................... 68 vii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.3.2 General description of the English lexical elements .................... 70 4.3.2.1 The morphology of the EL lexical elements .............................. 70 4.3.3 Nouns ......................................................................................... 73 4.3.4 Verbs ......................................................................................... 77 4.3.5 Phonological adaptation of the monolinguals’ EL lexical elements 79 4.4 Social Motivations ......................................................................... 83 4.4.1 The unmarked-choice maxim ...................................................... 83 4.5 Contribution of the extra-linguistic parameters to variation in the language used by the artisans ..................................................................... 111 4.5.1 Reported bilingual ability ......................................................... 111 4.5.2 Location of workshops ............................................................. 112 4.6 Chapter summary......................................................................... 113 CHAPTER FIVE .................................................................................................. 116 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ...................................................................... 116 5.1 Introduction ................................................................................. 116 5.2 Summary of the Study ................................................................. 116 5.3 Key Findings ............................................................................... 118 5.4 Significance of the study .............................................................. 122 5.5 Recommendation ......................................................................... 123 REFERENCES..................................................................................................... 124 APPENDICES ..................................................................................................... 134 APPENDIX 1 ............................................................................................ 134 APPENDIX 2 ............................................................................................ 134 viii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Categories of artisans ................................................................................ 38 Table 2: Profile of artisans ...................................................................................... 49 Table 3: English elements in Ewe Frame ............................................................ 70 Table 4: Simplex words .......................................................................................... 71 Table 5: Compound nouns ...................................................................................... 72 Table 6: The category of nouns ........................................................................... 73 Table 7: Targeted English words and their realized forms ....................................... 79 Table 8: Location of workshops............................................................................ 112 ix University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: A map showing Gbe languages & places Ewe is spoken ............................ 6 Figure 2: Language map of Ghana (Ethnologue 2016) .............................................. 7 x University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS st 1PL 1 Person Plural rd 3PL 3 Person Plural st 1SG 1 Person Singular nd 2SG 2 Person Singular rd 3SG 3 Person Singular A-N Adjective-Noun Appr. Apprentice AUX Auxiliary B Bilingual C Consonant CN Compound Noun CofP Community of Practice DEM Demonstrative DET Determiner FOC Focus FUT Future HAB Habitual JHS Junior High School LOC Locative M Monolingual MM Markedness Model Mst Master N/S No School xi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh NEG Negative N-N Noun-Noun NP Noun Phrase PL Plural POSS Possessive PRF Perfect PROG Progressive PRS Present PST Past Q Question marker RO Rights and Obligations SHS Senior High School V Vowel xii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1.1 Introduction This study is about bilingual language use among people who cannot unilingually speak English but nonetheless insert English words in Ewe sentences. The study selected Ewe-speaking artisans. Its main purpose is to do a linguistic and socilinguistic analysis of the language used by the artisans to ascertain the nature of their language alternation. The present chapter is the general introduction of the study. In section 1.2, I present the general background of the study. Sections 1.3 and 1.4 discuss the ethnographic background of Ewe speakers as well as the language and the status of English in Ghana respectively. Section 1.5 presents the statement of the problem. The objectives of the study and the research questions are outlined in sections 1.6 and 1.7 respectively. Section 1.8 discusses the organization of the thesis. Section 1.9 concludes the chapter. 1.2 Background of the study Language is a means of communication among members of society. There exists effective communication only through the use of language. Language is primal in the expression of culture. Sirbu (2015) defines language as the tool that conveys traditions and values related to a group‘s identity. This implies that language is 1 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh created by people. Language does not exist in isolation or outside the mind of people but created as they need it. According to O‘Grady et al. (2011: 513), language on its own is a complex phenomenon. How you use it is determined by who you are, where you are, where you have been, and to whom you are speaking. The register one uses in any discourse changes depending on the setting and the interlocutor. The language people use differs from one profession to the other. The characteristic that identifies each language is what is referred to as a register. Adopting the definition of Holmes (1992), a register describes the language of groups of people with common interest or jobs and the language used in situations associated with such groups. This thesis aims to analyze and identify the type of language used by Ewe-speaking artisans at the workplace in the situation of language contact. Due to the multilingual nature of African societies, people are exposed to more than one language. Africans can boast of several indigenous languages as well as foreign languages. This societal multilingualism is manifested through language use at both community and individual levels. Language contact varies in its effects. Winford (2003: 2) states that it can either result in ―slight borrowing of vocabulary‖ or can lead to the ―creation of entirely new languages‖. This largely depends on the degree of influence by one language on the other, and Ghana is not an exception. The contact between English and Ghanaian languages due to Ghana‘s Anglophone colonial heritage breeds several language phenomena. Some of these 2 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh contact phenomena are codeswitching, Myers-Scotton (2002) and mixed language, Bakker (1994) and Meakins (2013, 2018). These phenomena have become unavoidable code choice as far as bilinguals and multilingual are concerned (see Liu 2010 and Forson 1988). The phenomenon of codeswitching generally refers to the use of two or more languages within a given interaction. Studies have shown that the prerequisite for codeswitching is bilingualism. In other words, codeswitching is an identified language of bilinguals. In Ghana, codeswitching is mainly employed by people who can express themselves fluently in the English language and their mother tongue or other indigenous languages. Forson (1988) and Amuzu (2005) in their studies, refer to these people as ―educated Ghanaians‖ who have at least acquired a secondary school education. This highlights the fact that codeswitching is considered a bilingual phenomenon, where one must be bilingual to effectively codeswitch (Amuzu 2017) and to make use of a ―matrix language‖ in formulating codeswitching grammatical structure (see Myers-Scotton 2002, Amuzu 2017). On the other hand, a mixed language results from the fusion of normally two languages, and in situations of bilingualism, so that it is not possible to classify the resulting language as belonging to either of the language families that were its source, a claim made by Thomason and Kaufman (1988). It is learned as it is and usually becomes the first language of the new generation. 3 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Bakker (1997) argued that most mixed languages are as a result of mixed marriages. Thus, men and women from different societies marry and children from these marriages trying to develop their own cultural identity results in mixed languages. Meakins (2013 and 2018) observed that mixed languages also results out of incursion or colonial migration with a different language group and one language group dominate the other, a new language is coined out of contact with both languages as the speakers unconsciously mix both languages. Mixed languages can either be independent of their source languages, or they can be the main language spoken within the community of speakers alongside source languages. 1.3 Ethnographic background of Ewe speakers The Ewe people are largely the occupants of the south-eastern part of Ghana, Volta Region. They have also extended beyond the boundaries of Ghana, into the Republic of Togo (Agbedor 2006), Benin (Dahomey) and, to Badagry in the Federal Republic of Nigeria (UNESCO grouping of languages 1985). The word ‗Ewe‘ doubles as the name for its speakers and the language, both spoken and written. The language belongs to a Kwa sub-group of Niger-Congo language family of Africa. It is part of the ‗Gbe‘ cluster of dialects spoken in Ghana, Togo, the southern part of Benin, and Nigeria (see figure (1) for the map showing Gbe languages and where Ewe is spoken). In Ghana, it is spoken in the Southeastern part by over 3 million people (Ansre 2000). It is used as a second language in Ghana among speakers of the 4 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ghana-Togo Mountain languages (GTM), a claim made by (Ring 1983) and the second dominant language spoken in Ghana. Across the Ewe-speaking areas, the dialects may be broadly grouped geographically into coastal or southern and inland dialects. Coastal or southern dialects include: Aŋlɔ, Tɔŋu Avenor, Dzodze, Watsyi, and inland dialects characterized indigenously as Ewedomegbe include Ho, Kpedze, Hohoe, Peki, Kpando, Fodome, Danyi, etc. (see Stahlke 1971, Clements 1972, Ansre 2000). Its written standard was developed in the 20th century (Ansre 1971, Adzomada 1979, Ameka 1991). The written standard, Ewe, is made up of a hybrid of the various regional variants of languages. The native speakers use Ewe in their everyday activities, markets, entertainment, and traditional culture and religion. The language is also taught as a subject in basic and secondary levels of education, as well as the tertiary level. The language also features in Christian churches, on radio and television in Ghana. In terms of languages surrounding it, it is bordered on the West by Ga Dangme and Akan which both belong to the Kwa language family. To the North are the Ghana- Togo Mountain languages such as Siwu, Kabiye, Siya, and Adele. To the East are other Gbe dialects such as Gen, Aja, and Xwla-Xweɖa which have varying degrees of mutual intelligibility with Ewe (see Capo 1979 and Stewart 1989). Figure (2) is the language map of Ghana. 5 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 1: A map showing Gbe languages & places Ewe is spoken Source: http://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/verba-africana/ewe/c-ewe-language.htm 6 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 2: Language map of Ghana (Ethnologue 2016) 7 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.4 English in Ghana English became the sole official language of Ghana as a colonial inheritance from Britain. Ghana gained independence more than 60 years ago and one would think the colonial pressure that made English such an important part of Ghanaians in the past will no longer exist. However, despite the significant number of years that have passed, the English language the colonialists imposed on this country remained. The language is mostly acquired through formal education, which makes most educated Ghanaians bilinguals. Thus, they have the competence in their mother tongues and English language. Forson (1979: 113) argued that ―the amount of formal education the average Ghanaian gets is, all things being equal, fairly proportionate to the extent to which he is exposed to the use of English‖. The educational system of Ghana is structured in a way that English has become the medium of instruction at all levels apart from the lower primary, the first three years of basic education. However, it is learned as a subject at these levels of education, indicating that English runs through all levels of education. English is also used in domains such as business, judiciary and at all levels of governance, from the local to the national levels. It is also employed in all forms of media in Ghana. The greater percentage of newspapers and official documents are written in the English language. The Ghanaian society is basically designed for an English reader and speaker. Morris (1998: 6) observed that Ghanaians can never do away with English Language in their utterances because according to him, people 8 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh responded that ―it is the language of their colonial masters‖. He also adds that ―It has become the national language and continues to have a deep impact on society, and will, it seems, be an important factor in the shaping of the future. To say the least, the English language has come to wield a lot of power in Ghana (Morris 1998). There is also evidence that some Ghanaians who have not acquired formal education also mix English vocabulary with their mother tongues in their everyday utterances. This proves that English has influenced a broad section of the Ghanaian society. 1.5 Statement of the problem I have observed that people who cannot speak English unilingually, those who have not acquired at least a secondary school education (uneducated Ewes) use English- origin words mixed with their mother tongue in providing services to their clients at their workplaces and in their normal conversations at work. These people are mostly artisans (carpenters, mechanics, hairdressers, painters, tailors/seamstresses, masons, etc.). This raises several questions: can what they speak be termed ―codeswitching‖ or ―a mixed language‖? Are there structural or lexical differences between what they speak and that of identified bilingual speech? This type of study has not gained much attention in any major research done in this area. It is against this backdrop that I intend to examine the linguistic and sociolinguistic features of the pattern of language alternation among Ewe-speaking artisans. 9 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1.6 Research objectives The objective of the study is to determine the variety of language used by the artisans in the domains of work, whether it is codeswitching or an emerging mixed language. In order to determine the nature of the language, the study seeks to do a linguistic and sociolinguistic analysis of the language use of monolingual Ewe-speaking artisans at workplaces compared to that of Ewe-English bilinguals in the same circumstances. 1.7 Research questions Two questions are raised in connection with the issues relating to the study as it seeks to find answers to exactly how to describe the language use of the Ewe- speaking artisans in the domain of work. 1. What are the linguistic similarities and differences between monolingual artisans‘ language use and that of the identified language of the bilinguals? 2. What are the sociolinguistics similarities and differences between the artisans‘ language use and that of the identified language of bilinguals? 1.8 Organization of the thesis The thesis is in five chapters. Chapter one covers the general background of the study, statement of the problem, the purpose of the study, objectives, and research questions. Chapter two looks at a comprehensive review of relevant literature on the 10 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh phenomena of language contact situations discussed in the study. It further presents the main theories within which the study is conducted and the justification of the theories. Chapter three discusses how data was collected, the background of participants and the tools used in gathering data. It also presents the profiles of the workshops that made up the communities of practice and the individual profiles of the artisans. To meet the objectives of the thesis, chapter four presents the language ability of the artisans, whether a bilingual or a monolingual using the interview data. It further captures the linguistic and sociolinguistic features of the language used by the artisans. The final chapter presents a summary of the thesis, key findings, significance of the study and some recommendations for future studies. 1.9 Chapter summary In this chapter, I discussed the background of the study. The chapter also presented the geographical distribution of the speakers of Ewe, domains of language use and the status of English in Ghana. The chapter also addressed the statement of the problem for the study. It further outlined the objectives of the study and the questions the research seeks to address. Finally, the chapter presented how the study is organized. 11 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2.1 Introduction This chapter presents two aspects of the thesis: the literature review and the theories. The first section, (2.2), is a literature review on previous works on the two major patterns of language contact phenomena observed in the data. That is, codeswitching and mixed languages. It also discusses some relevant works on language use at the workplace environment. Section 2.3 discusses the theories adopted for the study. 2.2 Literature Review 2.2.1 Introduction This section provides the necessary background on the two concepts that will be discussed in the thesis. They are codeswitching (bilingual speech) and mixed language. The sub-section on codeswitching will review issues in codeswitching by looking at bilingualism as the prerequisite for codeswitching in various definitions and major works on codeswitching. This is presented in subsection 2.2.2. In sub- section 2.2.3, I discuss mixed languages by looking at general definitions and the genesis of most mixed languages as discussed in the literature on mixed languages. Section 2.2.4 also presented some works on language use at the workplace environment. 12 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.2.2 Codeswitching The alternation between two or more languages in an utterance of a speaker, herein called codeswitching, is a common phenomenon among people who have access to two or more languages (bilingual/multilingual). A lot of studies have been done on codeswitching across the world (Poplack 1980, 2001; Myers-Scotton 1993, 2001; Muysken 1995, 2000; Gardiner-Chloros 2009, Auer 1998, 1999, 2013, etc.). In Ghana, most of the studies were done in domains such as churches, radio and television, communities, and in classrooms (Forson 1979, 1988; Nartey 1982; Asilevi 1990; Dzameshie 1994, 1996; Amuzu 1998, 2010, 2012, 2014; Mensah 2015; Nyavor 2017). In all these studies, codeswitching has been approached either structurally or from a sociolinguistic perspective. The former explores the grammatical constraints in terms of analyzing the morphosyntactic structure of a codeswitching sentence of bilinguals. Such studies prove that codeswitching is not done accidentally but is governed by rules. The latter looks at the social motivation behind codeswitching. Two major factors are common to all the studies. First, codeswitching mostly involves the official language and the native language of the people. Second, it is established that codeswitchers are bilinguals or multilingual who can express themselves in the languages involved. On the other hand, they suggest that bilingualism is a prerequisite for codeswitching. This section provides details of this 13 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh literature. We begin with how different scholars have defined the notion of codeswitching. Codeswitching has been given different definitions and most definitions overlap each other. They pinpoint to the fact that codeswitching is attributed to bilinguals. Milroy and Muysken (1995: 7) define codeswitching as ―the alternative use by bilinguals of two or more languages in the same conversation‖. Poplack (2001: 1) defined codeswitching as ―the mixing, by bilinguals/ multilinguals of two or more languages in a discourse, often with no change of interlocutors or topic‖. Similarly, she defined codeswitching in another study as ―the alternation of two languages within the same discourse‖ (Poplack 1980: 2). She described people who codeswitch as ―balanced bilinguals‖ and classified their speeches according to the degree of integration of items from L1 of the speakers in terms of phonology, morphology and syntactic patterns of the L2. In the study, she analyzed the speech of Puerto Rican residents, a ‗stable bilingual‘ community who switched between Spanish and English. They demonstrated different degrees of bilingual ability. Using a quantitative approach to codeswitching of both fluent and non-fluent bilinguals, she noted three types of codeswitching in their conversations. First, Inter-sentential codeswitching. This she explained as a switch between sentences from one language to the other. In other words, the switch is at the sentence level. Second, is intra-sentential codeswitching which she termed ‗intimate‘. That is switching within a single sentence. This type is more practiced by 14 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ‗fluent bilinguals or true bilinguals’ and more favored by in-group members as she noted. The third is less intimate type, emblematic switching or tag-switching. She explained tags as freely movable items which may be inserted anywhere in the sentence