ARTICLE
https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-023-01721-y OPEN
COVID-19 responses restricted abilities and
aspirations for mobility and migration: insights
from diverse cities in four continents
Dominique Jolivet1,2, Sonja Fransen 1, William Neil Adger 3✉, Anita Fábos 4, Mumuni Abu5,
Charlotte Allen6, Emily Boyd 6, Edward R. Carr 4, Samuel Nii Ardey Codjoe5, Maria Franco Gavonel 3,7,
François Gemenne8, Mahmudol Hasan Rocky9, Jozefina Lantz4, Domingos Maculule10,
Ricardo Safra de Campos3, Tasneem Siddiqui8 & Caroline Zickgraf7
Research on the impacts of COVID-19 on mobility has focused primarily on the increased
health vulnerabilities of involuntary migrant and displaced populations. But virtually all
migration flows have been truncated and altered because of reduced economic and mobility
opportunities of migrants. Here we use a well-established framework of migration decision-
making, whereby individual decisions combine the aspiration and ability to migrate, to explain
how public responses to the COVID-19 pandemic alter migration patterns among urban
populations across the world. The principal responses to COVID-19 pandemic that affected
migration are: 1) through travel restrictions and border closures, 2) by affecting abilities to
move through economic and other means, and 3) by affecting aspirations to move. Using in-
depth qualitative data collected in six cities in four continents (Accra, Amsterdam, Brussels,
Dhaka, Maputo, and Worcester), we explore how populations with diverse levels of education
and occupations were affected in their current and future mobility decisions. We use data
from interviews with sample of internal and international migrants and non-migrants during
the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic outbreak to identify the mechanisms through which the
pandemic affected their mobility decisions. The results show common processes across the
different geographical contexts: individuals perceived increased risks associated with further
migration, which affected their migration aspirations, and had reduced abilities to migrate, all
of which affected their migration decision-making processes. The results also reveal stark
differences in perceived and experienced migration decision-making across precarious migrant
groups compared to high-skilled and formally employed international migrants in all settings.
This precarity of place is particularly evident in low-income marginalised populations.
1 School of Business and Economics - UNU-MERIT, Maastricht University, Maastricht, The Netherlands. 2 Faculty of Social and Behavioural Sciences,
University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands. 3 Geography, Faculty of Environment, Science and Economy, University of Exeter, Exeter, UK.
4Department of International Development, Community, and Environment, Clark University, Worcester, USA. 5 Regional Institute for Population Studies,
University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana. 6 Centre for Sustainability Studies, Lund University, Lund, Sweden. 7 School for Business and Society, University of York,
York, UK. 8 Department of Geography and the Hugo Observatory, University of Liège, Liège, Belgium. 9 Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit,
University of Dhaka, Dhaka, Bangladesh. 10 Faculty of Architecture and Physical Planning, University Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo, Mozambique.
✉email: n.adger@exeter.ac.uk
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ARTICLE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES COMMUNICATIONS | https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-023-01721-y
Introduction
The SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has greatly affected patterns of and, secondly, the ability to realize this move (Carling andhuman mobility in every corner of the world. The intro- Schewel, 2018). The aspiration-ability framework, therefore,duction of travel restrictions and border closures, alongside allows us to identify three mechanisms through which the pan-
reduced economic opportunities, caused a substantial downturn demic affected migration decisions: (1) through the direct impacts
in international migration, as evident in published figures from of barriers to movement (e.g. travel restrictions and border clo-
mid-2020 onwards (UN DESA, 2021). Similarly, emerging find- sures), (2) through the impact of individual economic circum-
ings suggest that internal migration was also disrupted by strin- stances on mobility decisions (i.e. abilities to move), and (3)
gent population movement controls, businesses shutdowns and through the impacts of the pandemic on aspirations to move.
social distancing; all of which combined altered individual deci- By focusing on both structure (context) and agency (aspira-
sions associated with life course transitions (see González-Leo- tions and abilities), we look beyond individual circumstantial
nardo et al., 2022; Stawarz et al., 2022). High levels of involuntary factors related to the COVID-19 crisis and pay attention to
displacement and rising global mobility have increased the risks structural factors that reduce people’s abilities and increase
of pandemics, from H1N1 to Ebola, because they make the world migrants’ precarity of place (Banki, 2013), understood here as
more interdependent and connected, as part of fragility in global migrants’ specific vulnerabilities that lower their choice and
health systems (Greenaway and Gushulak, 2017). Marginalised agency to stay in their main place of residence. We suggest that
populations that include involuntary migrants have been shown the generalized migration-oriented responses to the COVID-19
to have greater exposure and higher mortality and negative out- pandemic we identify are dependent on structural factors as well
comes from COVID-19 in many countries (Greenaway et al., as the manifest abilities of individuals and their agency—people’s
2020). abilities, representing the freedom of choice on what they manage
Building on these important insights, more systematic and to do or to be given what they have, and their personal and social
comparative research is needed to explore the mechanisms circumstances (Sen, 1999). In terms of agency, we consider that
through which the pandemic affected migration decisions at migrants may have varying levels of agency in their migration
individual levels. Given the observed macro-level trends and decisions, following Hugo’s (1996) definition of population
outcomes, this paper seeks to identify generalized mechanisms mobility as “a continuum ranging from totally voluntary migra-
through which the global pandemic affected individual migration tion, in which the choice and will of the migrants is the over-
decisions, made by previous and potential migrants, which whelmingly decisive element encouraging people to move, to
resulted in these altered global migration flows. In this article, we totally forced migration, where the migrants are faced with death
use an aspiration-ability framework (Carling, 2002, 2014; if they remain in their present place of residence” (Hugo, 1996, p.
Schewel, 2020) to understand how individual mobility decisions 107). To capture the wide range of mobility options that indivi-
were affected by the pandemic and to identify the mechanisms duals have, we look at aspirations and decisions to move or to
that affected the mobility decisions of self-identified international stay put in the short and long term, and we also consider tem-
and internal migrants, as well as those of non-migrant indivi- porary moves (e.g. temporary return, circular mobility) by people
duals, in global urban contexts. with attachments in multiple places within one country or
Many studies have focused on migrants’ increased vulner- transnationally.
abilities during the pandemic, most often zooming in on specific For our analyses, we use new and unique comparative evidence
migration groups (e.g. labour migrants, students, rural–urban of the experiences of migrants and non-migrants in six cities
migrants) (Elisabeth et al., 2020; Nimer and Rottmann, 2021; across four continents—Accra, Amsterdam, Brussels, Dhaka,
Schotte et al., 2021), and with an emphasis on the most socially Maputo, and Worcester. These cities represent small and large
vulnerable (e.g. irregular migrants, or displaced and refugee cities across the Global North and Global South, with varying
populations) (Greenaway et al., 2020; San Lau et al., 2020; Raju population sizes, and varying trajectories of dominant migration.
et al., 2021; Suhardiman et al., 2021). In some cases, the emerging The data were collected through in-depth interviews with 47
evidence on migrant vulnerability has shown how the COVID-19 migrant and non-migrant residents during the SARS-CoV-2
pandemic has had significant impacts on migrants’ livelihoods, outbreak in 2020. The data is designed for an analysis of how the
which, in turn, affected migration aspirations and migration pandemic affected individual mobility decisions, through the
decisions. In Singapore and Thailand, for example, Suhardiman three identified mechanisms described above.
