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UNIVERSITY OF GHANA
COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES
EDUCATION AND HEALTH IN PASTORAL MINISTRY:
A STUDY OF BISHOP JOSEPH OLIVER BOWERS SVD,
CATHOLIC DIOCESE OF ACCRA (1953-1971)
EMMANUEL QUARSHIE
DEPARTMENT FOR THE STUDY OF RELIGIONS
JULY 2019
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UNIVERSITY OF GHANA
COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES
EDUCATION AND HEALTH IN PASTORAL MINISTRY:
A STUDY OF BISHOP JOSEPH OLIVER BOWERS SVD,
CATHOLIC DIOCESE OF ACCRA (1953-1971)
BY
EMMANUEL QUARSHIE
(10443561)
THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN
PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY RELIGIONS DEGREE
DEPARTMENT FOR THE STUDY OF RELIGIONS
JULY 2020
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DECLARATION
I, Emmanuel Quarshie, hereby declare that this thesis is the product of my own research
conducted under the supervision of Rev. Prof. George Ossom-Batsa and Rev. Prof. Fi-
del Gonzalez at the Department for the Study of Religions, University of Ghana towards
the award of degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Religions.
SIGNATURE:
EMMANUEL QUARSHIE DATE: 01/05/2020
(STUDENT)
SIGNATURE:
REV. PROF. GEORGE OSSOM-BATSA DATE: 01/05/20
(PRINCIPAL SUPERVISOR)
SIGNATURE:
REV. PROF. FIDEL GONZALEZ DATE: 1/05/20
(SUPERVISOR)
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ABSTRACT
In recent years, the religious dimension of life has become a central issue in develop-
ment discourse, but it has been generally ignored or dismissed by development policy-
makers. Recent events, however, suggest that religion has become an important force
in the world. Religion shows no sign of diminishing in public importance as some de-
velopment theorists have universally claimed. In fact, in Africa, religion constitutes the
foundation of upliftment and transformation of lives. In effect, evidence abounds that
the religious dimension of life has contributed immensely to integral human develop-
ment in Ghana, specifically in the fields of education and health.
It is against this background that the study investigated how Bishop Bowers contributed
to integral human development in Ghana through the establishment of educational in-
stitutions and health facilities.
The study employed qualitative research methods and approaches to generate novel
insights into phenomena that were difficult to quantify, which emerged from data.
The study area is the Accra Diocese at the time of Bishop Bowers (1953 to 1971).
Data was collected and collated using the snowball technique. Focus Group Discussions
were conducted at Pope John Seminary and Senior High, Koforidua (a boys’ school)
and St Rose’s Senior High, Akwatia (a girls’ school) and with the Handmaids of the
Divine Redeemer of Accra Convent, Agomanya (the house of elderly nuns). Archival
material from Robert M. Myers Archives, Techny, USA; SVD Guest House, Accra; St.
Dominikus Institut, Speyer, Germany of OP Sisters; Accra Archdiocesan Archives, and
the Ghana National Archives, Accra were consulted. For personal observation, visits
were paid to six schools (Pope John’s Minor Seminary and Senior High School at
Koforidua, St. Peter’s Senor High School at Nkwatia, St Martin’s Senior High School
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at Adoagyiri, St. Rose’s Senior High School at Akwatia and St. Anne Vocational Insti-
tute at Nuaso) and four hospitals (St. Dominic Hospital at Akwatia, Battor Catholic
Hospital at Battor, St. Joseph Hospital in Koforidua and St. Martin’s Hospital at Agom-
anya. The data generated from the narratives of the interviewees and archival material
was analysed and organised into themes.
The findings of the study reveal that Bowers’ upbringing and formative years impacted
his ministry as a Bishop. This translated into his concern for the holistic development
of every person and the whole person. Furthermore, the research revealed that religion
is a key element in development discourse in Ghana and that religion has always af-
fected the socio-economic and political life of Ghanaians. Lastly, it revealed that the
Roman Catholic Church in Ghana has promoted integral human development through
the establishment of educational and health facilities.
Key words: Bishop Bowers, Biography, Integral Human Development, Religion,
Spirituality, Pastoral Ministry, Education and Health.
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this work to my late parents, Madam Anna Esi Toklo and Abraham Quarshie;
The Catholic Archdiocese of Accra; The Dominican Sisters of Speyer, Germany; The
Sisters of the Handmaids of the Divine Redeemer of Accra; and the Society of the Di-
vine Word Missionary, Accra, Ghana.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I sincerely thank Most Rev. Charles Gabriel Palmer-Buckle, a former Metropolitan
Archbishop of Accra, who granted me permission to undertake this research, and
Most Rev. John Bonaventure Kwofie, CSSp, the present Metropolitan Archbishop of
Accra. I am most grateful to my supervisors: Rev. Prof. George Ossom-Batsa, Univer-
sity of Ghana, and Rev. Prof. Fidel Gonzalez Fernandez, Pontifical University of Ur-
baniana, Rome, Italy, who did not only devote their time amidst their heavy and busy
schedules, but also guided me and supervised the work to an accepted standard.
My special thanks go to the Head of Department, Hajj. Mumuni Sulemana, the faculty
of the Department for the Study of Religions, especially Dr Nicoletta Gatti who read
parts of the work and provided technical advice, and Dr Rabiatu Deinyo Ammah, who
always encouraged me on this academic journey. I recognise the love and support of all
my classmates, especially Rev. Canon Joseph Ayeh and Mrs Mavis Ayeh, for the warm
reception in their home during the last days of my research.
I wish also to express my gratitude to Msgr. Pius Kpeglo for his fatherly love and care,
Msgrs. Jonathan Ankrah, Peter Agbenu, Very Rev. Frs. Peter Badoo, Ted Nelson Ad-
jakpey, Samuel Batsa, Anthony Dugay SVD, John Backes, the Dominican Sisters of
Speyer Germany, and all the Priests of the Archdiocese and elsewhere, whose love and
friendship have brought me this far.
I am grateful to the students of St. Roses Senior High School, Pope John Minor Semi-
nary and Senior High School, Dr Johann and Mrs Rebecca Richter, Fr. Peter Atsu,
chaplain at Battor Hospital, Rev. Dr George Obeng Appah, all my interviewees, my
sisters and brother, Ms Regina Quarshie, Ms Genevieve Quarshie, Mr Joseph and Mrs
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Cecilia Adobea Anang and Mr and Mr Emmanuel and Mrs Esther Afachao, Mr Jimmy
and Mrs Susanna Aidoo, Mr Herbert and Mrs Elizabeth Bulley, my benefactors and
formators, Mrs Josephine Bugeja, Mr Mario and Mrs Teresa Barbara, Mr Eugenio and
Mrs Maris Apap, Ms Mary Attard Rev. Profs. Joseph Agius OP, Luke Dempsey OP,
Paul Murray OP, Fredrick Blaise CSSpS., and Raymond Studzinski O.S.B.
Apart from the living, I would like to acknowledge and pay my respects and gratitude
to the departed who have contributed in diverse ways to this research, Most Rev. Joseph
Oliver Bowers, Most Rev. Dominic Kwadwo Andoh, Msgr Blaise Zubuor, Very Rev.
Frs. Pio Zerafa, and Vicente Burke and Dr Ernest Adadevoh. May their souls rest in
peace!
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION ............................................................................................................ i
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................. iii
DEDICATION ............................................................................................................... v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................... vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................... viii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................................... xii
Chapter One: Across the Great Divide: The Role of Religion in Development……….1
1.1 Background to the Study ...................................................................................... 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem ................................................................................... 10
1.3 Objectives of the Study ...................................................................................... 11
1.4 Research Questions ............................................................................................ 11
1.5 Review of Related Literature ............................................................................. 12
1.5.1 Biographical Research ................................................................................ 12
1.5.2 Religion and Human Development ............................................................. 22
1.5.3. Religion and Education .............................................................................. 25
1.5.4 Religion and Health .................................................................................... 29
1.6 Theoretical Framework ...................................................................................... 35
1.7 Methodology ...................................................................................................... 36
1.7.1 Methods of Data Collection ........................................................................ 37
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1.7.2 Method of Data Analysis ............................................................................ 39
1.8 Significance of Study ......................................................................................... 40
1.9 Organization of Study ........................................................................................ 40
Chapter Two: A Humble Home (March 28, 1910 - 1938)……………………………43
2.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 43
2.2 Bowers’ Early Years .......................................................................................... 43
2.2.1 Basic Education .......................................................................................... 45
2.2.2 Secondary School........................................................................................ 45
2.3 Seminary Formation and Ordination ................................................................. 46
2.3.1 Novitiate ...................................................................................................... 50
2.3.2 Major Seminary Formation and Education ................................................. 55
2.3.3 Extra-curricular Activities .......................................................................... 58
2.3.4 Assessment of Candidates to the Priesthood .............................................. 59
2.4 Ordination into the Priesthood ........................................................................... 61
2.5 Appointment to the Mission in the Gold Coast ................................................. 61
2.6 Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 63
Chapter Three: Ecclesiastical Territory of the Catholic……………………………...66
3.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 66
3.2 Demography and Political Geography ............................................................... 66
3.3 Brief History of the Catholic Diocese of Accra (1953-1971) ............................ 70
3.4 Religious Situation ............................................................................................. 74
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3.5 Political Independence of the Gold Coast .......................................................... 83
3.6 Economic Situation ............................................................................................ 87
3.7 Socio-Cultural Milieu ........................................................................................ 97
3.8 Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 99
Chapter Four: Bowers and Education…………………………………………….....101
4.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 101
4.2 Education and Human Development ............................................................... 101
4.3 Historical Overview of Catholic Education in the Gold Coast ........................ 104
4.3.1 Colonial System of Education in the Gold Coast ..................................... 107
4.3.2 Educational Development Plan in Ghana after Independence .................. 112
4.3.3 Patriotism and the Role of Ghana Young Pioneers .................................. 115
4.3.4 The Role of the Voluntary Agencies ........................................................ 117
4.3.5 Summary ................................................................................................... 119
4.4 Bishop Bowers’ View and Contribution to Education in Ghana ..................... 120
4.4.1 Bishop Bowers’ View on Education ......................................................... 120
4.4.2 Bishop Bowers’ Contribution to Education .............................................. 140
4.5 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 164
Chapter Five: Bowers and Health……………………………………...……………166
5.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 166
5.2 Health and Human Development in the Roman Catholic Church ................... 166
5.3 Historical Overview of Health Services in the Gold Coast ............................. 171
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5.4 Health Services in the Gold Coast ................................................................... 176
5.5 Access to Health Services ................................................................................ 180
5.6 Bishop Bowers’ View and Contribution to Health Services ........................... 182
5.6.1 Bishop Bowers’ View ............................................................................... 182
5.6.2 Bishop Bowers’ Contribution to Provision of Health Facilities ............... 204
5.7 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 218
Chapter Six: Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation……………..…………..220
6.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 220
6.2 Summary .......................................................................................................... 220
6.2.1 Education and Integral Human Development ........................................... 221
6.2.2 Health and Integral Human Development ................................................ 224
6.2.3 Empowerment of Girls/Women ................................................................ 227
6.3 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 227
6.4 Recommendations ............................................................................................ 229
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................................................................................... 231
APPENDICES ........................................................................................................... 244
Appendix A: Coat of Arms .................................................................................... 244
Appendix B: Certificate of Honour........................................................................ 245
Appendix C: National Award ................................................................................ 246
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ADM Ministerial Archives Department
BB Bishop Bowers
CEE Common Entrance Examination
CHAG Christian Health Association of Ghana
CPP Convention People’s Party
CT Counselling and Testing Unit
DD Doctor of Divinity
DHCs Diocesan Health Councils
DPA Direct Productive Activities
DRC Democratic Republic of Congo
DVD Digital Video Disc
ER Eastern Region
EU European Union
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GH Ghana
GNP Grand National Product
GS Gaudium et Spes
HD Human Development
HDR Handmaids of the Divine Redeemer of Accra
ICS Institute of Carmelite Studies
IHD Integral Human Development
ISI Import Substitution Industrialisation
JHS Junior High School
MFU Medical Field Unit
NGOs Non-Governmental Organisations
OH Order of Hospitallers
OP Order of Preachers
OT Optatum Totius
PDV Pastores Dabo Vobis
PHC Primary Healthcare
PLWAS People Living With HIV/AIDS
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PMTCT Programme to Prevent the Transmission of the HIV Virus from
Mother to Child
POJOSS Pope John Senior Secondary
PP Populorum Progressio
PRAAD Public Record Archives and Administrative Department
RME Religious and Moral Education
SHS Senior High School
SMA Society of African Missionary
SOC Social Overhead Capital
SOEs State-Owned Enterprises
SSpS Servant Sisters of Holy Spirit
SSS Senior Secondary School
SVD Society of Divine Word Missionaries
UGCC United Gold Coast Convention
WHO World Health Organisation
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CHAPTER ONE
ACROSS THE GREAT DIVIDE:
THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN DEVELOPMENT
1.1 Background to the Study
The religious dimension of life has become a central issue in development. Until re-
cently, development policy makers “have generally dismissed or ignored the religious
dimension of the lives of individuals and communities on the assumption that secular-
isation is an inevitable by-product of the modernisation process.”1 Besides, “in many
respects, religion has been perceived as an instrument of conflict than stability, a situa-
tion that undermines development and as such would not have any development to sus-
tain.”2
However, recent scholarship suggests otherwise; it indicates that:
Religion has become a significant social and political force in the world.