without violating any grammatical rule. This involved single words or noun switch. This is mostly done by non-fluent bilinguals as they are not restricted to maintain the syntactic rules of both languages involved. Gardiner-Chloros (2009: 11) noted that ―switching appears transparent enough, in that it refers to the alternation between the different varieties which people speak‖. This indicated that its speakers have access to two languages and blend the two languages sometimes in their utterances. Forson‘s (1979 and 1988) studies on Akan-English codeswitching were the first works on codeswitching in Ghana and were mainly sociolinguistic studies. He established that codeswitching became part of Ghanaian‘s speech in the 1950s when English became the medium of instruction in basic schools. He added that codeswitching in Ghana is done by ―educated Ghanaians‖ who have at least acquired up to the secondary school level of education. This made codeswitching a bilingual phenomenon in Ghana. He stated that: [T]he use of codeswitching is predictable, given the necessary sociolinguistic setting, particularly a common language for all the participants, the ability to use a common second language, a knowledge of which has 15 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh economic and/or social advantages over the primary language, and is often used as a lingua franca in everyday conversations (Forson 1979: 32). He further described codeswitching as a ―third tongue‖ of Ghanaian bilinguals (Forson 1988). According to him, bilinguals resort to codeswitching due to the following factors: ―1) the relationship between the bilingual‘s languages, 2) the linguistic background of the speakers, 3) the medium of the discourse, 4) the degree of formality of the discourse, 5) the subject matter‖ (Forson 1988: 181). This made codeswitching in those earlier days a marked code with a clear social discourse function. Gumperz (1982) made a case that, aside from the negative factors which his participants express in an interview to characterize codeswitching as just a language mixing by bilinguals who lack education, laziness, and inability to control the grammar of the two languages involved, codeswitching is also used by bilinguals or multilingual to achieve six discourse functions: ―quotation, addressee specification, interjections, reiteration, message qualification, and personalization versus objectivization‖ (Gumperz 1982: 75-80). Gumperz‘s observation pinpoints to the fact that bilinguals do not only code switch due to lack of accessibility of the right word in their conversations. Asilevi (1990) investigated Ewe-English codeswitching in the classroom and the influence of the English language on educated Ghanaians (bilinguals) which is 16 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh also having a great effect on Ewe- monolinguals. He discussed sociolinguistics factors motivating codeswitching. He made claims that educated Ghanaians resort to mixing English with their native language due to incompetence in both languages and teachers‘ resort to codeswitching in the classroom due to inability to communicate effectively what they intend to impart to their students. According to him (Asilevi 1990), codeswitching has become the language of instruction in the classroom. [D]uring our visit to some schools, we observed that the mixed language becomes the medium that is resorted to after all attempts to explain a point in English fail. To these incompetent teachers who cannot manipulate spoken English very well and marginally inexperienced pupil teachers, the mixed language is the medium of instruction (1990: 67). Amuzu (2012) analyzed codeswitching employed by bilinguals in various social contexts such as informal interactions at home, semi-formal discussion in study group meetings at school and talks on radio. Using data from two groups: Ewe- English and Akan-English, and Myers-Scotton‘s Markedness Model, he demonstrated that bilinguals routinely use both marked and unmarked codeswitching in their conversations, contrary to what Forson (1979) observed. However, bilinguals‘ love for the marked code was as a result of the stylistic possibilities it 17 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh offers them. He predicted that English‘s contact with Ghanaian local languages will one day result in mixed codes. Amuzu (2014) reviewed claims made by Forson (1979 and 1988) that codeswitching is ―the third tongue‖ of educated Ghanaians (bilinguals) and rather made a case that, to a large extent, codeswitching has become the ―first tongue‖ of educated Ghanaians (bilinguals) of today. In his work entitled ―Is codeswitching still a ―third tongue‖ of the educated?‖ He rejected claims made in previous works, especially Forson (1988) that, the degree of formality of the speech situation, linguistic repertoires of addressees and, the topic of discussion are factors that motivate codeswitching. However, he supports claims made by Asilevi (1990) and Dzameshie (1994, 1996) that the main reason is rather the bilinguals‘ inability to sustain ready access to their mother tongue mental lexicon during online speech production. These made codeswitching, ―a variety of their mother tongue‖ (Amuzu 2014). Mensah (2015) investigated the occurrences of codeswitching between Agona and English. Using data collected from interviews and recorded conversation of bilinguals from two churches, St James Anglican Church and the Holy Ghost International Church in Agona, she explored the social functions of codeswitching which she classified under Situational and Metaphorical switching and how switching occurred. She posited that most bilinguals in Agona, especially the youth, 18 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh prefer English to Agona for various reasons. Their love for English has adulterated Agona which has led to Agona losing its original form. In all these cases, what is called codeswitching, or language alternation that assumes active bilingualism in the input languages may be spoken unilingually as well among monolinguals. 2.2.3 Mixed languages Muysken (1994) studied Media Lengua, a variety of a mixed language derived from Quechua and Spanish. Media Lengua is a native language spoken in Central Ecuador by over a thousand people. According to him, it started developing from around 1967 when many of the young men began working in the construction industry in the southern part of a nearby province where they need to learn Spanish. Muysken argued that the genesis of Media Lengua is ―because acculturated Indians could not identify completely with either the traditional rural Quechuan culture or the urban Spanish culture‖ by Muysken (1994: 209). This is as a result of migration. It is as a reason of expressive needs Media Lengua was formed. It is used for everyday interaction among its speakers. Its use is restricted only to people in the community though it was not a secret language. Muysken further claimed that Media Lengua has native speakers although they have other languages at their disposal. The older generation, in addition to Media Lengua, speak more of Quechua, while the many younger people (who have Media Lengua as their first language) speak Spanish and 19 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh rarely use Quechua. Media Lengua is one of the mixed languages that exhibit a split between grammar and lexicon. He stated that this language is made up 90% of Spanish lexicon (the introduced language) with its grammar essentially Quechua (the ancestral language). Bakker (1994) studied Michif, a mixed language of a Metis (a mixed-race) group in Canada. Its source languages are French and Cree. Michif is also called Cree. However, its speakers differentiate between it and pure Cree. Michif originated as a result of mixed marriages between Cree-speaking women and French Canadian men who traveled West in their search for fur. According to him, the Metis are the descendants of these two groups. Meakins (2016) stated that Michif probably came into existence in the early 1008 as a result of communication need among the bilingual children in Manitoba and North Dakota, provinces in Canada. Bakker (1994) observed that Michif is learned as the first language and the only language for communication among its speaker. The speakers do not speak or understand any of its source languages. Michif demonstrated a great degree of structure mixing as it has its nominal from one language and its verbs from another language. Bakker typologically classified it as a Verb-Noun mixed language as it combines Cree verbal system with French nominal system. Meakins (2013: 10) stated that the Cree verbs are about 88% – 99% while the French nouns are 83% - 84%. Due to its structural mixing, different researchers proposed different genesis of Michif. According to Bakker (1994), it is 20 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh via language intertwining, a process common to most mixed languages. Drapeau (1991) argued it originated from intrasentential codeswitching using Myers- Scotton‘s Matrix Language Turnover hypothesis. Mous (1994) studied Ma‘a, also known as Mbugu, a mixed language spoken by a population of about 7000 people living in Mbugu communities in Tanzania. Its source languages are Mbugu, a dialect of Bantu and Cushitic. Mous (1994) observed that Ma‘a originated as a result of codeswitching. He assumed that its speakers codeswitch between Cushitic (the matrix language) and Bantu (the embedded language) and at a certain point in time, there was a swap in both languages, making Bantu the matrix language and finally developed into Ma‘a. Ma‘a is acquired as a first language alongside Shambaa (the dominant language) and Swahili (the national language) among its speakers. McConvell (2007) in his work on ‗mixed languages as outcomes of codeswitching‘ discussed the formation of Gurindji Kriol a mixed language spoken by Gurindji's in Northern Australia. Gurindji Kriol is derived from Gurindji, a Pama- Nyungan language and Kriol, an English-based pidgin which Gurindji people were obliged to learn for communicative purposes as they work with the whites and other language groups. Apparently, the name Gurindji Kriol is named after its source languages. He established that Kriol, at some point in time, began to be learned as a first language by some. Most Guringji speakers became bilinguals as they speak Gurindji, the traditional language alongside Kriol. The result of codeswitching 21 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh between both languages by the older generation, described by McConvell (1988), brought about the formation of the mixed language. Gurindji Kriol is acquired as a first language by children and extensively used as a medium of communication among Gurindji people between the age of three (3) and about forty-five (45). Dalton et al (1995), based on this observation, described it as ―Gurindji Children Language‖. Gurindji Kriol exists independently and is used alongside its source languages. It functions as a language for everyday communication and in domains such as home, community shops, and council office. Matras et al (2007) studied Angloromani, another grammar-lexicon mixed language spoken by some Romanies in Britain. It is derived from Romani and English. Romani is spoken by a group of travelers from Northern India who migrated th th to Britain in the 6 to the 11 century. Unlike other mixed languages that came into existence as the result of a trade, a plantation language or a maritime language, Angloromani was developed in order to preserve the Romani lexicon and to form a secret language for the group. In other words, it is spoken as an in-group language for solidarity and secrecy, a statement made by Kristlin McWilliams et al (2006). They added that Angloromani is not spoken at homes for daily basis but it is rather spoken at gatherings (weddings, festivals, etc.). Angloromani exhibits a split between grammar and lexicon. Romani formed the lexicons which are inserted into the English grammatical frame. According to Matras et al (2007: 168), the utterances 22 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh can be characterized as the use of a restricted set of Romani-derived lexicon, which they also referred to as ―lexical reservoir‖, within an English grammatical frame. It is clear that for a mixed language, the assumption is that it is a new language that has two input ancestor languages. The speakers of a mixed language include both bilinguals and monolinguals. This is similar to what is observed in the language used among the Ewe-speaking artisans. 2.2.4 Language use at the workplace environment Tange and Lauring (2009), in their work on ―language management and social interaction within the multilingual workplace‖ identify two communication practices that have emerge at the workplace due to management decision to make English as a corporate language within a multilingual workplace. Using data collected from fourteen Danish organizations through semi-structured interviews, they found that there exist ―language clustering and thin communication‖ as a language practice within the workplace. According to them, language clustering came into existence due to informal gatherings among speakers of the same national language. These groups are formed based on nationality as well as linguistic similarities and differences. Tange and Lauring further stated that ―The informants express comfort in speaking their native language, admitting that when they encounter a work-related problem, they prefer to consult someone from their speech community rather than approach an expert belonging to another language group‖ (2009: 9). Thin 23 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh communication is associated with the fact that people are limited to a linguistic register, which is English as a lingua franca at the workplace. This helps foreign staff to manage their everyday tasks without having knowledge of Danish. However, this affects ―social interaction knowledge-sharing and organizational culture. The national language and corporate language perform different functions (needs and purposes) in Danish multilingual organizations. Gunnarsson (2009) in his work on ―discourse in organizations and workplace‖ discussed different studies that explore the complexity and diversity of communication in a modern working environment. One of the major aspects she discussed was discourse at the workplace and she identified two types of multilingual workplaces: ―multilingual workplace with English as a lingua franca and multilingual workplace with a workforce diversity‖ (Gunnarsson 2009: 123). According to her, organizations that run in different countries with different languages need one language as a lingua franca. In most cases, English is chosen to serve this purpose. This as well occurs in countries where English is not their mother tongue. She cited an example of Scandinavian countries and Sweden where English is automatically developed into a lingua franca at international levels and is termed a cooperate language. This means all documentation and reports are done in English as well as communication between different units. This has also affected the recruitment of their workforce. The greater part of job advertisements are done in 24 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh English and it is as well mentioned as a requirement for the job. It is clear that multilingualism is mainly allied with knowing English at the workplace. Holmes and Riddiford (2010) analyzed how professional migrants from different cultural backgrounds in New Zealand organizations use English as an additional language to manage the demands of creating a positive professional identity and forming a relational aspect of workplace talk. Using data collected from two professional migrants who were enrolled in an English language course with other skilled migrants in order to develop analytical skills and to empower them on how to interact in English at the workplace, it revealed that the migrants are ―interactionally very competent‖ (Holmes and Riddiford 2010: 15). The two migrants managed well the more technical, task-oriented talks vital to their positions. They demonstrated their professional identity and competence very well through transactional workplace discourse or talk. Their use of English technical jargon effectively demonstrated their familiarity with their field of work. Kassim and Ali (2010) investigated the communicative events and skills needed at the workplace in Malaysia. Using data from 10 multinational engineering companies in their analysis, they found that fluency in English is a major criterion for recruitment, promotion and daily tasks at the workplaces particularly in private sectors and multinational companies. This shows the influence English which is a second language in Malaysia has in communication be it written or verbal. Employees are to demonstrate competence in English right from the recruitment 25 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh level. In terms of communicating with personnel, the engineers communicate in English with their colleagues from international branches. At the local level, English is a lingua franca between the engineers and their superiors. ―This indicates the importance of making sure that superiors have a good impression of the engineers‘ ability to communicate in English‖ (Kassim and Ali 2010: 176). The greater percentage of communication is carried out in English, showing the importance of English among professional engineers in multinational companies in Malaysia. It is clear that English has become a global language that has extended to become a cooperate language and a register at most workplaces. This has also reflected in the communication level of the Ewe-speaking artisans. The artisans mix English with their mother tongue in their everyday interactions at the workplace. The artisans who do not have any formal education learn to use English vocabularies in the workplace environment as will be shown in this thesis, they incorporate these vocabulary in Ewe-based sentences in a bid to ease communication with their bilingual co-workers and clients. 26 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.3 Theoretical Framework This section presents the theories that were adopted for the study. Due to the nature of the study, two theories were used for the analysis. The first analysis was done, using Mackey‘s model of description bilingualism. This is employed in analyzing the interview data to ascertain the language ability of the artisans. This is presented in section 2.3.1. Section 2.3.2 presents the Markedness model by Myers-Scotton (1993) which was used in discussing the sociolinguistics features of language use among the artisans. 2.3.1 Mackey’s description of bilingualism Mackey‘s description of bilingualism is used to determine the language ability of the artisans, whether a bilingual or a monolingual. Mackey (2000) held the view that bilingualism is defined in relation to the individual. Mackey (2000: 27) defined bilingualism as ―the alternate use of two or more languages by the same individual‖. According to Mackey‘s model, bilingualism is described in four major inherent characteristics. First is the question of ‗degree‘. The individual‘s skills in the languages he uses. The second involves the question of ‗function‘. What the individual uses his/her language for or the role his languages play in the total pattern of behavior. The third characteristic is ‗alternation‘. Thus, how does he change from one language to the other and under what conditions? Fourth is ‗interference‘. How does one language influence the use of the other? 27 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh In describing a bilingual, the first thing to consider is to determine how bilingual he/she is. This is achieved by testing the individual skills in each of the languages involved. Separate tests are conducted for comprehension and expression in both oral and written forms of the languages involved. In each skill, it is necessary for the bilingual to master phonology, the grammar, the vocabulary, semantics, and the stylistics of each language. The bilingual degree of proficiency in the languages involved is determined by its function. In other words, when, how and the conditions under which he/she used languages. This can either be external or internal functions. The external functions are areas of contact such as home, community (neighborhood, ethnic group, church group, occupation group, recreational group), mass media, school, etc. Internal functions include non-communicative uses such as counting, praying, dreaming, and note-taking. Bilingualism is also determined by the amount of alternation from one language to the other. Mackey (2000) argued that ―the readiness with which a bilingual change from one language to the other depends on his fluency in each language‖. The alternation can either be in terms of topic, person, and place. According to Mackey (2000), interference deals with ―the use of features belonging to one language while speaking or writing another‖. The interference can either be cultural, semantics, lexical, grammatical or phonological. 28 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Mackey‘s (2000) description of bilingualism was used to analyze the interview data to determine who is a bilingual and who is a monolingual. 2.3.2 Markedness Model Myers-Scotton‘s Markedness model also termed ‗indexicality‘ explains the socio- psychological and pragmatic motivations for codeswitching. It focuses on the social motivation that triggers the choice of linguistic code among interlocutors. According to Myers-Scotton (1993a), a switch between codes conveys other meaning aside from its referential meaning. The model argues that all linguistic code a speaker chooses at a particular time in conversation is indexical of a set of rights and obligations (RO) sets and these hold speakers in their conversational exchange. She made a claim that ―any code choice points to a particular interpersonal balance, and it is partly because of their indexical qualities that different languages, dialects, and styles are maintained in a community‖ (Myers-Scotton 2000: 138). Speakers are aware of which code is expected (unmarked) and which code is not (marked) at a particular point in time as they interact. In other words, speakers are aware of the set of rules (maxims) that determines why a code is preferred in a particular situation rather than another and if he follows the rules or breaks them. This affirms the RO set that the speaker wishes to establish between him and the addressee(s) (Myers-Scotton 1993a as cited in Amuzu 2012). 