et al. (2021) observed how the pandemic altered migration During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, when the data were
aspirations by affecting migrants’ livelihoods. These impacts on collected, all of the cities were under significant travel restrictions
migration aspirations differed according to migration status but had very different policies in supporting lost incomes for
(regular or irregular), access to formal work, and level of social those whose livelihoods were directly affected by public health
protection. Yet, focusing on vulnerable migrant populations does interventions. These policies ranged from furlough schemes and
not allow for a distinction between the vulnerabilities specific to direct wage support in Amsterdam and Brussels to little or no
marginalised populations in particular areas and the vulner- income support in Maputo and Dhaka. The multi-sited character
abilities shared by migrants or non-migrants more generally. of this study thus provides a diversity of perceptions and
The objective of this study is to identify and explore the dif- experiences of migration during the pandemic that reflects the
ferent mechanisms through which the pandemic affected indivi- impacts of the COVID-19 crisis in cities with diverse migration
dual mobility decision-making practices. To do so, we draw histories and profiles.
inspiration from the aspiration-ability framework that perceives The next two sections present an overview of the evidence to
migration or mobility decisions “as a function of aspirations and date on the impacts of the COVID-19 crisis on migrant vulner-
capabilities to migrate within given sets of perceived geographical ability and mobility decisions, the theoretical approach and
opportunity structures” (de Haas, 2021, p. 2). Following this research questions. The third section presents the data and
framework, a migration or mobility decision is, firstly, dependent methods and the developments around COVID-19 in the six
on the “immigration interface”; the macro-level context which cities at the time of the study. The results document the three
determines the “barriers and requirements” for migration (Car- aspects of consequences for migrants that increased their pre-
ling and Schewel 2018, 947). Secondly, migration decisions are a carity of place. The discussion highlights the long-term and wider
two-step process, comprising, firstly, the aspiration to migrate implications for social differentiation and recovery.
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How migration has been affected by COVID-19 of prior movements and truncating land use transformation
The COVID-19 pandemic has thrown into sharp relief how processes (Gödecke and Waibel, 2011; Rigg et al., 2018). The
human short- and long-distance mobility initially enabled the unprecedented level of travel restrictions implemented in many
spread of the virus globally. Migration flows were significantly countries due to COVID-19 affected migrants in multiple ways.
altered as a result of the pandemic. A diversity of policy responses For example, border restrictions and closures trapped low-skilled
to the threat of the spread of the virus, including lockdowns and migrant workers who often faced increased economic hardship
bans on travel within and between countries, had direct impacts (IOM, 2021). Furthermore, without access to social welfare,
on the intensities and directions of mobility patterns and internal migrants in the Gulf and parts of South-East Asia were often
and international migration flows. The United Nations Depart- excluded from access to public health and unemployment bene-
ment of Economic and Social Affairs revealed that the growth in fits, resulting in increased vulnerability (ADBI, 2021; IOM, 2021).
the stock of international migrants may have been reduced by There is a growing body of evidence on the short-term effects of
around two million (or a 27 per cent decline from the growth the pandemic on forced immobility, for instance in China (Li
expected since mid-2019) by mid-2020 as a consequence of the et al. 2021). In Singapore and Thailand, Suhardiman et al. (2021)
pandemic (UN DESA, 2020). Some migration commentators are observed that the COVID-19 pandemic affected migrants’ liveli-
going further to suggest that the pandemic may represent an hoods and subsequent migration aspirations differently according
inflection point: that international movement at the global scale to migration status (regular or irregular), access to formal work
may have peaked before the pandemic (Gamlen, 2020). and level of social protection. The longer-term effects of COVID-
In addition, perceived risk of virus transmission, at least in 19 on migration processes are linked with hardening of interna-
early stages of the pandemic in 2020, led to stigma and blame on tional borders through artificial intelligence as well as socio-
migrant populations (San Lau et al., 2020). The fear of the virus economic consequences associated with changes in labour
spreading, of international or local disease transmission, further markets and remittance corridors (IOM, 2021).
marginalized migrant populations. The biosecurity framing of Furthermore, as part of the migration decision-making process,
public health and disease control has been argued to create ambivalences might play a role in the constant redefinition and
unforeseen and unpredictable social outcomes (Lentzos and Rose, re-routing of migration individual projects (Boyer, 2005; Jolivet,
2009). As such, the COVID-19 crisis amplifies many elements of 2020; Schapendonk et al., 2020). For example, significant tech-
social inequality for migrant populations in cities, thus bringing nological advances might enable prospective migrants to access
to light long-standing issues of policy and social protection work and education opportunities through digital platforms
associated with migration, particularly for low-income migrants (IOM, 2021). Migrants and non-migrants may experience
in informal settlements, and active in informal and casual work ambivalent aspirations to stay put or to migrate and preferences
(Raju et al., 2021; Rao et al., 2020; Siddiqui et al., 2021). Many around mobility may change over time as the effects of the
migrants experience spatial and social marginalisation in the COVID-19 crisis unfold, leaving people to balance economic
places they move to, which manifests as low life satisfaction, factors, formal and informal social protection resources, and their
higher levels of stress, and perceived insecurity in low-income quality of life.
settings (Adger et al., 2021; Siddiqui et al., 2021). Socially
excluded migrant populations may experience negative mental
health outcomes which may be exacerbated by limited labour Restrictions on movement, abilities and aspirations to move
rights, social stigma and inequality (Li and Rose, 2017; Richaud To study the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on experiences
and Amin, 2019). Migrants can end up jobless and with limited or of mobility we analyse three mechanisms through which we
no access to formal social protection in their place of destination suggest the pandemic could have affected individual decision-
(Sabates-Wheeler and Feldman, 2011) and limited opportunity making practices (Fig. 1). First, the barriers refer to the macro-set
for return migration to their place of origin (Içduygu, 2020). All of opportunities or the “given sets of perceived geographical
these factors are likely to contribute to migrants’ precarity of opportunity structures” (de Haas 2021, p. 2), in which mobility
place, which is not necessarily related to labour precarity alone decisions are made. Second, abilities to move are based on the
(Banki, 2013). concept of abilities, which are the effective opportunities available
The COVID-19 crisis has had significant impacts on migrants’ to individuals to pursue valued functioning, or states of ‘being’
livelihoods at all income levels, which, in turn, often reconfigured and ‘doing’ (Robeyns, 2006; Sen, 1985). The evidence on the
migration aspirations and migration decisions (Suhardiman et al., interplay between abilities and mobility or migration has mainly
2021). For low-income marginalised populations, economic crises focused on the lack of ability or capability to move that leads to
and downturns generally result in significant risks of falling into involuntary immobility (Carling, 2002; Collyer et al., 2012;
poverty through unemployment (Aiyemo, 2020). Their vulner- Lubkemann, 2008) or on how increased abilities and life aspira-
ability can increase depending on factors such as gender, age, tions lead to increased aspirations to migrate (de Haas,
ethnicity or when social networks in the place of residence are 2003, 2006, 2014; Suhardiman et al., 2021). A further dimension
limited (IOM, 2019). In line with this work, there is now growing is the effect of migration on the capacity to aspire (Czaika and
evidence that the economic lives of migrant populations were Vothknecht, 2014) or on the contrary, how decreased abilities
disproportionally affected by the direct and indirect effects of the brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic reduce capacities to
pandemic. For instance, some migrants were more likely to aspire (Suhardiman et al., 2021). We frame this research by
contract the virus due to their living and working conditions, they observing that the COVID-19 pandemic and its associated gov-
had less access to health care and in several countries, the ernmental responses impose various constraints on individuals’
COVID-19 crisis particularly affected industries where migrants abilities to choose to move or stay.
are highly represented, such as the health, social care, hospitality Third, mobility aspirations are referred to as the belief that
and food industry sectors (Fernández-Reino and McNeil, 2020; migration is preferable to staying (Carling, 2002; Czaika and
Guadagno, 2020). Vothknecht, 2014; de Haas, 2014; Carling and Schewel, 2018).
