UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 

 

 

COMMUNITY POLICING AND CRIME PREVENTION IN EDGE CITIES: 

INSIGHTS FROM AWUTU SENYA EAST MUNICIPALITY 

 

 

BY 

SOPHIA ACHEAMPONG 

10106493 

 

 

THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, 

LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE 

AWARD OF MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES  

 

 

 

 

 

 

JULY, 2015



i 
 

DECLARATION 

I, Sophia Acheampong, hereby declare that this work is as a result of my own research work 

except for references to other people’s work which have been duly acknowledged. This work 

has not been presented in part or whole to this university or any other university for any 

degree. 

 

 

 

 

 

…………………………………..   ………………………………….. 

SOPHIA ACHEAMPONG       DATE 

10106493 

 

 

 

 

 

…………………………………..   ………………………………….. 

PROF. GEORGE OWUSU       DATE 

(SUPERVISOR) 

 



ii 
 

DEDICATION 

This work is dedicated to Almighty God for making this possible and then to Raphael, My 

Heat Beat.



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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

Glory be to God Almighty for seeing me through this MA programme. I also wish to thank 

all the lecturers at ISSER for their immense academic instruction. Special thanks go to my 

supervisor, Professor George Owusu and the Course Coordinator, Dr. Simon Bawakyillenuo, 

for their guidance and for pointing out a clear pathway in my academic endeavours. 

I am especially grateful to the coordinators of the Urban Crime Project – Prof. George 

Owusu, Prof Martin Oteng-Ababio, Dr. Charlotte Wrigley-Asante and Rev. Dr. Adobea Yaa 

Owusu for their supervision and technical inputs into this study. I wish to acknowledge my 

colleagues on the project for their immense assistance: Louis, Jane and Daniel. In addition, I 

am grateful for the financial contribution from the UK Government’s Department for 

International Development (DFID) and the International Development Research Centre 

(IDRC), Ottawa, Canada. 

I appreciate the outstanding support I received from officers of the Community Policing 

Department at Tesano, from the Kasoa District Police Commander and from the officers of 

the  Awutu Senya East Municipality, especially the MCE and the Planning Officer. I also 

owe much to all those family members and friends who had offered a listening ear in 

challenging occasions. Special thanks to Susan for her faith in me and her mighty chats. My 

parents also deserve a special thank you for understanding the stresses of a graduate student 

and providing the means for my accomplishment. 

God richly Bless you all. 

 

 

 

 

 



iv 
 

TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Content              Page 

DECLARATION....................................................................................................................... i 

DEDICATION.......................................................................................................................... ii 

TABLE OF CONTENTS ....................................................................................................... iv 

LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................................. ix 

LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................. x 

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................ xi 

ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................ xii 

CHAPTER ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION ............................................................... 1 

1.1 Background of the study .................................................................................................. 1 

1.2 Problem Statement ........................................................................................................... 5 

1.3 Research Questions .......................................................................................................... 9 

1.4 Research Objectives ......................................................................................................... 9 

1.5 Justification of the study ................................................................................................ 10 

1.6 Definition of Concepts ................................................................................................... 10 

1.6.1 Community Policing ................................................................................................ 10 

1.6.2 Defining Crime ........................................................................................................ 11 

1.6.3 Crime Prevention ..................................................................................................... 11 

1.6.4 Edge Cities ............................................................................................................... 12 

1.7 Organization of the Study .............................................................................................. 12 



v 
 

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................... 13 

2.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 13 

2.2. Urbanisation Trends: - The Ghanaian Experience ........................................................ 13 

2.3 Urbanisation and the incidence of crime ........................................................................ 16 

2.4 The Challenges Facing Edge Cities ............................................................................... 18 

2.5 Policing in Ghana ........................................................................................................... 20 

2.6 Explaining the Causality of Crime ................................................................................. 22 

2.6.1 The Social Disorganisation Theory ......................................................................... 22 

2.6.2 The Routine Activities Theory .................................................................................. 23 

2.6.3 The Broken Window Theory .................................................................................... 24 

2.7 Urban Crime Prevention strategies ................................................................................ 26 

2.8 Understanding community policing ............................................................................... 27 

2.8.1 Community Policing and Crime Prevention ............................................................ 29 

2.9 Conceptual Framework for Community Policing and Crime Prevention in ASEMA ... 31 

CHAPTER THREE: THE STUDY METHODOLOGY AND STUDY AREA ............... 36 

3.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 36 

3.2 Research Design ............................................................................................................. 36 

3.3 Data Requirement and Sources ...................................................................................... 37 

3.4 Research Instruments ..................................................................................................... 41 

3.4.1 Questionnaires ......................................................................................................... 41 

3.4.2 Interviews................................................................................................................. 42 

3.5 Sampling Techniques and sample size ........................................................................... 43 



vi 
 

3.6 Analytical Strategy ......................................................................................................... 44 

3.7 Ethical issues .................................................................................................................. 45 

3.8 Study Location – Awutu Senya East Municipal Assembly ........................................... 46 

3.8.1 General Background................................................................................................ 46 

3.8.2 Location and Size..................................................................................................... 46 

3.8.3 Demographic Characteristics.................................................................................. 

3.8.4 Political and Administrative Structure .................................................................... 

3.8.5 Economy .................................................................................................................. 

3.8.6 Health ...................................................................................................................... 

3.8.7 Education ................................................................................................................. 

3.9 Conclusion ...................................................................................................................... 

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND DISCUSSION .......................................................... 

4.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 

4.2 Evolution of Community Policing (CP) ......................................................................... 

4.3 Institutionalisation of CP in Ghana ................................................................................ 

4.4 Models Effective for Crime Prevention ......................................................................... 

4.5 Effects of Community Policing on Crime Prevention in ASEMA ................................ 

4.6 Public engagement with Community Policing ............................................................... 

4.7 Police –Collaboration with other Agencies (Municipal Assembly)............................... 

4.8 Socio-Economic Characteristics of Respondents ........................................................... 

4.8.1 Marital Status .......................................................................................................... 

4.8.2   Ethnicity of Respondents ....................................................................................... 

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4.9 Community Policing in ASEMA ................................................................................... 

4.10 Current Security Situation in Research Localities ....................................................... 

4.10.1 Perceived Neighbourhood Safety .......................................................................... 

4.10.2 Fear of Crime ........................................................................................................ 

4.10.3 Risk of Victimisation .............................................................................................. 

4.10.4 Channels of Engagement with CP (Victims) ......................................................... 

4.11 Engagement with Community Policing ....................................................................... 

4.11.1 Relationship between CP and Community ............................................................ 

4.12 Testing of Study’s Hypothesis ..................................................................................... 

4.12.1 Test of Hypothesis of Study- CP Performance and Perceived Safety .................... 

4.12.2 Test of Hypothesis of Study - CP Performance and Likelihood of Victimisation .. 

4.13 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ......... 

5.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 

5.2 Summary of Findings ..................................................................................................... 

5.3 Recommendations for Policy Making ............................................................................ 

BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................. 

Appendix 1: Interview Guide ............................................................................................. 

Appendix 2: Survey Questionnaire .................................................................................... 

  

 

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APPENDICES ................................................................................................................... 



viii 
 

 



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LIST OF TABLES 

Table 2. 1: Urbanisation in Ghana, 1960 to 2010. ............................................................... 14 

Table 2.2: Metropolitan Growth, 1970 to 2010. .................................................................. 15 

Table 2.3: Urban Population Trends and Growth Rates of 16 Towns With Populations 

Greater Than 40,000 in 2010................................................................................................. 15 

Table 3.2: Population Growth-Municipal Capital, Kasoa ................................................. 51 

Table 4.1:  Socio-Economic Characteristics of Respondents ............................................. 58 

Table 4.2: -Marital status of the respondents per various research localities. ................. 60 

Table 4.3:  Ethnicity of Respondents ................................................................................... 62 

Table 4.4a: Contact/ Interaction between C P Team and Respondents ........................... 65 

Table 4.4b: Nature of contact/interaction with CP team ................................................... 65 

Table 4.5: Assessment of CP Activities within the Neighbourhoods ................................. 66 

Table 4.6: Regularity of CP presence in the community .................................................... 68 

Table 4.7: CP Effect on Neighbourhood Security and Safety ............................................ 70 

Table 4.8: Effects of CP on Fear of Crime........................................................................... 72 

Table 4.9: CP effect on Neighbourhood Security and Risk of Victimisation ................... 73 

Table 4.10:  CP and Public Engagement ............................................................................. 78 

Table 4.11: CP Performance and Perceived Safety ............................................................ 81 

Table 4.12: CP Performance and Likelihood of Victimisation .......................................... 83 

 



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LIST OF FIGURES 

Figure 2. 1: Conceptual Framework Based on Routine Activities & Social 

Disorganisation Theories. ...................................................................................................... 33 

Figure 3. 1: Sign Post to Krispol City Neighbourhood ....................................................... 38 

Figure 3. 3: Ofaakor new settlement with uncompleted buildings and old settlement 

made up of indigenous settlers .............................................................................................. 40 

Figure 3.4: Some women preparing food for sale in Kasoa Zongo (a home based 

enterprise) ............................................................................................................................... 40 

Figure 3.5: Map of Awutu Senya East Municipality .......................................................... 47 

Figure 4.1: Divisional Police Command, Kasoa .................................................................. 60 

Figure 4.2: The New Market Police Station ........................................................................ 65 

Figure 4.3: New Kasoa District Court building supported by ASEMA ........................... 66 

Figure 4.3: Awareness of CP activities in the various neighbourhoods ............................ 64 

Figure 4.2: Channels used by Victims for call to service .................................................... 76 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 

ASEMA……………………………………………... Awutu Senya East Municipal Assembly  

CP ………………………………………………………………………...Community Policing 

CPA……………………………………………………………Community Police Assistants 

GPS…………………………………………………………………… Ghana Police Service 

MISEC…………………………………………………………… Municipal Security Council 

MTDP……………………………………………………… Medium Term Development Plan 

NWG …………………………………………………………..Neighbourhood Watch Groups 

NYEP……………………………………………… National Youth Employment Programme 

SRT …………………………………………………………………...Social Resource Theory 

ZTP …………………………………………………………………...Zero Tolerance Policing



xii 
 

ABSTRACT 

The study looks at the concept of community policing (CP) in crime prevention in an edge 

city such as the Awutu Senya East Municipality (ASEMA).  Specifically the research 

investigated the evolution and institutional arrangements governing CP practices within the 

municipality, assessed the impact of CP on community safety, crime reduction, fear of crime 

and risk of victimisation. The study further evaluated the mechanisms employed by the 

community police in engaging the community in crime prevention and the maintenance of 

public order. The analysis of questionnaires administered to 120 residents from three 

different neighbourhoods, namely high income, middle income and low income communities  

revealed that CP was  active in the municipality and its introduction has somewhat reduced 

crime and fear of crime in the various communities, especially in the low income community. 