29 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The markedness model is made up of three (3) maxims based on the negotiation principles. The maxims are: 1. The unmarked-choice maxim: ―Make your code choice the unmarked index of the unmarked RO set in talk exchanges when you wish to establish or affirm that RO set‖ (Myers-Scotton 1993:114). This occurs when speakers wish to establish the unmarked right and obligation set connected with a particular conventionalized exchange (Myers-Scotton 2000: 145). The unmarked-choice maxim gives rise to two types of codeswitching. Sequential unmarked choice and codeswitching itself as an unmarked choice. In the former, the switch is as a result of situational factors during interactions. It can either be a change in topic or participants that leads speakers to acknowledge a change in the RO set and switch to another code to index the new unmarked RO expected for the interaction. The latter, codeswitching itself as an unmarked choice, occurs when participants are bilingual peers and their switch is not determined by any situation at hand. Speakers in this context only wish to show more than one social identity, which is part of their speech community in their exchange. 2. The marked-choice maxim: Make a marked code choice which is not the unmarked index of the unmarked RO set in an interaction when you wish to establish a new RO set as unmarked for the current exchange‖. 30 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The marked choice comes into play when speakers change in the RO set by diverting from the expected RO set. Thus, speakers are fully aware of the expected code for the conversation at that moment but decide not to go with the expected RO set and switch rather to another code as to establish a new RO set, a way of flouting the unmarked code. 3. Exploratory-choice maxim: ―When an unmarked choice is not clear, use codeswitching to make alternate exploratory choices as candidates for an unmarked choice and thereby as an index of an RO set which you favor‖. This is the least common of all codeswitching types according to Myers-Scotton (1993a). Speakers resort to this type of choice when both, the unmarked and the marked code are inappropriate for the interaction. It mostly happens when the conversation is between strangers and it is not clear which norms apply. The speakers are compelled to explore the RO sets by alternating between codes as a means of searching for the right code. The Markedness Model by Myers-Scotton (1993) was used in analyzing the sociolinguistic features of the mixed constituents of the artisans. This helped to bring to light the social motivation behind the language use by the artisans. 2.4 Chapter summary The chapter presents the literature on the two patterns of language alternations observed in the data. Thus: codeswitching and mixed languages. Of concern to 31 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh codeswitching is bilingualism as a prerequisite for codeswitching. This was shown in most definitions and previous studies on codeswitching. On mixed languages, the chapter looks at studies on different mixed languages, their source languages, their genesis and their domain of use. There was also a review on language use at the workplace environment. The chapter also discussed the theories for the analysis of data in the study. The theories employed for the study were Mackey‘s description of bilingualism and the Markedness model. 32 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY 3.1 Introduction This chapter focuses on the procedures used for data collection. The procedures include the research area, type of data, the tools used in gathering the data and the background of the participants. The work is sited in Volta Region and part of the Greater Accra Region, precisely Accra. The selections were done based on the language background of the participants. The chapter, therefore, begins with the type of data used in the study. This is discussed in section 3.2. It is followed by the research area (3.3), the participants used for the study (3.4). Section 3.5 presents the sampling method used in selecting the participants while section 3.6 discussed how data was transcribed and translated. 3.2 Type of data Primary data was collected in addressing the two major research questions. A qualitative research design was employed in collecting the data. Guy et al. (1987: 257-258) define qualitative research design as ―research procedures that produce descriptive data: people‘s own written or spoken words and observations. This approach directs itself at settings and the individuals within those settings holistically‖. As the qualitative research method is classified into different types, the data collection was ethnographically informed (Community of Practice approach) in 33 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh order to explore various patterns of language alternation at different situations as the researcher spent much time with her participants (see Blommaert & Jie 2010). Community of Practice (CofP) was used in collecting the data for the study in order to do a long-term observation of the language used by the Ewe-speaking artisans. The community of Practice (CofP) is an ethnographic approach developed by Lave and Wenger (1991), a model for social learning and knowing. The term was generated as they study apprenticeship as a learning model, a community that acts as a learning curriculum for the apprentice (Wenger-Trayner 2015). It was introduced into sociolinguistic studies by Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (1992) as they explore how social practices and individual places in the community connect with each other Adopting the definition of Lave and Wenger (1991), community of practice constitutes a group of people who come together to share a concern or the desire to do something they do and in doing, interact regularly to learn how to do it better. In order words, it is to become a member of a new workplace and to learn ways of doing things with language that make the community. The theory is grounded on workplace apprenticeship. That is newcomers, learning from old-timers. 3.2.1 Interview Two types of data were used in addressing the research questions. They are a semi- structured oral interview and spontaneous recordings of the artisans‘ conversations in the domain of work. In order to answer the research questions, a semi-structured oral 34 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh interview was done to test the artisans‘ language ability. This provided information about their bio-data and language ability. They also answered questions based on the motivation for their choice of work and things one needed to do to become an apprentice. Questions based on their future plans were also asked. Those who were bilinguals were able to respond to questions which needed more explanation while monolinguals could not answer or end up speaking pidgin because they could not express themselves fluently in the English language. Below are the questions for the interview. However, the interview was not limited to only these questions. There were other follow up questions depending on the responses to a question by the artisans. The interview questions are presented in Appendix 1. Responses to the semi-structured interview question are analyzed into details in chapter three from page (51) to (61). This is done using the Mackey (2000) model of the description of bilingualism. Moreover, additional samples of the interview can be seen in the Appendix, page (124) to (136). 3.2.2 Recorded conversations The second part of the data was collected based on their language use at work. This was mainly to answer research questions. This was achieved using an observation technique, where spontaneous conversations between the artisans and their clients were recorded. These recordings were done in highly informal settings (Poplack 35 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1980) and friendly atmosphere. This was done to avoid ―the observer‘s paradox‖ as stated by Labov (1972) that people tend to change their style of speaking and speech when they are aware that they are being recorded. The researchers and the participants belonging to the same speech community play a major role in the casual recordings (Poplack 1980). All the recordings took place at the workplace of the participants. There were people other than the selected participants (secondary participants) who were present during some of the recordings and who joined in the conversations which sometimes influenced the utterances. The secondary participants were the clients of the artisans. Their contribution helped a lot in obtaining data from the artisans. The recordings were done with a voice recorder, either by the researcher or with the help of one of the participants. An ethnographic approach was used as the researcher spent much time with the artisans at their workplaces. The recorder, in most cases, was switched on for several hours to capture the greater part of their conversations for the day. In any shop I visited, I explained to the master or proprietress about my mission of collecting data on how they use language at work (pattern of language alternation). I went ahead with the interviews and recordings after my request had been granted. 36 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.3 Research area The research areas for the thesis are part of the Volta Region and part of Greater Accra Region. The Volta Region was selected because Ewe is the mother tongue of the artisans. The data was collected in both rural and urban areas. This decision was taken to ascertain if there are variations in the language used by the artisans based on their location and exposure. The urban areas include Ho and Hohoe. The rural areas are Tsito, Kpetoe, and Ziope. Accra, the third urban area, data was collected in Madina, Adentan, and East Legon because they are multilingual communities which have a great number of artisans who are Ewe speakers. 3.4 Participants The study targeted Ewe-speaking artisans of different categories including auto- mechanics, air condition mechanics, carpenters, car sprayers, welders, masons, hairdressers, tailors/seamstresses, car liners and dress designers who are in various parts of the Volta Region and Greater Accra Region. Among them are both monolinguals (B) and bilinguals (M). They blend English vocabulary with Ewe in their utterances. This is proven in chapter three as it presents the sociolinguistic profile of the participants. The total number of participants whose utterances constituted the data is thirty-five (35). The Volta data consists of twenty-three (23) participants while Greater Accra data consists of twelve (12) participants. All the participants have Ewe 37 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh as their mother tongue and have no problem in communicating with their fellow native speakers. As the data were gathered at the workshops, there were situations where a number of participants were found in the same workshop (the participants belong to the same community). Their familiarity with each other has a great influence on the data in line with (Gardner- Chloros 1991: 79) statement that ―codeswitching occurs significantly more when the interlocutors know each other and are not constrained by the overt norms which govern conversation‖. The data was collected in 15 workshops. The participants were either found at their workplaces or at sites working. Table 1 summarized the categories of artisans. Table 1: Categories of artisans Categories of artisans Number of shops Number of Artisans Motor mechanic 1 3 Seamstress 2 5 Dress designer 1 1 Tailor 1 2 Carpenter 2 5 Hairdresser 1 3 38 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Mason 1 3 Auto mechanic 2 6 Welder 1 3 Car-liner 1 2 Air condition mechanic 1 1 Car sprayer 1 1 Total 15 35 The participants comprise both masters (Mst) and their apprentices (Appr). Though there were clients whose contribution helped to get the data, they were not included in the number of participants. The age of the participants ranged from nineteen (19) to fifty-seven (57) years. While a majority of the participants had education up to the JHS (Junior High School) level, some did not even have any formal education. Some had their basic education in Togo so, did not have the opportunity to learn English. 3.4.1 Profile of workplaces As noted earlier, the data was collected in fifteen (15) workshops. Different categories of artisans made up the fifteen (15) workshops. The workshops represent the communities of practice. This section presents the profile of some of the communities of practice. 39 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 1. Motor mechanics workshop There is one motor mechanic shop. The motor mechanic shop is located in Ho, Volta Region. It is situated at CK road near the Ho central market. Because of the advantageous place that it is located; it is surrounded by different shops such as a carpentry workshop, car lining workshop and other provision shops. Its members are Mr. Attipoe (Mst. 2-B), the owner of the shop and his two apprentices, Francois (Appr. 1- M) and Korku (Appr. 3-M). According to Mst. 2- B, the workshop has been operating for the past eight (8) years. They major in repairing motors, tricycles, and bicycles. Because of the widespread use of motorcycles in Ho and the location of the shop, they receive a lot of customers. 2. A Carpentry workshop Two of the shops are made up of carpentry shops. One of them, popularly known as Mr. Agega‘s carpentry shop is located in Tsito in the Volta Region. The shop deals in only furniture. Because of their handwork, a lot of customers tap into their shop to order for their furniture. Its members are the master and his seven apprentices. But as at the day the data was collected, only Mr. Ageda (Mst. 14- M) and two of his apprentices, Appr.12- B and Appr.13- M were available at the shop. They were busily working on people‘s orders. The workshop has operated for the past twelve (12) years. 40 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3. A carpentry workshop The second carpentry is located in Adenta, a suburb of Accra. It is a small carpentry shop that deals in both roofing work and furniture. The shop comprises four members, the owner, and his three apprentices. But as at the day that data was collected, only two of the apprentices were in the shop working. They are Appr. 15- M, and Appr. 16- B. They were doing their daily work assigned to them by their master. From information gathered, this particular workshop had been operating for the past fifteen (15) years. 4. A hairdressing salon One of the workshops is Pep‘s hairdressing salon, which is located at Hohoe in the Volta Region. It is situated at the central part of the town. It is named after the owner of the salon Perpetual. The shop is made up of 8 members, the proprietress, and her seven apprentices. However, the proprietress (Mst. 17-B) and two of her apprentices contributed to the data. The apprentices are Appr. 18- B and Appr. 19- M. They deal in hairdressing, hair braiding, pedicure, and manicure. Because of the diversity in their line of work, the salon is always filled with customers. According to the proprietress of the shop, her salon has been operating for almost thirteen (13) years. It is one of the busiest salons in Hohoe. It was clear that some of the customers even travel from neighboring villages to have their hair fixed there. 41 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5. A seamstress workshop There are two workshops that fall under the seamstress category. They are both located in Madina, a suburb of Accra. The first one is located precisely at the Madina market near the Barclays bank. It comprises 3 members, the owner, and her two apprentices. They are Mst. 5-B, Appr. 4 –M and Appr. 6. B. They sew both male and female attires. Though surrounded with other tailoring shops, it is clear that this particular shop is the preference of most people as they troop in and out to have their dresses sewn. 6. A tailoring workshop One of the workshops is a tailoring shop, which is located in Hohoe Township in the Volta Region. Five people made up the members of the workshop; the owner of the workshop, and his four apprentices. But only two members were present when the data was collected. They are Appr.10- M and Appr. 11- M. They sew both male and female attire. Though there were other tailoring and seamstresses workshops closer to them, it seems this particular shop is the preference of many people around. 7. A welder’s workshop The workshop is located at Tsito in the Volta Region. It can be found precisely near the main station. The workshop is surrounded with two other workshops; a carpentry shop and an auto mechanic shop. Its members are three. Mst. 29- M and his two apprentices; Appr. 30- M and Appr.31- B. They are specialist in 42 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh making metal gates, and cutting of iron rods for building. Anything that has to do with iron rod is their work. 8. A car spraying workshop There is one car spraying shop. It is located at East Legon, in Accra. It is made up of three members, the owner, and his apprentices. At the time the data was collected, only the master, Mst. 34- M was present at the workshop. He was busily working on a client‘s car. Due to the advantageous location of the workshop, it attracts a lot of customers. People who have their cars fixed at the magazine and need spraying quickly call for their services. 9. Air condition workshop The air condition workshop is located at East Legon, in Accra. It is found at the same place as the car spraying workshop. It has only one member, Mst. 35- M and the owner of the shop. He works on air conditions in vehicles. Because it is located in an environment where cars are fixed, it is always a busy workshop. 10. An auto mechanic workshop 1 Two of the workshops are made up of auto mechanic workshops. One of them is located in Accra and the other is located in Ho, Volta Region. The one located in Ho popularly called after the name of the owner Mr. Agama is at the central part of Ho Township. It is on the main road leading to the Ho central market. It has six members. Some of the members are Mst. 26- M, Appr. 27- M and Appr. 43 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 28- B. They work on all types of vehicles. It was clear that it is one of the popular auto mechanic workshops in Ho Township. 11. An auto mechanic workshop 2 The second one, Mr. Atsu‘s workshop is located in Accra, precisely at Adenta. The workshop is made up of three members, the owner, and his two apprentices. They are Mst. 24- M, Appr. 23- M, and Appr. 25- B. They work on all types of vehicles. 3.4.2 Sociolinguistic profile of the artisans As stated in the previous section, the data was collected from 15 workshops with a total number of 35 participants. The participants comprise two different groups of people. They are monolinguals (M) and bilinguals (B). Infornation about the artisans including their language ability was made known out of the interview conducted. It was revealed that the monolinguals are twenty-four (24) as against eleven (11) bilinguals. The interview data will further be analyzed in section 4.2. This section of the study provides a brief sociolinguistic profile of the participants. The participants are presented according to their language abilities. 1. Mst. 2- B Mst. 2- B, the master of the shop is a young man of thirty-eight years. According to him, he comes from Agu in the Republic of Togo and had his primary education there. His family relocated to Kejebi in the Oti Region over two decades 44 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ago due to the civil war in Togo. Due to financial difficulties, he was not able to continue his education after completing SHS. He relocated to Hohoe and learned motor repairing as a profession with one of his father‘s friends. He has Ewe as his mother tongue and speaks English fluently. He has been in the motor mechanic business for the past fifteen years. He moved to Ho where he has been living for the past eight years. He has set up his own workshop in the Ho Township. He has two apprentices; Appr. 1- M and Appr. 3- M who are currently learning the profession under his tutelage. 2. Appr. 16- B Appr. 16- B is a twenty-seven (27) year old young man and a carpenter. He comes from Tsibu in the Volta Region. He completed SHS and due to poor grades in his WAEC examination, he could not further his education. He moved to Accra to stay with his elder sister to learn a trade. To his benefit, he has an uncle who is a carpenter and has a shop in Adenta. He decided to learn carpentry as a profession when the man willingly agreed to his parents‘ request. He is a multilingual who speaks Ewe, Twi, and English. He has been an apprentice in the carpentry trade for the past four years. 3. Appr. 6- B Appr. 6- B is a twenty-five (25) years lady who hails from Ho in the Volta Region. She had both her primary and secondary education in Kumasi in the Ashanti Region. She completed Senior High in 2015. Due to financial difficulties, she could 45 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh not continue her education. She moved to her aunt in Accra in order to learn a trade. With much contemplation, she finally landed on sewing as a profession. She is a multilingual speaker who is fluent in Ewe, Twi, and English. She has been in the workplace since 2016. She sews for her clients without much instruction from her madam. She is currently working under Mst. 5- B and has Appr. 4- M as her junior at the workplace. It is her wish to become a great fashion designer in a few years to come. 4. Mst. 17- B Mst. 17- B, who is forty-seven years of age, comes from Klife in the Volta Region. She indicated that after she completed her Basic education in Ho, she decided not to continue her education because of her passion to become a hairdresser though her parents objected to it. Luckily for her, her father, who was a police officer was transferred to Accra. Due to her father‘s transfer, her entire family relocated to Accra. Her parents later agreed to accept her decision to become a hairdresser and enrolled her in one of the best hairdressing salons in Accra. She dedicated her whole life to learn and learn well. The caliber of people, who visited the shop, helped her to polish her English language. She has turned out to be multilingual who speaks Ewe, English, Twi, and Ga. Her father helped to set up a salon for her when she ended her apprenticeship. After a few years, she moved to Hohoe when she got married and opened a salon in the Hohoe Township. She has been working in Hohoe for the past 46 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh thirteen (13) years and has seven apprentices. Appr. 18- B and Appr. 19- M are some of her apprentices. 