Economic downturns trigger shifts in migration processes with Mobility aspirations may, firstly, be affected by the pandemic
short and long-term impacts on source and destination econo- through increased perceptions of risk associated with mobility.
mies. The Asian economic crisis of the late 2000s, for example, led Clearly, the pandemic has raised individuals’ fear of health
to significant urban-to-rural return migration, reversing decades deterioration through the risk of infection. But government
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responses to the pandemic, such as restricting movement, have raised in the city of residence. This category could include people
not only affected people’s abilities to move by reducing their who were born and raised in the city, migrated (internally or
choice set (through individuals’ perceptions of risk) but also internationally), and returned to the city. Internal migrants were
involuntarily through regulations and restrictions. As such, bar- those who moved from other parts of the country (rural or urban)
riers to mobility as well as abilities to move have consequences for to the city. Internal migrants were excluded in Amsterdam and
aspirations to move. At the individual level, changes in abilities to Brussels because rural-urban differences are smaller in Belgium
move to affect mobility aspirations, which in turn have a knock- and the Netherlands than in the other research sites. International
on effect on how migration outcomes are perceived among peers migrants were people who migrated to the city from another
through mechanisms of social diffusion (Carling and Collins, country. Internal and international migrants had to reside for a
2018). period ranging from one to five years in the cities under study
before data collection. The 12-month period aligns with inter-
Data and methods nationally applied definitions of long-term migration (UN, 1998).
The research design was to elicit data on the range of experiences Participants were aged between 18 and 85 years and in the
among a diverse set of migrant and non-migrant populations in migrant sub-sample all had migrated to the city of residence as
diverse urban settings. Primary data was collected using semi- adults. Participants were recruited in 2019 through personal
structured interviews conducted with participants in Accra, contacts, community group leaders and snowball sampling. The
Amsterdam, Brussels, Dhaka, Maputo, and Worcester (US). The interview guide included questions for the migrant sample to
six cities were selected to ensure maximum variation in terms of reconstruct participants’ migration history (including decisions to
areas of origin and destination of migration. remain in place) that could provide a better understanding of
participant’s frames of reference, geographic comparisons and
changes in perceptions, attitudes and behaviours over the
Site selection. Known figures on COVID-19 infections in the migration process. The data collected between June and
place of residence and policy responses to the COVID-19 pan- September 2020 with 47 participants focussed on the impact of
demic during fieldwork could have influenced participants’ per- the COVID-19 pandemic on the participants, which included a
ceptions and experiences of migration in 2020. Table 1 contains section on their migration aspirations and decisions and socio-
country-level data related to the city sites and includes informa- demographic characteristics.
tion reported to and published by WHO (2021). In Mozambique,
the level of identified COVID-19 infections was relatively low;
Belgium and the Netherlands were out of their first wave; in Interview procedures and data analysis. Interviews were con-
Ghana, infections were increasing; and while Bangladesh was at ducted remotely from May to July 2020 during the pandemic
the peak of its first wave, the United States was getting out of a using video calling or mobile phones. Phone interviews com-
second wave—in the state of Massachusetts where Worcester is plied with strict ethical guidelines for conducting research
situated, detected COVID-19 infections were relatively low during the Covid-19 pandemic. The interviews were recorded,
compared to country-level figures (The New York Times, 2021). transcribed and translated into English and analysed using a so-
When the fieldwork started, only Mozambique had more strin- called hybrid process of inductive and deductive theme coding
gent biosecurity measures than in March 2020. In all sites, schools (Fereday and Muir-Cochrane, 2006). We designed a codebook
were closed at least for some levels of education. There were also to code the interviews using the software QDA Miner. This
closings in some sectors of occupation, the organisation of public software has a free version (QDA Miner Lite) that made the
events was not permitted and there were restrictions on the resulting coding easily accessible to a team of researchers
maximum number of people allowed in social gatherings. affiliated with different institutions with access to diverse
Restrictions on public transport use were recommended in Ban- software. We started with deductive coding, based on the
gladesh and the United States. In the Netherlands, Mozambique, codebook in order to organise the data. We completed the
and the United States, staying at home was recommended, while deductive coding of overarching themes with a second phase of
in Bangladesh this was a requirement with some exceptions. In inductive coding.
terms of social protection, policies for supporting income were in
place in Belgium, the Netherlands, and, to a lesser extent, the Sample description. As described, the sample contains 47 indi-
United States, but not in the other three countries (Hale et al., viduals with varying socio-demographic profiles (Table 2). First,
2020). the internal migrant respondents are evenly split among higher
and lower income levels, while those with higher income profiles
Interview participants. The study reported here originally tar- did not necessarily have more years of education. The two
geted a sample to explore perceptions and meanings of social, internal migrant respondents in Maputo, for example, achieved
environmental and community elements of sustainability for university-level education but were both unemployed, while two
newly migrated urban populations. Hence the participants were highly educated internal migrants in Worcester were employed as
recruited from July 2019 onwards using maximum variation relatively low-status and low-income hairstylists and student
sampling, with the aim to ensure diversity in socio-economic workers, respectively. Internal migrants with fewer years of
characteristics, experiences in urban environments, and per- education included a male hotel cleaner, a male fashion designer,
spectives on sustainability. The first wave interviewed participants and an unemployed woman. Among the higher income category,
face-to-face. In the present study, we use data collected subse- those with advanced degrees comprised two male research offi-
quently collected from a subset of 47 participants who agreed to cers in Dhaka, an architect in Maputo, and the head of a non-
participate. We re-interviewed these participants in 2020 during profit organisation in Worcester.
the COVID-19 pandemic. The participants were purposively The sample had fewer international migrants of high income:
selected based on their migration experience and were from a an American political consultant and an Indian doctoral
diverse range of regions of origin based on place of birth, and a candidate in Brussels, both men; a Nigerian businessman in
parallel smaller cohort of non-migrants (see Table 2). We dis- Accra, and a Bangladeshi doctoral student in Amsterdam. Two
tinguished between non-migrants, internal migrants, and inter- doctoral student respondents were employed and comparatively
national migrants. Non-migrants were men and women born and well-paid by their universities. The low-income international
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Fig. 1 Barriers to movement, capacity to move, and changing aspirations affected mobility outcomes. Individual decisions on current and future
movement (right hand side) are affected by COVID-19 policies and restrictions (left hand side) through the three mechanisms of barriers to mobility,
resources and ability to move, and altered aspirations.