Interviews conducted with some police and municipal assembly officers revealed that edge 

cities are an outgrowth of the rapid urbanisation process and are deficient in infrastructure, 

social cohesion and that they lack the ability to negotiate for quality of life and services, 

which have serious consequences on crime. Further, CP is not specialised function of a single 

police unit, rather every police officer is trained to carry out the work of CP. Some challenges 

encountered in implementing CP strategies included poor collaboration between local 

government agencies and apathy on the part of community to build strong partnership with 

police as well as limited human capacity and appropriate resources.  In the light of these 

findings the study recommended that there is a critical need to establish a strong relationship 

with CP, the local government agencies and the entire community. Also, training of the 

police should be based on specialised instruction in CP and community restructuring at the 

local level where both formal and informal social control are the main sources of crime. 

Further the community is to be encouraged to invest in promoting order and security in the 

various neighbourhoods.  



1 
 

CHAPTER ONE 

GENERAL INTRODUCTION 

1.1 Background of the study 

The provision of security and law enforcement within every human settlement in any 

jurisdiction – a village, hamlet, cottage, town, city, metropolis, mega-polis, etc. - has 

primarily been the preoccupation of the security agencies, particularly, the police service 

(Ake, 1981).  In most countries, security agencies have been at the fore front in preventing 

and solving crimes such as burglary, theft, and robbery - crimes that have an immediate and 

visible impact on the quality of life on the citizenry.  In the face of increasing urbanisation, 

rapid globalisation and trade liberalisation, coupled with the changing nature and volume of 

threats, local law enforcement agencies will have to adopt, adapt and modify existing 

policing strategies in order to meet the current challenge of enhancing public safety and 

security (Wikstrom & Dolmen, 2001; Fridell, 2004).  

Over the years, especially in the early 1980s, the literature concerning traditional policing 

models was conclusive on the deficits, in reference to the unchanging nature in rates and 

occurrence of crime and disorderly behaviour (Walker, 1999). The old model advocated an 

increase in the number of police officers as a panacea to the growing levels of crime and 

disorder in the community. In regards to this, Greene (1998) further argues that, the notion 

was that by increasing police size, there could be more personnel to handle threats to public 

safety, thus ensuring a more effective and efficient policing strategy. In time past, reactive 

models such as Zero Tolerance Policing (ZTP) advocated the immediate arrest of offenders 

of minor crimes such as public urination, vandalism of public property and panhandling 

(Walker, 1999; Lum, 2009; Holmes, 2006). This punitive system was seen as a means to 



2 
 

address the Broken Windows phenomenon by making the arrest for the minutest crime 

committed. Such immediate arrest alerts potential offenders that such acts of disorderliness 

will not be tolerated within the community (Lersch, 2007). ZPT however has been strongly 

criticized for the potential of wrong targeting, in that some victims of circumstance such as 

the economically disadvantaged and minority groups present at the crime scene may be 

wrongly arrested by virtue of some obvious characteristics (Greene, 1999; Sampson & 

Raudenbush, 1999). This practice is also seen as contributing to a breakdown in normal 

family life and a destruction of community building, especially in minority areas, through 

repeat arrests for minor offences (Greene, 1999). 

 The existing literature on traditional policing also espouses that the only means to regain and 

continue to build both formal and informal social control systems is the full use of the 

criminal justice process for all manner of crimes. By enforcing these elements of the law, it 

will automatically lead to a reduction in fear, physical and human forms of disorder and 

reduce crime (Fridell and Wycoff, 2004). Further evaluative studies on the subject reveal that, 

for instance, immediate arrest of offenders does not address the primary problem that 

triggered such an offence but only takes care of the instant issues and effects (Bailey, 1998) 

which ultimately erodes the confidence and morale needed to build effective police-

community collaborations. From hence, the growing dissatisfaction in the traditional 

policing, particularly in the developed countries was palpable and thus necessitated new 

reforms in both institutional arrangement and operational strategies (McPherson, 2004).  

As it was noted in the results released from the Kansas City Preventive Patrol Experiment of 

1971 conducted in the South Patrol Division in Kansas City, Missouri, community members 

became indifferent with increases or decreases in the magnitude of police service (Lersch, 

2007). This was due to the fact that huge increases or decreases in police visibility did not 

have any impact on the level of crime and fear of crime (Lersch, 2007).  



3 
 

Progressively, law enforcement agencies within countries have sought to address the causes 

and reduce the fear of crime in communities through the use of their institutional 

arrangements (Appiahene-Gyamfi, 2003), complemented with the creation of effective 

partnerships with the community and other public and private-sector resources. Attempts 

have also been made to apply problem solving strategies or tactics, and to transform the 

agency’s organisation and culture to meet the current demand of enhancing public and 

individual safety and security (Lersch, 2007).  

In light of this, there has been an urgent call for a new policing model which focuses not only 

on addressing the areas of crime prevention but equally important, focuses on intelligence 

gathering and information sharing. More so, the need to collaborate or make use of 

conventional local institutions and mechanisms outside the police have been suggested as an 

effective way of enhancing public security, either to make local communities part of the 

security arrangement or bring the dispensation of justice to the community level (Eck, and 

Rosenbaum, 1994).  

The Ghana Police Service (GPS) is also a clear case of an institution that also need a shift and 

orientation as it continues to be dominated by the traditional policing strategy which involves 

mainly increasing police size, incessant raids at perceived and actual crime hotspots and other 

reactive modes of policing (Tankebe, 2008). Such policing strategies have produced limited 

opportunities for making use of conventional institutions outside the police as well as limited 

engagement with the community as a whole. In fact as Tankebe (2008) has rightly noted, the 

traditional policing strategies of the GPS, which has served to protect the interest of the ruling 

class since independence and which has also been reactive in dealing with public safety and 

security, has led to a situation where there is general loss of confidence and legitimacy in the 

GPS. Thus a policing strategy that will restore confidence and incorporate the community has 

been recognized as a much more useful approach. 



4 
 

Base on this broader understanding, some scholars (Boye-Doe, 2007) have suggested that 

community policing (CP) can be a panacea and actually fit into the overall national strategies 

for crime prevention. The new era of CP is intended to be more proactive and interactive 

from the grassroots instead of the former notion of traditional professional policing which 

emphasizes on police (re)structuring and enforcement of laws as the only means of 

addressing crime and enhancing public safety (Weisburd, 2006). Meanwhile it has been 

suggested that the Police and other security services can be effective if they are responsive to 

people’s needs; their operations are to be visible and more decentralised. Also, CP practices 

are also aimed at an orientation towards collective problem identification and a solution in 

order to reduce crime as well as the influence of criminal law and procedures in communities. 

As noted, the shortcomings of traditional policing catalysed the evolution of CP. The practice 

assumes several forms and ranges from police services increasing their visibility to improved 

interaction in neighbourhoods. The drive for visibility is promoted through opening visibility 

or drop-in hubs at strategic points, especially in crime prone zones (MacKenzie & Henry, 

2009). On the other hand, meetings and crime prevention seminars organised in the 

neighbourhood are geared towards stimulating interaction and communication towards a 

common framework for crime control. Another important component of CP is the formation 

of Neighbourhood Watch Committees which aim to prevent and improve community safety 

mainly in urban settlements, develop police and community links, increase public confidence 

in the police and reduce anti-social behaviour. Other aspects of CP practised in other 

countries such Sweden and the United Kingdom is the ‘Community Alert’ which aims at 

community safety in rural areas with special focus on older and vulnerable people. It operates 

on the principle of shared responsibility for crime reduction and prevention between the 

police and the community (McKeown & Brosnan, 1998).   



5 
 

Informed and guided by these presumptions this study contends that various communities in 

Ghana, due to differences in the levels of development, infrastructural services, planning and 

built-up environment tend to attract different patterns and types of criminal activities as well 

as crimes. The situation therefore demands different preventive measures and mechanisms 

because the characteristics mentioned may combine to create opportunities and vulnerabilities 

for criminal activities. Additionally, some areas, suburbs, neighbourhoods within cities and 

secondary towns generate more criminal behaviour and activities or receive inadequate 

preventive measures than others.  