5. Appr. 28- B Appr. 28- B is an auto-mechanic apprentice and a twenty-four-year-old young man. He grew up in Ho, precisely Ho Barracks, a multilingual community and ended up acquiring Twi in addition to Ewe and English. His highest level of Education is JHS. After his BECE examination and was not able to excel as was expected, he decided to learn auto-mechanics as a profession. His choice of profession was because he always wanted to go to a Technical school to learn the same profession. It was clear from his responses that he loves his work and is the preference of most clients because of his language ability. He is learning under Mst. 26- M and has a colleague apprentice, Appr. 27- M in Ho. 6. Appr. 10- M Appr. 10- M, a junior apprentice is a young man of twenty-five (25) years. He comes from Agu in Togo but moved to stay with his elder brother in Kpalime after the sudden demise of their father. He had his basic education in Kpalime and stopped at CE2, which is equivalent to JHS2 in Ghana. He moved to his Uncle in Ghana four years ago and went back to JHS at Kpedze, in the Volta Region. After writing his BECE, he has decided to join his uncle, who has relocated to Hohoe, in his sewing trade. He speaks only Ewe. Though he has the chance to attend JHS in 47 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ghana, he cannot unilingually speak English. He has been an apprentice for the past three years in Hohoe. He is a senior to appr. 11-M. 7. Appr. 3- M Appr. 3- M is a twenty-seven-year-old young man who finished his motor mechanic apprenticeship with Mst. 2- M just a month earlier in Ho when the data was collected. He hailed from Togo precisely from the Northern part. He speaks Ewe, Kotokoli, and French. Though a multilingual, he also cannot speak English because he has no formal education in Ghana. However, in Togo, he stopped schooling after he completed his basic education. He came to Ghana four years ago purposely to learn a trade that makes him a motor mechanic for the past four years. 8. Mst. 8- M Mst. 8- M comes from Akatsi in the Volta Region but grew up in Ho. As a native speaker of Ewe, she can also speak Twi and Ga fluently but hardly could she speak English monolingually. She said she did not perform well during her basic education level. This led her to learn sewing after she completed primary six. She is forty-four years old and the owner of the workplace. She has been a seamstress for more than twenty-five years and has four apprentices. Her shop is located in Accra. Appr. 7- M is one of her apprentices. 9. Appr. 30- M Appr. 30- M, twenty-six years old, is a welder who is stationed in Tsito in the Volta Region. He hails from Peki also in the Volta region and had his basic 48 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh education there. According to him, during his basic school days, he was never interested in schooling. His parents did their possible best to no avail. He finally became a school dropout when he got to primary six. After staying in the house for a few years, he decided to learn to weld as a profession. He is currently the junior apprentice to App. 31- B. They are both learning with Mst. 29- M. He can only speak Ewe and it is his only means of communication. 10. Mst. 35- M Mst. 35- M, who is forty-nine years of age, is an air condition repairer in Accra, precisely East Legon. He comes from Adutor in the Volta Region. After his basic education in his hometown, he could not continue his education because of financial difficulties. This was as a result of him losing his parents at a tender age. He moved to stay with his older brother who is an auto-mechanic in Accra. Like Mst. 8- M, he speaks Twi and Ga fluently but hardly can he speak English as he said, due to his inability to continue his formal education. The profile of all the participants is represented in table (2). Table 2: Profile of artisans Artisan Profession Age Level of Position Language Location o Edu. Ability 1 Motor-mechanic 22 Primary Apprentice Monolingual Ho 2 Motor-mechanic 35 SHS Master Bilingual Ho 49 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3 Motor-mechanic 27 JHS Apprentice Monolingual Ho 4 Seamstress 26 Primary Apprentice Monolingual Accra 5 Seamstress 35 Tertiary Madam Bilingual Accra 6 Seamstress 25 SHS Apprentice Bilingual Accra 7 Seamstress 28 SHS Apprentice Bilingual Accra 8 Seamstress 30 Primary Madam Monolingual Accra 9 Dress Designer 36 JHS Master Monolingual Kpetoe 10 Tailor 25 JHS Apprentice Monolingual Hohoe 11 Tailor 24 JHS Apprentice Monolingual Hohoe 12 Carpenter 26 JHS Apprentice Bilingual Tsito 13 Carpenter 21 JHS Apprentice Monolingual Tsito 14 Carpenter 50 N/S Master Monolingual Tsito 15 Carpenter 21 Primary Apprentice Monolingual Accra 16 Carpenter 27 SHS Apprentice Bilingual Accra 17 Hairdresser 47 JHS Madam Bilingual Hohoe 18 Hairdresser 32 SHS Apprentice Bilingual Hohoe 19 Hairdresser 25 Primary Apprentice Monolingual Hohoe 20 Mason 46 Primary Master Monolingual Ziope 21 Mason 19 JHS Apprentice Monolingual Ziope 22 Mason 25 JHS Apprentice Monolingual Ziope 50 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 23 Auto-mechanic 20 Primary Apprentice Monolingual Accra 24 Auto-mechanic 32 Primary Master Monolingual Accra 25 Auto-mechanic 33 JHS Apprentice Bilingual Accra 26 Auto-mechanic 57 N/S Master Monolingual Ho 27 Auto-mechanic 45 N/S Apprentice Monolingual Ho 28 Auto-mechanic 24 JHS Apprentice Bilingual Ho 29 Welder 49 Primary Master Monolingual Tsito 30 Welder 26 Primary Apprentice Monolingual Tsito 31 Welder 26 SHS Apprentice Bilingual Tsito 32 Car liner 54 Primary Master Monolingual Ho 33 Car liner 31 JHS Apprentice Monolingual Ho 34 Car sprayer 36 JHS Master Monolingual Accra 35 Air-condition 49 Primary 6 Master Monolingual Accra repairer 3.5 Sampling Method The study employed a simple random sampling method in order to select the participants for the study. The principles underlying the simple sampling method is that every Ewe-speaking artisan has an equal chance of being selected. Thus, the participant must be Ewe speaker and an artisan. Owu-Ewie (2011) argued that in 51 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh simple random sampling method, units are selected in such a way that each unit in the population has an equal chance of being selected. One major advantage is it is free from sampling bias, thus all participants selected as part of a population has an equal and independent chance of being selected as a member of the sample. In other words, the selection of a participant will not affect the selection of the other. All participants gave their consent and willingly agreed to be recorded as they go about their normal work and conversations. The researcher, who happened to be a native speaker of the Ewe language, in most cases, was a participant observer and hence present during most of the recordings. Though the researcher contributed to the data in cases where she is a client to the artisans, her contribution was minimal. In many cases, she did not contribute at all in order to avoid as much as possible her influence on the data. 3.6 Data transcription and translation The data was made up of different conversations among different artisans, ranging from one minute to a maximum of two hours of recordings of different sections. An orthographic transcription of the recordings was made. An English gloss was presented for each section of the transcribed data. Ewe is unmarked in Roman type while English is bolded in the transcription. In the translated version, English words are also bolded. 52 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.7 Chapter summary The chapter further presented the method used in data collection. The research method employed for the study is qualitative and an ethnographic approach was used in collecting data. The participants for the study were Ewe-speaking artisans in the Volta Region and parts of Greater Accra Region. A semi-structured interview and recording of conversations made up the data. I have also presented the profiles of the communities of practice that constitute the data and the profiles of the individual artisans. 53 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FOUR LINGUISTIC AND SOCIOLINGUISTIC FEATURES OF ARTISA S’ LA GUAGE OF WORK 4.1 Introduction This chapter presents the linguistic and sociolinguistic features of the language used by the artisans. It first aims to determine who is a bilingual and who is monolingual? In order to answer the question, the interview data is discussed. This is presented in section 4.2. It further looks at the linguistic features of the language used by the artisans. It also discusses similarities and differences in the patterns of alternation by the bilingual and the monolingual artisans. This will be presented in section 4.3. Section 4.4 focuses on the social aspect of the language used by the artisans. Section 4.5 discusses other extra-linguistic parameters that contribute to the variation in language used by the artisans. A chapter summary is presented in section 4.6. 4.2 Analysis of interview data As stated in the methodology, the interview took the format of questions and answers. This was conducted in order to find information on the language ability of the artisans, whether bilingual or monolingual. According to Mackey‘s (2000) description of bilingualism, an individual is described as a bilingual in terms of degree, function, alternation, and interference in his use of two or more languages. The two languages involved are Ewe and English. The artisans‘ proficiency in Ewe 54 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh was known as all the artisans are Ewe speakers and they have Ewe as their mother tongue. The responses of the artisans in terms of the degree of the use of English language, function, and alternation made them bilingual or monolingual. This is demonstrated in the examples below: 4.2.1 Bilinguals’ response Interview 1: The interviewer and Attipoe, a bilingual motor-mechanic (Mst. 2 -B). (Appendix: Interview 1) 1. Interviewer: Good afternoon boss 2. Mst. 2 -B: Good afternoon 3. Interviewer: I hope all is well? 4. Mst. 2 -B: Aah! We are managing by his grace. And you? 5. Interviewer: I am managing just like you are doing. (laughter) 6. Interviewer: Please what is your name? 7. Mst.2 -B: Attipoe 8. Interviewer: Are you from Ho? 9. Mst.2 -B: No, I come from Agu in Togo. 10. Interviewer: I see. Please, how old are you? 11. Mst.2 -B: Thirty-eight (38). I am thirty-eight (38) years old 12. Interviewer: What is your highest level of education? 13. Mst.2 -B: Me! I went to SHS oh. SHS. 14. Interviewer: At where? 55 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 15. Mst.2 -B: I attended school in Kejebi. 16. Interviewer: Why have you decided to become a motor-mechanic? 17. Mst.2 -B: Hmm! It is a long story. My father died when I was in SSS 1. So, when I completed SSS there was nobody to help me. I moved to my Auntie in Hohoe. She took me to one of my father‘s friend who is a motor mechanic. It was there I learned it. I worked there for some time before coming to this place to open a shop. You know it is now that using motor and tricycles are becoming common in Ho. So am here. 18. Interviewer: Yes, I can see. You have a lot of clients. 19. Mst.2 -B: Now kraa (Now) it is down. There are other shops in town. 20. Interviewer: So how long have you been doing this work? 21. Mst.2 -B: Seven years….., yes seven years. 22. Interviewer: Ok. Thank you. All the best. 23. Mst.2 -B: Thank you too. Degree In the interview section above, Mst.2 -B was tested orally to determine his skills in comprehension and expression in the English language. In order to achieve this, a semi-structured interview was conducted in the English language. He was asked several questions in the English language. His understanding of the questions that were asked and his ability to express himself fluently in answering all the 56 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh interview questions in the English language classified him as a bilingual. He has shown a very high degree of proficiency in the use of the English language. Function Also, Mst.2 -B responses to the interview questions further demonstrate how he uses the English language and the conditions under which it is used (function). He frequently uses the English language and Ewe simultaneously at his workplace. His occupation obliges him to frequently alternate between English and Ewe. Alternation The amount of alternation from Ewe to English language in the artisan‘ conversations further determines his bilingualism. This feature was observed in the recorded conversations of the artisan which will be discussed in section 4.4. The readiness to answer the interview questions in the English language was as the result of Mst.2 -B fluency in the English language. No matter the topic of discussion, the person (the addressee), and the tension during the conversations and the interview sections, he easily responded and expressed himself in the English language. Interview 2: The interviewer and a motor-mechanic (Appr. 16 -B). (Appendix: interview 2) Interviewer: Good morning Appr. 16- B: Good morning Madam Interviewer: How are you? Appr. 16- B: I am doing well, Madam. What about you? 57 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Interviewer: I am also fine by His grace. Appr. 16- B: Amen! We thank God. Interviewer: Waoo! What a nice wardrobe! How much is it? Appr. 16- B: It is Just a thousand two hundred Ghana Cedis (GH 1200.00) Interviewer: Just thousand two hundred Ghana Cedis (GH 1200.00)? Eii! You call that just? (Laughter) Appr. 16- B: Eii madam! This is three in one ooo. It is very cheap here. Interviewer: I see. It is very expensive. Appr. 16- B: Ours is quality ooo. You can see how nice it is. Interviewer: Who did it? Appr. 16- B: It is me now…..(Laughter). Interviewer: Really! What is your name? Appr. 16- B: I am called Korku. Interviewer: Korku. How old are you? Appr. 16- B: I am twenty-seven (27) years old. Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr. 16- B: Hmm madam, I went to SHS. I completed Tsito Sectech. Interviewer: At where? Appr. 16- B: Tsito, in the Volta Region. 58 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Interviewer: Oh ok. You went to technical school. No wonder! Is that why you have decided to be a carpenter? Appr. 16- B: Not really ooo madam. I did not pass well. My results were bad oo, madam. Interviewer: Why have you decided to become a carpenter? Appr. 16- B: My master is my uncle. After SHS, I came to stay with him so; I have decided to learn carpentry with him. And because I went to technical school, it has helped me. Interviewer: What are your future plans when you finish your apprenticeship? Appr. 16- B: I am also due to finish. But, I will work with my uncle for a few years, save some money and open my own workshop. Interviewer: Great. Good idea. Wish you all the best. Appr. 16- B: Thank you. Interviewer: But I am interested in the wardrobe. But it is too expensive. (Laughter) Appr. 16- B: When you are ready, we will see what we can do. I will give you a nice wardrobe. You will use it for so many years. (Laughter) Interviewer: Ok 59 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Degree It is observed from the extract above that App. 16- B also demonstrated a high degree of proficiency in the use of the English language when tested in the skills of comprehension and expression. His understanding of the questions asked in the English language made him a bilingual. His bilingual ability was further demonstrated in his responses to the interview questions in the English language. Function Also, Appr.16 -B responses to the interview questions further show how he uses the English language and the conditions under which it is used. He frequently uses the English language and Ewe simultaneously at his workplace. His occupation obliges him to frequently alternate between English and Ewe. Alternation The amount of alternation from Ewe to English language in the artisan‘ conversations further determines his bilingual‘s ability. This feature was also observed in the recorded conversations of the artisan. The readiness to answer the interview questions in the English language was as the result of Appr.16- B fluency in the English language. No matter the type of questions asked, the topic of discussion, the person (the addressee), and the tension during the conversations and 60 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the interview sections, Appr.16- B easily responded and expressed himself in the English language. Similarly, the three characteristics of bilingualism: degree, function, and alternation were demonstrated by all the artisans who were classified as bilinguals in the study. 4.2.2 Monolinguals’ response Unlike the bilinguals, the monolinguals inability to satisfy the characteristics of bilingualism in relation to the degree of use of the English language, its functions and the frequent alternation with regard to the topic, the person and the tension in responding to the interview questions classify them as monolinguals. The interview (3) below is a response of a monolingual during the interview section. Interview 3: Interview between the researcher and Francois, a monolingual motor- mechanic, Appr.3- M (Appendix: Interview 6) Interviewer: How are you? Appr.3- M: Fine. Interviewer: What is your name? Appr.3-M: Korku Interviewer: How old are you? Appr.3 -M: Twenty-seven (27) 61 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr.3 –M: Nn? (pardon) Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr.3 –M: Ebe? (You said) Interviewer: I said, what is your level of education? Appr.3 –M: Hmm! Togo school mede? (I schooled at Togo) Interviewer: Ok. In the above extract, Appr.3- M was also tested in the skills of comprehension and expression. His lack of the ability to understand most of the questions asked, and his inability to express himself in the English language when he was asked questions that demanded explanations classified him as a monolingual. It was clear from his responses that he cannot speak the English language unilingually. He was able to answer only questions that require a single English word. This was further demonstrated in his recorded-conversations. Appr.3- M only made use of single English words which are mostly vocabularies related to his work. His ability to pick these single words was due to exposure to bilingual‘s speech. This is also demonstrated in the extract below: Interview 4: An interview between the interviewer and a monolingual tailor, Appr. 10- M. (Appendix: Interview 7) Interviewer: Good afternoon 62 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr. 10- M: Afternoon Interviewer: How are you? Appr. 10- M: Fine. Interviewer: What is your name? Appr. 10- M: Felix Interviewer: How old are you? Appr. 10- M: Twenty-five Interviewer: Where do you come from? Appr. 10- M: Togo, Agu. Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr. 10- M: Ee (Yes) Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr.10- M: Ayoo (No) Interviewer: Where did you school? Appr. 10- M: Nn (pardon). Interviewer: Why have you decided to learn tailoring? Appr. 10- M: Hmm, no. Interviewer: Why tailoring, and not any other profession? Appr. 10- M: Hmm Interviewer: Why? Appr. 10- M: No 63 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Interviewer: What are your future plans? Appr. 10- M: (silence) Similar to interview 3, Appr.10- M lacks proficiency in the use of the English language. He was unable to speak English unilingually when he was asked questions that demanded explanations. He also lacked the skill of comprehension. He did not understand most of the questions that were asked. However, his exposure to single English lexemes enabled him to answer questions that needed only a single word answer. In this sense, monolingualism describes artisans who could not speak the English language unilingually. They demonstrated their lack of proficiency in the English language. In other words, the monolinguals can only express themselves in Ewe. 64 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.3 Linguistic features This section evaluates the linguistic features of the language used by the Ewe- speaking artisans using a descriptive approach. This is achieved by looking at the differences and similarities between the language used by the monolinguals and the bilinguals artisans. 4.3.1 Types of mixed constituent Two types of codeswitching were identified in the utterances of the Ewe-speaking artisans. They are alternational codeswitching and insertional codeswitching. 4.3.1.1 Alternational codeswitching According to Muysken (1995, 2000), the term alternation refers to situations in an utterance where one language is being replaced by the other halfway through the sentence. In most cases, it is associated with longer stretches of codeswitching. This is illustrated in the examples below: 1. Ne ame-a lolo e-fe waist le abe forty la, make If person-DET fat 3SG-PROG ˮ be.PRS about ˮ FOC, ˮ it four and a half. ˮ ˮ 65 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ‘If the person is fat and the waist is around forty, make it four and a half‘ (Mst. 5- B) 2. Mi have double door which is 45 by 82 which is also standard. Toilet 1SG ˮ ˮ and bath tɔ tse le. ˮ own also be.PRS ‗we have double door which is forty-five by eighty-two which is also standard. We also have for toilet and bath‘ (Appr.16- B) 3. But some, it is only about the beat elabe e-le e-move ˮ because 3SG-be.PRS 3SG-ˮ ko e-vɔ. then 3SG-finish.PRS ‗but some, it is only the beat because it is moving her, then that is all‘ (Aprr. 12- B) 4. You don’t know him? Ah! This song. M-a ɖoŋku e-ʄe ˮ 1SG-FUT remember 3SG- POSS ha ɖe dzi. song one of 66 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ‗you don‘t know him? Ah! This song. I want to remember one of his songs‘ (Appr. 12- B) 5. In fact, I was so much happy when I heard it. Elabe woawo ˮ because 3PL ʄe ha la, e-nyo ne xixeame nyuie ɖe. POSS song DET 3SG-good for worldly good very ‗In fact, I was so much happy when I heard it. Because their songs are very good for the worldly. (Appr. 12. B) 6. He didn’t wear and he was speeding. Me-kpɔ-e. ˮ 1SG-see.PST-3SG ‗he didn‘t wear and he was speeding. I saw him‘ (Client B) 7. Hm, e-ʄe uncle si le afeame just wasted her time. Hm 3SG-POSS ˮ that be.PRS house ˮ ‗hm, his uncle that is in the house just wasted her time‘ (Appr. 6- B) 67 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh It is clear from example (1) to (7) that the alternation is between Ewe and English and each language makes a complete clause on its own. This type of alternation is observed only in the bilingual speech because they have the linguistic ability to form longer stretches of codeswitching and alternate beyond a sentence. 