Table 1 Characteristics of six sampled cities and national responses to the COVID-19 pandemic at the time of data collection
mid-2020.
City Population Migration trajectory Restrictions on International Income
(m) public transport travel measures support
(mid-2020) (mid-2020)
Dhaka 20.3 Main destination of all types of migrants. Growth of slums where Recommended Complete travel No
53% of residents had migrated from the rural hinterlands and smaller closed ban formal
urban districts support
Brussels 1.2 More than half of its population is foreign-born. Aside from No measures Complete travel >50%
migrations linked to labour migration (Southern Europe, North Africa, ban lost
Turkey) or its colonial past (like DRC), there is a large representation income
of EU-born citizens working for the EU institutions
Accra 2.6 Primary destination of the majority of Ghana’s internal migrants and No measures Border closures No
a major destination for international migrants from the West Africa formal
sub-region. New migrant populations are clustered in high-density support
informal settlements
Maputo 1.7 Rapid growth of the city as a result of migration flows from rural No measures Border closure No
areas associated with political instability, war, poverty or formal
unsuccessful agricultural policies. Migration is linked to factors support
including job security, aid, frontline services, and economic
opportunities in both informal and formal sectors.
Amsterdam 0.9 Major destination for domestic and international migrants with No measures Complete travel >50%
established diasporas from Turkey, Morocco, Suriname, the Antilles, ban lost
and Sub-Saharan African countries. income
Worcester 0.2 A historic migration destination as a manufacturing hub giving rise to Recommended Complete travel >50%
a diverse ethnic and racial population. Current domestic and closed ban lost
international migration is linked to biotech, education, and income
employment opportunities, as well as small numbers of refugees.
Source: Various including COVID-19 Government Response Tracker (Hale et al., 2020).
migrants were nearly all well-educated with the exception of a The number of non-migrant respondents in the higher-income
female Congolese trader in Maputo. A majority of the low- category was slightly smaller than the number in the lower-
income international migrants were women, with a variety of income category. Of the lower-income non-migrants, the
occupations ranging from social service providers, cook, bouncer, majority were unemployed, while the rest included a Belgian
and trader, to graduate student, self-employed, and unemployed. non-migrant working in a bar, a Ghanaian lotto agent, and a
The Accra and Maputo respondents were all from other African Bangladeshi garment worker. In the higher occupation category,
countries, while Worcester and Amsterdam’s respondents non-migrants had a range of jobs including a self-employed
included a refugee from Iraq, a Colombian migrant, and a carpenter and a violin teacher in Worcester, an entrepreneur and
Cameroonian student. Dhaka’s two international migrant a freelancer, both in Amsterdam, an administrative assistant in
respondents were from Nepal and the UK. Dhaka, and a District Officer in Accra.
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Results: Mobility decision-making during Covid-19 Why would northern Europe, which has flattened the curve,
Barriers to movement, abilities to move, and aspirations for why would they open themselves up to countries which
mobility are differentiated across social status and class. Migrant haven’t, (…) I really don’t know when the next time I’ll be
and non-migrant respondents representing various occupational able to go back home, you know? So, the thing is that I
and educational levels across the six different locations experi- literally have to finish and then make this whole decision
enced differential impacts in terms of the barriers they faced, and that: do we stay on or do we actually go? And if we leave,
their abilities and aspirations regarding mobility decisions in the then we leave for good”. (Amsterdam international
time of Covid. Here we first describe common mechanisms migrant AM2).
through which COVID-19 affected individual decision-making Lower-income international migrants faced barriers to travel to
across the six diverse localities around mobility trajectories. We their countries of origin due to travel bans rather than a lack of
then use context-specific demographic information on the type of resources. A graduate student in Worcester was unable to return
occupation, employment context, and years of education, with to Cameroon for the funeral of his mother:
respondents divided into relatively higher- or lower-income
categories. “[I’m] here and my family back in Cameroon. So, let me
start by myself here and then I will talk about what is
Movement barriers affecting decision-making. The data show happening back in Cameroon. So right now, here I actually
how the barriers related to the COVID-19 crisis disrupted longer- had to travel, especially when I lost my mother. But I was
distance migration and produced discontinuities in migrants’ not able to do that because of the closures of the borders
multi-sited arrangements. This reduced individual abilities to stay and the restrictions on the flights. Yeah, I think I am just
put or migrate, but also to take any migration-related decisions. getting used to it. That was something I wanted to achieve
Emergent consequences in migration aspirations and decisions but could not achieve because of the lockdown. Yeah”.
range from immobility to reconsiderations of long-term migra- (WOR-M2-M-JL-11).
tion decisions.
Respondents identified three types of barriers to their Similarly, a low-income international migrant woman from
decisions to move caused by the COVID-19 pandemic: (a) Cote d’Ivoire in Accra described her inability to travel: “Right
direct restrictions due to lockdown policies limiting mobility; now how the sickness has taken over our lives, my father is dead
(b) fear of contracting the SARS-CoV-2 virus; and (c) and I can’t go. … I am praying and waiting for the borders to be
obligations to stay put in order to protect family members opened. It is hard”. (ACC-M2-F-AA-05).
with poorer health conditions or to comply with expectations of Everyday multi-sited arrangements of migrants and their
other household members. Barriers affecting decision-making family members became disrupted at all income levels. For
for high-income international migrants varied by location and instance, internal migrants were unable to travel from Dhaka to
type of occupation. An Indian doctoral student in the high- their regions of origin to celebrate the religious Eid holidays with
income group described how he was affected by local family members, both a low-income cleaner (DHA-M1-M-MH-
restrictions in Brussels: 02) and a high-income administrator (DHA-M1-F-MH-04)
explained. Transnational health care arrangements were also
“I think there was a period during the serious lockdown hampered by the crisis; one lower-income internal migrant in
when I felt kind of closer with people because I think people Accra whose son received regular herbal treatments in Togo,
were more willing to have full conversations, or go on walks where the brother of the respondent lived, was unable to travel
or do sort of, I would say, low-key activities or keep since the pandemic outbreak (ACC-M1-M-AA-03).
communications because everyone was a bit more lonely. Perceptions of increased risks and uncertainties of migration
And now, I think, their opening up, I think… I would say I are often linked to a mix of biosecurity, infrastructure, and
feel a bit more isolated because everyone is going about economic factors. A low-income internal migrant in Maputo
their lives a bit more like normal now. And my life still feels explained how his decision-making was affected by his family’s
very much on hold”. (BRU-M2-M-SND-N2*). fear of the virus: “The people in my house were afraid that I was
Lockdown policies affecting mobility had further consequences going to travel. In some ways it was a restriction” (MAP-M1-M-
for income generation. For example, a high-income Nigerian SS-04). Another low-income migrant in Dhaka described how he
businessman in Accra found his ability to move to conduct his decided to curtail his mobility:
import and export business stalled: When asked where he would “In fact, I did not intend to go anywhere since the corona
want to move to, he replied, “I do business in China. I import my virus outbreak. Once I intended to go to my village. As the
goods from China and send them to Cameroun and Nigeria but I situation got worse and caused restrictions on transporta-
can’t do it anymore”. (ACC-M2-M-AA-01) Tougher and tion, I could not move. (…). It seems too that if I stay in
constantly changing travel and entry policies in many countries Dhaka, I could be safe while I am here. If I would move to
to manage the threat of COVID-19 point indeed to new barriers my village, it would be very difficult for me to adjust to new
and obstacles that affected migrants with trans-national lifestyles. changes. That is why I did not go to the village”. (DHA-
This was the case for a high-income migrant born in Bangladesh M1-M-GM-10).