[…] it is more convincing to suppose that religion will shape the develop-
ment of many countries in the non-Western world in the years to come. The
mere fact that religion, in whatever form it manifests itself, constitutes both
a social and a political reality requires a reconsideration of its role in devel-
opment.3
In Africa, the significance of religion to development cannot be overemphasised; reli-
gion constitutes the foundation of the upliftment and transformation of individual lives
and those of African societies.
1 G. Ter Haar, “Religion and Development: Introducing a New Debate,” in Religion and Development:
Ways of Transforming the World (London: Hurt & Company, 2011), 3–25.
2 Boniface Obiefuna, and Amara Uzoigwe, “Studying Religion for Sustainable Development in
Nigeria,” UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 13, no. 1 (2012): 133. See G. Ossom-
Batsa, N. Gatti and R. Ammah, eds., Religion and Sustainable Developments: Ghanaian Per-
spectives; Grandi Opere (Vatican City: Urbaniana University Press, 2018).
3 Ter Haar, “Religion and Development,” 6.
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A. Development in Ghanaian Perspectives
Ghana, like most African countries, considers its development in terms of infrastruc-
tural and economic indices. Good infrastructural and economic growths are considered
indicators of the development of the nation. But economic growth must show a clear
correlation between development and the human person, as pointed out by the Christian
vision of development in Populorum Progressio.4
B. The Colonial Era and Development in the Gold Coast
A cursory glance at development in the Gold Coast indicates that the Ghanaian percep-
tion of development indices was shaped by the history of the arrival of Western Euro-
pean missionaries in the 18th century. That period witnessed the establishment of
schools by colonial governments and Western Christian missionaries from their colo-
nial country of origin. As part of a human development plan, those schools were de-
signed primarily to teach the youth to read the Bible. That was the memorandum of
understanding between the Church and the state in 1887.5 The Western ministers serv-
ing specifically in the Gold Coast functioned as traditional intellectuals and agents of
British imperialism. They facilitated the exploitation of the West African masses, as
they risked losing the mandate in the colonial master country of origin.6
Thus, the research has revealed that their influence became more profound when British
imperialists declared the Gold Coast a Crown Colony in 1874 becoming independent
of the governor of Sierra Leone. After that time, the Western ministers became part of
England’s team and were actively involved in the so-called “scramble for Africa” which
4 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio (Rome: Vatican Press, 1967), n. 14.
5 Education Ordinance of 1882-1887, “Education Ordinance and Rules Amendment,” file GH,
PRAAD, RG3, 1, 3, 1954-67, National Archives of Ghana, Accra.
6 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, n. 7.
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extended from 1885 to 1960. Lugard has noted that during that era, the European pow-
ers were in protectorates, trustees and defence alliances with the local people to exploit
the continent’s human and natural resources by trading and governing.7
As already cited, Lugard has stated that in the 19th century, what seems to have at-
tracted the merest trifle of some Western Christian ministers suddenly turned out to
become an influx of large numbers of ministers travelling to the African continent for
evangelisation. Some of the Western ministers taught and popularised Christianity in
the church/state schools, with emphasis on the claim that God has commissioned them
as His chosen vessels of His mysteries in shepherding and leading the indigenes from
practising their religion to the knowledge of Western European religious values. They
taught and seemed to have given the impression in the church/state schools that, first,
God had elevated Europeans above Africans with brains and blessings of abundant cap-
ital and energy. Secondly, that they were superior in that God had charged the natives
to submit to the teachings of Christ and the policies of the colonial officials for progress
and prosperity.8
Let us now address ourselves to the period from 1953 to 1956, which was marked by
the phase of slow maturing commercial capitalism, composed of the import and export
of goods and services. That system of trade marked the transition from a relative iso-
lated autonomy to full integration into and dependence on the international economy in
the Gold Coast.9
7 Friedrich Lugard, “The Dual Mandate,” in Imperialism, ed. P. D. Curtin (New York: Harper and
Row, 1971), 317-8. See Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, n. 11.
8 Lugard, “Dual Mandate,” 317-8. See Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, n. 11.
9 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no. 7, 8, 9, 80.
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As a result of the trans-Atlantic trade, the partitioning of the African continent among
the European countries initiated and reinforced that system of trade by which the pro-
ductive capacity of the regions south of the Saharan was linked to the needs and de-
mands of the Western industrial economy.10
Reasoning from the foregoing, the emergence of new political and administrative units
on the African continent brought in colonial investment in transport and other infra-
structural projects and the influx of foreign businesses. Thus, new economic structures
were superimposed upon existing indigenous ones. Such foreign administrative struc-
tures were largely under the control of African aliens and expatriates living in the Gold
Coast. Nevertheless, the fundamental issue that underlies trade imbalances on the Afri-
can continent was export and import oriented, where the prices of imported goods and
services far exceeded those exported.11
C. Post-Colonial Era and development in Ghana
In effect, the above-entrenched colonial administrative structure made it so difficult that
in the Gold Coast when decolonisation took place between 1950 and early 1960, there
was little the indigenes could do immediately to improve the existing administrative
structure. That structure had undergone half a century of internal evolution and interac-
tion with the Western industrial economy. Hence, the commercial activities of the co-
lonial masters and their alliance did much less to ameliorate the living standards of the
natives. The goals and policies of the colonial administration were to put restriction on
private production and consumption in order to create public investment. That favoured
the established order more than emergent local businesses of indigenous traders. Again,
10 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no. 7.
11 Ibid., no. 7, 8, 9, 80.
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the colonial regime ensured its influence on wage bargaining. It controlled employment
and attempted to divert and alter the traditional land tenure system.12 The regime con-
tinued to rely more on expatriate civil servants in the large colonial state apparatus.
Above all, its underlying value system was permeated with racism and more bias
against the indigenes than the European personnel,13 some without the requisite quali-
fications and businesses in the distribution of earnings and income.14
The above-structured economic systems, which were beneficial to the established order,
needed restructuring after independence. Eventually, the economy produced a small
privileged class of elites who formed the embryonic bourgeoisie such as professionals,
teachers, lawyers and wealthy farmers who were more commercially oriented. That
high class in society set and propelled the process of decolonisation.
However, the colonial administration’s acceptance of the decolonisation of the econ-
omy was tantamount to its acknowledgement of the shortfalls of certain elements in the
colonial economy, which had enjoyed the support and patronage of the state in the past.
Those colonial personnel would become redundant or expendable and would have to
be replaced at some point by native Africans who would aspire to assume their roles.
The decolonisation of the economy suggested why there was capital outflow from co-
lonial Africa in the late 1950s and early 1960s as a result of repatriated savings of ex-
patriates to the country of origin.15
12 Cf. Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no. 7.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid., no. 63
15 Ibid., no. 8.
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D. Post-Independence development in Ghana
Some scholars, notable among them Allman, have observed that an election won in
1951 in the Gold Coast granted the indigenes control over the colony’s internal affairs
but stopped short of full independence. However, two subsequent elections in 1954 and
1956 paved the way for the Gold Coast to emerge as the independent nation of Ghana
in 1957.16
During that period, the indigenous government inherited a 10-year development plan
which was drawn by the colonial Governor, Sir Charles Arden-Clarke, but the govern-
ment reduced it into five years and implemented its provisions between 1951 and 1956.
The ‘First Development Plan’ allocated most of the budget to infrastructure and social
services (39 per cent each), with only nine per cent allocated to the ‘productive sector’
of the economy.
Further, Nugent has commented that after a two-year consolidation period, the govern-
ment launched the Second Development Plan in 1959. The emphasis on infrastructure
and social services was carried over from 1951, with 80 per cent of the Second Devel-
opment Plan allocated to the non-productive sector of the economy.1718
In analysing this approach of prioritised social overhead capital (SOC), which included
health and education, as well as infrastructure, Killick has concluded that the govern-
ment was of the conviction that that would induce the growth of directly productive
activities (DPA). Further, he has argued that the funds earmarked for DPA in the 1950s
16 Jean Marie Allman, “On the Reasons for the Multiple Elections,” in The Quills of the Porcupine:
Asante Nationalism in an Emergent Ghana (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993).
17 Paul Nugent, African Since Independence: A Comparative History (New York: Houndmills, Basing-
stoke, 2004), 169.
18 Nugent, African Since Independence, 27-29; 169.
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targeted agricultural development rather than industrialisation, as recommended by
economic advisors, especially W. Arthur Lewis.19
Furthermore, in its implementation of the Second Development Plan in 1959, the gov-
ernment was optimistic for national development. Fitch and Oppenheimer have com-
mented that the government’s optimism did not last long. Although the 1951 and the
1959 plans produced respectable economic growth of five per cent yearly, the returns
failed to balance the budget. As a result, spending under the Second Development Plan
far exceeded income and produced a deficit of £53 million or 12 per cent of the Gross
National Product (GNP) by 1961.20
To help remedy the budget deficit in development, the Catholic Church in Ghana had
no choice but to take up its prophetic role given to it by its founder, “who cited the
preaching of the Gospel to the poor as a sign of His mission (Luke 7: 22), the Church
has never failed to foster the human progress of the nations to which she brings faith in
Christ. Her missionaries have built not only churches but also hostels and hospitals,
schools and universities”.21 These are the components which foster the holistic human
development of any nation.
During the first three or four decades of the emergence of the concept of development,
it was primarily conceived of in terms of economic growth. Nonetheless, Stephen
Ellis and Gerrie Ter Haar held the view that “neither economic growth nor
even state building should be thought of as goals in themselves, although
both are crucial aspects of a better future for Africans.”22 But, then, more
19 Tony Killick, Development Economics in Action: A Study of Economic Policies in Ghana (London
Heinemann Educational Books Limited, 1978), 44-5.
20 Robert Fitch and Mary Oppenheimer, Ghana: End of an Illusion (New York: Berkley, 1966), 90-91.
21 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no.12
22 Stephen Ellis and Gerrie Ter Haar, “Religion and Development in Africa” (2004): 2, https://open ac-
cess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/handle/1887/12909/ASC-071342346-174-01.pdf?sequence=1
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recently, the concept of human development has come into vogue, empha-
sising aspects of people’s lives that go beyond the economic dimension,
such as health and education.
Human development constitutes the foundation on which social, economic and political
development is based. Ter Haar makes the following submission on the role of religion
in human development:
Any development enterprise must begin by considering how people's full
range of resources, including their spiritual or religious resources, can be
used for their general well-being. Religious resources do not consist only
of networks of people who relate to each other through religious practice or
adherence. Religious resources can be considered under four headings:
ideas; practices; organisations or institutions; and experiences.23
The above submission corroborates the story of the Roman Catholic presence in the
Greater Accra Region, which dates back to 189324 when Fr. Augustine Moreau, the first
Society of the Missionaries of Africa (SMA) missionary, arrived in Accra from the
Cape Coast Prefecture, and subsequently the Society of the Divine Word (SVD), which
took over the territory, which later became the Catholic Diocese of Accra, from the
SMA in January 1939.25 The early missionary presence demonstrates both the mission-
aries’ interest and activities in the lives of the people in terms of the holistic develop-
ment of the human person, particularly in the domain of health and education.