4.3.1.2 Insertional codeswitching Muysken (1995, 2000) argued that insertion is the occurrences of a lexical item from one language into a structure of another language. In other words, the switch occurs within a sentence. This is illustrated in the examples below: 8. Ne e-ku ʋu-a yi long journey a-teŋu atso. if 2SG-drive car-DET go.PRS ˮ 3SG-can rise ‗if you drive the car for a long journey, it can rise up‘ (Appr. 25-M) 9. Material ma e-kɔvɛ m-a- ade o. ˮ DEM 2SG-bring.PST NEG-FUT reach NEG ‗that material you brought will not be enough‘ (Mast. 8- M) 10. Style-a le phone woa dzia? ˮ -DET be.PRS ˮ 2SG top ‗is the style on your phone?‖ (Mst. 17- B) 68 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 11. Exhaust-a me-le fima o? ˮ -DET NEG-be.PST there.LOC NEG ‗Is the exhaust not there?‘ (Mst. 2- B) 12. E-be beat-a dzaako ye-dzi-na. 3SG-say.PST ˮ -DET only 3SG-like-FUT ‗he said it is only the beat he likes‘ (Appr. 13- M) 13. Paddi-a, e-wɔ starter-a? man-DET, 3SG-fix.PRF ˮ -DET? ‗the man, has he fixed the starter?‘ (Mst. 2- B) 14. Engine oil-a le ʄoʄo-m ɖe engine-a dzi. ˮ -DET be.PRS pour-PROG on.LOC ˮ -DET top.LOC ‗the engine oil is pouring on the engine‘ (Appr. 1- M) Examples (8) to (14) above are insertional codeswitching. This type of switch is found in the utterances of both the monolinguals and the bilinguals. Thus, English lexical items are inserted into Ewe grammatical frame. 69 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The English lexical items that are inserted into Ewe grammatical frame occur at the lexical level. The next section gives the general description of the English lexical items. 4.3.2 General description of the English lexical elements Most of the English lexical elements inserted into the Ewe grammatical frame are nouns, verbs, and adjectives. Table (3) shows the statistical description of the English lexical elements. Table 3: English elements in Ewe Frame Types Bilinguals Monolinguals Total Percentage (%) Nouns 404 355 759 83 Verbs 69 43 112 12 Adjectives 31 11 42 5 As the table shows, the English nouns form the majority of the total English lexical elements. English nouns constitute 83% of the corpus. It is followed by English verbs constituting 12% while Adjectives constitute only 5% of the lexical insertions. The next sub-section presents the morphology of the English lexical items. 4.3.2.1 The morphology of the EL lexical elements The lexical elements can be classified as simplex and complex words. A word can be considered simplex if it is not derived or formed through the process of 70 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh compounding. The categories of words that fall under the simplex are some nouns, adjectives, verbs and some numerals. Table (4) presents some of the simplex words observed in the data. Table 4: Simplex words Nouns Verbs Adjectives welder mark long inches measure many length cross all gate join smooth boot weld next fitter fix busy fan cause normal burst affect Just lock manage happy temperature cut last Words are defined as complex if they are made up of two or more existing words (compound). Fabb describes compound as ―a word which consists of two or more words‖ (1998: 66). They can either be written without space between the words, as hyphenated words or as two separate words. Compound nouns can either be 71 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh classified as noun-noun (N-N), adjective-noun (A-N) and compound numeral (CN). Examples of compound nouns observed in the data are presented in table (5). Table 5: Compound nouns Compound noun Type Compound noun Type iron rod N-N next week A-N shirt sleeve N-N double door A-N waistband N-N loose fittings A-N exhaust pipe N-N straight fittings A-N sandpaper N-N thirty-three CN engine oil N-N forty eight CN air condition N-N two hundred and fifty CN engine seat N-N twenty-three CN single door N-N five hundred CN In table 5, we observe that the compound nouns are typical nominal compounds because the constituents are free forms. The constituents in the compound nouns can stand alone as words in sentences. 72 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.3.3 Nouns English nouns take the majority of embedded lexical items found in the mixed constiuent. They either occur as a single noun, compound noun. The nouns in most cases occur freely as the head of the mixed noun phrase (NP) and are either affixed to Ewe system morphemes. Table (6) compares the number of the category of nouns and their statistical representations in the structures of the artisans. Table 6: The category of nouns Categories Bilinguals Monolinguals Total Simple nouns 283 249 532 Compound nouns 121 106 227 The following examples illustrate the context in which English simple nouns occur within both bilingual and monolingual mixed constituents. These are illustrated below: 15. M- check spin-a-wo kat . 1SG-FUT ˮ ˮ -DET-PL all ‗I will check all the springs‘ (Appr. 27- M) 16. Style-a le phone woa dzia? ˮ -DET be.PRS ˮ 2SG top 73 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ‗is the style on your phone?‖ (Mst. 17- B) 17. Exhaust-a me-le fima o? ˮ -DET NEG-be.PRS there NEG Is the exhaust not there?‘ (Mst. 2- B) 18. Time ɖe-wo me-nɔ-na chop bar-a. ˮ some-PL 1SG-sit-AUX ˮ -DET ‗sometimes, I do sit at the chop bar‘ (Appr.1 –M) 19. E-ya, door nye ke. 3SG-one ˮ be.PRS FOC ‗this one, it is a door‘ (Appr. 16- B) 20. Mi- -klɔ nanɛ le down-a wo-yɔ-na 1SG-FUT-wash thing at.LOC ˮ -DET 3PL-call-HAB be vaporata kple hos. that ˮ and ˮ ‗we will wash something that they call evaporator and holes at the down‘ (Mst. 35- M) 21. Temperature tso. ˮ high.PRS ‗the temperature is high‘ (Appr. 25- M) 74 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 22. Nye-ʄe cousin ka? 1SG-POSS ˮ which ‗which of my cousins?‘ (Appr. 6- B) In examples (15) to (18), the English single words receive either a plural marker (- wo) or a definite marker (-a). However, in examples (19) to (22), the single words occur without modifiers. Both bilingual and monolingual make use of English compound nouns and following the syntactic rules of Ewe, they may or may not occur with a modifier depending on the grammar of Ewe. Examples (23) to (28) contain English compound nouns without modifiers while example (29) has a modifier. 23. Etsɔ me-wɔ power stero moto. yesterday 1SG-do.PST ˮ ‗yesterday, I did the power steering motor‘ (Appr. 27- M) 24. Ya waisban me-le o ᶑe? but ˮ NEG-be.PRS NEG Q ‗but there is no waistband‘ (Appr. 10- M) 25. Master meᶑeku ma cut iron rod ya ɖe four-a alo nene? 75 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ˮ please AUX ˮ ˮ DEM into ˮ -DET or how many ‗Master, how many parts should I cut this iron rod? (Appr. 30-M) 26. E-be hairdressing ya srɔ. 3SG-say.PST ˮ want learn ‗she said, she wants to learn hairdressing‘ (Appr. 6- B) 27. Overeating xa teŋu cause ne. ˮ too AUX ˮ 3SG ‗overheating too can cause it‘ (Appr. 25-M) 28. Ke a-za styling gel a-kɔ nɔ e-wɔ. then FUT-use ˮ FUT-take AUX 3SG-do ‗then will use styling gel to do it‘ (Mst. 17- B) 29. Me-nye engine-a? Engine oil-a? NEG-be.PRS ˮ -DET ˮ -DET ‗is it not the engine? the engine oil‘ (Client. B) English numerals also occur as the head of the mixed NP in the utterances of both categories of artisans. This is exemplified in (30) to (33). 30. E-ke ame-a le sueᶑe ta wɔ-e eleven. DEM-one person-DET be.PRS small so make.PRS-3SG ˮ ‗this one, the person is small so make it eleven‘ (Mst. 5- B) 76 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 31. Gake me-tɔ three. but 1SG-Sew.PST ˮ ‗but I sewed three‘ (Appr. 11- M) 32. Ame-a ʄe bust nye thirty-three. person-DET POSS ˮ be.PRS ˮ ‗the person‘s bust is thirty-three‘ (Mst. 5- B) 33. E-cost na abe three hundred and eighty. 3SG-ˮ FUT around ˮ ‗it costs around three hundred and eighty‘ (Mst. 32- M) 4.3.4 Verbs Other frequent English lexical items in both monolinguals and bilinguals mixed constituents are verbs. Verbs encode state, action or experience of events. It can either occur alone or may be preceded by auxiliaries. From the data, English verbs within the Ewe-English mixed constituents are lexical verbs either with or without Ewe inflectional morphemes. These are illustrated below: NB: The verbs are underlined 34. Me-le engine seat-a wɔ-m, me-gbugbɔ 1SG-be.PRS ˮ ˮ -DET do-PROG, 1SG-redo.PRF dzɔs-e va to tɔp-a. 77 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ˮ 3SG come.PRF pass ˮ -DET ‗I am doing the engine seat, I have readjusted it to the top‘ (Appr. 27- M) 35. Me-mark wo-pete vɔ. 1SG- ˮ 3PL-all finish.PRF ‗I have finished marking all of them‘ (Appr. 12- M) 36. Ta a-teŋu a finish wo pɛtɛa? so 2SG-able FUT ˮ PL all ‗so will you be able to finish all?‘ (Appr. 10- M) 37. E-depen. 3SG- ˮ .PRS ‗it depends‘ (Appr. 11- M) 38. Mi mix colour one kple two-a. 1PL ˮ ˮ ˮ and ˮ -DET ‗let us mix the colour one and two‘ (Mst. 17- B) 39. Ke back-a m-a raise o. then ˮ -DET NEG-FUT ˮ NEG ‗then the back will not go up‘ (Mst. 17- B) 40. Ke mi-a manage-i. then 1PL-FUT ˮ -3SG ‗then we will manage it‘ (Mst. 17- B) 78 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Examples (34) to (38) are instances of bare forms of English verbs. They occur without any overt inflections whiles Example (39) and (40) occur with the future marker ‗a‘ and negation maker ‗m……o‘. 4.3.5 Phonological adaptation of the monolinguals’ EL lexical elements There are phonological adaptations of some of the English words in order to correspond to Ewe pronunciation by monolinguals. Vowels and consonants are inserted, deleted or reduced in quality depending on their position in words. There is also syllable structure adjustment in the pronunciation of some English nouns in the speeches of the monolinguals which set them apart from bilingual speech. Table (7) presents some of these words in their original forms and how they are realized in the pronunciation of the monolinguals. Table 7: Targeted English words and their realized forms Original forms Realized form filter /filtә/ fita /fita/ wardrobe /wɔrdrәʊb/ wodrobe /wodrob/ magnet /mӕgnɛt/ manet /manɛt/ camshaft /kӕmʃaft/ cashaf /kaʄaf/ condenser /kәndensә/ condesa /kɔndesa/ 79 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh embroidery /imbrɔidәri/ ebroy /ɛbrɔi/ waistband /weistbӕnd/ waisban /wɛsbӕn/ band /bӕnd/ ban /bӕn/ sandpaper /sӕndpaipә/ sanpaper /sӕnpɛpa/ adjust / әdʒʌst / dzɔs /dʒɔs/ depend /dipend/ depen /dipen/ holes /hoʊls/ hos /hos/ spring /spriŋ/ spin /spin/ steering /stiәriŋ/ stero /stɛro/ evaporator /ivӕpәreita/ vaporata /vӕpәratɔ/ piping /pipiŋ/ papin /papin/ overheating /әʊvәhitin/ overeating /ovaitin/ One of the major phonological adaptations is consonant deletion. This happens when a consonant is removed during the pronunciation of a word. Consonant deletion takes place in Ewe during nativization of loanwords. Two forms of consonant deletion were observed in the data. One is a consonant cluster simplification. An example is an English word ‗filter‘ pronounced as /fil.tә/. This word has two syllables (CVC.CV). The first syllable ends with a consonant (CVC) and the second syllable begins with a consonant (CV). This makes a sequence of two consonants /lt/ (C₁C₂). Because the 80 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh first syllable is a closed syllable and Ewe does not have close syllable, the consonant of the first syllable is deleted in order to nativize the word to become ‗fita‘ /fi.ta/ (CV.CV). This is illustrated in the rule: CVC.CV→CV.CV In general, C₁ is deleted from adjacent syllables. This is also attested in examples (a), (b) and (c) below: (a) magnet /mӕg.nɛt/ → manet /ma.nɛt/ (b) camshaft /kӕm.ʄaft/ → cashaf /ka.ʄaf/ (c) wardrobe /wɔr.drәʊb/ → wodrobe /wo.drob/ Another form is coda simplification. When two consonants occur at the coda position, the second consonant is deleted. This is because Ewe does not allow for consonant cluster at the coda position. The example below shows this process. (d) waist.band /weist.bӕnd/ → wais.ban /wɛs.bӕn/ In example (d), the second consonant /t/of the first syllable /wɛst/ is deleted making it /wɛs/. Likewise the second consonant /d/ of the second syllable /bӕnd/ is also deleted making it /bӕn/. This can be illustrated in the rule; C₁ C₂ → C₁ (C₂ →Ø) This is also demonstrated in example (e), (f), (g) and (h) below: 81 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh (e) bӕnd /bӕnd/ → ban /ban/ (f) sand.paper /sӕnd.paipә/ → sanpepa /sӕnpɛpa/ (g) adjust /әdʒʌst/ → dzɔs / dʒɔs/ (h) depend / dipend/ → depen /dipen/ 82 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.4 Social Motivations The markedness model by Myers-Scotton (1993a) reveals that there are social motivations behind the choice of a particular code among the speakers. In other words, aside from referential meaning, a switch in codes conveys other important meanings. Three ‗maxims‘ make up the Markedness Model. They are the unmarked- choice maxim, the marked-choice maxim, and the exploratory-choice maxim. The unmarked-choice is demonstrated below with extracts from the data. However, there were no cases of the marked-choice maxim and the exploratory maxim found in the data. 4.4.1 The unmarked-choice maxim Both monolinguals (M) and bilinguals (B) show this type of code in their pattern of language alternations as they interact at work. During the conversations, they do not attach any special attention to the switch. However, it was simply to portray a certain identity and their linguistic repertoire as a bilingual or a monolingual. Extract 1. At a welder’s shop in Tsito in the Volta Region This extract is a conversation between two monolingual welders (Mst. 29-M and Appr. 30-M). The apprentice wants to know the measurement to use in cutting an iron rod before welding it. The master went ahead to inform him about other tasks they needed to complete within the day. 83 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr. 30-M Master meᶑeku ma cut iron rod Master, please how many ya ɖe four-a alo nene? pieces should I cut this iron rod, four or how many? Mst. 29- M Measure-e ᶑe four inches. Measure it into four inches. Megbɔna. Ago makpɔ. Wait a minute. Let me have a look. Appr. 30- M Ok. me measure-e ᶑe four Ok. I have measured them into inches. Menyema? enyo a? four inches. Is that not it. Is it ok? Mst. 29- M Eeei enyo. Length-a nyo. Yes, it is ok. The length is ok. (The apprentice cut the iron rod into pieces.) Appr. 30- M Nemi kɔ xeya kɔ cross ᶑe Etame When we cross this one on top ɖe, ade miadzia? of this, will it be ok? Mst. 29- M Eeiii, anyo. Kɔ ameya kɔkpeᶑe Yes, it will be ok. Add this one ameyi ŋuti alɛ, ke ameya neva to this one like this, and then join eyi leka ne mia weld, ke ne the other will join this like this mi weld-e kola, ke ke eyi ke dzim for us to weld them. When we milɛ ko kɛ mikpɔe. weld them together we will get exactly what we want. Appr. 30- M Ok, meᶑeku mesi. Mewɔvɔ. Ma Ok. I have finished. Should I 84 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh weld-e-a? weld it? Mst. 29- M Ee, weld-e. Yes, weld it. Appr. 30-M Ke iron rod ya ɖe, ade gate via The rest of the iron rod, will it nua? be for the small gate? Mst. 29- M Mime measure gate-a nyitsɔ oa? Didn‘t we measure the gate the Edzebe natsɔ measurement-a sɔ last time? you have to compare kple gb hafi. the measurement with it first. Appr. 30- M Nyeme kaɖedzi be ade o. I am not sure it will reach. Mst. 29- M Eii, meŋlɔbe be kloe, edzebe mia Ee, I nearly forgot. We have to straighten eʋu ya ʄe boot-a hafi straighten the boot of that car fitter nava kɔe. before the fitter comes for it. Appr. 30- M Yo mese. Ok. Mst. 29-M Ne eʄo gaeve na ɖo ŋku dzinam be When it is 2 pm, remind me so miayi Mr Kpodo ʄeme. Ebe mawɔ that we go to Mr. Kpodo‘s double gate na ye. Enɔ gblɔgblɔm house. He wants me to do a be single gate-a ʄe lock h gble ta double gate for him. He also yeaʄle lock yeye ne mia fix ma ye. said the lock of his single gate is spoilt so he will buy a new lock for us to fix. Appr. 30- Yoo. Medeku miaʄle lock-a ɖe Ok. Shall we buy the lock M asia? along? 85 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Mst. 29- M Azɔ hafi miava kpɔ wo gate-a We are now going to check the hafi. gate. The extract above is an informal conversation among two monolingual (M) artisans. In their conversation about their work for the day, they both mix English and Ewe as they interact. Ewe serves as the matrix language and English the embedded language. Both monolinguals speak Ewe but mix English lexicon in their utterances. The English words that constitute the embedded language employed by both monolinguals in their conversation are either single lexemes or compound nouns. The lexical items are fused into the Ewe frame. An example is the first turn of the apprentice where he inserted a compound noun iron rod and the numeral four into Ewe frame making a complete sentence as ‘Master meɖeku ma la iron rod ya ɖe four-a alo nene? (Master please, should I cut this iron rod into four pieces or how many?)‘. It is followed with the response of the master as he replied the apprentice and in his utterance equally using the lexical items ‗four inches‘ in Ewe frame; ‗Dzidzi woanye four inches’ (measure it into four inches)‘. The English lexical items that are fused into Ewe grammar are vocabulary related to their work and they use them while discussing work-related issues. The lexical items are mostly words the artisans have borrowed from the English language. The insertion of English words into Ewe frame by these monolinguals can 86 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh only be described as a case of ‗an emerging mixed language‘. This is because the monolinguals do not have the fluency in English language but speak a language they have learned at the workplace. The emerging mixed language is as the result of the presence of bilingual speech (codeswitching) as an input and through the process of borrowing. From the point of view of the Markedness Model, the emerging mixed language serves as an unmarked code as the monolinguals employed it as their ‗default language of work‘. It is clear that as the monolingual master and his monolingual apprentice employ the emerging mixed language, no special attention is paid to their switches. The emerging mixed language is employed as their ‗default language of work‘. It signify a shared social identity as monolinguals that belong to the same community of workplace. The same kind of language and social motivation is demonstrated in extracts 2 and 3. Extract 2: A tailor’s shop in Hohoe, Volta Region This conversation is between a senior apprentice (Appr. 10- M) and a junior apprentice (Appr. 11-M). The conversation takes place in their shop as they go about their daily activities. The senior wants to know how far the junior has gone with the work assigned to him for the day. Appr. 10- M Kudzo, edɔ ka master nawo? Kudzo, what did master ask you to do? 87 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr. 11- M Ebe matɔ trousers. Ta mele He asked me to sew trousers. So I trouser cut-i matɔ. am cutting trousers to sew. Appr. 10- M Woame nene? How many? Appr. 11- M Woame six. Gake metɔ three. Six. But I have sewed three. I am Enelia kɛ cut-i mele. cutting the fourth one. Appr. 10- M Ya waisban mɛle o ᶑe, lekɛ ele But there is no waistband. How ewɔge? will you do it? Appr. 11- M Hmm, medzibe ma cut wo k ta Hmm, I want to cut all down hafi ne mayi ʄlɛ waisban-a le before I go to buy the waistband asime. from the market. Appr. 10- M Ta ateŋu a finish wo pɛtɛa? Can you finish all today? Appr. 11- M E-depen. Afiyi kɛ metɔe sɛ, ne It depends. Will stop when we z do ko mekpa. close. Appr. 10- M Ya top-a-wo ᶑe? Mekae le top- What of the tops? Who is sewing a wo tɔ? the tops? Appr. 11- M Master mebe matɔ top-o lo Master didn‘t ask me to sew tops. Trousers ko wobɛ matɔ. Eya I am to sew trousers. That is what wɔm mele. I am doing. Similar to extract 1, the pattern of alternation in the above interaction among both monolinguals is ‗an emerging mixed language‘, an unmarked code as they speak ‗the 88 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh default language of work‘ to discuss work-related issues. The emerging mixed language is equally as the result of the presence of codeswitching through the process of borrowing. This is because both monolinguals do not have the linguistic ability to express themselves equally in the two languages involved. The embedded language, English is equally single lexemes or compound nouns fused into the grammar of Ewe as they speak monolingually. The two monolinguals‘ apprentices learn to speak the default language of work as they familiarize themselves with the environment they find themselves in. In other words, both are aware of their shared social identity as monolinguals and speakers of the emerging mixed language. Extract 3: At a motor mechanic shop in Ho A conversation between two monolinguals, a senior apprentice (Appr. 3- M) and a junior apprentice (Appr.1- M) at a motor mechanic shop in Ho. The senior was discussing with his junior the difficulties he is facing in fixing a motor and needed the help of their master who was not around at that moment. Appr. 3- M Ao ɖe, gas le afiyi ɖe. It shouldn‘t be. The gas is here. Appr. 1- M Ta ne eʄlɛ nuya egbea, ede So when you buy the thing today, egbea? will you fix it today? Appr. 3- M Nuka? What? Appr. 1 -M Manet -a. The magnet. 