1.2 Problem Statement 

Ghana is currently experiencing dramatic demographic shift from rural to urban centres. The 

first post-independence census conducted in 1960 revealed the Ghanaian population stood at 

6,700,000, out of this the urban population was put at 1,551,174 persons or 23.1 percent of 

the total population. Thus, at independence, the rural population of Ghana constituted more 

than 70 percent of the total population (Ghana Statistical Service, 2005). This is in sharp 

contrast to the urban population which stood at almost 51 percent as at 2010 (Ghana 

Statistical Service, 2012). Rapid urbanisation and concomitant suburban development has 

resulted in the growth of edge cities or towns around primate cities such as Accra (national 

capital) and Kumasi (Ghana’s second largest city). These edge towns are normally rural 

settlements which have grown rapidly into towns and cities as a result of the spill over 

population of the larger urban centres. The growth of edge cities is largely due to a number of 

inter-related factors including cheap land and housing in the fringes and the costs of these in 

the primate cities, as well as weak development controls and poor planning.  

The study area, Awutu Senya East Municipality (ASEMA) is a model of an edge city on the 

western fringes of Accra. It has experienced an unprecedented population growth of more 



6 
 

than 17 percent per annum which qualifies the area as the fastest growing urban settlement in 

Ghana (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010). The municipality has experienced rapid growth and 

has also assumed an important position in national development as it is noted for its rapid 

economic growth and expansion with large, medium and small scale industries (Owusu, 

2008). Additionally, the municipality has also witnessed rapid residential development as a 

result of relocation of families from both inner city (Accra) and housing development by 

Ghanaians outside the country (ASEMA, 2013). To this end, ASEMA has become a major 

suburban centre and dormitory settlement within the Greater Accra metropolitan area 

(GAMA). It is estimated that about five hundred families move into the municipality 

quarterly (ASEMA, 2013). 

In spite of the growing importance in municipal development in particular and national 

development in general in developing countries, edge cities such as ASEMA are faced with 

limited resources required for urban transformation in terms of service provision, 

accessibility and livelihood enhancement for their residents (Owusu, 2008). For ASEMA, 

besides being short changed in the provision of essential amenities and peculiar needs, the 

high number of families relocating to the municipality due to availability of affordable lands 

and housing has generated overcrowding and intense competition for the available limited 

services and infrastructure.  

The rapid nature of the growth of the municipality and urban sprawl within the context of 

weak municipal planning systems has affected not only the provision of basic services but 

also essential services as policing and the provision of security in general. The apparent 

limited public security resources and infrastructure undermine public safety perception, 

which in turn complicates the provision of public security and justice to citizens. Data from 

the Ghana Police Service revealed many areas within ASEMA are areas notoriously known 

for serious crimes such as armed robberies, and these include Kasoa Zongo, Ofaakor and 



7 
 

Opeikuma – all of which lie within the municipality under this study (Ghana Police Annual 

Crime Statistics, 2012).  In recent times, Kasoa city and ASEMA have been in the news due 

to series of spates of mass robbery in several communities and the lack of adequate response 

from the police.
1
 Thus people who reside in these localities and the municipality in general 

are likely to live in fear and panic because such environments act as ‘breeding grounds’ for 

crime and create an unending cycle of human insecurity ( Bender, 2001). In the face of all 

these complications, it is the traditional responsibility of the law enforcement authorities, 

which are mainly the police to provide security for the citizenry. Thus, if individual and 

neighbourhood security concerns cannot be, in the short term, granted to all within the entire 

urban space and particularly in emerging edge cities, then alternative solutions that are people 

centred need to be implemented. This is important because the traditional police 

arrangements are not adequately resourced to keep pace with the security needs.  

Alternative policing strategies such as community policing has successfully been adopted, 

integrated and implemented by most developed countries as part of their homeland security 

structure (Fridell, 2004). The community and police collaboration in problem identification 

and solving has yielded desirable outcomes in countries where it was first implemented 

(Lersch, 2007). This notwithstanding, the concept of CP has been criticised by practitioners 

and seems to be rejected by experts as a potential solution to addressing neighbourhood 

security and controlling criminal behaviours (Lersch, 2007). This disparity in opinion, 

appreciation and utilisation among many security experts raise several issues that are partially 

ignored in the recent literature. The issues of mismanagement, hygiene and safety risks, the 

exclusion of vulnerable groups, apply to some extent to all types of security arrangements but 

                                                           
1
 http://www.myjoyonline.com/news/2015/August-25th/ecobank-manager-shot-dead.php, accessed on 

20/09/2015 

http://www.myjoyonline.com/news/2015/August-17th/police-promises-intensified-crackdown-on-armed-

robbery-syndicate-operating-at-kasoa.php, accessed on 20/09/2015 

http://edition.myjoyonline.com/pages/crime/201112/79035.php, accessed on 20/09/2015 

http://www.myjoyonline.com/news/2015/August-25th/ecobank-manager-shot-dead.php
http://www.myjoyonline.com/news/2015/August-17th/police-promises-intensified-crackdown-on-armed-robbery-syndicate-operating-at-kasoa.php
http://www.myjoyonline.com/news/2015/August-17th/police-promises-intensified-crackdown-on-armed-robbery-syndicate-operating-at-kasoa.php
http://edition.myjoyonline.com/pages/crime/201112/79035.php


8 
 

are particularly relevant for some types of crime preventive models. Existing comparisons of 

community policing often focus on management or technical issues and fail to integrate the 

perceptions of the community (Trojanowicz & Bucqueroux, 1998). It is necessary to know 

how people compare and value the different models of crime prevention they have access to. 

Existing research has failed to investigate and recognises the diversity of existing models of 

community policing and the segment of the community members that turn out to be 

community police.  

An important issue regarding edge cities is the incessant conflict over land, which has also 

increased tremendously the number of land guards as well as illegal youth groups ( Oteng-

Ababio, 2016). Meanwhile the burgeoning residential development and commercial activities 

has increased opportunities for criminal activities. This has implications on who is recruited 

and incorporated into any quasi-security groupings to engage with the Police and provide the 

needed security at the community level. This study therefore seeks to investigate the 

community policing models employed to curb crime in the Awutu Senya East Municipality 

and how these influence community perception as well as the recruitment and management 

process so as not to include in a potential community policing team individuals who are 

likely to be perpetrators of crime themselves. 

In recent times there have been a considerable number of studies conducted on crime in 

Ghana. These include works of Appiahene-Gyamfi (1997, 2001) and recent work by Tankebe 

(2009, 2011) and Owusu & Agyei-Mensah (2010). Nonetheless, these studies have focused 

broadly on crime trends in larger cities such as Accra. Regarding studies about crime in edge 

cities, most of these have largely been police report about crime in major Ghanaian towns, 

and with this, mention is only made of type of crime prevalent in these locations (GPSR, 

2013, 2014). However to my knowledge, no work currently exist regarding activities of CP in 

edge cities and the effect of CP on perceived safety and fear of crime. Moreover the viability 



9 
 

of CP as a crime prevention tool for edge cities particularly looking at the current growth of 

edge cities, also remain an area where there is much dearth of information about.  Thus the 

thrust of the current research looks at cities at the fringe and various crime prevention 

strategies being employed, specifically community policing.  

1.3 Research Questions 

In an attempt to understand the effects of community policing on crime rate, fear of crime 

and crime prevention, the study seeks to answer the following questions; 

i. What are the institutional arrangements for community policing in Ghana? 

ii. What are the mechanisms employed by the community police to engage the 

communities in crime prevention and the maintenance of public order? 

iii.  Has the presence of community police enhanced community safety; reduced crime 

and fear of crime? 

iv. What models of community policing are potentially viable and effective for crime 

prevention and ensuring community safety? 

1.4 Research Objectives 

The overarching objective of this study is to examine the effects of Community Policing on 

crime rates and crime prevention on the people living in the Awutu Senya East Municipality. 

To achieve this, the specific objectives of the research are to: 

i. Examine the institutional arrangements governing community policing in Ghana. 

ii. Assess impact of the presence of community policing on community safety, crime 

reduction and fear of crime. 

iii. Evaluate the mechanisms employed by the community police in engaging the 

community in crime prevention and the maintenance of public order and 



10 
 

iv. Understand the models of community policing potentially viable and effective 

towards crime prevention and ensuring community safety. 

 

1.5 Justification of the study 

Cities keep expanding each year, though the rate differ from place to place and as 

urbanisation spreads, there is the fear of an increased crime rate and therefore the need for a 

larger law enforcement body to help prevent, fight and reduce the incidence of crime. This 

study is justified because in the Ghanaian research interface, there is dearth of data on 

community policing and their involvement in crime reduction. Researches on crime are 

normally conducted on the trends of crime, perpetrators and victims of crime but little is done 

on its prevention and the strategies adopted by the police to reduce the incidence. Therefore, 

with this gap existing in literature on crime prevention, especially this study aims to provide 

an understanding of community policing and its effect on the fight against crime and its 

prevention from a community perspective. 

1.6 Definition of Concepts 

Cognizance of the possibility of individual and vague interpretations of concepts relating to 

this research, the researcher provides the following definitions: 

1.6.1 Community Policing 

According to Trojanowiez and Bocqueroux (1990), ‘community policing is a  philosophy of 

policing, based on the concept that police officer and private citizens working together in 

creative ways can help solve contemporary community problems related to crime, social and 

physical disorder and neighborhood decay’ (cited in Lersch, 2007, p. 145). According to this 

definition, the Police develop a relationship with some community members and stakeholders 

in the fight against crime and in the dissemination of security information from the police to 

the community members while also acting as the voice between the community and the 



11 
 

police. This if well developed, will reduce stress on the police and at the same time build a 

healthy and good quality of life especially in areas with very high population where the 

police are unable to effectively control crime   alone. This definition will therefore be 

employed in this study. 