living in Amsterdam, who hesitated between returning tempora-
rily to Dhaka to emotionally support her mother during the High-income non-migrants across the six sites recognized their
COVID-19 crisis and staying in Europe to avoid the risk of losing privilege and choice in the matter of having the economic security
her residence permit that she struggled to obtain: to stay where they were already living. Many described their lives
under the lockdown as relatively unchanged, although biosecurity
“Until I complete my PhD out here, I might not be able to fears and isolation for some tempered the reported benefits of
move out of the Netherlands. Because if I leave, I may not reconnecting with friends, slowing down the pace of life, and
be able to come back. Because Bangladesh is so far behind enjoying access to outdoor spaces. A high-income non-migrant
in, like, dealing with the COVID-19. (…) So, zone wise, if woman living in Worcester described the effect of the Covid lock-
that country is never under control with its transmission, down on her and her family’s work, housing, health and living
other countries are not going to open commercial flights. conditions:
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Table 2 Characteristics of 47 participants with varying socio-demographic profiles.
Migration profile City of Year of Gender Country of birth Years of Main occupation Reference
residence birth education
High-income internal Accra 1990 Male Ghana 9 Electrician and lotto agent ACC-M1-M-
migrants AA-03
Accra 1989 Female Ghana 15 Caterer ACC-M1-F-AA-
04
Accra 1995 Female Ghana 16 Call centre agent ACC-M1-F-
MA-06
Dhaka 1983 Female Bangladesh 15 Administrative staff DHA-M1-F-
MH-04
Dhaka 1990 Male Bangladesh 20 Research officer DHA-M1-M-
SM-09
Dhaka 1992 Male Bangladesh 20 Research officer DHA-M1-M-
GM-10
Maputo unknown Male Mozambique 18 Architect, self-employed MAP-M1-M-
DM-08
Worcester 1961 Female USA 19 CEO in mental health WOR-M1-F-JL-
organisation 07
Low-income internal Accra 1986 Male Ghana 9 Fashion designer ACC-M1-M-
migrants AA-02
Accra 1992 Female Ghana 14 Unemployed ACC-M1-F-
MA-03
Dhaka 1959 Male Bangladesh 0 Cleaner in hotel DHA-M1-M-
MH-02
Dhaka 1990 Female Bangladesh 3 Unknown DHA-M1-F-
MH-03
Maputo 1994 Male Mozambique 17 Not employed, nor looking MAP-M1-M-
for a job SS-04
Maputo 1996 Male Mozambique 18 Not employed, nor looking MAP-M1-M-
for a job DM-09
Worcester 1974 Female USA 17 Hairstylist WOR-M1-F-JL-
05
Worcester 1999 Female USA 15 Student job WOR-M1-F-JL-
09
High-income Accra 1989 Male Nigeria 14 Businessman selling ACC-M2-M-
international migrants phones and accessories AA-01
Amsterdam 1981 Female Bangladesh 19 PhD candidate AMS-M2-F-RT-
03
Brussels 1989 Male India 15 PhD candidate BRU-M2-M-
SND-N5
Brussels 1991 Male U.S.A. 15 Political consultant BRU-M2-M-
SND-N2
Low-income Accra 1990 Male Togo 14 Bouncer in casino ACC-M2-M-
international migrants MA-04
Worcester 1973 Female Iraq 17 Case manager WOR-M2-F-JL-
10
Amsterdam 1978 Female Colombia 19 Cook AMS-M2-F-
MV-01
Worcester 1981 Male Cameroon 17 Graduate student WOR-M2-M-
JL-11
Dhaka 1983 Male Nepal 20 Not employed, nor looking DHA-M2-M-
for a job URD-11
Maputo 1982 Female Rwanda 15 Self-employed MAP-M2-F-SS-
10
Maputo 1990 Female DRC Congo 3 Trader/dealer MAP-M2-F-
AG-13
Accra 1986 Female Cote d’Ivoire 14 Trading in provisional store ACC-M2-F-
AA-05
Accra 1991 Female Nigeria 18 Unemployed ACC-M2-F-
MA-07
Dhaka 1945 Male UK 15 Unknown DHA-M2-M-
MH-05
High-income non- Worcester 1954 Male USA 15 Carpenter, self-employed WOR-NM-M-
migrants JL-08
Accra 1981 Male Ghana 16 District disaster officer ACC-NM-M-
MA-05
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Table 2 (continued)
Migration profile City of Year of Gender Country of birth Years of Main occupation Reference
residence birth education
Amsterdam 1969 Male Netherlands 17 Entrepreneur AMS-NM-M-
KB-01
Amsterdam 1964 Female Netherlands 18 Freelance AMS-NM-F-
RT-04
Dhaka 1985 Female Bangladesh 20 Higher Assistant, Dhaka DHA-NM-F-
Education Board YA-04
Worcester 1952 Female USA 22 Violine teacher WOR-NM-F-
JL-04
Worcester 1935 Male USA 19 Retired WOR-NM-M-
JL-01
Low-income non- Accra 1971 Male Ghana 9 Lotto agent ACC-NM-M-
migrants AA-08
Worcester 1991 Female Ukraine 15 Not employed, nor looking WOR-NM-F-
for a job JL-02
Brussels 1999 Male Belgium 15 Student job (bar) BRU-NM-M-
SND-N3
Accra 1989 Female Ghana 15 Unemployed ACC-NM-F-
AA-07
Accra 1975 Male Ghana 9 Unemployed ACC-NM-M-
AA-06
Brussels 1994 Male Belgium 15 Unemployed BRU-NM-M-
SND-N9
Maputo 1998 Female Mozambique 12 Unemployed MAP-NM-F-
RD-02
Maputo 1993 Female Mozambique 12 Unemployed MAP-NM-F-
RD-05
Accra 1988 Male Ghana 18 Unknown ACC-NM-M-
MA-01
Dhaka 1991 Female Bangladesh 8 Worker in quality section DHA-NM-F-J-
(Garments) 07
“Well, I think that in a way we might be healthier than we with the Belgian response to Covid. When asked whether he
were before this because we can we have more time to thought living in Belgium had been good for him, or another
exercise. We’re not going out and eating junk food. We’re place was better, he shared that,
buying stuff and cooking it at home. The work, as I said,
I’m teaching. I’m continuing my teaching on Zoom. So that “On an individual level, I think it’s the same for me to live
has not changed for the financial aspect. It’s changed my in Belgium, than in friends or Germany during the crisis.
style of teaching, but it’s not changed. Nothing’s really But obviously I just said that, like, the global strategy wasn’t
changed in this in that sense’.(WOR-NM-F-JL-04*). as good in Belgium, than in other countries. But its impact
on the oldest people and like the vulnerable people– that
A non-migrant woman in Amsterdam suggested that while her doesn’t impact me because I’m young. And even if I’ve been
life may have changed, her life satisfaction had not. “I did make infected with the coronavirus. It’s not, it’s not, it’s not lethal
choices that were different. But no, it didn’t have any influence on for me. I’m not into, not in a risk group, you know, like the
my life satisfaction. I rather thought, wow this is an enormous risk group is the oldest people and the vulnerable and I’m
wake-up call, to go back to… well that’s my thing of course, I do a not in it. So for me, it’s the same. If I was like, 78 years years
lot with spirituality, so it was a nice chance to unwind” (AMS- old, it would have been different”.