89 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr. 3- M Ee, gake ekpɔ be machine ma Yes, but that machine was sparking le sparking fine gake time ɖe well but after some time, I spark the ko me spark moto-a be makɔ motor to take home, then it turn into yi aʄemea, ezu nya bubu. a different case. It wasn‘t sparking. I Mele sparking o. Me ɖɔli have changed the down coil but still. down coil still. Mekpɔbe I have realized that the side of magnet-a ʄe side eɖu. magnet has worn out. Appr. 1- M Ah! Ah! Appr. 3- M Manet-a ʄe side side-wo ɖu. The sides of the magnet have melted. Ta maybe ya ateŋu a cause. So maybe that is causing it. So Ta master neva mabie kpɔ. master should come so that I ask him. Appr. 1- M Edzo-a le vava? D o e s i t s p ark? Aprr. 3- M Edzo mele vava krɔa o. Ta It doesn‘t spark at all. So people, ame woame like, ame woame about four want to buy it. Someone four ebɛ yia va ʄlɛ emɔ la. wanted to buy it and go and fix it in Ameɖe be yia va ʄlɛ akɔyi Togo. Someone just came and Togome ava wɔe le fima. wanted me to fix it for him. Ameɖe x va be mawɔe nɛ. Fifilai ko ameɖe x va be mawɔe ne. 90 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr. 1 -M Moto yeye ya? Is it a new motor? Appr. 3- M Ohh, moto alatsa ɖe la. Esɛsɛ Oh, an old motor. lo. Appr. 1- M Hm! Hm! Appr. 3- M Mebia Ibo wobe meli o. Ta I asked Ibo, he said he doesn‘t have meyɔ Master, master be ele. it. So I called master and he said he Master neva kabakaba la. has it. Master should come early. Appr. 1- M Ta, edɔame le busy fine ɖe? Is the place very busy? Appr. 3- M Chaley Hmm! Viɖeviɖe anyo. Charley hmm! Gradually. It will be Ne cashaf ye gblɛa, ateŋu well. If the camshaft is spoilt, you aɖɔli. can change it. Appr. 1- M Ee Yes Appr. 1- M Eya, cashaf kple starter. Ne This, camshaft and starter. If the starter gblea, sometime starter is spoilt, or sometimes the bearing, alo starter motor, the bearing or starter motor. Or the alo starter gear, eteŋu aɖɔli. starter gear, you can change it. Once again, the mixing of English lexicon in Ewe as the speakers speak monolingually is demonstrated in the extract above. Both monolinguals employed the emerging mixed language, an unmarked code for the community they find themselves in. The first speaker begins the conversation with the emerging mixed 91 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh language which shows his linguistic ability as a monolingual. In order for the second speaker to explain himself, he has no other option than to also reply in the emerging mixed language. It is clear that both monolinguals are only limited to the type of mixed code they have acquired as part of their linguistic repertoire in their community of practice. English, one of the source languages, is characterized by work-related vocabulary which are fused into the Ewe grammar. Both monolinguals explore the emerging mixed language as a variety of their mother tongue and as ‗the default language of work‘. Extract 4: At a seamstress shop in Accra. The conversation is between two bilingual seamstresses, Mst. 5- B and Appr. 6- B. In the extract, Appr. 6- B asked her instructor for direction on what to do as she works on the dress of a client. Appr. 6- B Madam, from shoulder to Madam, how many inches should nipple-a nu, how many inches I mark from shoulder to the ele e-mark ge? nipple? Mst. 5- B Ekuᶑe amea ʄe akɔta ʄe lolo nu, It depends on how broad chested ekuᶑe amea ʄe bust nu. Ne nye the person is. It depends on the be amea ʄe bust lolo la, ateŋu tso person‘s burst. If the person‘s le shoulder va down, either bust is broad, from shoulder to twelve or thirteen. Eke amea le down can either be twelve or 92 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh sueᶑe ta wɔe eleven. thirteen. But the person is small so make it eleven. Appr. 6- B Oh ok. Ke dart-a ʄe interval ᶑe, Oh ok. What of the dart’s how many inches ma ɖe hafi ma interval? How many inches mark-e? should I mark it? Mst. 5- B Eʄe interval la? Amea ʄe bust The interval? The person‘s bust is nye Thirty-three. Ne amea lolo thirty-three. If she is big, the dart la, dart-a anye four and a half. can be four and half. Appr. 6- B Okay Okay Mst. 5- B Nenyebe bust-a le abe forty- If the bust is forty-eight or fifty, eight alo fifty la, wɔa four and a make it four and half or five. So half alo five. Ke ne ekee la, ke that if you open it the bust will be dart-a le ten. ten. Appr. 6- B Okay Okay Mst. 5- B Ne amea lolo, efe waist le abe If the person is fat and the waist is forty la, make it four and a around forty, make it four and a half. Ke ele nine efe hip-a, wɔe half so that it will be nine. Make six. the hip six. Appr. 6- B Okay Okay Mst. 5- B Gake eke amea le sueᶑe ta eʄe Because this person is small, make bust-e ʄe interval la miawɔe the interval of the bust three, 93 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh three, three; quarter. Ke eʄe three, thus quarter. And the waist la, miawɔe three and a waist, let make it three and a half. Ke down-a la, miawɔe half. So that the down, we will four. m a k e i t f our. Appr. 6- B Oh okay. Oh okay. Mst. 5- B Emekɔa? Is it clear? Appr. 5- B Ee Yes The extract shows the bilinguals (educated Ewe-speakers) at work switching between Ewe and English thoroughly in their conversation. The preferred code for the conversation is codeswitching as they have the linguistic ability to alternate between English and Ewe. The embedded language employed by these bilinguals goes beyond single lexemes or compound nouns. The lexical items are either work- related vocabulary such as bust, shoulder to the nipple, shoulder to down, dart, waist, hip, numbers, etc., or other vocabulary which have no relation with their work such as how many, from, either, or, make it, etc. The type of alternation in this context is Ewe-English codeswitching because of their linguistic repertoire as ‗bilinguals‘. Codeswitching serves as their ‗default language of communication‘. During the conversation, both speakers did not attach any special attention to their language alternation. Their type of alternation is what Myers-Scotton refers to as ―codeswitching itself as the unmarked choice‖ (Myers- 94 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Scotton 1993) as they have the capacity to blend two languages in their interactions. Their choice of alternation first identifies them as Ewe-speaking artisans and second, educated Ghanaians through the use of English as they focus on the subject matter at hand. Extract 5: At a seamstress’s shop in Accra This conversation is between two bilinguals: seamstress (Appr. 7 –B) and a client. The bilingual client came to sew a dress and seek the advice of the seamstress on the style to choose. Client (B) Meᶑeku mebe matɔ avɔ ya. Please, I want to sew this fabric. Appr. 7- B Meᶑeku how many yards ye Please, the fabric is how many nye avɔa? yards? Client (B) Three yards. Three yards. Appr. 7- B Meᶑeku style ka ye ebe ya tɔ? Which style do you want? Client (B) Hmmm, nyemenya style ka Hmmm, I don‘t even know the style tututu Matɔ o, gake kpɔ be style to do. But which style can be ok for ka avɔa adɛ. the fabric? Appr. 7- B Fifia loose le, loose fittings tse We have loose fittings. There is le, Enye me wish be loose adzɛ loose fitting I wish loose fittings avɔa. Ta miatɔ loose fittings. will fit the fabric. So let us sew Loose fittings ade. Avɔ three loose fittings. The three yards will 95 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh yards ade. be enough for the loose fittings. Client: (B) Okay. Ke tɔ loose fittings-a Okay. Then sew loose fittings for me. Appr. 7- B Miatɔ loose fittings. Miatɔ e-ka We will sew loose fittings. We kɔ da ᶑe dzi. Ke ne edoe la, as shall sew a belt on it. You will use aka ᶑe edzi. Abe eke ke lɛ the belt on it. Like the one I am ŋunye. Asa ka de edzi fine. wearing now. You will Pocket tse anɔ both side pɛtɛ. tighten the belt on it. We shall also miawɔ rose tse daᶑe abɔta. Asa fix pocket at both sides. And add ka ᶑe dzi. rose to the dress. Client (B) Okay Okay Appr. 7- B Fifia ma take woʄe Now, let me take your measurement. measurement. Similar to extract 4, both bilinguals employed Ewe-English codeswitching. In their conversation, the bilinguals did not attach any special importance to their switches. However, they only wish to be identified as educated Ewe speakers who have Ewe and English language in common. In this context, the Ewe-English codeswitching equally serves as their ‗default language of communication‘. In other words, their codeswitching is an unmarked code. It is merely used to share their solidarity and linguistics repertoire as bilinguals. 96 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Extract 6: A hairdresser’s shop in Hohoe This conversation is between a bilingual hairdresser (Mst. 17- B) and a bilingual client. Their discussion was about a type of hairstyle the client has requested and how she wanted it to be. Mst. 17- B Akos, si dryer ne sister ne Akos, switch on the dryer for the geᶑeme. Ne nadae ᶑe high ne sister. Put it on high for her. lo. Mst. 17- B Style kae ebe yea ʄo? Which style will you like to do? Client (B) Cornrow, masugbɔ lo. Cornrow, I don‘t want it plenty. Cornrow abe six. About six. Mst. 17- B Abe woame nene? Woame six. About how many? Six. The mesh Mesh-a made o lo? won‘t be enough. Client (B) Malolo o. It would not be big. Mst. 17- B Ke mi-a manage-e. All back-a? Then, we will manage it. All back? Client (B) Ee, all back ko yɛ Yes, is just all back. Mst. 17- B Ke mi-a manage-e. Style-a le Then we will manage it. Is the phone woadzia? style on your phone? Client (B) Ee Yes 97 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh (The client showed the style on her phone to the hairdresser) Mst. 17- B Oh ok. All back ko ye. Gake Oh ok. It is all back. But the down down mawɔ nenema o lo. won‘t be the same. Rubber tie is Down mie, rubber tie wokɔ used to hold this down into smaller lenɛ viᶑɛviᶑɛ. pieces. Client (B) Ee, egɔme mawɔ nenema o. Really? The down won‘t be like this. Mst. 17- B Ahaaa! (she laughed). Megbɛa Better! (she laughed) We shall la miaʄo rasta line ᶑeka ᶑe braid rasta one line at the back. fima. Client (B) ? Really? Mst. 17- B Ee. Ke back-a ma raise o. Ta Yes. For the back to raise. So we miaʄo rasta line ᶑeka pɛ. Gake, will braid one rasta down there. ŋugɔgbea styling gel woŋutɔ But you need to use styling gel for akɔ woe lo. Mia he viᶑe, ke aza the front. We shall pull the front styling gel akɔ nɔ ewɔ. back and you will be using styling gel to do it. Client (B) Okay Okay 98 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The quick alternation between Ewe and English by the bilinguals again demonstrates a case of codeswitching as unmarked code for their conversation. It is apparent from their conversation that the two speakers demonstrated their shared bilingualism as speakers of Ewe and English as they discuss work-related issues. There was no attachment to any turn in their conversation in discussing the topic at hand. Relating it to the markedness model, Ewe-English codeswitching serves as an unmarked code. The blending of Ewe and English is done routinely in their conversations. Codeswitching is employed as a ‗default language of communication‘. It only identified them as speakers of Ewe and English. Aside from the bilinguals exhibiting insertional codeswitching in their conversation, they further demonstrate their language ability to do alternational codeswitching. In this case, their switching goes beyond single lexemes and compound words. They form longer stretches of codeswitching. The utterances in extract (7) below exhibit an instance of alternational codeswitching. Extract 7: At a seamstress shop in Accra A conversation between two bilingual seamstresses, Mst. 5- B, and Appr. 6- B. Their conversation was centered on a cousin of Appr. 6 –B who came back from Egypt few months ago and the family thought she was trafficked. Mst. 5- B Nyɔnuvi ma ɖi w fe cousin ma That lady resembles your cousin. 99 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh paa lo. Appr. 6- B Nyeʄe cousin ka? Which of my cousins? Mst. 5- B Aaa! Mercy. Nyeʄe niece ye lo. Ah! Mercy. She is my niece. Her Nye kple etɔawoe nye first father and I are first cousins but cousins gake ɛtsi lo. menye ɖevi she is old, she is not a child. ye o lo. Mst. 5- B Egblɔe. Last ɖe ebe yi le thirty She said it. The last time, she said something. she is thirty something years. Appr. 6- B Mercy is thirty three. Ekpɔe Mercy is thirty three. She just sueɖe nenema gake ɖevi nu ko looks small and she always wowɔna. Vaseɖe fifia dɔwɔna behaves like a child. She doesn‘t ɖeke mele esi o. have any work at hand up till now. Mst. 5- B Hmm, I heard she travel, alo? Hmm, I heard she travelled? Aprr. 6- B Travel? is child trafficking lo. Travelled? Is child trafficking. Mst. 5- B Ɛɛ ! How? Really! How? Appr. 6- B Hm, eʄe uncle si le afeame just Hm, his uncle in the house just wasted her time. Ne menyo o la, wasted her time. She should have by this time ne edɔwɔna ɖe le asi. been working by this time. Fifia ɖe ko woli ko. Ame aɖeke She is just there. No one knows menya eʄe left and right o. 2008 her left and right since 2008 that ke miaʄe auntie ku, si ke nye my auntie died, who is her 100 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh mamaa. Esikɛ w wɔ ekua vɔ ko grandmother. Just after the fofonye be neva Ho woava srɔ funeral, my father asked her to edɔ. Ebe hairdressing yia srɔ. come to Ho to learn a trade. She Mikplɔe va. Mede one week o eʄe said she wanted to learn uncle yɔ be neva wɔ nane naye le hairdressing. We brought her. Koforidua ne woatrɔ va. Eya koe It wasn‘t one week and her uncle ya. Mega trɔva o. called that she should come back and help him take care of something. Mst. 5- B Oh! Oh! Appr. 6- B Medzidzi o misɛ be ayi tailor dɔ Not long we heard she has gone to srɔ ʄe le w uncle ɖevitɔ srɔ gbɔ learn sewing with her uncle’s le Koforidua la. Meɖe six month wife in Koforidua. It wasn‘t six o ekpa. Ebe yi ʄe uncle la srɔ ɖe months when she stopped. She ko wo nɔ yi dɔm ko. said her uncle’s wife has just been sending her on errands. Mst. 5- B Ameɖewo h ko. Enya be free Some people too. Is because she is wole dɔa srɔm ta she will use you learning for free so she will use very well. you very well. Appr. 6- B Eʄe story ma nyeme believe o. I didn‘t believe that part of her Wo uncle la ɖe ko wodzi be nɛnɔ story. Her uncle just wanted her 101 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh yi viwo gbɔ kpɔm na ye. Fifia to be taking care of his children. ɖeviawo kata tsi. Eya tsi anyi. Now all his children are grown. Ŋtsi kple akɔɖu business-a koe. She is just there. She sells for her Enɔ edzram ne wo uncle la srɔ. uncle’s wife. Mst. 5. B Hm! Hm! Appr. 6. B Wobe eyi All Nations University I heard she went to do a course at le Koforidua va wɔ course aɖe. All Nations University in le Koforidua va wɔ course aɖe. I Koforidua. I don’t know what don’t know what exactly she exactly she did. She completed did. Vɔ JHS ko wo de. Wobe only JHS. I learn they have a course ɖe le wowɔna na course for people like that. amemawo tɔgbi. In the extract above, the bilinguals go beyond insertional codeswitching. In turn 7 of their conversation, Ewe and English replaced each other half in her utterance. Both languages form a complete sentence. This is also illustrated in turn 8, 9, 11, 14, 15 and 18. It is obvious that the two bilinguals demonstrate their linguistic repertoire. Their medium of communication is Ewe-English codeswitching. From the point of the Markedness model, codeswitching serves as an unmarked code. They simply employed it to portray their shared identity as educated Ewes. 102 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Extract 8: A motor-mechanic shop in Ho The conversation is between a bilingual master (Mst. 2- B) and a monolingual apprentice (Appr. 1- M) at work. Mst. 2-B was reprimanding Appr. 1-M for wasting much time on a motor he was assigned to fix. Mst. 2- B Kɔku, gake by now ele be mide Koku, by now we should be able engine ya. to fix the engine. Appr. 1- M Ee Yes Mst. 2- B Engine ka? Which engine? Tricycle. Eteʄe dzidzi. By now The tricycle. It has kept long. By ele be na fix engine. now we should fix the engine. Mst. 2- B Chain Chain Paddi-a ewɔ starter? Has the man fixed the starter? Appr. 1- M Eka? Ahh ewɔe, mekɔe va ta by Which one? Ah, yes he did. I two nene. brought it so by 2 pm. Mst. 2- B Oh, gake battery ma kruaa, Oh but that battery, anyway, it anyway edzo sugbɔ ɖe edzi ta has enough power so it won‘t die. mavɔ o. Ee, mavɔ o. Ele fima, Yes, it won‘t die. That is what he eya wo za. is using. Battery a le sue ɖe sigbe gake, The battery is small but has a lot ŋuse le esi papaa. Hmm, vɔ of strength. Hm, but I once used a 103 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh battery ɖe meza le Jasikan battery at Jasikan, I know I won‘t menya be nye ma ga kpɔ o. get such a type again. Those in Kwamekrom tɔwo kɔe koe va Kwamekrom spoilt the battery for gblɛ battery ma. Wo kɔe va me. They used it to jump cars until jump eʋuwo kaka terminal-a the terminal has removed. I can ɖe ko wofli. Meteŋu sina music switch on my music for thirty da ɖi, atidzo for thirty minutes minutes to one hour, two hours to one hour, two hours, high and on high volume. volume gake still. Ewe bilingual master addressing Ewe monolingual apprentice was an indication of the two types of language alternation patterns observed in the data. As the bilingual uses Ewe-English codeswitching due to his linguistic ability as a bilingual, the monolinguals use the emerging mixed language he has learned due to the presence of codeswtching and through the process of borrowing. This was because of the environment he finds himself. The monolingual in this context cannot be said to be speaking Ewe-English codeswitching because of his linguistic repertoire of being a monolingual. From the point of view of the markedness model, one can conclude that the two employed codeswitching and the emerging mixed language to discuss the issue at hand. This demonstrates an unmarked code. It is evident that both assumed their 104 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh linguistic ability to be a bilingual and a monolingual and focused on the subject matter at hand. The same kind of linguistic ability is demonstrated in extract 9 and 10. Extract 9: A carpenter’s shop in Tsito, Volta Region A conversation between two carpenters, Appr. 12- B and Appr. 13- M. Appr. 12- B was expressing his views about a song that was playing on the radio as they were working. Appr. 12- B Ekpɔ ha ya dzim wolɛ a? Have you heard the song playing Ameɖe la, last woman ɖe on the radio? For someone, we mikpɔ egblɔ nya ɖe evivi nam. saw a woman last and she said Ebe ɖe, until be yi va xɔ dzime something and I was happy about trotrɔ ŋutɔ ɖe ne yeyi church ɖe it. She said until she became born yi ɖuna wɔ lo gake ewɔa pɛtɛ again, any time she goes to ɖum yinɔ ɖe, beat-i-wo koe nɔ church, she dance but all her vivim na ye. dancing was only the beat of the song she has been enjoying. Appr. 13- M Ee? Really? Appr. 12- B Oh, ebe beat-i-wo koe move na Oh, she said it is only the beat ye sigbe. Gake ezɔ ehawo ɖe, that moved her but now, it is the enyagbeawo lɔa dzi na ye hafi lyric of the song that move her to 105 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh yea du xɛ. dance. Appr. 13- M Okay Okay Appr. 12- B Ehaya, ameɖe ateŋu akɔ eʄe dzi Someone can use her whole heart blibo akɔ dzi ha ya with to sing with the lyric in her head. enyagbea le eʄe tame. Azu abe It will turn to a prayer topic before prayer topic hafi wole wɔ ɖum she starts dancing on the tune. ɖe dzi. Appr. 13- M Yes. Y e s . Aprr. 12- B Enuyi ke le efu ɖum ne, kaka ko Whatever her worries are, no ehaya But some, it is only sooner than later she will be about the beat elabe ele e- healed. But some, it is only the move ko evɔ. beat that moves them. Appr. 13- M Nyɔnua to nyateʄe nawo ɖe. The woman told you the truth. Ebe beat-a dzaako yedzi na. She said it is only about the beat. Appr. 12- B Ee. Last guy ɖe midogo eya h , Yes. We met a guy last too. Look ebe oo, kpɔ Papachie, enya at Papachie. Do you know Papachie a? Papachie? Appr. 13- M A oo No. You don’t know him? Ah! You don’t know him. Ah! This this song. Ma ɖo ŋku eʄe ha ɖe song. I want to remember one of dzi. Early 90s W aw e nɔ etsie his song. In the early 90s they 106 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh dzi nyuie. Eee! Ezu sɔfo ɖe. Ta were leading. He is now a pastor. ebe ame ɖesiaɖe si yi ʄe ha le He said everyone who has his old esi la, ne do away with it. songs should do away with them. Appr. 13- M Yeah, mekpɔ nua. Yes, I saw it. Appr. 12- B Alebe there is one hiplife And there is one hiplife artist as artist h . well. Appr. 13- M Daddy Lumba h wɔe ɖe. Eya Daddy Lumba too. He is now a h va zu minister ɖe. minister. Appr. 12- B Fifia? Now? Appr. 13- M Ee. Yes. Appr. 12- B Oh, I see. Lumba alo Oh, I see. Lumba or Acheapong? Acheapong? Appr. 12- B In fact, I was so much happy In fact, I was so happy when I when I heard it. Elabe woawo heard it. Because their songs are ʄe ha la, enyo ne xixeame nyuie good for the world. ɖe. Appr. 13- M Ee? Really? Appr. 12- B Yes Yes The preferred code for the interaction is Ewe-English codeswitching and the emerging mixed language. This also represents the two categories of people in the 107 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh conversation. This constitutes the unmarked code of the right and obligation sets. The monolingual, in expressing his views concerning the topic of discussion to the bilingual, used the emerging mixed language he had learned at the job. The bilingual assumed his bilingualism as he employed codeswitching. Both speakers did not attach any special attention to any of their switches. They employed their respective languages as their default medium of communication. Codeswitching marked the bilingual as an educated Ewe speaker. On the other hand, the emerging mixed language marked the monolingual as uneducated Ewe speakers and someone who lacks fluency in the English language. Extract 10: At the motor-mechanic shop in Ho This is a conversation between a monolingual motor-mechanic apprentice (Appr. 1- M) and a bilingual client. The conversation revolved around a tricycle the client has brought for maintenance. They further discuss the problems related to tricycles and how to maintain them to always keep them in good condition. Appr. 1- M Time ka ebe miawɔ engine-a ʄe When do you want us to work on fiyawo le ami ɖom? the engine that is leaking? Client (B) Menye engine-a. Engine oil-a? Is it not the engine? The engine oil? Appr. 1- M Engine oil-a le ʄoʄom ɖe engine- The engine oil is pouring on the a dzi. engine. 