The researcher’s aim of choosing this topic: “Education and Health in the Pastoral Min-
istry: A Study of Bishop Joseph Oliver Bowers, SVD, Catholic Diocese of Accra (1953-
23 Ibid. See also, Gerrie Ter Haar, “Religion: Source of Conflict or Resource for Peace?,” in
Bridge or Barrier: Religion, Violence and Visions for Peace, eds. Gerrie Ter Haar and James J.
Busuttil (Boston: Brill, Leiden, 2005), 3-34.
24 Alphonse Elsbern, The Story of the Catholic Church in the Diocese of Accra (Accra: Catho-
lic Book Centre, 2000), 17.
25 Elsbern, Story of the Catholic Church, 40.
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1971)” was to highlight the role of religion in Ghana’s development with particular
focus on the contributions of Bowers to integral human development.
The study examined the work of Bowers, an SVD missionary. It illustrated how,
through religion, Bowers, a citizen of the Dominican Republic and missionary in
Ghana, contributed to human development in Ghana.
Notably, on Friday the 14th of October 2011, the government of the Republic of Ghana
gave out some national honours and awards to some 106 people, both indigenous Gha-
naians and foreigners, who in various ways had contributed to improving the lives of
the people of Ghana. The President, His Excellency Prof. John Evans Atta Mills, was
himself present at the ceremony, held at the Accra International Conference Centre, to
present the awards in a short but beautiful and meaningful ceremony. Bowers was one
of the recipients of this meritorious award.
The citation states:
In recognition of your dedicated service to humanity and your love and de-
votion to meeting the spiritual and temporal needs as well as nurturing the
intellectual development of the people of this Nation, especially, the youth,
the Republic of Ghana confers on you: Most Rev Joseph Oliver Bowers,
the State Honour of COMPANION OF THE ORDER OF THE VOLTA.26
The above recognition motivated our choice to study Bowers’ contribution to human
development in Ghana. Bowers was one of the first SVD missionaries of African de-
scent who arrived in the Gold Coast in 1940.27 He contributed to human development
and epitomised the role of religion in development. Little, however, has been written
on his pastoral activities and vision. We are aware only of three short biographies, two
26 See appendix C for the complete document, 261.
27 Elsbern, The Story of the Catholic Church, 47.
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by Ghanaian priests, Duah-Prempeh and Agbenohevi,28 and a third by a priest of the
Dominican Republic.29 The latter wrote on Bowers to mark his centenary birthday in
2010. Bowers’ contributions to human development in the area of education and health
were not without challenges and consequently research into these aspects will enhance
the discourse on religion and development.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
In a sense, religion has become a significant social and political force in the world. It is
anticipated that religion will shape the development of many countries, especially those
in the non-Western world, in the years to come. In Ghana, religion shows no sign of
diminishing in public importance, as development theorists have globally perceived.
This growing phenomenon in Africa in general and Ghana in particular is contrary to
the position of the European Union (EU) which has normally excluded consideration
of the religious dimension in formulating development policies towards Africa.30 Be-
sides, it is widely debated in the literature on development to consider ways in which
religious ideas may be relevant to development thinking.
But why would this be the case on a continent that has been acknowledged as having a
full range of resources, including spiritual or religious resources, particularly in the 21st
century? Moreover, evidence abounds that the religious dimension of life has contrib-
uted immensely to human development in Ghana, specifically in the scope of health
and education. 31 Against this background, the study investigated how Bowers
28 John Duah-Prempeh, Most Reverend Joseph Oliver Bowers SVD (Accra: Catholic Book Centre,
n.d); cf. Isaac Agbenohevi, An Imperishable Wreath (Unpublished work).
29 Clement S. Jolly, On the Road of History: The Life and Times of Bishop Oliver Bowers, SVD
(Commonwealth of Dominica: Paramount Printers Ltd., 2014).
30 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no. 41.
31 Sylvia Owusu-Ansah, “The Role of Interreligious Collaboration in Conflict Prevention and Peaceful
Multi-Religious Co-existence: A Case Study of Northern Ghana,” in G. Ossom-Batsa, N. Gatti and R.D.
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contributed to integral human development (IHD) in Ghana through the establishment
of educational institutions and health facilities.
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The main objective of this research is to examine the role of religion in development.
Using the contributions of Bowers as a case study, it specifically examines the mission-
ary’s contribution to human development, particularly in the spheres of health and ed-
ucation. In order to meet this broad objective, three specific objectives were set for this
study. These are:
a) To analyse the relevance of religion to the development of Ghana.
b) To examine specific ways in which Bowers translated the Gospel message into
practice in his pastoral ministry.
c) To explore Bowers’ strategies for the empowerment of girls/women.
1.4 Research Questions
To investigate the impact of Bowers’ pastoral ministry in education and healthcare pro-
vision on integral human development, the following questions were asked:
The main question was:
How did Bowers contribute to holistic human development in Ghana?
Sub-questions considered include:
a) How did Bowers conceive education and health as tools for pastoral and social
development in Ghana?
Ammah, eds., Religion and Sustainable Developments: Ghanaian Perspectives; Grandi Opere (Vatican
City: Urbaniana University Press, 2018), 124.
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b) How did the Pastoral Ministry of Bowers champion women’s empowerment in
Ghana?
c) In what ways can the ministry of Bowers inspire contemporary religious lead-
ers?
1.5 Review of Related Literature
This section reviewed and organised pertinent literature into the following themes: Bi-
ographical research, Religion and development, Religion and education and Religion
and health. Furthermore, the literature was divided into two main areas, namely meth-
ods and content. Regarding methods, the researcher examined publications on bio-
graphical research to analyse the scholarly debate on its aim and purpose. On the con-
tent, the researcher reviewed works on religion and (Human) development, religion and
education and religion and health.
1.5.1 Biographical Research
Some scholars, including Capps, have asserted that biographical narrative research is a
wide field of different approaches and research strategies, with blurred borders and in-
tersecting areas.32 Therefore, it is necessary to be oriented to this vast area of empirical
strategies and conceptual ideas on biographical research. To do so would demand spe-
cific approaches of biographical narrative research with a clear theoretical conceptual
background and a well-developed pragmatic instrument. However, it is not necessary
that the study follow a specific approach absolutely.33
32 Eugene TeSelle, “Augustine as Client and as Theorist,” in The Hunger of the Heart: Reflections on
the Confessions of Augustine, eds. Donald Capps and James E. Dittes (West Lafayette: Society for the
Scientific Study of Religion, 1990), 203-205.
33 John Murphy, “The Voice of Memory: History Autobiography and Oral Memory,” in Historical Stud-
ies 22 (1987), 155-176.
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Some scholars, notably Schütze, Rosenthal, et al., have explained that the aim of bio-
graphical research is to produce a rich description of a person.34 Basically, Weinreich
has pointed out that biographical research should be based on the assumption that the
link between structure and individuals could only be understood sufficiently by analys-
ing the development of the individual personality in the life course. Thus, excessive
analysis of the single case will be emphasised, and the discovery of the issues not men-
tioned in the interview, but which are important for a sufficient case analysis.35
In other words, the core idea is that during the life course, individuals accumulate di-
verse biographical experiences into a coherent description of their life course. Our ex-
periences are present in the knowledge we use in everyday life, sense-making, as well
as our life stories. Our self-presentation or sacred stories are linked to the experiences,
which are not totally free from our past story (life history). The link between the past
and the present gives us the possibility to do research on the past life history and devel-
opment of today’s self in the present perspective.
A. Biographical Data Collection
Writing on the subject, Soffer has observed that it has become necessary for scholars
of biography to keep an extensive data bank of recorded interviews, significant source
of funding and numerous reputable professionals who have become partners in oral
tradition.36 This assumption is based on the premise that memory, oral tradition and
archival material should be seen as inter-dependent, rather than opposed to each other.
34 Gabriele Rosenthal, “Biographical Research,” in Qualitative Research Practice, eds. Clive Gobo,
Giampiro Grubrium, F. Jaber and David Silverman (London: Sage, 2004), 48-64; See Fritz Shütze, “Bi-
ographieforchung und narratives Interview,” Neue Praxis 3 (1983), 283-294.
35 P. Weinreich, “Variations in Ethnic Identity: Identity Structure Analysis,” in New Identity in Europe,
ed. K. Liebkind (Worcester: Billing & Sons), 41-75.
36 Jonathan Soffer, “Oral History and the History of American Foreign Relations,” The Journal of Amer-
ican History 82 (September 1995): 607-616.
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Hamilton has argued that by this assumption, forgotten sources will be recovered and,
through such methods as oral tradition and memories, which may otherwise be forgot-
ten, salvaged.37
The salvaged data from oral tradition and memories will provide the sources for this
research, with the assistance of hermeneutical approach in the process of interviews and
interpretation of archival document. In view of this, Fari et al. have highlighted the vital
advantage of these two methods, oral and archival data, as being far better and fuller
record for research than can be found in the books of biography. Oral tradition and
archival documents shall become the sources for study and process of psychology of
remembering in the social, cultural and religious contextual theologising.
One of such schools of thought, represented by Ricoeur, has identified a distinction
between the hermeneutics of tradition and suspicion. His argument is that hermeneutics
of tradition aims at listening attentively to what is communicated, to the extent that the
listener discovers the hidden meaning underneath the message as it is being unrav-
elled.38
Contributing to the debate, Hamilton has pointed out that “Hermeneutics is a dialogical
process in which the understanding of data is initiated through the development of
agreed interpretation between the author of the data and the interpreter.”39
Some scholars have explained that testimony is the result of two processes; the first is
the retrieval of memories by the biographer, which are blended into the responses to
37 Paula Hamilton, “The Knife Edge: Debates About Memory and History,” in Memory and History in
Twentieth-Century Australia, eds. Kate Darian-Smith and Paula Hamilton (Melbourne: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1994), 10-12.
38 William Pouthwaite, “Hans-George Gadamer,” in The Return of Grand Theory in the Human Sciences,
ed. Quentin Skinner (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 24-27.
39 Paula Hamilton, “The Knife Edge,” 10-12.
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each question in the interviewee. The second process is the hermeneutical dialogue be-
tween the interviewee and the biographer, which is the recorded testimony, an agree-
ment on interpretation.
Biographies are specifically more focused on an individual member of a church than
the collective members of a church, such as religious bodies and religious institutions,
and so make use more of oral tradition than doctrinal issues.
In biographical data collection, Grele has argued that some documents of oral sources
reflect the artefacts of the time of their creation and not the period under discussion.40
However, McMahan has commented on Christopher Thorne that he challenged the po-
sition taken by Grele and instead has stated that since biographers “cannot unlearn what
they have come to know subsequently of what came after the moment or period about
which they are being questioned,”41 there must be no distinction drawn but should be
considered as one long process. De Hart has also suggested that the “collection and use
of oral evidence can enable us to see more clearly how relational and fragmentary in its
representation of historical reality is all the information available to us”.42 This de-
mands that the biographer be meticulous in his/her syllogism in piecing data together
for sense-making.
40 Ronald Grele, “Movement Without Aid: Methodological and the Problem in Oral History,” in Enve-
lopes Sound: The Art of Oral History, eds. Ronald Grele and Studs Terkel (New York: Greenwood Pub-
lishers, 1991), 127-145. See, Jonathan Soffer, “Oral History and the History of American Foreign Rela-
tions,” The Journal of American History 82 (September 1995): 608.
41 Eva McMahan, Elite Oral History Discourse, McMahan, Eva M. Elite Oral History Discourse: A
Study of Cooperation and Coherence (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1989), 5; G. Seldon,
“Interviews,” in Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology, eds. David K. Dunaway and Willa K.
Baun (Nashville: America Association for State and Local History, 1987), 326-32.
42 Jane Sherron De Hart, “Oral Sources and Contemporary History: Dispelling Old Assumptions,” Jour-
nal of American History 80 (September 1993): 594-595.