NM-F-RT-04-RT).
For non-migrants in lower-income categories, the experience The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed underexplored dimen-
of life satisfaction during the pandemic restrictions was more sions of what Carling (2002) categorised as physical dangers
mixed. Non-migrants living in countries with better social safety perceived to constrain migration. Such constraints are linked to
nets experienced isolation and fear, but not desperation as some the biosecurity dimension of the COVID-19 crisis rather than to
of the low-income residents in Maputo and Accra explained. For the dangers of exploitation, trafficking, or irregular migration.
example, a woman in Accra shared her experience of the effect of
Covid: Curtailed abilities to move. The most obvious effect of the
restrictive mobility policies on our respondents was immobility.
“I am out of job. Things were ok before the covid came. I The lack of ability to move led to involuntary immobility—based
was doing something small but due to the covid I have on observations, this was perhaps less the case in Dhaka. How-
stopped so it has had effect. [Before,] I was setting questions ever, our results indicate differences in how higher and lower-
for a particular school which was given me some income income migrants, both international and internal, experienced the
but because of the covid, the schools have been closed. I curtailed ability to move. For example, higher-income interna-
now rely on my mum to survive”. (ACC-NM-F-AA-07*). tional migrants, regardless of setting, did not refer to financial
A young non-migrant man living in Brussels was thankful that hardship that curtailed their movement; rather, it was a lack of
he was not at as high a risk as others, despite his dissatisfaction ability to make choices about their next steps. A Bangladeshi
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doctoral student in Amsterdam described her decision-making But that was canceled, we couldn’t go there. And everything
process thus: was closed so then it’s no fun either actually. But in the first
instance we did have the plan to get away for a month. If we
“I mean, there are times when I did very seriously think of have to close anyway, let’s go on holiday now then. Then
just packing, seriously, think of just packing up everything we don’t have to hire someone for the holiday months, and
and going back because my mom is by herself, so. I mean, you move the costs a bit. (AMS-NM-M-KB-01-KB).
she has help and things like that, but I just hate the fact that
she was completely on her own. But everybody was like, Low-income non-migrants experienced the pandemic’s effect
look, don’t do that because the chances are that… I mean, on their ability to move differently than the high-income non-
A: the whole process is so difficult. And, you know, migrants since their resources to enable them to move were
especially with the PhD right now. I’m at that place where negatively affected; additionally, these respondents expressed
I’m about 30 to 40 percent done and for me to sort of, like, safety concerns about moving to other countries due to the
pack up everything and then go back, it’s just. Yeah, so that. pandemic. When asked whether they had to or wanted to move
But other than that, no, but we’ve been in terms of within since the outbreak, a non-migrant man in Accra said that he “had
Amsterdam, we’ve been OK. We are where we are, where that in mind but I don’t have enough capital to do so. I already
we are”. (AMS-M2-F-RT-03-RT). had that in mind before the outbreak of the coronavirus”. He told
the interviewer that he would be willing to go “anywhere” if he
For lower-income international migrants, the lockdown was able. (ACC-NM-M-AA-06) Another non-migrant from
restrictions also brought about involuntary immobility, which Accra shared that she would not take the opportunity to work
caused high levels of stress. None of these international migrants, and live somewhere else due to fears of the virus. The woman said
however, discussed changes to their economic ability as getting in that “[even if [the virus went down] I would, it will be specific
the way of achieving their goals. A Cameroonian graduate student country…[a] country with less infection of Covid….I prefer
in Worcester said: Canada but they are also suffering. The United States of America
“Yeah, so I wanted to move, to travel to my country. I was is my preferred place but things are also not normal there. I don’t
not able to do that. That intention to move was even before think people will like to travel to the USA these days. It will take a
the pandemic situation because after my spring semester, long time”. (ACC-NM-F-AA-07).
after every semester, my goal was to visit my family and These observations on abilities to move to highlight the fluid
spend some time and come back. Unfortunately, this time I distinctions between the voluntariness of desired immobility—the
was not able to do that because of the lockdown”. (WOR- wish and ability to stay (Carling, 2002; Mata‐Codesal, 2018), the
M2-M-JL-11). desire but lack of ability to migrate (Carling, 2002), and the lack
of aspiration to move combined with an eventual lack of ability to
Perceptions of immobilization were not limited to high-income do so (Schewel 2015, 2020).
migrants. For example, a lower-income internal migrant in
Maputo said that he felt trapped by the lack of freedom of
mobility: “Human beings, by their very nature, are not made to Aspirations to move affected by COVID-19 restrictions. Some
feel trapped” (MAP-M1-M-DM-09). But the livelihoods of lower- migrants aspired to continue their migration trajectories, while
income internal migrants were more clearly a factor in their others reconfigured theirs and returned (temporarily) to previous
inability to move. Other lower-income internal migrants were places of residence. Reasons to move back to the place of origin
particularly affected by the lack of ability to move when they or differed depending on the context and geopolitics of the six cities,
their family members were stranded away from their main place but higher-income migrants–whether international or
of residence, with significant negative consequences to their internal–had more abilities to continue their mobility trajectory.
livelihoods. When asked about how he was managing his day-to- The same can be said for lower-income international migrants,
day expenditures and food costs, a lower-income Ghanaian who aspired to stay in their places of migration but expressed the
electrician responded: wish to be able to visit their family members when COVID
restrictions eased somewhat. The results suggest that lower-
“I became a bit free when the lockdown was eased. As I told income internal migrants were more driven by economic needs to
you, it came impromptu, so I didn’t prepare, but now am aspire to different migration projects.
able to go out and look for money. Some of my siblings Respondents from the higher-income international migrant
came from Koforidua before the lockdown and they group expressed the desire to stay in their place of residence—the
couldn’t go back, so I had to feed them”. (ACC-M1-M- three Europe-based international migrants (AMS-M2-F-RT-03,
AA-02). BRU-M2-M-SND-N2, BRU-M2-M-SND-N5) aspired to exercise
The travel restrictions brought on by the pandemic changed their agency to remain in Brussels and Amsterdam:
the ability of high-income non-migrants to travel for work and “I prefer to be where I am at this situation right now. So, I
for holiday but also altered their perspectives about their mobile kind of do not want to take any–because I know the
livelihoods and lifestyles. A non-migrant anthropologist in situation is still evolving and I’m kind of
Amsterdam shared with us that she thought to herself, “what a like–uncomfortable at this juncture. So, I’m not venture
silliness, last year I was in Namibia, why do I have to be in out and try to work somewhere else or try something new”.