108 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Client (B) Va, vakpɔ afiyi ɖa. Come. Come and see this side. Appr. 1- M Egbe ya ami ko ebe mi ɖɔli. As for today, you only want us to change the oil. Client (B) Yes, just change the oil for Yes, just change the oil for today. today. Appr. 1- M Vakpɔ afiyawo ɖa, wogblɛ ta Come and see this place, they are next time ekɔ motor-a va ko spoilt so next time you bring the miaɖɔli. motor we will change them. Client (B) Eee, gake exhaust pipe-a mea, Ok. I can‘t feel the silence in the ekpɔ silence ya ke le eme ɖe, exhaust pipe, so want you to work mepkɔ be eŋɛ ɖe eme ta next on it when I bring it next week. week ma kɔe vɛ. Appr.1- M Ok, ne ekɔeve miaɖe kɔ yi na Ok, we will take it to the welder welder. when you bring it. Client (B) Ya aleke miawɔe afi? How are we going to do it? Appr. 1- M Exhaust- a ko miaɖɛ akɔyi na We will only remove the exhaust welder- wo ko woa tackle and send it to the welder. They silence-a le eme… will tackle the silence inside… Again, in the above extract, an unmarked code shows the linguistic repertoire of the two categories of alternation pattern identified in the data. Whiles the monolingual 109 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh continues to insert single or compound lexemes in his mother tongue, the bilingual shows his ability to alternate within a sentence and between sentences. The ermerging mixed language was the preferred code for the monolingual apprentice and codeswitching was employed by the bilingual. However, the monolingual apprentice alternation between Ewe and English goes beyond the vocabulary related to work as he interacts with the bilingual client. This is due to the level of exposure to bilingual speech and how long he has been part of that community of practice at the back of Ewe grammar. The monolingual make use of work-related vocabulary such as engine, engine oil, tricycle, pluck, exhaust pipe, welder, motor, etc. He also uses English words which are not related to work such as time, next time, tackle, fill noise, looking nice, sure, fine, one week, change, etc. It is clear that the monolingual does not have the linguistic ability to do alternational switching as compared to the speech of the bilingual in their interaction. Following the markedness model, both patterns of alternation identify the two categories of language pattern observed in the data as an unmarked code. The monolingual use of the emerging mixed language revealed his social identity as belonging to the community he finds himself. The bilingual as part of his linguistic repertoire to do both alternational and insertional codeswitching identified him as a bilingual. 110 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.5 Contribution of the extra-linguistic parameters to variation in the language used by the artisans Having observed that there are variations in the pattern of language alternation among the artisans, it is important to determine which extra-linguistic factors might have affected the variation in their language use. According to Kerswill (1994), one major characteristic of sociolinguistic study is finding extra-linguistic parameters relevant to the group of participants. Trudgill (1974) and Labov (2006) identify age, sex, and social class differences as extra-linguistic parameters in their study. Aside from these three parameters, (Poplack 1980) also suggests education, bilingual ability, ethnic identity, workplace and contact with other languages as extra-linguistic parameters as he investigated occurrences of codeswitching types in a group of participants. In this case, having ascertained that bilingualism is the major factor in predicting the type of language alternation pattern, one major extra-linguistic factor is the location of the artisans. The location has an effect on the degree of alternation among the monolingual artisans. However, age, gender, and position at work are not significant factors in predicting the degree of switching. 4.5.1 Reported bilingual ability As observed in the data, the main predictor of codeswitching and the input for mixed language is bilingualism. The bilinguals produce as far greater percentage to all types of codeswitching in their utterances and equally for similar structures as 111 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh monolinguals. Monolinguals were limited to only the emerging mixed language as they fused basic vocabulary into Ewe frames. 4.5.2 Location of workshops A distinction was made between monolingual artisans who were located in urban settings and those in rural settings. The urban settings in this study consist of Accra, Ho, and Hohoe. The monolinguals in the urban setting frequently use the emerging mixed language as compared to those located in rural settings such as Tsito, Kpetoe, and Ziope because of their exposure to bilingual speech. It is conceivable that those who spend most of their time in speech situations where codeswitching is predominant get more practice in the switching. They become more familiar with English vocabulary and fuse then into Ewe grammar when it is needed. Table (8) shows the statistical description of monolingual artisans located in urban settings as compared to those located in rural settings. Table 8: Location of workshops Location Frequency Percentage (%) Urban 234 57 Rural 175 43 Total 409 100 112 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The figures in table (8) indicate that 57% of a total of 409 English elements were used by the monolinguals living in towns (Accra, Ho, and Hohoe). Those living in villages constitute 43% of a total of 409 English elements. 4.6 Chapter summary In this chapter, I presented the sociolinguistic characteristics of the language used by the artisans. The chapter first focused on finding out the language ability of the artisans, whether a bilingual or a monolingual using Mackey (2000) description of bilingualism. The semi-structured interview data was analyzed. With relevant examples, it is observed that the artisans who were bilinguals responded to the entire interview questions in English. They demonstrated a high degree of proficiency in the use of the English language. However, the artisans who were not able to speak English unilingually in responding to the interview questions were classified as monolinguals because they are only fluent in Ewe. It was out of the interview that the profiles of the individual artisans were deduced. With relevant examples, the chapter further presented the linguistic features observed in the language used by the artisans. Two types of codeswitching were identified: alternational codeswitching and insertional codeswitching. Alternational codeswitching was strictly used by the bilingual artisans. This is due to their linguistic ability to alternate between two or more languages and to form longer stretches equally in Ewe and English. The second, insertional codeswitching was 113 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh identified in the speeches of both the bilinguals and the monolinguals. The insertional codeswitching was done at the lexical level. English lexical items such as nouns, verbs, and adjectives were inserted into Ewe grammatical frame. The lexical items fall under either simplex or complex words (compound words). It was further observed that there were phonological adaptations of some of the English elements used by the monolingual artisans. It is clear that the greatest effect of the monolingual‘s inability to speak English language has brought about the nativization of some English words. Discussing the social motivation behind the language used by the artisans, two language patterns emerged among the artisans at their workplace as they go about their daily activities. They are codeswitching and an emerging mixed language. These language patterns describe the two groups of artisans that made up the participants of the study. On the one hand, the bilingual artisans used Ewe- English codeswitching as the medium of communication at the workplace in general. On the other hand, the emerging mixed language also serves as the medium of communication for the monolingual artisans as they also go about their normal conversations and in discussing work-related issues at work. Using the Markedness model, it was observed that both the bilinguals and the monolinguals use their various languages patterns to create a certain identity. The artisans‘ routine use of these varieties (Ewe-English codeswitching and the emenrging mixed language) as they interact at work, in general, shows their 114 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh linguistic repertoire and social identity. The bilinguals used codeswitching to mark their identity as bilinguals (educated Ewes) who have Ewe and English language in common. The monolinguals use of the emerging mixed language also echoed their linguistic repertoire as monolinguals and social identity of belonging to a particular community of practice. Finally, the chapter touched on locations of the monolingual artisans aside from reported language ability as extra-linguistic parameters that contributed to the degree of alternation patterns among the artisans. Due to frequent exposure of monolinguals to bilingual speech in urban areas, their use of the emerging mixed language is more intense than those located in rural areas. 115 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 5.1 Introduction The purpose of the present study is to investigate the patterns of language alternation among Ewe-speaking artisans in the Volta Region and part of Greater Accra Region. Particularly, the thesis is to find out the variety of the language used among Ewe- speaking artisans who could not speak the English language unilingually but mix English words with their mother tongue, Ewe, when discussing work-related issues and in their general conversations at work. This chapter summarizes the principal issues of the various chapters, the findings of the study, its significance and a suggestion for future study. In section 5.2 ad 5.3, I present the summary of preceding chapters and key findings. This will be followed by the significances of the study and recommendations for future studies. These will be presented in sections 5.3 and 5.4 respectively. 5.2 Summary of the Study In chapter one, I introduced the subject matter of the study. Over the years, codeswitching has been associated with bilinguals. It is an identified bilingual language. It is referred to as bilingual speech in some studies. In Ghana, it is associated with educated Ghanaians who are fluent in English and an indigenous 116 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Ghanaian language. However, it was observed that people who cannot speak English unilingually (monolinguals) also mix English words with their mother tongue in their conversations. If codeswitching is associated with bilinguals, then what is the nature of the language pattern of the monolinguals? Hence, this study. I further presented the ethnographic background of Ewe speakers in Ghana. I also gave a brief history of the status of English language in Ghana. The objectives, as well as the research questions, were also presented in chapter one. In chapter two, I discussed some of the relevant issues in the literature concerning the language contact phenomena observed in the data. They are codeswitching and mixed languages. I discussed the definitions and outcome of these two language contact phenomena. It became clear from the literature on codeswitching that bilingualism is the prerequisite for codeswitching. In other words, one needs to be bilingual to be able to codeswitch. However, mixed languages are learned as they are and one needs not to be a bilingual or a multilingual to speak a mixed language. I also reviewed relevant works on language use at the workshop. The main theoretical frameworks applied to the data were also discussed in this chapter. They were Mackey‘s (2000) description of bilingualism and Markedness Model by Myers-Scotton (1993). In order to address the research questions, chapter three presents how the data was collected from the semi-structured interview and voice-recordings of free- 117 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh flowing conversations among Ewe-speaking artisans at their workplaces in the Volta Region and Accra. In chapter four, I discussed the language ability of the artisans using the semi-structured interview data. I first presented the profile of the workshops which represent the community of practice and the profiles of the individual artisans. Using Mackey‘s description of bilingualism, with relevant examples to verify the artisans‘ bilingual and monolingual background competency, the data revealed that the artisans who were bilinguals responded to the entire interview questions in English. The bilinguals demonstrated a high degree of proficiency in the use of the English language in answering the interview questions. However, the artisans who were not able to speak the English language unilingually in responding to the interview questions were classified as monolinguals because they were only fluent in the Ewe language. Chapter five concentrated on finding out the linguistic and sociolinguistic similarities and differences of language used by the artisans using the voice-recorded free-flow conversations. 5.3 Key Findings In analyzing the linguistic characteristics of the language used by the Ewe-speaking artisans, two types of codeswitching were identified: Alternational codeswitching and insertional codeswitching. Alternational codeswitching was strictly used by the 118 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh bilingual artisans. This is due to their linguistic ability to alternate between two or more languages and to form longer stretches equally in Ewe and English. The second, insertional codeswitching, was identified in the speeches of both the bilinguals and the monolinguals. The insertional codeswitching was done at the lexical level. English lexical items such as nouns, verbs, and adjectives were inserted into Ewe grammatical frame. The lexical items fall under either simplex or complex words (compound words). The findings of the study also revealed that there were phonological adaptations of some of the English elements used by the monolingual artisans. It is clear that the greatest effect of the monolingual‘s inability to speak the English language unilingually has brought about the nativization of some English words. This was manifested in the pronunciation of some of the English words. Discussing the sociolinguistic features of the language used by the artisans, the study revealed that two language patterns emerged among the artisans at their workplace as they go about their daily activities and conversations. These language patterns are ‗codeswitching‘ and ‗an emerging mixed language‘. The two language patterns describe the two groups of artisans that made up the participants of the study. On the one hand, the bilingual artisans used Ewe-English codeswitching in discussing issues related to their work and the workplace in general. On the other hand, the monolingual artisans used the emerging mixed language as they also go about their daily activities and in discussing work-related issues at work. 119 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The emerging mixed language is also made up of Ewe and English as identified in Ewe-English codeswitching. The speakers of codeswitching and the emerging mixed language can hardly identify the difference between these two languages because the embedded language is made up of similar lexical items that are inserted into Ewe frame. There is no clear difference in the structure of the two patterns of language alternations. The emerging mixed language is operationalized through the presence of codeswitching as the input and the process of borrowing. The monolinguals exposure to the identified bilingual language through borrowing of English lexical items into Ewe grammar. Using the Markedness model to analyze the social motivation for the artisans‘ use of language patterns, I observed that both the bilinguals and the monolinguals use their various language patterns to create an identity. The artisans‘ routine use of these varieties (Ewe-English codeswitching and the emerging mixed language) as they interact at work on work-related issues show their linguistic repertoire and social identity. The bilinguals used codeswitching to mark their identity as bilinguals (educated Ewes) who have Ewe and English language in common. The monolinguals‘ use of the emerging mixed language also echoed their linguistic repertoire as monolinguals and the social identity of belonging to a particular community of practice. In other words, the artisans resort to codeswitching and the emerging mixed language not because they wish to attach any special attention to 120 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh their switch but as a strategy to add a new identity to their prevailing identity as Ewe speakers. Apparently, it is clear that both codeswitching and an emerging mixed language are going on in the Ewe speech communities. There are people who related to the bilingual-speech as bilinguals (codeswitchers) and some who relate to the same speech as monolinguals (the users of the emerging mixed language). In other words, the bilinguals provide the input for the monolingual speech. The monolinguals through the process of borrowing create the emerging mixed language through the medium of exposure to bilingual speech. The two patterns of language alternation are ongoing at the same time because this is a transition from monolingual Ewe, through codeswitching to a mixed language. However, I acknowledge that this study is just the first study that will inspire further investigations. Other domains aside the work domain have to be explored to find out how much this process of an emerging mixed language is also ongoing in the other domains so that one can see more clearly that the process is actually a widespread one and the mixed language is actually what is it. The study seems to explore and give evidence of the prophecy of Asilevi that: This linguistic symbiosis has increasingly become a communicative praxis, socially accepted as a feature of daily conversational discourse in all aspects of informal interactions of the Ewe-English bilinguals. In essence, this speech habit 121 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh has become an integral part of their communicative performance and has so permeated the informal speech of the bilingual youth that one can rightly speculate that it will be no distant time when an Ewe native speaker ought to have some knowledge of English before he can function in his own speech community (1990: 2). Asilevi (1990: 2) further made a claim that ―it is likely that some generation of children may be unfortunate to acquire this speech form as their mother tongue (L1); a sort of creole emerging within the single (Ewe) group‖. 5.4 Significance of the study The worth of the study is that it focuses on the effect of codeswitching on monolingual Ewe through the process of borrowing. That is, the study explained the speech of people who cannot unilingually speak English but mix English lexical items with their mother tongue in their conversations due to their exposure to bilingual speech. Earlier research concentrated on the bilingual speech of bilinguals. Specifically, the study will be remembered for its contribution to our understanding of languages used at work places of artisans in Ghana where as shown massive lexical borrownings into local languages, from English, is taking place because of language practices of artisans who cannot speak English. These are sure 122 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh signs that mixed languages with lexicon drawn from English and grammars based on local languages will emerge eventually as already forecast by Asilevi (1990) and Amuzu (2015). 5.5 Recommendation In the data, it was observed that the speakers use both Ewe-English codeswitching and the emerging mixed language in their daily interactions. This shows that monolingual Ewe has gradually lost its purity as the result of the influence of English language. this has turned Ewe into Ewe-English codeswitching, and at the transition period to a mixed language. To what extent is this the case with other Ghanaian languages? I, recommend similar studies of the speech of artisans who speak the other Ghanaian languages in pursuit of this question. 123 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh REFERENCES Adzomada, Jacques K. 1979. L‘Ewe Standard. Lome: Institut National de Recherche Scientifiques. Agbedor, Paul Kofi. 2006. Lexical borrowing: The case of Ewe. From Linguistisc to Cultural Anthropology: Aspects of Language, Culture and Family Issues in Ghana (West Africa). München: LINCOM Europa, pp. 87-110. Ameka, Felix K. 1991. Ewe: Its grammatical constructions and illocutionary devices. Ph.D. thesis, Canberra: Australian National University. Amuzu, Evershed. 1998. Aspects of Grammatical Structure in Ewe-English Codeswitching. M.Phil. thesis, Department of Linguistics, University of Oslo, Norway. Amuzu, Evershed. 2005. Codeswitching in Ghana: Still a ‗third tongue‘ of the educated ? Legon Journal of Humanities Vol. XVI, pp. 27-53 Amuzu, Evershed. 2010. Composite codeswitching in West Africa: the of Ewe- English codeswitching. Saarbrucken, Germany: Lambert Academic Publishing. Amuzu, Evershed. 2012. Socio-pragmatics of codeswitching in Ghana. Ghana Journal of Linguistics. 2 (1), pp. 1- 22. Amuzu, Evershed. K. 2014. Producing composite codeswitching: The role of the modularity of language production. International Journal of Bilingualism, 124 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 18, 384-407. Retrieved: November, 19, 2014, from http://ijb.sagepub.com/content/18/4/384. Amuzu, Evershed. 2015. Combining the Markedness Model and the Matrix Language Frame Model in Analysing Binlingual Speech. In Stell Gerald & Kofi Yakpo (eds.), Code-switching Between Structural and Sociolinguistics Perspectives. pp 85-113. Berlin: D Gruyter. Ansre, Gilbert. 1971. Language standardization in Sub-Saharan Africa. In: Sebeok, Thomas (Ed.) Current Trends in Linguistics. Volume 7: Linguistics in Sub- Saharan Africa, pp. 680-690. The Hague: Mouton. Ansre, Gilbert. 2000. The Ewe language. In K. Gavua (ed.), A handbook of Eweland. Vol. 2 the Northern Ewes in Ghana, pp. 22- 44. Accra: Woeli. Asilevi, Francis. 1990. English-Ewe Code-mixing in conversational discourse: a case of English as a second language in Ghana. MA Thesis. University of Ghana. Auer, Peter. 1998. Introduction: Bilingual conversation revisited. In: Peter Auer (ed.), Code-switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity, 1-24. London:Routledge. Auer, Peter. 1999. From codeswitching via language mixing to fused lects: Toward a dynamic typology of bilingual speech. Journal of Bilingualism 3 (4):309- 332. 