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Also, Grele has observed that the intentions which form and inform every oral tradition
criticism of biographical writings fall into these three categories of research; interview-
ing, standard of preparation and methodology.43 He explained that in the past, oral tra-
dition was considered a very valuable archival data. It was considered to hold memories
which were electronically recorded, videotaped and in a written text, and therefore,
protected and preserved from any form of deterioration and corruption. However, we
wish to submit that, from experience in the past and even now, in certain parts of the
world some oral traditions are not recorded and preserved from deterioration and cor-
ruption, as Grele has claimed.
Additionally, Thomson, an oral tradition expert, has also pointed out a very important
advantage of oral tradition over written notes of the interviewer. He has contended that
oral tradition has immediacy and actuality of evidence and that material from such in-
terviews is by far a better option and a more complete record. In this view, the recording
of an interview is the most accurate data.44
Furthermore, Murphy has described oral tradition as ‘cultural and historical artefacts’,
and besides these modes of description, ‘metaphor’ is seen to be a more dominant mode
in which oral tradition functions and serves as the main lenses through which culture is
read and understood, the past remembered and presented. Again, Murphy has argued
that oral tradition uses the figurative, rather than the specific, mode of remembering the
summary of the past to understand the meaning in the given language in order to inter-
pret and understand the present. Hence, metaphors interpret the meaning derived from
43Ronald Grele, “Movement Without Aid: Methodological and the Problem in Oral History,” in Enve-
lopes Sound: The Art of Oral History, eds. Ronald Grele and Studs Terkel (New York: Greenwood Pub-
lishers, 1991), 127-145.
44 Paul Thomson, The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 222-
224.
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the familiar to interpret the unfamiliar in order to reconstruct and express a creative
intent.45
Analogically, Merle has practically demonstrated but Eugene TeSelle has theorised that
a meaning shrouded in a language needs to be “constructed out of the relations of sim-
ilarities”46 or differences between signifier and metaphorical relations are not simply
found naturally but by relation constructed linguistically for social purposes __ for the
conveyance of meaning. In other words, metaphors convey similarities of accepted ex-
pressions rather than discovering and representing them. Metaphors express new and
accepted practice, which can be expected to reveal both individual and social experi-
ences.47 Nevertheless, TeSelle has argued that it is the responsibility of the researcher
to study the context of metaphor and the personality who made use of it in order to gain
an insight into the person’s theology.48
Firstly, in that regard, McMahan has emphasised that an interview has two functions:
remembering and reconstruction. Some scholars, commenting on McMahan’s asser-
tion, have noted that remembering and reconstruction define the cognitive domain of
the creative and constructive process, rather than simply the retrieval of information.49
Secondly, Dunaway has observed that studies which have heavily relied on oral sources
give room for storytelling, seeking anecdotes told in colourful language to embellish
45 John Murphy, “The Voice of Memory: History, Autobiography and Oral Memory,” Historical Studies
22 (1986), 164-166.
46 Gabriel Merle, “What I Know of George Simson: Scrappy Notes for a Distant Biography,” in Biog-
raphy: An Interdisciplinary Quarterly Festschrift for George Simson, ed. Noel Annan, Michael Holroyd
(Honolulu: University of Hawai Press for the Biographical Research Centre, 1999), 1-13.
47 Merle, “What I Know of George Simson,” 1-13.
48 Eugene TeSelle, “Augustine as Client and as Theorist,” in The Hunger of the Heart: Reflections on the
Confessions of Augustine, eds. Donald Capps and James E. Dittes (West Lafayette: Society for the Sci-
entific Study of Religion, 1990), 203-205.
49 Murphy, “The Voice of Memory,” 164-166.
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the information. The result is that empiricist schools of thought turned to search for
accurate and verifiable facts on oral sources. Hence, human experience was seen as the
basis for meaning in life and that one of the ways to express and remember this is by
the process of telling stories.
Thirdly, the use of oral testimony in the writing of contemporary biography can be
largely influenced by the history and socio-cultural milieu of the era under discussion.
Shapiro has asserted that all biographies have ethical and valuation issues, since “no
man is an island” and there is no neutral life. Every life must be lived within a commu-
nity and the members of the community either support or challenge this life.
Having studied the testimony from interviews, scholars have discovered a process
which seeks to understand the structural relationship between the mind of the informant
and the outside world in which he/she was enmeshed. Also, the process of the interview
influences the degree of caution on the part of both the biographer and the interviewee.
During an interview session, there comes into play a complexity of interaction between
individual memories and personal agendas, leading to a kind of transactional process
of recording and transcript. During the session, the interview assumes a hermeneutical
conversation based on a mixture of highly competitive and cooperative agendas be-
tween the participants in the interview. Many factors come into play at the cognitive
domain, be it personal or political, and intellectual agendas are further influenced by
such factors as psychology of memory and recall, the intellectual and sensitivities of
the issues raised and even the physical process surrounding the interview. Agendas
subsequently influence memories, which are selected and traded during the discussion
between the questioner and the respondent. These memories are later evaluated and
certified by the recorder of the interview.
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The partners in the discussion seek to discuss ways of giving a new meaning to the
biographical record. Therefore, testimonies from an interview are considered a joint
process of brainstorming. The biographer is not an observer but a participant. He/ She
does not only collect archival material but also plays an active and important role, alt-
hough with an open mind devoid of prejudices, in order to be a catalyst in the conver-
sation. After all, it is by the biographer’s initiative that the interview takes place; there-
fore, he/she is the agent of catalyst in the interview.
Sometimes the role of the biographer can be described as ‘the devil’s advocate’ who
seeks to provoke and incite with questions on certain aspects of the life of the one under
investigation which may be taken for granted. In this regard, David Dunaway has de-
scribed the initial stages of an interview as conflictual. The narrator has a hazy chro-
nology of events he has witnessed in his/her memory.
Hence, the interviewee may not have the events of which he/she is a witness synchro-
nised; besides, he/she would have to recall events of many past years. However, and
this is very rare, he/she might have consulted secondary sources, which are informed
and formed by the historical interpretation of significant events in the life of the biog-
rapher.
We must note that in oral biography, at the starting point the mismatch of past events
and different perspectives of present events converge. Therefore, there is the need for
reconstruction. A study of biographical works shows that this tension between the past
and the present exists in the frame of reference of most transcripts.50 In any case, an
interviewer may come with a preconceived frame of mind to the interview session and
50 David K. Dunaway, Oral History (Nashville: American Association for State and Local History,
1987), 261.
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this can affect the questions and interpretation of the responses. This, according to
Dunaway, is a challenge to the biographer to investigate whether there are inconsisten-
cies in the interview by the same method used to evaluate written sources.
As an aid to the interpretation, the following processes are used to evaluate a source of
instinctive response. First, when the response is beyond instinct, biographers rely on
validity. In other words, they investigate how the testimony corresponds to other
sources. Second, whether the source is reliable; this is done by examining whether the
same question is answered the same way more than once by the source, and third, by
verifiability; that is, whether the testimony can be authentic.51
Dunaway, among other scholars, have defined an interview as a “dialectical experience
between tradition and creativity. Tradition is each individual’s particular understanding
of an event and creativity is the fusing of different interpretations between the historian
and the subject”. Hermeneutical dialogue takes place when conflicts in the past, present
and future interpretations of reality “evolve through communicative interactions that
adhere to the dialectical process”.52
Reasoning from the foregoing, the dialectical process demands the use of hermeneutics
as a tool involved in the transmission and translation of cultural values. The process of
translation may lead to the discovery of something which, otherwise, would remain
hidden and taken for granted in the use of everyday language. For instance, there are
barriers among cultures, perspectives and persons which make understanding
51 Dunaway, Oral History, 260-261.
52 Culpepper E. Clark, Michael J. Hyde and Eva McMahan, “Communication in the Oral His-
tory Interview: Investigating Problems of Interpreting Oral Data,” International Journal of Oral
History 1 (February 1980), 33.
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problematic.53 However, translation does not only require the sensitivity of those in-
volved in an interview in the language used but must also take cognisance of the phys-
ical and psychological expression of hermeneutics.
The above assertion is reason enough in saying, in biographical research, the collection
of data by conducting a narrative course of conversation allows the biographer’s per-
spective and subjective relevance to become apparent and to generate texts that give the
researcher the opportunity to reconstruct past experiences. The procedure of biograph-
ical case reconstruction makes a strict distinction between the present perspective of
the biographer and his/her perspective in the past. The constrictive comparison between
life history and life story helps trace the rules differentiating the narrated from the ex-
perience, the difference between biographical self-presentation at the time of narration
and the experience in the past. Here, the general concern of biographical research is to
understand religious, social and philosophical phenomena and explain them in the con-
text of the process of their creation, reproduction and transformation.
In this tradition the phenomena on which the research question focuses are examined,
both from the subjective perspective of the individual and in the overall context of the
biographer’s life and the structuring of its process. This makes it possible to discover
the latent and implicit structuring rules. It is noteworthy that the life history, the inter-
pretative review of the past and the manner of presentation of the life story are all con-
stituted through the dialectic of the individual and the social. Biographical research al-
lows us to reconstruct the inter-relationship between the individual experience and the
collective framework, so when we reconstruct an individual case, we are always aiming
53 Clark, Hyde and McMahan, “Communication in the Oral History,” 33.
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at making general statements. Thus, the goal of biographical research is not only to
understand individual cases in the context of individual life histories but also to gain an
understanding of societal realities or the inter-relationship between society and life his-
tory.54
Finally, Rosenthal has proposed to researchers that when they analyse the experiences
and attitudes of an individual, they will generate data which are elementary facts but
not exclusively limited to this individual’s personality but can be treated as mere in-
stances of more or less general classes of data or facts and could be made use of and
serve as a source for the determination of the laws of social and religious progress.
1.5.2 Religion and Human Development
Contributing to the debate on Religion and Development, Ossom-Batsa has traced how
development came to be associated with economics or the acquisition of wealth. He has
observed that the history of development theory originated after World War II.55 The
devastated effect of the war on human beings, infrastructure and society in many na-
tions meant the reconstruction of infrastructure and the rehabilitation of the human per-
son. But the focus shifted more to the reconstruction of the economies of nations.
The wealthy nations provided aid for those nations who were worse affected by the war.
The aid was referred to as development aid. In the view of Speckman, that set the tone
for the process of development theories into action. The first theory that emerged was
referred to as “Dependency Theory”.56 Further, the same author has stated that that
54 See, G. Rosenthal, “Surviving together and living apart in Israel and West Germany: The Genzor fam-
ily,” in Holocaust in Three Generations, ed. G. Rosenthal (Berlin: Barbara Budrich, 2010), 62.
55 George Ossom-Batsa “Engaging Religion in a Holistic Development,” in Religion and Sustainable
Development, 1.
56 M. Speckman, Development, the Bible and the Role of the African Church, in Anthropology of African
Christianity, eds. I. Apawo Phiri, D. Werner, C. Kauda and K. Owino (Oxford: Regnum Books Interna-
tional, 2016), 1085-1091. See also J. Ogbonnaya, “The Prospects of Humanising Development Discourse
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theory metamorphosed into another theory, known as the “Alternative Theory to De-
velopment”. Here, the paradigm shift was on the potential of the human person and the
reconstruction of the socio-economic structure of nations.57 In this theory, economic
growth was calculated more in terms of infrastructural development, the physical con-
struction than the rehabilitation of the human person. This theory also gave birth to the
“Asset-Based Approach to Development”, hence development was seen through the
lenses of assets acquisition.
All this while, according to Ver Beek, religion was either sidelined or relegated to the
list of less important items on the scale of preference of the development agenda or
perceived altogether as an impediment to development.58 In the course of history, some
development theorists and religious communities theorised that religion was indispen-
sable to development. Pope Paul VI, who pointed out the Christian vision62 of human
development, championed this theory. Thus, the Pope did not only assert this vision but
also opted for the poor as the central theme (Luke 7:22),59 as mandated by Jesus Christ.