1.6.2 Defining Crime 

Fleming (1978) defines crime as any act considered prohibited and punishable by law. Crime 

is any form of illegal activity which when committed exposes the perpetrator to a specific 

level of punishment laid down by law (cited in Kimou, 2009). Crime could be an action or 

serious offence against an individual, group of people, organization or the state which calls 

for penalty. Marshall and Clark (1952) also wrote, ‘Crime is any act or omission prohibited 

by public law for the protection of the public and punishable by state in a judicial proceeding 

in its own name’. Similarly Tappan (1960) defined that ‘a crime is an instrumental act or 

omission in violation of criminal law, committed without justification and sanctioned by the 

state as felony or misdemeanour’. 

1.6.3 Crime Prevention 

Crime prevention, according to the International Centre for the Prevention of Crime, 2008, 

comprise the approach and actions taken by individuals and law enforcement bodies to 

reduce the incidence of crimes, their potential and harmful effects such as fear of crime on 

individuals and society. This includes social prevention, highlighting the promotion of 

people’s well-being and social cohesion. It encompasses all the strategies employed to 

educate people against crime and how to protect themselves, provide information of possible 

crime and the combating of crime which may include community mobilization (Bodson, 

Leeke, Lelandais, Nolin, Soria & Virgin, 2008). 



12 
 

1.6.4 Edge Cities 

Defined by Carter, Frolick & Frye (2002) as ‘municipalities and sub-regions that have 

experienced strong population growth or change within the past three decades, have become 

suburban destinations in and of themselves, and have strong commercial/industrial bases of 

their own’ (Carter et al, 2002: 3). Garreau (1995) argues that edge cities come as a result of 

rapid population growth or cultural transformation of smaller places in close proximity to an 

urban centre (cited in Carter et al, 2002: 3). 

1.7 Organization of the Study 

Organization of the study is subdivided into six chapters. Chapter One will cover an 

introduction, followed by the background of the study, problem statement, research 

questions, research objectives, justification of the study, operational definitions and the 

organization of the study.  

Chapter Two will also be concerned with the review of theoretical literatures and empirical 

work relevant to the study. Chapter Three will focus on the research methodology and a 

description of the study area, the Awutu Senya East Municipality while Chapters Four  will 

also focus on the analysis and discussion of the findings. The last chapter, Chapter Five will 

focus on the summary, conclusion and recommendation of the study. 

 

 



13 
 

CHAPTER TWO 

LITERATURE REVIEW 

2.1 Introduction 

Crime, though a common feature in all human settlement, becomes conspicuously rampant 

and a public concern with increasing human and occupational agglomeration. Consequently, 

the essence of the literature review is to provide background information about the current 

study with the aim to primarily set the research in the context of available knowledge. It 

encompasses some of the evolution of thoughts and research on the subject of interest and 

identifies existing gaps and uncertainties in the literature. This chapter specifically reviews 

some of the related concepts covering urbanisation and the incidence of crime as well as 

those related to community policing and crime prevention. 

2.2. Urbanisation Trends: - The Ghanaian Experience 

Ghana, like most African countries, is becoming increasingly urbanised (GSS, 2013; World 

Bank, 2014). Indeed, if current population growth trends persist through to 2030, Ghana’s 

population will exceed 33 million, with almost two thirds residing in urban areas, and nearly 

doubling the share of urban dwellers of 1984. Table 2.1 presents the regional variations of 

levels of urbanisation, with the southern regions exhibiting a more urbanised pattern than the 

northern regions, namely, Upper East, Upper West, and Northern Regions. The data indicate 

that although the country as a whole crossed the 50% urban divide during the late 2010s, 

many internal regions remain largely rural.  



14 
 

Table 2. 1: Urbanisation in Ghana, 1960 to 2010. 

Region 

% share of urban popoulation Urban growth rate 

1960 1970 1984 2000 2010 1960/1970 1970/1984 1984/2000 2000/2010 

All regions 23.1 28.9 32.0 43.8 50.9 4.7 3.3 4.6 4.2 

Western 24.7 26.9 22.6 36.3 42.4 2.9 1.7 6.1 3.7 

Central 28.0 29.1 28.8 37.5 42.1 2.1 1.7 3.7 3.2 

Greater Accra* 72.6 85.3 83.0 87.7 90.5 6.1 3.5 4.8 4.4 

Volta 13.1 16.0 20.5 27.0 33.7 3.9 3.5 3.6 3.9 

Eastern 21.1 24.6 27.7 34.6 43.4 3.4 2.9 2.8 3.3 

Ashanti* 25.0 29.7 32.5 51.3 60.6 4.6 3.1 6.3 4.7 

Brong-Ahafo 15.6 22.1 26.6 37.4 44.5 6.1 4.6 4.7 4.8 

Northern 13.0 20.4 25.2 26.6 30.5 7.6 4.9 3.1 4.8 

Upper East 3.9 7.3 12.9 15.7 21.0 7.8 6.5 2.3 5.0 

Upper West 5.0 6.7 10.9 17.5 16.5 4.0 5.7 4.7 4.2 

*Greater Accra and Ashanti Regions remained the most urbanised. 
Source. GSS (2012, 2013). 

Migration flows within Ghana also provide some important clues concerning the urban 

future. For example, the Greater Accra Region’s long-standing role as the socioeconomic and 

political hub has been strengthened by the recent influx of investment, especially from abroad 

(Grant, 2009). Similarly, the Western Region with its new oil production, extensive mineral 

deposits, and cash crop production will likely attract more investment and migrants in search 

of employment opportunities (Oteng-Ababio, Owusu & Wrigley-Asante, 2014). Thus, 

Ghana’s urbanisation is characterised more by continuity than by change, with the large cities 

increasingly serving as migration nodes. Table 2.2 displays the growth of the metropolitan 

centres in Ghana between 1970 and 2010. It shows that since 1970 over 40% of the Ghanaian 

urban population reside in the six largest metropolitan areas, ranging in size from 183,000 

and 2 million in population size. 

 

 



15 
 

Table 2.2: Metropolitan Growth, 1970 to 2010. 

Metropolis 

1984 2000 2010 

Population 

% of total 
national 
urban Population 

% of total 
national 
urban Population 

% of total 
national 
urban 

Cape Coast 65,763 1.7 82291 1.0 183,727 1.5 
Tema 100,053 2.5 141,479 1.7 402,637 3.2 
Sekondi-Takoradi 188,203 4.8 289,593 3.5 559,548 4.5 
Tamale 135,952 0.4 202,317 2.4 371,351 3.0 
Kumasi 496,628 12.6 1,170,270 14.1 2,035,064 16.2 
Accra 969,195 24.6 1,658,937 20.0 1,848,614 14.7 
Total 1,855,741 46.6 3,544,887 42.7 5,400,941 43.1 
Total urban population 
(national) 

3,934,796 100 8,274,270 100 12,545,229 100 

Source. GSS (, 2013). 

 

From Table 2.2, the dominance of Accra and Kumasi becomes apparent, with the two cities 

accounting for about 31% of the national urban population and 52% of their respective 

region’s urban population in 2010. Notwithstanding the paucity of data on the contribution of 

individual cities to the country’s gross domestic product (GDP), Songsore (2010) suggests 

that the two cities account for 76.5% of the country’s industrial establishment.  

 

Table 2.3: Urban Population Trends and Growth Rates of 16 Towns With Populations 

Greater Than 40,000 in 2010. 

City/town Region 

Population change 

1984 2000 2010 
% change 2000-

2010 

Mandela Greater Accra - 8,458 61,880 631 
Amanfrom Greater Accra 293 12,803 119,467 833 
Buduburam Central 40 18,713 50,560 170 
Gbawe Greater Accra 837 28,989 69,356 139 
Kasoa Central 2,597 34,719 69,384 100 
Kintampo Brong-Ahafo 13,943 28,276 42,957 52 
Madina Greater Accra 28,364 76,697 79,832 4 
Wa Upper West 36,067 66,644 71,051 7 
Berekum Brong-Ahafo 22,264 39,649 56,414 42 
Hohoe Volta 20,994 35,277 73,641 108 
Yendi Northern 31,633 40,336 51,727 28 
Asamankese Eastern 23,077 34,855 46,061 32 
Bolgatanga Upper East 32,495 49,162 65,549 33 
Akim Oda Eastern 24,629 38,741 51,231 32 
Winneba Central 27,105 40,017 57,015 43 



16 
 

Techiman Brong-Ahafo 25,264 12,068 67,241 457 
Total 289,602 565,404 1,033,366 83 
Source. GSS (2013). 

 

Quite striking are the growth rates of some of the larger settlements in the zone surrounding 

the metropolitan areas as well as other commercial enclaves in the Eastern, Central, and 

Greater Accra regions (see Table 2.3). Prior to 1970, settlements such as Mandela, 

Amanfrom, Gbawe, and Kasoa within the environs of Accra were sparsely populated and 

predominantly rural. Mandela did not exist in 1970 but today houses a population of more 

than 60,000. Such rapidly expanding urban centres   owe their existence to the spillover 

population growth of adjacent metropolitan centers. Many of these edge towns, especially 

those around metropolitan Accra, have seen rapid population growth, with growth rates 

exceeding 30%. Such communities have increasingly become dormitory settlements for 

Ghanaian middle-class families in the metropolitan areas as well as a safe haven and 

operating turf for criminals (Owusu, 2008). 

2.3 Urbanisation and the incidence of crime 

Urbanization is known to be associated with industrialization, specialization and economic 

development. Moreover this process has been accompanied by a shift in employment from 

rural to urban or industrial sector. It comes with some transformational processes including 

heterogeneity of cultures with concomitant differences in beliefs and behaviour, social 

disorganisation, increased mobility, impersonality and anonymity, peculiar characteristics 

which predispose urbanites to criminality (Sanidad-Leones; 2001; Jalil &Igbal, 2010) or 

serve as fertile grounds for the perpetration of crime (Donnermeyer, 1994). The opposite is 

true in some peri-urban and rural areas where, due to lower population density and the high 

level of homogeneity, people who engage in crime have less chance of escaping without 

being noticed, because people know each other.  