125 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Auer, Peter. 2013. Code-switching in Conversation: Language, Interaction and Identity. Routledge: New York. Bakker, Peter. 1992. 'A language of our Own': the Genesis of Michif, the Mixed Cree-French Language of the Canadian Métis. Ph.D. dissertation, UvA Amsterdam Bakker, Peter. 1994. Michif, the Cree-French mixed language of the Metis buffalo hunters in Canada. In: Peter Bakker and Maarten Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages: 15 Case Studies in Language Intertwining, 13-33. Amsterdam: Uitgave IFOTT. Bakker, Peter. 1997. A Language of Our Own: The Genesis of Michif, the Mixed Cree-French language of the Canadian Métis. New York: Oxford University Press. Bakker, Peter. 2003. Mixed languages as autonomous systems. In: Yaron Matras and Peter Bakker (eds.), The Mixed Language Debate: Theoretical and Empirical Advances, 107-50. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Capo, Hounkpati. 1979. Notes on language differentiation: lessons from a Gbe dialect survey. Anthropological Linguistics 21, 419-442. Clements, George N. 1972. The verbal syntax of Ewe. Ph.D. thesis. University of London. 126 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Dalton, Lorraine, Sandra Edwards, Rosaleen Farquarson, Sarah Oscar, and Patrick McConvell 1995 Gurindji children's language and language maintenance. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 113: 83-98. Drapeau, Lynn. 1991. Michif replicated: the emergence of a mixed language in Northern Quebec. Paper presented at the 10th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Amsterdam. Dzameshie, Alex. 1994. Communicative competence and code choice: The case of codeswitching by a bilingual family. Ms. Dzameshie, Alex. 1996. Toward a global explanation of unmarked codeswitching: Evidence from Ewe-English bilingual codeswitching. Ms. Eckert, Penelope, & Sally McConnell-Ginet. 1992. "Think practically and look locally: Language and gender as community-based practice." Annual Review of Anthropology 21: 461-490. Fabb, Nigel. 1998. Compounding. In Andrew Spencer & Arnold M. Zwicky (Eds.), The handbook of morphology. Pp. 66-83. Oxford Basil Blackwell. Fasold, Ralph. 1984. The sociolinguistics of society: Introduction to sociolinguistics volume Forson, Barn. 1979. Codeswitching in Akan-English Bilingualism. Ph.D. Thesis. California: University of California. Forson, Barn. 1988. Code-switching, our third tongue. Universitas 10: 180–194. Gardner-Chloros, Penelope. 1991. Language selection and switching in Strasbourg. 127 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Gardner-Chloros, Penelope. 2009. Code-Switching. New York: Cambridge University Press. Grosjean, François. 2001. The bilingual‘s language modes. In Janet L. Nicol (ed.), One Mind, Two Languages: Bilingual Language Processing. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Gumperz, John. 1982. Discourse strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gunnarsson, Britt-Louise. 2009. Discourse in organisations and workplaces. In L. Wei & V. Cook (eds.), Contemporary applied linguistics: Vol.2 Linguistics for the real world. Pp 121 -141. London, UK: Continuum. Hock, Hans Henrich. 1986. Principles of Historical Linguistics. Mouton: Walter de Gruyter Holmes, Janet. 1992. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. UK: Longman Group Ltd. 1 Language in society, 5. Holmes, Janet and Riddiford, Nicky. 2010. Professional and personal identity at work: Achieving a synthesis through intercultural workplace talk. Journal of Intercultural Communication, 22, 6. Jake, Janice L. and Carol Myers-Scotton. 1997. "Codeswitching and compromise strategies: Implications for lexical structure." International Journal of Bilingualism 1 (1) pp. 25-39. 128 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Kassim, Hafizoah and Ali, Fatimah. 2010. English communicative events and skills needed at the workplace. Feedback from the industry. English for Specific Purposes, 29, pp. 168- 182. Kerswill, Paul. 1994. Dialect converging: rural speech in urban Norway. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. Labov, William. 1972. Sociolinguistic Patterns. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Labov, William. 2006. The social stratification of English in New York City. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lave, Jean & Etienne Wenger. 1991. Situated learning: Legitimate peripheral participation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mackey, William. 2000. The description of bilingualism. In Li Wei (ed.), The Bilingualism Readers, pp. 26- 56. London: Routledge. McConvell, Patrick. 1988. Mix-im-up: Aboriginal code-switching, old and new. In Codeswitching: Anthropological and sociolinguistic perspectives, pp.97- 124. McConvell, Patrick. 2007. "Mixed languages as outcomes of code-switching: Recent examples from Australia and their implications." Journal of Language Contact 2 (1), pp. 187-212. McWilliams, Krislyn, Manuela Nelson, and Meghan Oxley. 2006. In Anglo- Romani. Washington: Faculty Washington. 129 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Meakins, Felicity. 2007. Case marking in contact: The development and function of case morphology in Guringji Kriol, an Australian mixed language. PhD dissertation, Dept. of Linguistics and Applied Linguistics, University of Melbourne. Meakins, Felicity. 2008. Land, language and identity: The socio-political origins of Gurindji Kriol. In: Miriam Meyerhoff and Naomi Nagy (eds.), Social Lives in Language, 69-94. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Meakins, Felicity. 2013. Mixed languages. Contact languages: A comprehensive guide, pp.159-228. Meakins. Felicity. 2018. Mixed Languages. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics. Mensah, Nana Esi. 2015. Codeswitching among Agona/English speakers in Agona Swedru: A case study of two churches. Master‘s thesis, University of Ghana, Legon. Milroy, Lesley, and Pieter Muysken. eds. 1995. One speaker, two languages: Cross- disciplinary perspectives on code-switching. Cambridge University Press. Mircea cel Batran" Naval Academy, 18(2). Pp. 405. Morris, Lanita. 1998. The Function of English in Contemporary Ghanaian Society. African Diaspora ISPs. Paper 52. Pp. 1-23 130 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Mous, Maarten. 1994. Ma‘a or Mbugu. In: Peter Bakker and Maarten Mous (eds). Mixed Languages: 15 Case studies in Language Intertwining. Pp 175-200. Amsterdam: Uitgave IFOTT. Muysken, Pieter. 1994. Callahuaya. In: Peter Bakker and Maarten Mous (eds.), Mixed Languages:15 Case studies in Language Intertwining. Pp. 207-211. Amsterdam: Uitgave IFOTT. Muysken, Pieter. 1995. Code-switching and grammatical theory. In L. Milroy & P. Muysken (eds.), One speaker two languages: Cross-disciplinary perspectives on code-switching. Pp. 177-198. New York: Cambridge University Press. Muysken, Pieter. 1997. Media Lengua. In: Sarah Grey Thomason (ed.), Contact Languages: A Wider Perspective. Pp. 365-426. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Muysken, Pieter. 2000. Bilingual Speech: A Typology of Code-Mixing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Myers-Scotton, Carol. 1993. Social Motivations for Code Switching: Evidence from Africa. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Myers-Scotton, Carol. 2002. Contact Linguistics: Bilingual Encounters and Grammatical Outcomes. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 131 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Nyavor, Rita Yayra. 2017. Akan-English Codeswitching on Ghanaian TV Talk Shows: The Case of ‘THE DELAY SHOW‘. Master‘s thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology. O‘Grady, William., Archibald, John, & Katamba, Francis. 2011. Contemporary Linguistics: An introduction (2nd ed.). Essex: Pearson Education. Poplack, Shana. 1978. Syntactic structure and social function of code-switching. Vol. 2. Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños, [City University of New York] Poplack, Shana. 1980. Sometimes I‗ll start a sentence in Spanish y terminal Espanol: Towards atypology of code-switching. Linguistics, 18, 581-618. Poplack, Shana. 2001. In NJ Smelser & B. Baltes (eds.), International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. pp. 2062—2065. Ring, Andrew J. (ed.) 2008. Language structures of Sekpele (Likpe). Tamale: GILLBT. Sirbu, Anca. 2015. The significance of language as a tool of communication. Scientific Bulletin." Tange, Hanne and Lauring, Jakob. 2009. Language management and social interaction within the multilingual workplace. Journal of Communication Management 13 (3). Pp 218-32. Stahlke, Herbert. 1971. Topics in Ewe Phonology. Ph.D. thesis, Los Angeles: UCLA. Stewart, John M. 1989. Kwa. In: Bendor-Samuel, John. Ed. The Niger-Congo languages, pp. 217-246 Lanham: The University Press of America. 132 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Thomason, Sarah & Kaufman Terrence. 1988. Language contact, creolization and genetic linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press. Thomason, Sarah & Kaufman Terrence. 2001. Language contact (pp. 8325-8329). Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Trudgill, Peter. 1974. The social differentiation of English in Norwich. Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press. Weinreich, Uriel. 1953. Languages in contact. The Hague: Mouton. Wenger-Trayner, Etienne, & Beverly Wenger-Trayner. 2015. "Communities of practice." A brief introduction retrieved from: http://wenger-trayner. com/wp content/uploads/2015/04/07-Brief-introduction-to-communities- of-practice. Pdf (assessed 19 October 2016). Winford, Donald. 2003. An introduction to contact linguistics. Vol. 33. Oxford: Blackwell. 133 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh APPENDICES APPENDIX 1 THE INTERVIEW QUESTIONS: 1. What is your name? 2. How old are you? 3. Where do you come from? 4. What is your highest level of education? 5. Where did you school? 6. Why did you choose to learn this particular trade?/ What are the processes one needs to go through to start learning this work? 7. What are your future plans? APPENDIX 2 INTERVIEW DATA SAMPLES OF INTERVIEW DATA OF BILINGUALS Interview 1: The interviewer and Attipoe, a bilingual motor-mechanic (Mst. 2 -B). 1 Interviewer: Good afternoon boss 2 Mst. 2 -B: Good afternoon 3 Interviewer: I hope all is well? 4 Mst. 2 -B: Aah! We are managing by his grace. And you? 134 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5 Interviewer: I am managing just like you are doing. (laughter) 6 Interviewer: Please what is your name? 7 Mst.2 -B: Attipoe 8 Interviewer: Are you from Ho? 9 Mst.2 -B: No, I come from Agu in Togo. 10 Interviewer: I see. Please, how old are you? 11 Mst.2 -B: Thirty-eight (38). I am thirty-eight (38) years old 12 Interviewer: What is your highest level of education? 13 Mst.2 -B: Me! I went to SHS oh. SHS. 14 Interviewer: At where? 15 Mst.2 -B: I attended school in Kejebi. 16 Interviewer: Why have you decided to become a motor-mechanic? 17 Mst.2 -B: Hmm! It is a long story. My father died when I was in SSS 1. So, when I completed SSS there was nobody to help me. I moved to my Auntie in Hohoe. She took me to one of my father‘s friends who is a motor mechanic. It was there I learned it. I worked there for some time before coming to this place to open a shop. You know it is now that using motor and tricycles are becoming common in Ho. So I am here. 18 Interviewer: Yes, I can see. You have a lot of clients. 19 Mst.2 -B: Now kraa (Now) it is down. There are other shops in town. 20 Interviewer: So how long have you been doing this work? 135 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 21 Mst.2 -B: Seven years….., yes seven years. 22 Interviewer: Ok. Thank you. All the best. 23 Mst.2 -B: Thank you too. Interview 2: The interviewer and a motor-mechanic (Appr. 16 -B). Interviewer: Good morning Appr. 16- B: Good morning Madam Interviewer: How are you? Appr. 16- B: I am doing well, Madam. What about you? Interviewer: I am also fine by His grace. Appr. 16- B: Amen! We thank God. Interviewer: Waoooo! What a nice wardrobe! How much is it? Appr. 16- B: It is Just a thousand two hundred Ghana Cedis (GH 1200.00) Interviewer: Just thousand two hundred Ghana Cedis (GH 1200.00)? Eii! You call that just? (Laughter) Appr. 16- B: Eii madam! This is three in one ooo. It is very cheap here. Interviewer: I see. It is very expensive. Appr. 16- B: Ours is quality ooo. You can see how nice it is. Interviewer: Who did it? Appr. 16- B: It is me now…..(Laughter). Interviewer: Really! What is your name? 136 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr. 16- B: I am called Korku. Interviewer: Korku. How old are you? Appr. 16- B: I am twenty-seven (27) years old. Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr. 16- B: Hmm madam, I went to SHS. I completed Tsito Sectech. Interviewer: At where? Appr. 16- B: Tsito, in the Volta Region. Interviewer: Oh ok. You went to technical school. No wonder! Is that why you have decided to be a carpenter? Appr. 16- B: Not really ooo madam. I did not pass well. My results were bad oo, madam. Interviewer: Why have you decided to become a carpenter? Appr. 16- B: My master is my uncle. After SHS, I came to stay with him so; I have decided to learn carpentry with him. And because I went to technical school, it has helped me. Interviewer: What are your future plans when you finish your apprenticeship? Appr. 16- B: I am also due to finish. But, I will work with my uncle for a few years, save some money and open my own workshop. Interviewer: Great. Good idea. Wish you all the best. Appr. 16- B: Thank you. Interviewer: But I am interested in the wardrobe. But it is too expensive. 137 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh (Laughter) Appr. 16- B: When you are ready, we will see what we can do. I will give you a nice wardrobe. You will use it for so many years. (Laughter) Interviewer: Ok Interview 3: An Interview between the researcher and an apprentice seamstress, Appr. 6- B Interviewer: Hello Appr. 6- B: Hello madam Interviewer: How is work? Appr. 6- B: We are managing, madam. Interviewer: Please, I am looking for your madam? Appr. 6- B: She just stepped out. Please sit done. She will come soon. Interviewer: Okay. Thank you. Are you the senior apprentice? Appr. 6- B: No. Our senior didn‘t come to work today. Interviewer: Oh okay. Please, what is your name? Appr. 6- B: Esi. My name is Esi Interviewer: Esi, how long have you been working here? Appr. 6- B: Almost three years. Yes. I came here in 2016. Interviewer: How old are you? Appr. 6- B: Twenty-five (25). I am twenty-five (25) 138 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr. 6- B: SHS. I attended SHS in Kumasi. Interviewer: Which year did you complete? Appr. 6- B: I completed in 2015. Interviewer: Why didn‘t you further your education but decided to learn sewing? Appr. 6- B: Because of money, Madam. There was no money for me to continue my education. Interviewer: So are you staying with your parents here in Accra? Appr. 6- B: No. I am staying with my Aunt. My parents are in Kumasi. I came to stay with my Aunt after I completed SHS. Interviewer: Where do you come from? Appr. 6- B: I come from Ho. My father and mother are all from Ho but they went to stay in Kumasi. Interviewer: So, who asked you to learn sewing? Among all the professions, why sewing? Appr. 6- B: I liked it. I chose sewing myself. I want to become a fashion designer. I did Home Economics in SHS. I did clothing and textile. So I like it. I can sew very well. I sew for people. Interviewer: I see. I will bring a cloth for you to sew for me one of these days. Appr. 6- B: Try me and see. You will always bring your fabric for me to sew for you. I will become your seamstress forever. 139 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh (Laughter) Interview 4: An interview between the interviewer and a bilingual hairdresser, Mst. 17- B. Interviewer: Good morning madam Mst. 17- B: Good morning madam. You are welcome. Interviewer: Thank you. Please, what is your name? Mst. 17- B: My name is Perpetual. Interviewer: Please are you from Hohoe? Mst. 17- B: No. I come from Klife, near Ho. Interviewer: Oh okay. Please, how old are you? Mst. 17- B: I will be forty-seven years in a month‘s time. Interviewer: Please how long have you been a hairdresser? Mst. 17- B: Hmm, very long time. Close to twenty-years. Interviewer: What is your level of education? Mst. 17- B: JSS. It is now JHS or? Interviewer: Yes, JHS. Why did you decide to be a hairdresser? Mst. 17- B: That is what I wanted to become. I chose it myself. When I completed JSS, my parents want me to go to SSS but I refused. I always wanted to become a beautician. My parents refused but I told them I want to do what I have interest in. Interviewer: And they finally agreed? 140 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Mst. 17- B: that time we were in Hohoe here. My father was a police officer. Luckily for me, he was transferred to Accra so, we all moved to Accra. When we settled in Accra, my father enrolled me in one of the biggest hairdressing salons. That was where I learned the hairdressing. I came back to Hohoe when I got married. So, I opened my own salon here. Interviewer: It is a nice and very busy place. Mst. 17- B: Yes. Interviewer: What does one need to do to sign an agreement with you? To learn hairdressing? Interviewer: You have to buy some things and pay an agreement fee. We have a list that everything is written on it. Interviewer: Okay, sister Perpetual, thank you. Mst. 17- B: You welcome my dear. Any time you come to Hohoe, come and do your hair here. Interviewer: You must even set my hair for me before I leave. Interview 5: The interviewer and an auto mechanic apprentice, Appr. 28- B Interviewer: Good afternoon gentleman. Appr. 28- B: Good afternoon Madam Interviewer: How are you? Appr. 28- B: I am fine by God‘s grace, and you? Interviewer: I am also doing well. What is your name? 141 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr. 28- B: I am called John. John Agbenyega. Interviewer: John, where do you come from? Appr. 28- B: I am from this town. I am a native of Ho. Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr. 28- B: JHS. I completed JHS in 2015. I attended Ho Experimental JHS. Interviewer: Then why didn‘t you continue your education? Appr. 28- B: I did pass most of the subjects. So I decided to learn auto mechanic. I like it. I enjoy my work. I always wanted to go to technical school and Poly to learn the same profession. So, I like it. Interviewer: I can see that. Are you the senior apprentice? Appr. 28- B: No, I am the second apprentice. Interviewer: What are your future plans where you end your apprenticeship? Appr. 28- B: I will end my apprenticeship by the end of next years. I will continue to work with my master for a few years, get money some money and open my own workshop. Interviewer: Oh okay. I wish you all the best. Appr. 28- B: Thank you, madam. SAMPLES OF INTERVIEW DATA OF MONOLINGUALS Interview 6: Interview between the researcher and Francois, a monolingual motor- mechanic, Appr.3- M Interviewer: How are you? 142 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr.3- M: Fine. Interviewer: What is your name? Appr.3-M: Korku Interviewer: How old are you? Appr.3 -M: Twenty-seven (27) Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr.3 –M: Nnnn? Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr.3 –M: Ebe? (You said) Interviewer: I said, what is your level of education? Appr.3 –M: Hmm! Togo school mede? (I schooled at Togo) Interviewer: Ok. Interview 7: An interview between the interviewer and a monolingual tailor, Appr. 10- M Interviewer: Good afternoon Appr. 10- M: Afternoon Interviewer: How are you? Appr. 10- M: Fine. Interviewer: What is your name? Appr. 10- M: Felix Interviewer: How old are you? 143 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr. 10- M: Twenty-five Interviewer: Where do you come from? Appr. 10- M: Togo, Agu. Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr. 10- M: Ee (Yes) Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr.10- M: Ayoo (No) Interviewer: Where did you school? Appr. 10- M: Nn. (pardon) Interviewer: Why have you decided to learn tailoring? Appr. 10- M: Hmm, no. Interviewer: Why tailoring, not any other profession? Appr. 10- M: Hmm Interviewer: Why? Appr. 10- M: No Interviewer: What are your future plans? Appr. 10- M: (silence) Interview 8: An interview between the interviewer and a monolingual seamstress, Mst. 8- M Interviewer: Good morning Mst. 8- M: Morning 144 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Interviewer: How is work? Mst. 8- M: Hmm, mile edzi (we are going our best) Interviewer: Please, what is your name? Mst. 8- M: Interview 4: What is your level of education? Mst. 8- M: Mmm! Interviewer: What is your level of education? Mst. 8- M: Oh! A client: Wobe fika ede suzu va sɛ? (What is your level of education?) Mst. 8- M: Ah! Oo! (Laughter) Primary. Nyeme de suku yi ŋgɔ ooo. (I did not go to school for long) Interviewer: Madam, why did you decide to become a seamstress? Mst. 8- M: (Laughter) Madam, meɖekuku mido Ʋegbe? (Madam, please, let us speak Ewe) Interview 9: An interview between the interviewer and a monolingual welder, Appr.30- M Interviewer: Good morning. Appr. 30- M: Yah! Morning. Interviewer: How are you? Appr. 30- M: fine Interviewer: How old are you? 145 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Appr. 30- M: Twenty-six Interviewer: Where do you come from? Appr. 30- M: Metso Peki (I come from Peki) Interviewer: What is your level of education? Appr. 30- M: (Silence) Interviewer: I am looking for your master. Appr. 30- M: Mmm! Oh! (Silence) Interviewer: Where is your master? Appr. 30- M: Meɖeku, ʄonu kple nyeʄe senior (Please, talk to my senior) Interview 10: An interview between the interviewer and a monolingual air condition repairer, Mst. 35- M Interviewer: Good afternoon Mst. 35- M: Good day Interviewer: Please what is your name? Mst. 35- M: Agbe Interviewer: Where do you come from? Mst. 35- M: Adutor. Volta Interviewer: What is your level of education? Mst. 35- M: Oh! Primary. Class 6. Interviewer: Why have you decided to become an air condition repairer? Mst. 35- M: Hmm! (silence) 146 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Interviewer: Why this profession? Mst. 35- M: Mese Ʋegbe ooo? (Can‘t you speak Ewe?) Interviewer: Yes, I can. Mst. 35- M: Mido Ʋegbea? (Let us speak Ewe) Interviewer: Okay 147