According to the Pope: “We do not believe in separating the economic from the human,
or development from the civilisations in which it exists. What we hold important is
man, each man and each group of men, and we even include the whole of humanity”.60
in Africa through Christian Anthropology,” HTS Teologiese Studies /Theological Studies 72 (2016),
a3423,http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hrs.v7214.3423.
57 Speckman, Development, 1086. See also P. Ekins, A New World Order, Grassroots Move-
ments for Global Change (New York: Routledge, 1992); F.H. Cardaso, Dependency and De-
velopment in Latin America (Berkley, CA: University of California), 1979.
58 Cf. K.A. Ver Beek, “Spirituality: A Development Taboo,” Development in Practice 10
(2000), 1, 31-43. Based on a content analysis of the article published between 1982 and 1998
in three leading development studies journals, Ver Beck argued that religion constituted a “ta-
boo” in the theory and practice of development. In fact, during the study-period, there was no
single article which had the relationship between development and religion as the main theme.
62 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no. 14.
59 Ibid. no. 12.
60 Ibid., no. 14. See also L.J. Lebret, Dynamique concrete du dévelopement, Economic et Humanisme
(Paris: Les Edition Ouvrières, 1961): 28.
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Thus, the Pope interpreted human development in terms of the fact that every person,
irrespective of social class, economic standard and family background should benefit
from development, according to the common good principle.
In view of the common good, the gift of faith is paramount. Hence, the Second Vatican
Council, Gaudium et Spes, has taught that there is the need for an action plan based on
a new humanism and the universal purpose of created things. Taking the Bible as the
point of reference, the human person has been entrusted with the earth and the respon-
sibility to develop it (Gen 1:28). In effect, it is by his/her intellectual activities and by
means of his/her labour to bring it to perfection for his/her use. If the purpose of the
Creator is to furnish each individual with the means of livelihood and the instrument
for his growth and progress, then each human person has the right to unearth in the
world what is necessary for himself/herself. In this regard, the Second Vatican Council
has stated: “In his use of things, man should regard the external goods he legitimately
owns not merely as exclusive to himself but common to others also, in the sense that
they can benefit others, as well as himself.”61
In the light of the above, Vatican II has explained that the right to property must never
be exercised to the detriment of the common good. Hence, Pius XI has commented that
if there should arise a conflict “between acquired private rights and primary community
exigencies, it is the responsibility of public authorities ‘to look for solution, with the
active participation of individuals and social groups.”62
61 Vatican Council II, “Gaudium et Spes: Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern
World,” in Vatican Council II: Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents, ed. Austin Flannery
(Dublin: Dominican Publications, 1992) n. 69, § 1.
62 Pius XI, Encyclical Letter: On Social Reconstruction: Quadragesimo Anno (Vatican City:
Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1931), II: 1. See Leo XIII, Encyclical Letter: On the Condition of
the Working Classes: Rerum Novarum (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1942), n.19.
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Therefore, it is incumbent on developed nations to show human solidarity with devel-
oping nations.63 It is the obligation of every nation to ensure that its citizens attain a
truly human standard of living and contribute to the common development of the human
race. It is the social responsibility of the developed nations to share their wealth, pro-
fessionals and technology and their scholars to put their skills at the disposal of less
fortunate people.64 If the rich nations fail in their social responsibility, this will call
down on them the judgement of God and the wrath of the poor nations, with conse-
quences no one can foretell.
The present situation confronting the world calls for concerted efforts in planning. A
planned programme is far better and sustainable. This calls for a careful study, the se-
lection of ends and the choice of means, as well as a reorganisation of efforts to meet
the needs of the present and the demands of the foreseeable future. Moreover, an im-
portant concerted plan has advantages that go beyond the field of economic growth and
social progress. In addition, it gives importance and value to the work undertaken.
While developing the world, it focuses on the human person as the higher value.65
1.5.3. Religion and Education
As cited above, that the human person is of higher value, Giardini, among other schol-
ars, have asserted that the goal of religious formation of the student is the personal
maturity of his/her Christian life. Using education as the means to achieve this aim,66
Erikson has considered the inner growth, the development of the personal ego and the
culture milieu. For him, the development of the individual is not only a matter of inner
63 Vatican Council II, “Gaudium et Spes,” no. 85, § 2.
64 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no. 48.
65 Ibid., no. 50.
66 Fabio Giardini, Counselling: Humanistic and Christian (Rome: Millenium Romae, 1997), 45.
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growth. The development of the personal ego is greatly influenced by the type of culture
within which a person develops. The religion of the individual is not his personal mak-
ing. It does not just come from the inside of the person. Religion is conditioned, to a
large degree than we realise, by the particular culture in which we live.67
Despite the ongoing debate among psychologists, notably Fichter, on the nature-nature
controversy,68 Erikson and others, on the other hand, have largely agreed on the fact
that both genetic and environmental factors play an essential role in the religious de-
velopment which takes place in an individual.69
However, at times the religious person tends to minimise the effect of the biological
dimension of the human person. Psychologists show that this dimension is basic to any
human person. For religion to be meaningful, it must help the human person interpret
and make sense of his or her inner strivings, desires, passions, inclinations and emo-
tions. Complete religious expression allows the human person to utilise these dimen-
sions in their proper form.
A close examination of Religious and Moral Education (RME) reforms in Ghana re-
veals that the subject is structured to appeal not only to the human person’s mind but
also his or her biological and emotional needs. Thus, RME utilises the arts of music,
painting, architecture and theatre in its appeal to the entire human person. Religious
feelings are not to be considered lower expressions of religion than religious thinking.
67 Erik Erikson, Identity and the Life Cycle (New York: International University Press, 1950, 1963).
68 Joseph H. Fichter, Sociology (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 1.
69 Erikson, Identity and the Life, 2.
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According to Erikson, each person has his or her own unique social history and iden-
tity.70 Often, we tend to put people into groups or categories. This is true in so far as
there are similarities among persons. But each person has created his personal and so-
cial identity within the particular culture in which he or she was reared and the particular
type of relationships which he or she has had. This creates a difficult problem for teach-
ers. It means that serious RME cannot be mass production. It must include real rela-
tionships among persons, and this is exactly what the educational reforms have pro-
vided for.
In view of the above observation, Erikson has recommended that teachers need to be
aware of their own development personalities if they are to effectively teach others.
They must be aware that their own personal and social identities are not to be set up as
model which students are to emulate and copy. Teachers must respect the development
of each student.
According to Erikson, there are various types of religious personalities.71 One person may
be of a mystical bent, interested in personal prayer and religious experience. The social
activist thrust within religion may impress another. Teachers should also be aware that
their students may have another thrust. Truly, effective teachers are sensitive to the fact
that the religion class must allow for all types of expressions of religious faith. In exam-
ining how effective the RME teacher can be, Bernard, among other things, has sug-
gested motivation as one of the greatest factors or ingredients for students to achieve
higher spiritual attainment.72
70 E. Erikson, Child and Society (London-New York: W.W. Norton &Company Inc., 1963), 133-157.
71 E. Erikson, Identity Youth Crisis (London-New York: W.W. Norton & Company Inc., 1968).
72 R. Bernard, Equity and Excellence (London: Falmer Press, 1972).
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In his contribution to the debate, Trevor has commented on the classroom interaction
and asserted that the religious educator must bear in mind that in this area of religious
education, controversy is inevitable. For him, controversy is useful in the classroom
because it does not only show that issues are lived but also helps people with different
viewpoints to express their own views and respect other people’s views as well, thereby
creating an opportunity for growth.73
For religious education to be worthwhile, it must seek to raise the moral standard, in-
tellectual prowess and human maturity of the human person. Opoku puts it this way:
“…Observation of Africa and its society will reveal that religion is at the root of African
culture and it is the determining principle of African life. It is no exaggeration, there-
fore, to say that in traditional Africa, religion is life and life, religion.”74
In view of the above explanation on religion and education, we can now surmise the
importance of religious education, for, as William Shakespeare has it: “There is no art
to find the mind’s construction in the (person’s) face.”75 In other words, the interior
disposition of the human person rests within him or her and is, therefore, impossible to
comprehend, unless the human person concerned decides, with the help of divine inter-
vention, to convert.
The above saying is true of every candidate aspiring to graduate in any sphere of aca-
demic endeavour in any part of the world. Since there are no certain criteria to deter-
mine a genuine desire, which is interior and abstract, except to rely on the outward
expression of the candidate, the only human criterion is his or her academic
73 K. Trevor, Teaching Religious Education (London: Macmillan Education Press, 1984).
74 K.A. Opoku, West African Traditional Religion (Accra: FEP International Private Ltd., 1978), 1.
75 William Shakespeare, Shakespeare’s Macbeth, ed. W.W. Livengood (New York: America Book Com-
pany, 1910), 24.
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qualification. As I have said, the authentic human criterion of accessibility and suita-
bility of a candidate for admission to any educational institution, and for that matter
future employment, is his academic qualification because, after all, the human person
is not only a body but a composition of body and soul with intellect, will and memory
as spiritual faculties. Hence, it is the teaching of the Roman Catholic Church, which
Bowers represents, that the faith of any student should be developed by intellectual
activities for the will to make the right choice in life and the memory to hold God.
This is the reason for the Catholic Church’s stance on using educational qualification
as a criterion for admission and assessment of a student. This calls for the establishment
of educational facilities as a means of educating the youth who have expressed their
desire and demonstrated to be studious.76 Nevertheless, in addition to academic quali-
fication, there should be a background check to ascertain the moral suitability of the
candidate from the head of institution.
1.5.4 Religion and Health
Given the fact that health existed before medicine, which is an invention of medical
science, Sokolowski has observed that the restoration of health or healing of the human
life was one of the ways of evangelisation Jesus used as the Son of God in the early
Church, saying: “The bodily and psychological cures in the Gospels and the Acts of the
Apostles may well serve as an indication that the act of healing is one of the first of the
human activities that can be informed by grace.”77
76 Emmanuel Quarshie, “The Effects of Senior Secondary School (SSS) Educational Reforms on the
Formation of Minor Seminarians: A Study of Pope John Junior Seminary and SSS” (Postgraduate Di-
ploma, A Project Work Presented to the Faculty of Education, University of Cape Coast, January, 2005),
1-2.
77 Sokolowski, Christian Faith, 246.
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Generally, Shults and Sandage have argued that most people intuitively seek spiritual
help for healing. The daily demands and responsibilities of life put so much stress on
any person, and religion and spirituality offer remedies to deal with the challenges of
being healthy under stress.78 During Bowers’ tenure in office, it was common for sick
people to consult medicine men for spiritual protection. The hospital was always the
last resort for these people when the condition grew worse.
Grube, among other scholars, have observed that the above scenario was the same for
ancients who sought explanation of the incomprehensible by resorting to external and
transcendental mediators for answers; the neighbour was suspected of making use of
charms to cause spiritual illness.79 This was the worldview, and the invisible spirits
were appeased by sacrifices to take away their guilt. Thus, certain illnesses in the pri-
meval era were attributed to spirits and especially wounds sustained in battles were seen
as an enemy’s attack. The antidote to these wounds, they believed, lay in placating a
particular spiritual enemy. Therefore, knowledge of early medicine was the monopoly
of soothsayers, priests of the gods and the medicine men who knew the right rituals and
incantations. The prehistoric person relied on his or her intuition and failed to apply the
faculty of reason for the cure of diseases.
In the absence of reason, intuitively they found remedies for diseases. In Africa, for
example in Egypt, it was discovered that in the 16th century, by use of reason, a tech-
nique was developed as an antidote to diseases and high social hygiene was maintained
78 Leron F. Shults and Stephen J. Sandage, Transforming Spirituality: Integrating Theology and Psy-
chology (Grand Rapids, MI: Turner and Stauth, 1988), 187.
79 George M.A. Grube, “Greek Medicine and Greek Genius,” in Phoenix Classical Association of
Canada 8, n. 4 (Winter, 1954): 123. http://www.jstor.org/stable//1086122
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and Egypt was one of the healthiest nations on earth. Yet even there, medicine was
subordinate to religion.