17 
 

Put differently, Glaeser and Sacerdote (1996) urge that criminals in urban areas have fewer 

chances of arrest due to the complexities in the urban fabric – human traffic and density; high 

level individualism; etc. This condition enables offenders to operate under increased 

anonymity and to target potential victims, with whom they have no bonds, decreasing the 

social costs associated with offending (Felson, 1986). Other contesting opinions, however, 

argue that most peri-urban poor neighbourhoods have high crime rates because they tend to 

have higher population density, deteriorated living conditions and many unemployed 

members of the labour force (Galvin 2002; Gaviria & Pages, 2002). In addition, they may 

have poor housing structures which may be largely uncompleted and these provide a safe 

haven for criminals and potential offenders. It can be inferred that a higher spate of 

urbanisation is an indicator for higher crime (Sanidad-Leones, 2001). Thus for any 

comprehensive crime prevention strategies to be developed, the link between socio-economic 

change and crime ought to be understood and established. 

Earlier studies (Galvin 2002; Gaviria & Pages, 2002) have revealed, that all things being 

equal, in less densely populated areas, the likelihood of potential contacts between motivated 

offenders and attractive targets is minimal as it is difficult for criminals to operate under 

conditions of anonymity. Freudenburg and Jones (1991) raise questions about this assertion 

and maintain that if crime exists in non-metropolitan areas, then the offenders are people who 

somehow know the victim. Police statistics and victimisation surveys worldwide point out 

that the incidence of crime is higher in urban settlements than rural ones; or that two thirds of 

the inhabitants of cities have been victims in one way or the other (ICPC, 2008). The UN-

HABITAT Global Report on Human Settlements indicates that between 1990 and 2000, the 

number of violent acts recorded in urban areas increased from 6 to 8.8 incidents per 100,000 

inhabitants (ICPC, 2008). 



18 
 

This study interrogates the urban dynamics in Metropolitan Accra and how that impacts on 

the incidence of crime, particularly in edge settlements using Kasoa as a case study. 

According to an INTERPOL data, the general crime rates in the country witnessed a 

downward dip between the 1990’s and 2000 as compared to industrialised countries. At the 

same time, the unplanned sprawling of the city, devoid of official sanctioning means that 

many edge cities will also be devoid of official infrastructure including those for crime 

prevention. Thus, as population increases, there is possible increase in the incidence of crime. 

Meanwhile the few criminology studies in Ghana remain wholly urban focussed to the 

neglect of the edge cities; hence the need to fill the knowledge gap, particularly regarding 

how residents employ other strategies to fight crime. 

2.4 The Challenges Facing Edge Cities 

In the Ghanaian context, conceptualising edge cities is particularly difficult because they are 

not specially demarcated to warrant a special focus in terms of development models and 

concepts.  The difficulty associated with the conceptualization of edge cities makes the 

acquisition of statistical and general information about them even more of a challenge as 

most find themselves in transition zones between rural and urban areas (Owusu, 2008). 

Currently, there have been an invigorated interest in the enquiry into edge cities as a result of 

the ever increasing commercial activities and rapid residential development, which invariably 

has increased routine activities and thus providing opportunities for criminal activities. This 

therefore has implications on crime levels, fear and provision of adequate security 

infrastructure and services. With the emergence of some of these issues, there has been a 

broadening of definition of edge cities to encapsulate the growing interest and also highlight 

the increasingly complex and specialised endeavours to compete for economic and social 

opportunities and also to fight crime.  



19 
 

Essentially, edge cities have been considered to constitute vital links in the promotion and 

maintenance of an efficient networked system of cities globally and more importantly within 

the host countries (Peters, 2014). The New Economic Geography (NEG) report from the 

World Bank states ‘Just as a primary city forms the core of a country’s metropolitan area with 

other adjacent cities, other large urban centers or secondary (edge) cities act as regional foci 

for both the economy and society’ (World Bank, 2008:2). Historically, edge cities have been 

developed as a result of some form of natural advantage emanating from urban cities 

preceding them.  These smaller cities are characterised by their spatial development 

preceding deliberate spatial planning. That is, inhabitants within these settlements move in to 

build homes and an economic base before city authorities can map out these areas onto a 

master plan. Spatial planning in this sense encompasses spatial land use and socio-economic 

roles undertaken in edge cities. A seamless integration of these two concepts is essential 

because a physical space is a necessary condition for all socioeconomic activities (Ng & 

Tang, 2004). This is so because implementation of well-designed socio economic policies 

will be rendered unbeneficial if spatial planning is not integrated with socioeconomic 

planning (Healey, Khakee, Motte & Needham, 1997; Ng, 1997).  

According to Roberts (2014), the challenges facing edge cities are multi-dimensional in 

nature, that is, the causes and effects of these challenges permeate different scales, scopes and 

levels in countries worldwide. Such complex and diverse challenges require an integrated 

sector approach to solve them. The central challenge derives from the failure of the 

management of edge cities to deliver sustainable development outcomes that support their 

growth. This broad challenge is not isolated, as it is linked to the inability of urban 

governance to deliver effective planning mechanisms for physical, economic and social 

development. It may also be associated with other economic and financial, social and 



20 
 

environmental factors which are failing to ensure sustainable use of non-renewable resources 

and maintain high-quality environmental services.  

The results of the sprawling effects on edge cities cannot be overlooked and in the opinion of 

Cash (2013) the natural advantage that has led to the creation of edge cities has its own 

attendant ill effects, particularly its effects on municipal planning as governments, engineers, 

architects, and scientists struggle to keep up with the demands of these areas and creating a 

huge challenge for edge cities in meeting the services demanded by their residents such as 

dealing with the increasing challenge of providing social services and adequate security 

services and infrastructure for inhabitants (UN Habitat, 2012). This situation undoubtedly has 

exposed residents of edge cities to social hazards such as property and personal crimes.   

2.5 Policing in Ghana 

In terms of security, there exist both formal an informal arrangement in ensuring community safety 

and protecting lives and property in the country. Nonetheless, in the context of a burgeoning 

population, especially in urban areas, increasingly complex society with upsurge of commercial and 

private property, the role of the state, and particularly the police has become indispensable. 

Established under article 190, with a stated organizational structure under article 200 of the 1992 

constitution, the Ghana Police Service (GPS) constitute the primary state agency mandated to 

protecting lives and property and also charged with the responsibility of maintaining law and order. 

Nonetheless, the police as a state institution have existed for a greater part of the country’s history, 

with its modus operandi changing from that of curtailing human rights and oppressing individual seen 

as a threat to the colonial and military regimes, to an institution that is discharging its role of 

maintaining law and order under a constitutional and democratic dispensation since 1992 (Atuguba, 

2007). 

By way of historical details, policing in Ghana can be traced from the Ghanaian traditional system of 

criminal justice (CHRI, 2007). Although they were not known as police as we know now, their 



21 
 

operations were largely within the domain of crime prevention and apprehension of people who broke 

traditional laws and customs (CHRI, 2007). Colonial style policing was however introduced into the 

country after Ghana; then known as Gold Coast came under British colonial rule, precisely under 

Governor George Maclean in 1831 (Tankebe, 2008). It must be indicated that at this time, the aim of 

the police was to ensure trade security and the protection of the colonial apparatuses. The police saw 

changes regarding legislative backings as well as operational duties, especially when there was the 

need to give attention to public security. 

In 1894, another Ordinance was passed, giving the authority to form a civil police in 

the Gold Coast. 400 members of the previous Constabulary were recruited to form 

the basis of the new Gold Coast Police Force. This led to the establishment of police 

stations and the standardisation of policing in the British controlled areas of the Gold 

Coast. The majority of recruits were illiterate; strength and brawn counted for more 

than education or skills. Training was extremely heavily focused on military aspects 

of policing. The police officers produced had “attitudes that generated intimidation 

and bullying with an almost robotic obedience to repressive colonial laws that were 

regime-centred (CHRI, 2007:11). 

 

Following independence, attempts were made to make the police more efficient and responsive to the 

needs of the Ghanaians. These attempts were made through legislative reforms and organizational 

restructuring (CHRI, 2007). For instance in 1958 the first Ghanaian head of Police was appointed. 

However constitutional changes provided much power to the executive and thus allowed the president 

to wield much control over the police, especially regarding appointment to key positions within the 

police hierarchy. On the other hand also, the police began to engage in politics following it 

involvement in the 1966 coup as well as other subsequent coup d’états. In this regard, one finds that 

police activities at the community level or civil policing, was much less of a focus compared to 

engagement in political activities and organizational (re)structuring. 



22 
 

Much change has taken place within the GPS particularly since the inception of the 4
th
 republic in 

1993. A clear example is the Archer Commission reforms in 1993 (1993). Most reforms attempted 

have largely focused in areas that will make the police much more efficient and effective. This 

involves reforms that will change the traditional policing methods that focus on excessive use of 

force, illegal arrest, widespread corruption and failure to respond to complaints (CHRI, 2007). 

Moreover calls have also been made to make the police more accountable to the law, the community 

and be representative of the community it serves. In relation to the later, the GPS has established a 

community policing unit, with its experimental focus on selected areas of the Greater Accra region. 

The Unit‘s approach has mainly been three pronged;  

a) Combined sensitization, outreach and Anti-crime Educational talks  

b) Formation of Neighborhood Watch Committees  

c) The employment of Community Protection Assistants (CPAs) under the National Youth 

Employment Programme (NYEP). 