Namibia? Why do we all have to go all the time a weekend to (BRU-M2-M-SND-N5).
Rome, and this and that. So I’m starting to think differently about
traveling. Why do we have to do that?” (AMS-NM-F-RT-04-RT) For others, the reconfiguration of the migration project
Meanwhile, another non-migrant from Amsterdam had to included the aspiration to migrate onward. This was particularly
rethink his family holiday plans due to the pandemic but was the case when migrants perceived that they were not able to meet
able to justify it in terms of his business needs: their broader life aspirations in their place of residence. The
Accra-based international importer/exporter wished to resume
I did want to go on a holiday in April. So we thought, we’ll his business travels from Ghana, but also said: “Living at the right
leave the 25th of March and stay in Thailand for a month, place in the current situation, that’s what I thought, but the
see you later. We’ll follow the news from there, we thought. current situation has exposed a lot of things; so you feel like you
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want to move from one place to another place where you can be no problem. I have no problem going as long as they are
meet your expectation” (ACC-M2-M-AA-01). complying with the rules, sanitizing, the masks, there would
Reconfiguring one’s migration project can also mean postpon- be no problem”. (MAP-M1-M-DM-08).
ing the decision to migrate, circulate or return (temporarily): Nevertheless, looking more closely at the effects of the COVID-
“Now, because of the situation, we also were planning to go back 19 crisis on future aspirations to migrate, we see that the COVID-
to my hometown in India and now we have to postpone it. So 19 pandemic does not always affect migration aspirations and
that was also something I was looking for and I was a bit upset” decisions. The experience of a migrant born in Cameroon and
(Brussels international migrant BR2). living in Worcester shows the ambivalence between the aspiration
This can entail waiting until the risks of contracting the virus and decision to stay put in his place of residence since the
diminish, economic opportunities arise after the COVID-19 COVID-19 outbreak:
crisis, or travel restrictions are softened. Nearly all of the lower-
income international migrant respondents aspired to stay in their “I think it is quite stressful. It’s quite a burden to think of
migration places while expressing the desire to visit their families you being in a part of the world where you can’t just make
in their countries of origin. When asked what he would do if he it back to your family, to your homeland without, you
had an opportunity to work or live elsewhere outside Maputo or know, connecting to the different services that are
outside Mozambique, a Congolese trader responded: interconnected and which are all paralyzed to a certain
extent at the moment. Also concerned that going out
“I like Maputo, I like all of Mozambique. [inaudible] from there [Cameroon], and in an attempt to get there it might
Mozambique and I liked it. Because nothing very serious also expose you to true risk of contracting the disease, is
has happened to me yet [inaudible] falling into a place and all part of what preoccupies me right here. (…) I feel like I
meeting a thug or something, it hasn’t happened to me here am safe [in Worcester]. (…) And if the situations get
in Mozambique yet. This is what I was saying. I like it here worse in the future what becomes of my family, my kids
in Mozambique because life here in Mozambique is not who are currently living in a region that they know no
very complicated either. You can take a cartload for 20 or one, you know, because they had to move out of our
10 and eat until the afternoon. Other places, other region due to the crisis. That is kind of worry to me, you
countries, have places where there are people and you can know. So, my safety here, sometimes I feel like maybe it
catch [inaudible] of 20. It is not easy”. (MAP-M2-F-AG-13- would have been better to be home, to be closer to the
DM). kids. To be able to take the right step at any point in time
Similarly, higher-income internal migrants preferred to stay in case of anything. But so far so good. They are fine”.
where they were, unless they had to travel for work. The (WOR-M2-M-JL-11).
Worcester-based CEO of a social service agency scoffed at being Non-migrants in the higher-income group expressed different
asked whether she would like to work and live somewhere else if aspirations than low-income non-migrants regarding their desire
she had the opportunity: to stay in their place of origin under the circumstances. When
“It is a stupid question. If I had a choice, I would stay here asked about the opportunity to go to work and live somewhere
because I have that choice. So, and I just finished moving else, either abroad or in their country of origin, our higher-
and relocating. So, I would stay in Worcester. That doesn’t income respondents opted to stay put. A high-income non-
mean that I wouldn’t pack up and move if an exciting migrant man from Accra said, with some hesitation, “Ooohhh oh
opportunity came across my desk somewhere in the world, I’ll prefer to…..I’ll prefer….I’ll….I’ll prefer to stay, I’ll prefer to
I would consider it, but not because I had to or not because stay maybe after some while….after some while I’ll travel or so
I needed to survive”. (WOR-M1-F-JL-07). yeah, but for now I’ll prefer to stay.“ (ACC-NM-M-MA-05)
Another respondent, a high-income non-migrant woman from
Most lower-income internal migrants responded that if they Worcester, shared that she judged that:
had an economic opportunity elsewhere, they would take it.
Reasons included the loss of livelihoods in the city (ACC-M1-F- “there are places that would be you would feel a bit safer
AA-04), the desire to be closer to family members, sometimes to like Canada. But, I would like to go to Sweden, I think. But I
avoid social isolation (WOR-M1-F-JL-09), and the impossibility don’t think there is much safer than we are in terms of
of the most deprived to sleep rough during lockdowns: “Some Covid. And I don’t really feel like it would be worth the
people sleep (…) in the open in the city so when they heard of a effort of moving because, as you know, I would have a lot of
possible lockdown they went to their villages and towns where issues, unknown issues, when you move to a new place, and
they have a room to sleep” (ACC-M1-M-AA-02). A Dhaka-based I think it’s better just to stay where you are (WOR-NM-F-
hotel cleaner simply said, “If I get working opportunity, I must JL-04)”.
go.” (DHA-M1-M-MH-02). But lower-income non-migrants expressed a greater desire to
The pandemic has prompted the emergence of new factors move while noting that their capacity was lacking. A non-migrant
shaping aspired migration destinations. For instance, in Belgium, man from Accra said that he would go “if someone just asked me
rural villages near green areas or in the mountains are preferred to come and work for him now… I will go if the person has made
to urban centres such as Brussels, but some perceive that the payment for my plane ticket…because I would like to change my
ability to migrate outside the city is a privilege of the rich (BRU- environment (ACC-NM-M-AA-06). Another low-income non-
NM-M-SND-N3). Regarding international destinations, some migrant man from Accra told the interviewer that he would
interviewees aspired to migrate to countries where the virus was prefer to travel outside the country “because part of my families
less widespread or where biosecurity measures met their are there so If I had the opportunity, I would have love to be with
expectations: them (ACC-NM-M-MA-01)” And a young non-migrant-man-
“(…) since we’re in the COVID19 pandemic, I’d have to from Brussels, a student, explained that:
know how it’s going to be controlled and what kind of “Yeah, of course it was on my plan at first, at the end of my
security there’s going to be. Now if I know that the self study to move to Spain, work there, but unfortunately,
sanitation control package is all right, I think there would it’s really difficult to, first, to find a job there. And I just
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Table 3 Differential impacts of barriers, ability, and aspirations on mobility decisions across socio-economic status in sampled
populations.