However, Grube et. al. have pointed out that the Greek medical schools broke the mys-
tery surrounding health and healing. This was as a result of rationalisation of the causes
of diseases. The myth surrounding human freedom, which was severely hampered by
nature and psychological and social forces and considered to be outside human man-
oeuvrings, was unravelled. Homeric gods of medicine were reported to have said:
“When you die is a matter of fate, but how you die and what kind of man you were
while you lived are your own responsibility.”80 In other words, the human person would
have to examine his or her conscience while he or she lives. Later, Asclepius, who also
became the god of medicine, and Homer treated the wounded in a way which could not
be associated with magic and incantations. This was the beginning of the introduction
of rational thinking into the history of medicine and humanity.
Against this background of our historical sketch of the development of religion and
health, we will examine the definition of health given by the World Health Organisation
(WHO) as “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely
the absence of disease and infirmity.”81
Yet, this definition did not reflect the worldview of Western culture of health as the
absence of diseases and illness until recent years.82 Hence medicine, which was com-
monly referred to as “biomedicine”, had its origin in religion and spirituality but has
been truncated since the times of Descartes and Newton. As Daniel Callahan has
80 Grube, “Greek Medicine.”
81 World Health Organisation, Basic Documents, 39th edition (Geneva: WHO, 1992).
82 Shults and Sandage, Transforming Spirituality, 190.
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cautioned in his analysis of the WHO’s definition of health, “it makes the medical pro-
fession the gatekeeper for happiness and social wellbeing.”83
Nevertheless, Turner and Stauth have observed that we are witnessing the crumbling of
this wall of separation, as scientific research has indicated “the significance of prayer,
spiritual discipline and religious commitment in promoting overall health, preventing
illness and enhancing recovery from surgery.” 84 This, for some scholars, notably
Turner, is a good reason for Western biomedicine to rediscover its roots by reintroduc-
ing religion and spiritual issues in the treatment of patients.
Reiterating her point, Emblen has examined the use of the terms religion and spirituality
interchangeably, which reflect the historical roots of Western medicine and hospitals.
She notes that in the United States, religious influence declined, and the country became
more of a secularised state in the 1960s to 1970s, giving preference to the use of the
term spirituality over religion. But Shults has given the date of profound secularisation
of spirituality as the 1950s. Concurrently, in the West, there was debate on the dualism
of body and spirit, while the Eastern view of perceiving the human person holistically
did not change.
This view concerning the spirit as an essential component of the human person declined
in the Western world and the United States in the field of nursing. Therefore, nursing
was approached with humanistic values, which ultimately led nursing care to focus on
the personal needs and relationships of the patient. Emblen has concluded that by the
83 Daniel Collahan, What Kind of Life: The Limit of Medical Progress (Washington, DC: George Town
University Press, 1995), 34-40.
84 Bryan Turner and George Stauth, Nietzsche’s Dance (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988); Shults and
Sandage, Transforming Spirituality,185.
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end of the decade, the paradigm of nursing had shifted to spirituality, which made use
of terms such as transcendence and relationships.85
In view of the shift in meaning, Emblen approached her understanding of religion from
the doctrinal point of view, which was essentially a set of beliefs and practices that
expressed and fostered a relationship with God, as presented in a particular organised
religion. She also approached the term spirituality from an anthropological point of
view by widening its meaning as an animating and unifying principle of one’s life in
the light of which a person contemplates and responds to issues of meaning and purpose
of life, which undergirds and flows into a person’s relationship with self, others and the
transcendent.
To distinguish between religion and spirituality in health care, Emblen has pointed out
that the confusion in the minds of patients over the conceptual definition can lead to
unanswered questions on their minds. Hence, she has argued, if the two terms are not
clearly understood, inappropriate care may be offered to patients:
Sometimes patients indicate that they have no spiritual need – meaning no
religious need - (because they are not members of any organised religious
group). But some of those patients have desperate needs for help in working
through some of their transcendent and relationship needs arising from their
illness.86
In addition, Emblen has categorised religious care as keeping to a patient’s belief sys-
tem, worship and practices, and spiritual care as helping a patient in order to identify
85 Julia Emblen, “Religion and Spirituality: Defined According to Current Use in Nursing Literature,” in
Journal of Professional Nursing 8, no. 1 (1992): 40.
86 Emblen, “Religion and Spirituality,” 41.
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meaning and purpose in his or her life, maintain personal relationship and transcend his
or her condition in a given moment.
With renewed and intensive research in nursing, awareness has been created of the need
to integrate spirituality into health care. Spirituality is now concerned with the universal
human question concerning the meaning of life and how it is to be lived in the face of
suffering, dying and death. Seen as such, spirituality can serve as the theoretical frame-
work within which to situate matters of health and illness, so that healthcare providers
can situate their own medical activities and healthcare recipients can locate their own
response to medical treatment.87
The reviewed literature above reveals that religion is indispensable to integral human
development. It further suggests that peoples’ religious beliefs impact their lives and
deeds. This, therefore, provides the context to explore how Bowers’ religious formation
and beliefs impacted his pastoral ministry in the area of education and health, contrib-
uting to the human development of the whole person and every person.
Furthermore, the reviewed documents of the Roman Catholic Church from Pope Pius XI
to Pope Paul VI and the recent publications on the topic indicates that while the Roman
Catholic Church and scholars such as Ter Haar, Speckman, Ossom-Batsa, Gatti and Am-
mah have argued that religion has an important place in development that embraces the
totality of the human person, other scholars such as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engles are
of the view that religion breeds more conflicts which does not support development.
87 Emblen, “Religion and Spirituality,” 41.
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Reasoning from the literature reviewed, the major question now is: has religion con-
tributed to development in Ghana? This research attempted an answer using Bowers as
a case study.
1.6 Theoretical Framework
Pope Paul VI’s encyclical letter, Populorum Progressio (PP),88 one of the documents
reviewed in the literature, provided the theoretical framework of this thesis. In PP 14,
Pope Paul VI pointed out clearly the Christian vision of human development when he
wrote:
We do not believe in separating the economic from human, nor develop-
ment from the civilisation in which it exists. What we hold important is
man, each man and each group of men, and we even include the whole of
humanity. Human development cannot be limited to mere economic
growth. In order to be authentic, it must be complete: integral, that is, it has
to promote the good of every man and of the whole man.89
In response to its mandate, the Church has ever since remained true to the teaching and
example of its divine founder, who mandated the Church to preach the Gospel to every
person and particularly the poor, as His central theme (Luke 7:22).90 The Church has
never failed to obey Him and promotes human progress of the nations to whom it
brought faith in Christ. Thus, for the development of the whole person, missionaries
have built, not only churches, though this is an essential part of its mission, but also
hostels, hospitals, schools and universities.
They also educate the local community on the means of deriving the best advantages
from their human and natural resources. Where necessary, the missionaries have
88 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no. 12.
89 Ibid., no. 14.
90 Ibid., no. 12.
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intervened and protected the indigenes from the greed of foreign investors. Undoubt-
edly, the Church, being a human and divine institution, sometimes in the discharge of
its duties, has seen its missionaries’ human natures overshadow the divine nature of the
Church. That is, their human imperfections have sometimes blurred the announcement
of the authentic Gospel message. Sometimes they infiltrated the Gospel in many ways
with their thinking and acting which were characteristic of their countries of origin and
planted the Gospel in the native land without recourse to the worldview of the natives.
However, it is worth noting that for the progress of all nations, some missionaries were
also able to develop and foster institutions for human development. In many missionary
territories, they were the pioneers in material progress, as well as in cultural advance-
ment. It is necessary to pay tribute to these pioneers who have too often been forgotten,
but who were urged on by the love of Christ, just as we honour their imitators and
successors who today continue to put themselves at the generous and unselfish service
of those to whom they announce the Gospel.91
1.7 Methodology
This study employed qualitative research methods and approaches.92 It is a qualitative
research method that is concerned with the reconstruction of life histories and constitu-
tion of meaning based on biographical narratives and documents. According to Fischer-
Rosenthal,93 it involves two approaches:
91 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no. 12.
92 Bridget Young and Darko Hren, “Introduction to Qualitative Research Methods,” http://mir-
rorejd.eu/wp-content/uploads/sites/34/2017/03/Introduction-toqualitative-research-methods.compresse
d.pdf. According to Albert Einstein, “not everything that can be counted, counts; not everything that
counts can be counted.”
93 Wolfram Fischer-Rosenthal, “Biographical Work and Structuring in Present-day Societies,” in The
Turn to Biographical Methods in Social Science, eds. Prue Chamberlayne, Joanna Bornat, and Tom
Wengraf (London-New York: Routledge, 2000).
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Firstly, the biographical identity or biographical structuring that emphasises the recon-
struction of the single case and the development of the ‘personality’ in the life course.
It assumes that the link between structure and individuals could only be understood
sufficiently by analysing the development of the individual personality in the life
course.
Secondly, the biographical action research that emphasises problem-specific action
modes and is more concerned with the systematic comparison of different action modes
than general personality structures. It is more concerned with action modes in specific
societal areas or how individuals respond to certain problems with the reconstruction
of the whole identity.
Further, the research was limited to the Catholic Diocese of Accra from 1953 to 1971.
That period covered the tenure of office of Bishop Bowers. Six schools sited in the
Eastern Region and four hospitals founded by him were used for the study. Gender
balance, cognitive, affective and psychomotor dimensions or intellectual and attitudinal
differences, respectively, of the researcher informed this selection. Three of the hospi-
tals were in the Eastern Region and one in the Volta Region. The research embarked
upon a thorough investigation of the problem of integral human development. The
choice of these selected schools and hospitals means that the study’s findings may not
be generalised. However, it will provide the basis for studying similar cases and how
the problem studied will manifest in other situations.
1.7.1 Methods of Data Collection
A combination of qualitative research methods and approaches characterised this study.
These methods were used to generate novel insights into phenomena that are difficult
to quantify which emerged from documentary evidence on Bowers’ biography.
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Interviews were arranged with 25 participants who knew Bowers personally and
worked with him. Three focus group discussions were organised with students from
Pope John’s, St. Roses’ Senior Hight School and elderly sisters of Handmaids of the
Divine Redeemer. Each group consisted of 13 participants. Video recordings were some
of the approaches used to explore Bowers’ Pastoral Ministry and how that impacted on
the integral human development of Ghanaians in general and the Catholic faithful in
particular in the provision of religious education and health.
To elicit the necessary information for the research, data was collected from two main
sources: archival documents (surveys, diaries, memoirs, sermon notes and letters) and
narratives. Altogether, five archives, in three continents, were visited for materials on
the biography of Bowers: the Robert M. Myers Archives of the Society of Divine Word
Missionary (SVD) at Techny, USA and the SVD Guest House, Accra, Ghana; the St
Dominikus Institut of the Dominican Sisters at Speyer, Germany; the Accra Archdioc-
esan Archives, Accra, Ghana, and the Ghana National Archives in Accra, Ghana.
A pilot study was done using selected age groups and gender in Accra, the Yilo Krobo
Traditional Area, Koforidua, Kwahu Nkwatia and Akwatia in the Eastern Region as
witnesses of Bowers and beneficiaries of his pastoral ministry. The methods employed
for data collection and analysis were qualitative. Basically, the data was from primary
sources. The categorized data collection produced information on issues on education
and health care in his pastoral ministry. Also, the research employed the snowball
method of data collection on the biography and contributions of Bowers.
The purposive sampling interview session was chosen to observe, learn, report and an-
alyse the views of the interviewees on Bowers’ contribution to integral human devel-
opment.
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Again, regarding schools and hospitals, six schools and four hospitals established by
Bishop Bowers served as our pilot study. These institutions and facilities are situated
in the Eastern and Volta regions of Ghana. The researcher paid visits to all the schools
and hospitals for personal observation. The rationale behind the selection of schools
was to ensure gender balance, while the hospitals have different sister religious congre-
gations as their foundation. Those who were interviewed formed the population.
Owing to the large number of witnesses and beneficiaries of Bowers’ pastoral ministry,
the study was conducted with sample of 9464, which comprised 9 Catholic priests, 9
nuns, 7 lay faithful, three sets of focus group discussions which comprised 13 people
each, making a total of 39 people; old nuns in residence at the HDR old sisters’ home.