2.6 Explaining the Causality of Crime 

2.6.1 The Social Disorganisation Theory 

The consequences of urbanisation and its impact on crime rates have received greater 

academic attention particularly in the developed world (Shaw & McKay, 1942, cited in 

Lersch, 2007). Shaw and McKay (1942), for example, note that the association existing 

between inhabitants and environment is woven into the fabric of the social structure and its 

institutions, which undeniably encompasses the high level of residential mobility, low socio-

economic status and ethnic heterogeneity experienced by members of the society. They 

maintain that there is always an upsurge in crime rates when the building blocks of the social 

structure, which ensures homogeneity and cohesiveness collapses. In other words, the 

breakdown of social interaction and norms create conditions that encourage facilitate criminal 

behaviour (Breetzke, 2008). Critics of the theory however argue that it fails to measure its 



23 
 

primary construct of social disorganisation, including, for example, enquiring from residents 

how many of their neighbours they know by their name and how often an eye is kept on 

children in peer groups who engage in activities unsupervised. 

 

2.6.2 The Routine Activities Theory 

In 1979, Lawrence E. Cohen and Marcus Felson published in the American Sociological 

Review an article, ‘Social Change and Crime Rate Trends: A Routine Activity Approach’. 

Their focus was on predatory crimes, which were defined as illegal acts that involved the 

direct damaging or taking of a person or property of another (Cohen & Felson, 1979: 589). 

To Cohen and Felson, there are three necessary ingredients for crime: a motivated offender, a 

suitable target, and absence of a capable guardianship. All these elements influence and 

interact with each other in an urbanised environmental setting, which are also influenced by 

other forces in the external environment. The external environmental forces which are 

pertinent to crime prevention strategies are either situations that are  inherent or beyond the 

control of the individual, such as weather, time, season, terrain, etc. or situations which can 

be influenced by man such as poverty, ignorance, injustices, fear, etc. both situations 

influences everyday life. Thus, for a predatory crime to occur, a willing, motivated offender 

must come into contact with a target that can be overtaken in a time and space context. In 

other words, the theory examines how work, recreation, spending patterns and everyday 

involvement in routine activities contribute to the likelihood of a motivated offender to 

commit crime (Lersch, 2007).  

The theory was criticized for taking offenders as given (see Hirschi's 1969 control theory), 

and in response Felson’s later works in 1986 took into account informal social control of 

offenders. This resulted in a two-step version of the control theory: First, society establishes 

social bonds and thus attaches a ‘handle’ to each individual; and the Second, being the task of 



24 
 

identifying exactly who is breaking the rules. As the ecology of everyday life changes, it 

becomes easier to evade social controls by breaking rules in places where one is not 

recognized. In a nutshell, just as a guardian supervises the suitable target in the routine 

activity theory by Cohen and Felson, a handler supervises the likely offender in this new 

routine activity approach by Felson. In both cases, direct physical contact serves to 

discourage crime from occurring. Thus, social control in society requires keeping suitable 

targets near capable guardians and likely offenders near intimate handlers (Felson, 1989). 

2.6.3 The Broken Window Theory 

The 1971 rise of serious problems within the Kansas City Police Department called for a 

research into the change in the level of police patrol and its impact on the level of crime. 

Hitherto, the basic standing order of the police was and continues to be that increases in 

crime call for more resources, to put more uniformed men on the street and that will simply 

solved the problem of crime. The study employed the quasi-experimental design to assess the 

actual impact of routine patrols on crime as well as citizen fear, their behaviour as a 

consequence of fear and citizen perception of police services. Three approaches were 

employed in the study; that is the reactive, proactive and a control condition all geared 

towards the assessment of crime rates in different concentration zones (Lersch, 2007). The 

results of this masterpiece revealed increase in police patrol has little or no impact on the 

level of crime, citizen’s fear and their attitudes thereafter (Skogan, 1986). These stunning 

revelations called for a turnaround in strategies and underlying philosophies to improve the 

effectiveness of police service to communities. This re-thinking series birthed interest in 

community policing and enhanced interest in crime analysis.  

The results from the 1971 Kansas City Preventive Patrol Experiment ushered in more studies 

into community disorder, crime and fear of crime. For instance studies by Sampson (1991) 

and Bursik & Grasmick (1993) which proceeded from the social control perspective of crime, 



25 
 

sought to understand the formal and informal arrangement to crime control. Other studies 

also suggest that signs of physical and social vulgarities and discourtesies have serious 

consequence on crime and fear of crime. A dominant work that have had and continues to 

have an impact on police services is James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling’s ‘Broken 

Windows: The police and neighbourhood safety’, which is an expansion of the routine 

activity theory. The theory argues that there is a close association between crime and 

disorder, hence the analogy that an unrepaired window sends a signal that ’no one cares in the 

community’ - i.e. absence of capable guardianship. Thus, signs of disorder which are likely to 

include street drunks, drug peddlers and addicts, attack of pedestrians by panhandlers and 

physical unsanitary conditions like masses of litter all over the neighbourhood are signs of 

community deterioration, which leads to breakdown of informal community control and 

social organisation (Wilson & Kelling, 1982). Thus, a socially organised society is an exact 

replica of families caring for their homes, confidently interrogating intruders and suspicious 

behaviours, and ensuring stability with less in and out movement within the community. 

However this theory has been criticized by Harcourt (1998) who argued that there is 

insufficient empirical support for the link between disorder and crime, and also the fact that 

aggressive arrest on minor offenses rather lead to unwarranted police brutalities and human 

right abuses, especially of minority groups. In addition, there were suggestion also that the set 

of policies and policing techniques emerging under the influence of the theory, such as the 

quality-of-life initiative, may itself cultivate disorderliness and other forms of incivilities, 

products of the method of policing employed characterised by aggressive misdemeanour 

arrests. Secondly, the theory assumes disorder as the only causal agent of crime, ignoring the 

effect of other neighbourhood factors on crime, such as the nature of the built environment 

(Gau & Pratt, 2010). The fact however remains that negative externalities tend to be 

concentrated in certain underprivileged neighbourhoods, which is in line with Shaw and 



26 
 

Mckay’s social disorganisation theory, which argues that uneven distribution of social and 

economic disadvantages are strong determinants of crime (see also Sampson & Groves, 

1989). 

2.7 Urban Crime Prevention strategies 

 Current urbanization growth trends poses  a serious concern to many city authorities, 

regarding containing its accompanying evils or myriad of crimes directly related to 

urbanisation, such as street crimes, illegal drug trafficking, robbery and theft, violent crimes 

against women and children, and terrorism (Sanidad-Leones, 2001). As already observed 

from the previous discussion, the causes of crime associated with urbanity are diverse, 

encompassing issues that are economic, social, political and even moral or spiritual in nature 

(see Jacobs, 1961). Hence, any effective crime prevention strategy must understand crime’s 

nature and dynamics. For example, the Routine Activities Theory identifies three elements 

that have to be present for any crime to occur - a motivated offender, a suitable target and an 

absence of a capable guardian. Hence, any crime prevention and control strategy need the 

cooperation of the community with the law enforcers. 

Crime prevention according to the International Centre for the Prevention of Crime (2008) 

comprises the approach and actions taken by individuals and law enforcement bodies to 

reduce the incidence of crimes, their potential and harmful effects including the fear of crime 

on individuals and society. From law enforcement (eg. the police) perspective, crime 

prevention includes deterrent roles like roadblocks, and visible policing through active 

patrolling both on foot and by vehicle. Individuals’, such as a social worker, see crime 

prevention as setting up projects to re-integrate a young offender back to society. The 

criminal law aims at making citizens law abiding by deterring potential offenders and 



27 
 

preventing further lawbreaking by apprehending criminals as well as reshaping social 

conditions which are assumed to be the building blocks of criminality.  

Evidently, people attach different meanings to crime prevention processes, but ultimately, 

crime prevention simply means adopting a proactive means to stop the occurrence of crime 

instead of attending to the effects after the offence has been committed. It entails the 

anticipation, recognition and appraisal of a crime risk and the initiation of action to remove or 

reduce it (Sanidad-Leones, 2001). According to Kamalipour, Memarian & Faizi (2014) and 

Sanidad-Leones (2001), there are two main types of crime prevention techniques. Firstly, 

there are primary techniques, which involve preventive techniques that identify conditions for 

the protection of the physical and social environment. Secondly, there are set conditions that 

provide opportunities for controlling deviant behaviour in society. To them, the primary 

crime prevention techniques are geared towards making crime unpleasant and more difficult 

for the potential offender, keeping watch and surveillance easier for residents, and feelings of 

safety more widespread. It involves the use of environmental designs like building plans that 

are conducive to visibility, locks, lights, marking of property for ease of identification and the 

use of neighbourhood watch groups. It may also include increased visibility of the police and 

the criminal justice system. The second approach entails the identification of criminally 

minded individuals or potential offenders prior to commission of an illegal activity and the 

mapping of high crime-prone areas and other areas predisposed to fostering criminal activity.  

 

2.8 Understanding community policing 

The causality of crimes is varied but irrespective of the approach employed, community 

participation must be an essential component of all prevention efforts. Community 

participation renders more efficient and effective control than any programme by the law 

enforcement agencies (Hillier, 2008). To most sociologists, solutions for crime and deviant 



28 
 

behaviour, when premised on community participation, has a greater success rate since 

community members become active defenders of the their space against crime (Hillier, 2008; 

Wong, 2008). This philosophy has given birth to a radical theoretical framework, premised 

on the notion of ‘Police power as social resource theory’ (SRT), for understanding the 

concept of community policing (Wong, 2008). The SRT conceptualises crime and police 

from the perspective of the people, and not that of the state. To the people, crimes and 

offenses against them and their property become personal problems. These problems are 

largely unmet expectations resulting from resource deficiencies and their limited capacity. 