Socio-economic category Barriers to movement Ability to move Aspirations to move
High-income international Low impact of movement Economic ability but restricted choice Aspirations to stay in the current
migrants (n= 4) restrictions locality
Low-income international Movement restrictions affecting Perceived stress rather than economic Aspiration to stay in the current
migrants (n= 10) family life hardship locality
High-income internal migrants Stress, loss of work, police Fear of virus, restrictions on Aspiration to stay in the current
(n= 8) harassment transportation locality
Low-income internal migrants High-stress levels, an economic Stress associated with family elsewhere Would take up economic
(n= 8) situation very challenging opportunities elsewhere
High-income non-migrants Privilege and choice to stay or move Travel restrictions changed the ability to Desire to stay regardless of
(n= 7) travel for work and holiday aspirations
Low-income non-migrants Economic precarity and health Desired relocation but without capacity Desire to move but lacking
(n= 10) capacity
realized it’s really difficult to find a job here too. So right In summary, the ability to maintain livelihoods and to plan for
now, because I’m in a, I’m in a sharing flat with my the future was curtailed by the pandemic lockdown measures for
roommates, I want to continue to live with them. I will all respondents both migrants and on-migrants. But the data
continue looking for a job here, like for one year. And after show that the themes of barriers to movement, abilities to move,
that, if I find something and if I have the experience and an and the future aspiration to move are particularly manifest
opportunity abroad, I will move to Spain (BRU-NM-M- among migrant populations and common across all geographical
SND-N9). contexts and levels of social status.
Aside from the possible constraints to return to the country of
origin due to border closures and fears to get infected by the Discussion and conclusion
virus, migrants’ ambivalences in migration aspirations are also The data on the experiences of migrants reported here brings into
explained by perceived risks of losing their ability to come back to sharp focus how individual mobility decision-making was affec-
the host country because of administrative constraints. For some, ted during the COVID-19 crisis in six cities with diverse migra-
plans to migrate remained unchanged, while for others the timing tion histories, social and economic development, and across
of migration and the priorities driving migration did change. The migrants and non-migrants with varying levels of socio-economic
analysis raises questions on which life-course factors lead to status and class.
stability or change in priorities, aspirations, destinations, and The results here show that the COVID-19 crisis has reduced
times of reference in the migration decision-making process the ability and increased the costs of mobility for many. In other
during COVID-19. words, we show here that the increasing regulations and inter-
ventions reduced even further people’s abilities to migrate. These
trends also affect people’s aspirations and agency for being and
Differences in mobility decisions across socio-demographic doing what they value in multiple places. The pandemic has
status. The experience of mobility decisions across the wide range significantly altered the balance that many types of migrants, as
of non-migrants, internal migrants, and international migrants well as non-migrants, might have reached to deal with contra-
reveals differences in impacts across socio-economic status and dictory preferences and priorities in their current locations and
class across the six cities. General differences in the barriers, those of their networks and commitments.
ability, and aspirations on mobility decisions across socio- Drawing on the concepts of aspirations and abilities to move
economic status are highlighted in Table 3 for individuals with (Carling and Schewel, 2018; de Haas, 2021), we have examined
low and high incomes in the sampled populations of international three mechanisms through which the COVID-19 crisis may have
(foreign-born) migrants and internal migrants, and those non- affected individual mobility decisions: (1) through the direct
migrants with long-term residency within the cities. impacts of barriers to movement (e.g. travel restrictions and
The core differences in Table 3 are the divergence in the border closures), (2) through the impact of the pandemic on
precarity of livelihoods for low-income residents compared to abilities to move, and (3) through the impacts of the pandemic on
high-income residents, regardless of migration life choice. The aspirations to move. By acknowledging that aspirations and
data suggest that the emergence of widespread movement abilities to move are embedded in macro-level structural, we have
restrictions exacerbated already challenging economic situations, explored how structural factors increase the precarity of place
although that stress was not limited to economic hardship. (Banki, 2013) for all. These outcomes hamper all residents,
Respondents from non-migrant as well as internal migrant whether prior migrants or non-migrants, from improving their
groups expressed a wish to move if there were economic circumstances through mobility. The results demonstrate how the
opportunities elsewhere, while international migrants wished to three mechanisms interact and are common across social status
continue residing in their current locations. and locations.
Overall, high-income respondents across migrant and non- In terms of migration barriers, the respondents highlighted
migrant populations did not experience precarity in terms of three types of barriers they experienced: (a) direct restrictions
livelihood. Economic ability was much less affected, although due to lockdown policies limiting mobility; (b) fear of con-
travel restrictions affected leisure choices. In some sites, high- tracting the SARS-CoV-2 virus; and (c) obligations to stay put
income internal migrants were more impacted by mobility in order to protect family members with poorer health condi-
restrictions and loss of clientele. However, all high-income tions or to comply with expectations of other household
respondents aspired to remain where they were during the members. As such, the COVID-19 pandemic intensified the
pandemic. multiple insecurities inherent to mobility experiences. The
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ARTICLE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES COMMUNICATIONS | https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-023-01721-y
pandemic increased perceived and actual constraints to free- dominant portrayal of movement as a biosecurity risk gave way to
dom, ranging from physical danger, when people fear con- the realisation of how migrant populations, not least in low-paid
tracting the virus and do not feel safe to travel or migrate, to occupations play a key role in economic functioning.
actual mobility barriers due to lockdown policies. Overall, our Furthermore, the dynamism of many city economies is often
results highlight that biosecurity considerations and related tied in hidden ways to mobility, aspirations of new populations,
fears to contract the virus played a large role in mobility and innovation. Economic strategies for pandemic recovery need
decisions during the COVID-19 pandemic. These considera- therefore to address certainty and stability in aspirations to ensure
tions can be categorized as a subdimension of what Carling labour and skills availability. Given ongoing uncertainty, this
(2002) categorises as physical dangers. Every day multi-sited study points to an imperative for integration, both socially and
relations between migrants and their family members became economically, of both migrant and indeed other marginalised
disrupted at all income levels, which contributed to migrants’ social groups to realise goals for safe, sustainable and resilient
precarity of place. However, whereas the barriers for higher- cities.
income migrants varied across sites and across migrants, lower-
income international migrants mainly mentioned the barriers
to travel to their countries of origin due to travel bans. Data availability
The data reveal significantly altered abilities and aspirations to The datasets of interview transcripts generated and analysed
move among migrant respondents. The results on abilities to during the current study are available from the corresponding
move revealed stark contracts between lower and higher-income author on reasonable request.
respondents. The inability of lower-income respondents to move
led to involuntary immobility, as it left respondents unable to Received: 28 March 2022; Accepted: 25 April 2023;
overcome migration constraints. These constraints mainly refer-
red to the migration barriers described above. Higher-income
migrants, as well as non-migrants, most frequently emphasised a
lack of agency, resulting from mobility barriers such as lockdown
restrictions and threats to health, as the main factor affecting their
abilities to move. However, compared to non-migrants in the References
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