Beneficiary students at the Pope John’s Minor Seminary and Senior High School and
the St Rose’s Senior High School formed the focus group discussion. It was difficult to
have focus group discussions of witnesses due to old age and proximity. In all, 20 men
and 44 women in the 70-80+ age range participated in the research. These were people
who personally knew and/or worked for Bowers. The youth who are beneficiaries were
also included.
1.7.2 Method of Data Analysis
Empirical data from the field (interview reports, focus group discussions, personal ob-
servations) were first categorised into themes relating to Bowers’ family background,
education, seminary formation, ordination into the priesthood and pastoral ministry.
Information on the different themes was examined using the content analysis approach.
The veracity of content was checked against archival materials and other available
94 Dairo Afolorunso Olalekan, Statistics and Data Analysis for Research in Humanities (Lagos:
Graceway Publishing House, 2015), 37.
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documents such as personal letters, memoirs, baptismal registers and diaries. An en-
gagement of the synthesis with scholarly works (books and peer reviewed journals)
provided the resources for elaborating the thesis of our project.
1.8 Significance of Study
The study contributes to biographical study, a rarely explored discipline in Ghana. Stud-
ying the lives of heroes and heroines can generate knowledge for the benefit and devel-
opment of the Church and the country at large.
Furthermore, the study advances insights into the ongoing debate on the relevance of
Religious and Moral Education on the school curriculum of the Ghana Education Ser-
vice. As the adage goes, Lex orandi, lex credendi, lex operandi, which translates: As
you pray, so you believe and so you work. When students are given good religious and
moral education, they pray better, are convinced of their faith and translate that into
hard work.
1.9 Organization of Study
The work is divided into six chapters. Chapter One is the general introduction and back-
ground to the study. It includes the statement of the problem, objectives of the study,
research questions which guided the study, review of related literature of works of
scholars on biographical research, religion, education and health, theoretical frame-
work, methodology, significance of the study, and the organisation of various chapters.
Chapter Two, which is entitled: Brief Historical Overview of Bishop Joseph Oliver
Bowers: ‘A Humble Home (March 28, 1910-1938), aims at a biographical presentation
of Bowers till the end of his seminary formation. It is concerned with Bowers’ early
years: Parents, basic education at the Dominican Grammar School in the Dominica,
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secondary education, seminary formation at Chicago, Techny, St. Augustine’s Major
Seminary: novitiate, daily schedule, spiritual formation, philosophical and theological
studies and ordination into the priesthood and appointment to the mission in Ghana.
Chapter Three surveys the ecclesiastical territory of the Catholic Diocese of Accra
(1953-1971) under the administration of Bowers. It begins with the introduction, the
demography of the Catholic Diocese of Accra and the political geography of the diocese
in the era under investigation, a brief history of the Catholic Diocese of Accra and the
religious situation. It also continues with the examination of the political independence
of the Gold Coast and the socio-cultural milieu in the Gold Coast/Ghana.
Chapter Four examines Bowers’ contribution to Catholic education. It gives a prelude
to Catholic education and human development. Also, it examines the background to
Catholic education in the 1920s and the colonial system of education in the Gold Coast.
It also looks at the introduction of the Seven-year Accelerated Development Plan after
the country gained independence. At that time, there was an increase in the number of
schoolchildren, without a corresponding increase in infrastructure and staff, leading to
a low standard of education. Therefore, there was the need to provide quality education
with trained teachers. The chapter explores the roles played by patriotism and the
Young Pioneers and the need for voluntary agencies. It also examines the roles of the
Catholic Bishops in general, and Bowers in particular, in the provision of quality edu-
cation. Bowers’ efforts can be appreciated better with a perusal of his correspondence.
In conclusion, Bowers founded many schools, hospitals and a diocesan congregation of
African nuns to teach in some of these schools.
Chapter Five discusses Bowers’ contribution to healthcare delivery. It investigates de-
velopment and the human person, community development, the negative influence of
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superstition on human development, Bowers as an administrator and visionary. It re-
searches into the circumstances surrounding the founding and the foundations of hos-
pitals for health delivery in the Accra Diocese.
Chapter Six is the conclusion. It concludes with a summary, major findings and contri-
butions and some academic and social recommendations on the health and educational
sectors in the Catholic Diocese of Accra.
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CHAPTER TWO
A HUMBLE HOME (MARCH 28, 1910 - 1938)
2.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses Bowers’ early years. It also examines his early studies at the
Dominica Grammar School, where his father was the headmaster. After acquiring the
Basic School Certificate, he entered the Minor seminary to become a priest. Besides
discussing his intellectual and spiritual formation, the chapter also examines his interest
in extra-curricular activities. It concludes with his appointment to the mission in the
Gold Coast after his ordination into the priesthood.95
2.2 Bowers’ Early Years
On 28th March 1910, Joseph Oliver Bowers was born to Montague Sheriff Bowers and
Mary Bowers (neé Thomas) in a small village called Hampstead.96 According to Ed-
ward Herberger, Bowers’ parents originally came from Antigua in the Caribbean Is-
lands.97
Sheriff was a schoolteacher in a village called Delices. It was there that he met his future
wife, Mary Thomas, and got married to her. Sheriff was a Moravian but converted to
Catholicism before his marriage. He had 11 children with Mary: three girls and eight
95 Ten years later he was sent to the Gregorian University in Rome to obtain a Licentiate in Canon Law.
After a successful completion of his two-year studies he returned to Accra. Hardly was he aware that he
was being groomed for an important role in the Church in Ghana.
96 “Bishop Joseph Oliver Bowers,” directed by Emmanuel Vorgbe (Dansoman: Nuela Media, 2010),
DVD. In this video recording at St. Raphael Villa at Agomanya, he did not only approve this date but
also testified, “My parents were Montague Sheriff and Mary Bowers and we lived very close to the
Parish.”
97 Edward Herberger et. al., “The Beginnings in the Caribbean 1972-2012,” in Communities of the World
Stories of the Chicago Province Caribbean Story Stories of the Chicago Province; http://www.divin-
eword.org/assets/i/assetmanager/communities%20of%20the%20worddcaribbean.pdf
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boys, with Bowers being the eighth child. Bowers received infant baptism at the St
Andrew Catholic Church, Vieille Case, on 15th May 1910 from Fr J Bellandeau.98
Sheriff was a deeply religious person who remained very faithful to the Roman Catholic
Church. As a headteacher, he was held in high esteem and was expected to perform
multiple services in the community. He was a devout Catholic and strict disciplinarian
and earned the respect of the entire community and beyond. He made a tremendous
contribution to the Parish of St. Paul, not only by his example as a sincere Christian but
also as the choirmaster and organist of the church for years.96
As an accomplished headteacher, Sheriff was later transferred to the Massacre Govern-
ment School, where the norm was for children from Mahaut, Campbell and Warner to
attend that school. After 40 years of service at Mahaut, Sheriff retired from active ser-
vice. According to the baptismal register, he died on 9th August 1963 at the age of 95,
while Mary, his wife, had died on 22nd February 1934 at the young age of 53.
Bowers was born in an environment of poverty, with hunger as its consequence. His
home was a humble one, where the basic necessities for the sustenance of life (food and
clothing) were scarce due to the large number of children. The children in Sheriff’s
home never had “full stomachs”. There was always only one cheap diet, dried and salted
Codfish and bakes made from dough and fried in oil on the table. Yet that was also
scarce to come by.
98 Dugay, e-mail message to Quarshie, “His Lordship Joseph Oliver Bowers SVD DD Bishop Emeritus.”
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Bowers’ call to the priesthood was welcome news to the family, but also a tragedy
because of the expenses involved. In spite of the poverty in the family and Sheriff’s
meagre savings, Sheriff supported the son’s call to the priesthood and never lamented.99
2.2.1 Basic Education
Bowers was admitted to the Massacre Government Primary School at Hampstead,
where pupils and students from Calibistie offered all kinds of subjects and performed
various activities. Students were encouraged to develop aptitudes and to hone their
skills. The curriculum followed by schools was not clearly defined: it included the three
Rs: Reading, wRiting and aRithmetic, and all kinds of subjects and activities aimed at
developing the integral human personality, skills, aptitudes and inculcating the Chris-
tian virtues of love, self-discipline and prayer. Bowers completed the basic school with
laurels and subsequently gained admission to high school.
2.2.2 Secondary School
He attended the Dominica Grammar School, which was established in 1893. He won,
in 1921, one of the scholarships meant for brilliant students outside Roseau. On gradu-
ation on his 17th birthday, he obtained the Cambridge Senior Certificate and was sub-
sequently employed at the Grand Bay Government School as a pupil teacher. He had to
walk long distances to school because there were fewer roads and public means of
transport.100
Thus, walking long distances to school gave him the opportunity to do some physical
exercises. According to him, that prepared him for the long distances he had to make
later in his pastoral work in the Gold Coast/Ghana as a missionary. For him, that
99 Dugay, e-mail to Quarshie, “Bishop Bower’s Easter Picnic,” loc. cit.
100 Ibid.
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physical exercise was providential since it was hard to have easy access to vehicles to
the outstations for pastoral work during those days in the Gold Coast. He recalled how
he took after his father in playing the harmonium in church. In addition, Bowers attested
to the fact that his father played multiple roles as a catechist, choirmaster and organist
in church, including many other responsibilities “in a village of about two to three thou-
sand inhabitants”,101 and added: “My family was well known in the village.”102
In the early 19th century, racial discrimination was very intense. That was the picture
of a world of Blacks and Whites, especially in America. In such a social milieu of apa-
thy, it was difficult for Bowers, as a Black person, to have been admitted to the seminary
for his formation to the priesthood. In addition, the lack of vocation among Blacks was
due to social stigma, but the remote cause was the lack of opportunity to have early
childhood education.
2.3 Seminary Formation and Ordination
Bowers’ desire to be a missionary priest was fulfilled when he was sent to the St. Au-
gustine Seminary at Bay St. Louis, Mississippi in America, which was founded in
1923.103 It was the first seminary in the whole of the United States of America that
admitted African Americans to priestly formation. In fact, the seminary was named
after the first Black African Bishop of Hippo, Egypt in North Africa.
The admission of African Americans to the seminary was recommended and supported
by a letter of Pope Pius XI to the Superior of the Chicago Province of the SVD. The
following translation of the Apostolic Letter from Latin into English is self-evident:
101 “Bishop Joseph Oliver Bowers,” DVD.
102 Ibid.
103 Herberger, et. al., “The Beginnings in the Caribbean.”
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It is to us source of deep joy to learn that the college for the Education of
Negroes which you had established temporary at Greenville, in the Diocese
of Natchez, will shortly be transferred to St. Louis, in the same diocese, and
converted into a mission house for the training of negro boys according to
the Rule of your order. You are determined to carry this plan through to
success, because it accords perfectly with the ideals of your society, with
God’s admonition to the Church to teach all nations, and with the precepts
of this Apostolic See.104
The above excerpt is a short introduction to the Pope’s six-paragraphed letter. In it, he
had argued that effective evangelisation could only take place when agents of evange-
lisation were the indigenous people themselves, more than people of other countries
with different cultural backgrounds. He recalled that in the history of the Church,
Blacks had also suffered martyrdom as witnesses to their faith and concluded that ex-
perience had shown that African Americans had the mental capacity and ability to un-
dertake any rigorous academic work and undergo formation to become priests. He
highly commended the SVD for taking the initiative and gave the Bishops of America
the authority to oversee the administration of the seminary.105
There were no seminaries on the Island of the Lesser Antilles of the Caribbean until
1943.106 The bishops in the region were from religious orders whose countries of origin
were the same as the colonial masters. Therefore, candidates to the priesthood were
referred to those colonial countries for their formation. But distance and financial con-
straints prevented the bishops from looking for vocations to the priesthood.
104 Pius XI, Letter to His son William Gier, Superior General of SVD (Rome: Libreria Vaticana, April 5,
1923). This document was obtained by the courtesy of Robert M. Myers Archives; The Society of Divine
Word, Chicago, 2016.