Consequently, the police are seen as social resources, whose role are mainly that of people’s 

service, democratic governance, empowerment, and self-help in solving people’s own 

problems. 

The theory considers the police as a resource for solving people’s problems (including crime) 

through empowerment and self-help. The theory is shaped by people’s perception of the 

nature of crime and the role of the police in crime prevention in a state setting. Legally, crime 

is seen as a legal violation of the criminal law, while to the people, crime is a set of life 

experiences, and a multifaceted personal problem. Additionally, the state sees police power 

as a political resource to secure control, maintain order and command obedience (Innocent, 

2014). It is defined coercively, structured legally, organised bureaucratically and imposed 

unilaterally. However, from the community’s perspective, police power is a social resource 

made available by the state and drawn upon by the citizens to handle personal problems of an 

emergency nature or crisis kind (Crews & Crews, 2007). Thus, the people do not have a 

political or legal image about the police, but rather see it as a service but dictated by the 

people and negotiated to fit the personal circumstances and situational needs in solving their 

problems. In its entirety, SRT argues that the definition and availability of police power as a 

political resource happens at a structural-macro level, for instance in the  legislative process 



29 
 

and policy level, and the initiation, distribution, disposition of police power as social resource 

happens at the personal situational-micro level such as reporting crime and preferring charges 

(Wong, 2008). 

2.8.1 Community Policing and Crime Prevention 

Historically, the concept of community policing (CP) traces its antecedent to the United 

States as fallout of an overall failure of the police to fight crime, maintain order and deliver a 

service to the people. In simple terms, the institutionalisation of CP was a reaction to the 

perception that in policing, nothing works (Carter, 2000). Principally, currently CP is Sir 

Robert Peel's seventh principles of policing, which envisions CP to work assiduously to fulfil 

the long-standing tradition that the police and the public are interchangeable, that is ‘the 

police are the public and that the public are the police’. In other words, the police are 

primarily members of the public who are paid to give full time attention to duties which are 

incumbent on every citizen, in the interest of community welfare and existence (Wong, 

2008). 

 Barlow and Barlow (1999) identify two conventional approaches to defining the concept: CP 

as a philosophy, or as a strategy. The philosophical approach described CP as: ‘a new 

philosophy, based on the concept that police officers and private citizens working together in 

creative ways can help solve contemporary community problems related to crimes, fear of 

crime, social and physical disorder, and neighbourhood decay (Trojanowicz & Bucqueroux, 

1990, pg. 5). The strategic view of CP has been associated with police public relations, team 

policing, foot-patrol and crime prevention. The central point of the strategy employed is 

basically aimed at enhancing human relations, enabling a community sensitive and user-

friendly police service, consultation on the needs of communities and issues that affect them 

most, respect for human rights, cultural sensitivity and tolerance, continuous positive contact 

with community members, discretion on the part of police officers when they enforce the law, 



30 
 

and the establishment of mechanisms to enhance the accountability and transparency of the 

police (Cordner, 2000).  

In the 1970s, a community crime prevention programme was set up in Seattle (Geason and 

Wilson, 1988). The programme was meant to combat household burglaries and the Police 

publicized the programme by contacting local organizations and churches. A team of 

fieldworkers visited all households, and block watches of ten to fifteen households were 

established. Block watch groups organized property marking, and organizers carried out 

security surveys of individual households to help owners identify and minimize security 

risks. After evaluation, the indications were that the project had been very effective and 

worthy of being copied in other jurisdictions (Lindsay & McGillis 1986).  

 

Technically, every community desires peace and security and this demands putting in place 

systems to prevent crimes. In the United States, Geason and Wilson (1988) observe that 

amidst the high rates of crime, the American law enforcement agencies turned to the 

community for assistance. It was seen and openly admitted by criminal justice professionals 

that, in the absence of help from the public, crime cannot substantially be cut in America 

even if more money and manpower, and improved technology are available (Lindsay & 

McGillis 1986). Household burglary, in particular, is an area of crime where community and 

the police collaboration are crucial, since it is believed the householder is in a position to 

make a real difference. Thus, only “a resident can make sure a household is secure; only a 

neighbour can recognize suspicious activity at a backdoor; only a householder can mark 

property with identifying numbers which help the police locate it if stolen” (Geason & 

Wilson, 1988 :19).  

Yin (1986) evaluated some community crime prevention projects in American cities and 

concluded that the most successful community crime prevention were those involving a 



31 
 

complex array of activities - for example, neighbourhood watch programmes, police patrols, 

better communication between police and community, and better communication in the 

community  through  actions groups, newsletters, etc. He also found that the most successful 

interventions against crime were those involving action by both residents and local police, as 

was demonstrated by police foot patrols set up in two different cities to reduce crime, where 

the more effective patrols were those in which the police consulted widely with the 

community and sought its co-operation before starting the patrols.  The study thus explores 

the viability of adopting community policing in an edge city – Kasoa with its peculiar 

challenges – lack of (limited) police physical presence; poor planning and lack of 

infrastructure services, etc.   

 

2.9 Conceptual Framework for Community Policing and Crime Prevention in ASEMA 

So far, many related theories have been discussed that espouse the importance of the 

community in controlling crime. In order to develop a conceptual framework for 

understanding crime prevention from a community policing’s point of view, this study adopts 

the social disorganisation and the routine activities theory as the primary theories 

underpinning this crime prevention strategy. As already discussed, Shaw and Mckay’s social 

disorganisation primarily focusses on the relationship between neighbourhood structure, 

social control and crime. Kubrin and Weitzer, (2003) are of the opinion that social 

disorganisation signifies the inability of a community to address social problems due to the 

breakdown of institutions that ensues that community values are upheld. Thus, a strong social 

bonding is likely to occur within communities that are successful in believing and sharing in 

the same set of norms and values and more importantly, are able to socialise children to do 

same. The above explains that, neighbourhoods with a strong sense of communal identity and 

this feeling breeds a crop of individuals who are likely to intervene when people are seen 



32 
 

perpetrating evil and who will monitor the behaviour of children thereby reducing crime and 

fear of crime. 

Similarly, the routine activities theory first developed by Cohen and Felson (1979) hinges on 

illegal activities and stipulates three important elements that ought to converge in space and 

time for crime to occur: a: motivated offender meets: a suitable target; and c: in the absence 

of a capable guardian which can be law enforcement officer or an adult in the neighbourhood,   

in this set-up, a crime is likely to occur. The latter, as earlier noted, are people who are likely 

to keep an eye out for the safety of other neighbours and their property as well as attend to 

children who are likely to flout existing neighbourhood norms and rules. The presence of a 

capable guardian is a strong deterrent to would-be-motivated offenders assessing the 

suitability of neighbours as well as themselves as potential targets. 



33 
 

Figure 2. 1: Conceptual Framework Based on Routine Activities & Social 

Disorganisation Theories. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Source: Author’s Construct based on above theories (2015). 

 

 

 

 

 

A Given Motivated 

Offender 

Neighbourhood Structure and Characteristics 

Routine Activities 

Availability of a Suitable 

Target 
Absence of a Capable 

Guardian 

Motivation and Opportunities to Perpetuate Crime 

Crime Occurence 

Situation Crime 

Prevention 

Criminal Justice System Community Based 

Crime Prevention 

Effective Crime Prevention 

Machinery 



34 
 

Figure 2.1 is a conceptual framework of the study. It summarizes and illustrates the linkages 

among key concepts and theoretical postulates espoused earlier in this study. The conceptual 

framework also highlights the pathway that the study follows and also the logical premise of 

the study. First the study conceptualizes neighbourhood structure as an important determinant 

of any criminogenic outcome. Neighbourhood structure may include the social, economic and 

physical characteristics of a place that gives it a peculiar identity or ecological feature. In this 

regard neighbourhood structure also plays a significant role in determining residential 

differentiation. So for instance the presence or absence of proper planning and layout, income 

group of the population within a neighbourhood, absence or presence of employment 

opportunity, housing characteristics, street availability or absence etc. are important features 

of neighbourhoods and thus constitute neighbourhood structure.  

Neighbourhood structure therefore facilitates or inhibits routine activities. For instance a 

neighbourhood without lightening facilities, particularly during the night, and if there 

happens to be no guardian, it is likely that any potential person can be a target of crime. 

However if these security infrastructure are available, then crime may not take place. In the 

context of a search for an appropriate crime prevention strategy, we assume that 

neighbourhood structure may facilitate crime because it provides a conducive environment 

for crime to take place. And so for instance, inadequate security infrastructure such as police 

personnel, occurring in the context of an urbanizing fringe town with brisk business taking 

place (e.g. the study area) can provide an environment for people to commit crime. 

Logically the increase in crime and reported cases of crime will lead to police reaction and 

some measures being taken to address crime. However, these crime prevention strategies will 

not be somewhat different from the normative crime prevention strategies which are based on 

the standard mode of operation. Such crime prevention strategies mostly situational in nature 

and meant to disrupt the situational dynamics then allows crime to fester may not be adequate 



35 
 

in terms of addressing the crime situation and enhancing public safety, particularly within the 

context of the study area which is experiencing rapid urbanization. More so, with its focus on 

increasing police size, and expecting to react to complaints, such strategies may not 

adequately address the security needs of an urbanizing fringe settlement, increasing 

demographically and expanding spatially. In this context, the researcher, and being her main 

argument, advocate for appropriate police strategy that incorporate the community in the 

crime prevention effort. Police-community identification of problems (criminological 

problems), collaboration and involvement will lead to better crime prevention. This will be 

beneficial to the police since it will reduce the resources the police might have to devote in 

crime prevention (human and monetary) and will build trust and confidence in the police. On 

the part of the residents it will reduce fear and enhance public safety 

 

 

 



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CHAPTER THREE 

THE STUDY METHODOLOGY AND STUDY AREA 

3.1 Introduction 

The previous chapter interrogated some of the theoretical underpinnings of this study. The 

endeavour did not only provide the theoretical background to the study, but also helped 

identify some of the existing gaps in literature. The current chapter explores the methods and 

techniques employed in data gathering and its analysis. The section had two main divisions. 

The first division detailed the methods and methodology used in the study. This included 

research design, research strategy, data collection procedure and data collection instruments 

as well as data analysis techniques. The second section presented the profile of the study area. 

 

3.2 Research Design 

The research design presented a framework or blueprint for connecting the overall planning 

and organisation of the research. The design articulated the data required, methods used to 

collect and analyse the data, and how these answered the research questions. The study 

adopted a mixed method approach, and the use of quantitative and qualitative methods was 

predetermined and planned at the start of the research process and the procedures were 

implemented as planned.  

Mixed method has acquired so many names in the literature. For instance, Morse (1991) as 

cited in Creswell (2006) referred to it as ‘methodological triangulation’ with cognizance to 

the convergence of quantitative and qualitative data. In addition, it has also been referred to it 

as ‘mixed methodology’, which acknowledges that it is both a method and a philosophical 

worldview (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2009).  



37 
 

The choice of an appropriate method is often contentious for researchers; this is as a result of 

the limitations of both quantitative and qualitative methods. According to Creswell (2006:5) 

‘a mixed method focusses on collecting, analysing and mixing both quantitative and 

qualitative data in a single study or series of studies. Its central premise is that the use of 

quantitative and qualitative approaches in combination provides a better understanding of 

research problems than either approach alone. Thus this method utilises both approaches to 

enrich a single study. As part of the study, inferences were made from the sampled data 

through the use of statistical analytical techniques such as inferential statistics. . In this study, 

quantitative data collection was conducted through a survey to test the theories and concepts 

adopted for the study. This was followed by an investigation into people’s personal 

experiences and perceptions on the subject matter, such as the community’s views on crime, 

fear of crime and community policing. Finally, this study formed part of a larger cross-

sectional survey of four cities in Ghana, on the nexus of crime and poverty, as well as fear of 

crime. However, this supplementary study seeks to investigate the concept of community 

policing and its effect on crime prevention in an edge city in the Awutu Senya East Municipal 

Assembly (ASEMA).   

3.3 Data Requirement and Sources 

The data required for this study were collected from households in three neighbourhoods in 

Awutu Senya East Municipality, namely: Krispol City, Ofaakor and Kasoa Zongo. These 

constitute the primary data sources, which are the locations where the first hand data was 

collected.  The choice of these locations hinges on the fact that, Krispol City is assumed to be 

first class with high income earners. Krispol City is noted to be a ‘well-developed’ 

community because it has residential apartments developed by estate developers such as UT 

Properties and Ubuntu Gardens, and thus houses high-income households. In addition, 

residents have access to relatively good roads although all the roads are untarred and dusty, as 



38 
 

indicated in figure 3.1. As presented in figure 3.2, these communities are gated, and residents 

have access to 24 hour security systems to protect themselves and their families from crime 

in the absence of policing measures put forward by the government. Though most of the 

residents work outside the home, their properties are relatively secure because of the constant 

surveillance provided. 

Figure 3. 1: Sign Post to Krispol City Neighbourhood 

 

Source: Field Data, 2015



39 
 

Figure 3.2: Section of gated residential properties developed by Ubuntu Gardens 

   

Source: Field Work 2015 

Figure 3.3 presents images of Ofaakor which is a middle-income community. It is set as a 

mix community with indigenous settlers residing in old houses mainly constructed with mud 

and cement. Other new settlers who are not natives of the indigenous community have 

acquired lands and are embarking on incremental building. Due to the nature of construction, 

there are a number of uncompleted self-contained or family homes which are being manned 

by caretakers. Some of these uncompleted structures become convenient hideouts for 

criminals and this information was revealed during discussion with the police as the 

researcher was embarking on the fieldwork. Ofaakor doubles as the commercial hub within 

the municipality which is busy during the day and quiet at the close of business. These 

conditions clearly have implications for crime during the day and at night. 

 

 

 

 

 



40 
 

Figure 3. 3: Ofaakor new settlement with uncompleted buildings and old settlement 

made up of indigenous settlers 

  
Source: Field Data, 2015 

 

On the other hand, Kasoa Zongo is a low-income community. Based on a reconnaissance 

survey prior to the main data collection, it was observed that a number of residents, especially 

women, were engaged in home-based enterprises such as vending cooked food and other 

household items as shown in figure 3.4. More so, informal discussions held with residents 

regarding the crime situation in the area revealed that that were a number of ghettos serving 

as hiding places for some local youth groups. Officially the community is classified as a low 

income community, which means that comparatively income levels are low, whiles 

availability of and access to basic social services and infrastructure is relatively low ASEMA, 

(2011)  

Figure 3.4: Some women preparing food for sale in Kasoa Zongo (a home based 

enterprise) 

  
Source: Field Data, 2015 



41 
 

 

The primary data involved the use of both quantitative and qualitative data sources (see 

Appendices 1 and 2 for the instruments used). To this end, structured questionnaires were 

used to solicit information on socio-economic characteristics of household representatives 

sampled, community policing strategies and CP effects on crime prevention. In addition to 

the quantitative data, interviews were conducted with residents, community neighbourhood 

watch groups and municipal assembly officials. Officials from the Ghana Police Service were 

also interrogated to solicit information on CP practices. There were questions concerning 

community policing, and the extent to which it is practiced within the police service of 

Ghana. The final section of the interviews was designed to investigate specific operations or 

activities related to community policing and groups within the neighbourhood and who 

undertake these operations.  

To provide further detail, for instance in terms of the geographical setting, activities on 

policing and other security details, secondary data were solicited from appropriate 

institutions, particularly the police to corroborate the findings from the primary data. In 

addition to this, other secondary data sources were gathered on crime rate and trends from the 

District Divisional Police Command in Kasoa and CP Headquarters at Tesano as well as the 

municipal assembly. 

3.4 Research Instruments 

3.4.1 Questionnaires 

Semi-structured questionnaires were used in collecting the qualitative data. These covered 

variables deemed expedient for the current study. Some of the key issues covered in the 

questionnaire included the evolution and institutionalisation of CP in ASEMA, the impact of 



42 
 

the presence of CP on perceived safety and fear of crime and mechanisms employed by CP to 

engage the public in crime prevention.  

3.4.2 Interviews 

With regards to the qualitative approach, interview sessions were conducted with key 

informants including the District Police Commander, an officer from the Community 

Policing Unit and the Municipal Chief Executive, who is the Chairman of Municipal Security 

Council (MISEC). This was to solicit for information regarding community policing and 

crime rates within the municipality. The interviews were conducted with the help of an 

interview guide, and appointments were booked with the interviewees ahead of the interview 

date. These interviews were recorded and notes were taken. This was to ensure that all 

information provided by interviewees was accurately captured. Four key informants were 

interviewed and it included, the chairman of the assembly’s Security Council, the assembly’s 

planning officer, the district police commander and an officer from the community policing 

department in Tesano. All efforts made to interview the crime officer and the inspector of the 

Police Visibility Department at the Kasoa District Command proved futile.  

 

 

 

 



43 
 

3.5 Sampling Techniques and sample size 

To achieve the objectives, the study focussed on three neighbourhoods with different socio-

economic characteristics within the Awutu Senya East municipality: these were low-income, 

middle-income and high-income communities. The purposive sampling was used to select 

these neighbourhoods and it included Krispol city as high-income, Ofaakor as middle-income 

and Kasoa Zongo as low-income. While being subjective, the peculiarity in terms of socio-

economic characteristics was the basic guide for their selection as applied in other studies on 

urban Ghana (see Benneh, Songsore, Nabila, Amuzu, Tutu, Yangyuoru, & McGranahan 

(1993),   Songsore, Nabila, Amuzu, Tutu, Yangyuoru, McGranahan & Kjellen, (1998), 

Songsore, Nabila,  Yangyuoru, Amuah, Bosque-Hamilton, Etsibah, Jan-Erik, & Jacks (2005), 

Agyei-Mensah and Owusu (2010) and Owusu and Agyei-Mensah (2011). Moreover, without 

an appropriate sampling frame to aid in the sampling of the ultimate sampling unit i.e. 

household heads. A household listing exercise was conducted in the three neighbourhoods 

during an earlier reconnaissance exercise. In the process of carrying out this exercise, contact 

details of residents, particularly household heads were taken. It must be indicated that not all 

residents were willing to provide this information. However the researcher had quite enough 

conduct details to provide the sampling frame from which the ultimate sampling unit was 

sampled from. For instance in the Kasoa Zongo we had contact details of 112 residents, in 

Ofaakor the researcher had 73 and at Krispol city the researcher had 52. A simple random 

sampling was used to sample from the list. It must be indicated that a large proportion, about 

80 percent of the sampling unit were household heads. More so, in the process of carrying out 

the listing exercise the researcher made sure that contact details taken were per a house. 

Using Yamane (1967) sample size determination table, a sample size of 120 was arrived at 

base on a ±10 level of precision and 95% (.5) confidence interval (see Yamame 1967). In the 

case of the sample size for the individual communitie