105 Refer to the full letter of the Pope in the appendix.
106 Herberger, et. al., “The Beginnings in the Caribbean,” loc. cit.
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Bowers’ journey to the priesthood can be understood in the light of faith that is often
shrouded in mystery. This is because a call is a gift of God, which is incomprehensible
even to the one called until it is realised, and sometimes many mysterious events occur
in one’s life which deepen the mystery till death.
Some calls from God are dramatic, like St. Augustine’s,107 while other calls could be
described as simple; for example, that of St. Teresa of the Child Jesus.108 Bowers noted
that besides God, he owed his vocation in the priesthood to Fr. Bossuyt, a Belgian Re-
demptorist. He described his as simple in his testimony in a video recording: “I was like
a post boy to my Parish Priest.”109 This simple but humble duty was what brought him
closer to his Parish Priest on a daily basis. Thus, a special relationship and affection
developed between them. God made use of an unworthy human instrument like Father
Bossuyt and manifested Himself as He is: infinite, near, familiar and yet incomprehen-
sible.108
Meanwhile, the Catholic Church teaches that God prefers to make use of the normal
circumstances of life.110 It was at his suggestion that Bowers considered the possibility
of his vocation to the priesthood. Bossuyt’s exemplary life, his devotion to priestly du-
ties at St. Anne’s Catholic Church at Massacre were an inspiration to the entire com-
munity. Against that background, Bowers’ family welcomed the news of his call to the
107 See, St. Augustine, Confessions, trans. Henry Chadwick (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008),
133ff.
108 See, St. Thérèsa of Liseux, The Story of a Soul (Wyatt North: Wyatt North Publishing, 2013).
109 “Bishop Joseph Oliver Bowers,” DVD.
108 St. Augustine, Confessions, 244.
110 Vatican Council II, “Presbyterorum ordinis; Decree on the Life of the Priest,” Second Vatican Coun-
cil: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents, ed. Austin Flannery (Dublin: Dominican Publications,
1992), no. 6.
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priesthood because, as he observed: “My family were staunch Catholics.” His statement
affirms what the Second Vatican Council teaches:
The duty of fostering vocation falls on the whole Christian community,
…The greatest contribution is made by families which are animated by a
spirit of faith, charity and piety and which provide, as it were, a first semi-
nary, and by parishes in whose abundant life the young people themselves
take an active part.111
The above observation is reason enough for saying, if Bowers’ family had opposed his
desire, he would have been discouraged and had consequently lost interest and his mis-
sion to the people of the Gold Coast would not have been realised. Nevertheless, the
desire to become a priest rests solely on the shoulders of the candidate or aspirant. Yet,
since the priesthood is a gift from God, the candidate exercises his free will to choose
to or not to answer the call. The Church, as the custodian of the Word of God, reserves
the right to approve the candidate as suitable, and this is considered a validation from
God through the pedagogy of formation and discernment process. The formation pro-
gramme is to enlighten the faith of the candidate, which is a gift of God.
The Christian vocation presupposes faith; this is also true for the priesthood, since it is
an interior call from God and requires a free interior response from the human person
being called. It is this gift of faith that led Bowers to believe that God was calling him.
Perhaps the Psalmist’s claim that “the Lord hears the cry of the poor” (Ps. 34) could be
applied to Bowers’ call from a humble and poor home. From the above, we can con-
clude that “God is communicated to by means of faith”.112 It follows that faith is the
medium that enables us to speak personally with God, who listens in response to us,
111 Vatican II, “Optatum Totius,” in Second Vatican Council: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Docu-
ments, ed. Austin Flannery (Dublin: Dominican Publications, 1992), no. 2.
112 Federico Ruiz, Místico y Maestro: San Juan de la Cruz (Madrid: Editorial de Espiritualidad, 2006),
243.
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and vice versa. Bowers neither saw nor spoke võce face with God when he was called.
It was an inner desire which God alone understands.
2.3.1 Novitiate
When Bowers was admitted to St. Augustine in 1928, the programme of formation en-
visaged first-year seminarians to learn the rudiments of the Latin and Greek languages
and pass to qualify for permanent admission. That requirement was necessary, since the
liturgy was celebrated only in Latin, the official language of the Roman Catholic rite.
English literature, as well as homiletics, was also taught. After completing his first three
years of the seminary formation in 1931, Bowers proceeded to the Holy Ghost Novitiate
in Wisconsin. According to his academic records, he excelled in all subjects and was at
the top of his class of 18 seminarians.113
The focus of the formation of novices at the time of Bowers was striving; in other
words, the novice was to strive to excel in whatever he did to attain perfection.114 He
was expected to advance in spiritual life and study the constitution of the SVD society.
The reasoning was that the constitution was a means to one’s salvation. Again, faith-
fulness to the constitution was a guarantee for successful apostolate and salvation of
the soul. One’s personal holiness would become the means God would use to bring
more souls to salvation. To be imbued with the rules, therefore, was interpreted as the
practical way to achieve perfection as a religious person in the pastoral ministry.
113 Catalogus, Sodaliu Societatis Verbi Divini (Rome: Ex Typographia Domus Missionum ad S. Michae-
lem Archangelum Steylensis, Ineunte anno 1933).
114 Ernest Brandewie, The Light of the World: Divine Word Missionaries of North America (Maryknoll,
NY: Orbis Books, 2000), 145-158.
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A. Daily Schedule
As a novice, Bowers followed a daily schedule, which was not much different from that
of the Major seminarians in vows or for the priests and brothers. The daily Holy Mass
lasted for an hour. However, when the mass ended earlier than expected, for instance
in half an hour, the novices used the rest of the time in meditation and thanksgiving for
benefits received during mass before they went for breakfast at 7:15 a.m.
They observed silence, studied, prayed and played in the Mission House and did their
duty with devotion as missionaries. Every SVD, including Bowers, was taught what
was the apostolate of the SVD. Whether he lived alone or in a community, he was to
follow a daily schedule, which was subject to the approval of the provincial. That sched-
ule should include time for meditation and for mass in the early morning, spiritual read-
ing, examination of conscience at noontime and general examination of conscience at
night before night prayers. It was required of them to clearly specify the time for rising
and retiring to bed at night. There were, however, exceptions, but that was the yardstick
for measuring a good Divine Word Missionary as religious.
Generally, that was the impression one got in the study of two years of novitiate. The
formation programme was more active than quiet, contrary to the scene we have de-
scribed. The scriptural locus classicus was: “You must be perfect, as your heavenly
Father is perfect” (Matt 5:48).
Rising was at 4:45 every morning. Novices shared and slept in a common “large open
dormitory, each bed surrounded by curtains that were drawn only at night. The novice
needed little space for clothes because he had few. A narrow locker and a small dresser
sufficed. As soon as the bell was rung, the dormitory “Senior” threw open all the
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windows, whether it was spring, summer, fall or winter.”115 He was quick at that be-
cause he was ‘striving’!
As quickly as possible the novice washed his face, brushed his teeth and showered with
cold water if he was really striving, so as to get to the chapel as quickly as he could.
One had to strive hard enough if one got to the chapel, absolutely latest by 5 to 5:10
a.m. The Morning Prayer was said in common at 5:15 a.m. prompt from the official
book of prayer of the Society, known as Vademe cum, which every member of the so-
ciety carried with him whenever he travelled. The Morning Prayer was followed by
meditation; a keen sign of striving is when the novice knelt in an upright position for
the whole 45 minutes of meditation.
B. Spiritual Formation
In the era of Bowers’ seminary formation, emphasis was placed more on spirituality
than intellectual formation. The minor seminaries and colleges were replete with such
spiritual formation programmes. On the day of investiture, novices were vested in their
habits and were told to persevere in their vocation. Also, the habit was to serve as a
reminder that their vocation was a gift from God for which they must pray. The reli-
gious garb was to identify them as priests of the Divine Word missionaries.116 On the
day of investiture, they were given the title frater until ordination. The title frater was
used to identify and differentiate “clerics” seminarians in vows from the brothers who
resided with them in the Techny community.
Still on Bowers’ spiritual formation, there was an instruction on the Ignatian spiritual
exercise that was the pedagogy of prayer taught by St Ignatius of Loyola. The novice
115 Brandewie, The Light of the World, 140.
116 Ibid.; Immanuel Kant, On History; trans. Lewis White Beck (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1963), 3.
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recalled the topic of his meditation and read a relevant passage from sacred scriptures
by mentally constructing in his imagination a scenario. He reflected on three main key
points, prayed over them and applied the lesson he had learnt in his spiritual life. The
aim of that spiritual exercise was to lead the novice to have insights into the passage
read. Then he recorded it in a spiritual diary kept for that purpose. The novice master
reserved the right to inspect the spiritual diary.
Another spiritual practice or discipline was that all meals were eaten in silence. The
time at meals was occupied with novices taking turns to read excerpts from spiritual
books, the life of saints or a letter from a missionary, an encyclical of the Pope. Never-
theless, on special occasions and on Sundays, conversations at meals were permitted to
the delight of the novices. On ordinary days, at 1:45 p.m. during recreation period, si-
lence was broken and resumed again until after supper. Another recreation was at 6:30
p.m. until it was time to prepare for meditation, which began at 7:15 p.m. If an an-
nouncement had to be made, for example, on manual work, etc. during the period of
silence, that had to be done in Latin.
This practice facilitated and developed spoken Latin and helped to maintain silence,
since the majority found it more difficult to speak Latin than to keep quiet. The standard
explanation that was given for the rhythmic silence and conversation was the society’s
spirituality. But those in final vows and the ordained in communities were to remain
silent, except during the stipulated recreational periods, otherwise one was to practise
silence and recollection.
At all daily schedules, one was expected to be punctual and to fully participate. One
strove to recollect and concentrate on a virtue one had resolved to practise or the fault
to be eradicated that day. That resolution would become the theme of the midday
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examination of conscience, as well as the examination of conscience at night prayers.
On a weekly basis, the novices were encouraged to bring their failures to follow the
resolution to confession. And at the annual retreat, novices were taught to spend time
to examine their conscience or progress in combating the major faults that were identi-
fied during novitiate, as well as in practising the virtues that would be the surest antidote
to the faults.
C. Spiritual Reading
Practically, every day the Novice Master gave conferences to the novices. Every day
they read from one of the three volumes of the spiritual writings of the Jesuit Alphonse
Rodriguez (1526-1556). When the reading of the three voluminous books called The
Practice of Christian and Religious Perfection was completed, it was repeated. Those
books became the manual of the spirituality of the SVD, which was recommended by
Father Janssen’s Vincentian friend, called Ferdinand Medits. Another classic spiritual
reading book novice were to be acquainted with and expected to read daily and for the
rest of their lives was The Imitation of Christ by Thomas à Kempis.
D. Spiritual Direction
After the evening meal, novices queued for consultation with their spiritual directors.
This practice was based on the saying: “If the just man sinned seven times a day, what
about a poor novice?” If one came up with nothing, then he was suspected not to have
done proper examination of conscience or to be too proud of thinking he had no fault
that day, which was considered even a greater sin.
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2.3.2 Major Seminary Formation and Education
In 1933, after his first vows, Bowers returned to the St. Augustine Major Seminary to
complete his philosophical and theological studies and priestly formation.117 Study was
the primary task of the major seminary, but more directly related to the priesthood and
the future work. The curriculum for the SVD education at that time was for the student
to study Philosophy and Theology. Later, the curriculum was revised to place four years
of college and the Bachelor of Arts degree before novitiates. In the Major seminary, all
the preparations in Latin were employed by the seminarians in their studies. Before
1966, the core philosophical subjects -- Logic, Metaphysics, Epistemology, Psychology
and Cosmology -- were taught in Latin. Only the History of Philosophy was taught in
English. The first two years was devoted to Philosophy, and the last two years was also
considered as the end of college, with Philosophy as the core subject.
A. Bowers the Philosopher
Bowers studied Philosophy taught from the approved traditional manual known as man-
ualist. The content of the Philosophy taught was handed down manually as approved
by higher authorities according to the tradition of scholasticism and in conformity with
the updated degree of the Council of Trent, as mandated by Pope Leo XIII. All semi-
naries of the Catholic Church were to follow that manual. In that manual, certain key
issues were raised, and answers were carefully dilated on. For example, the principle of
causality was used to demonstrate the necessity of God’s existence and the fact that
matter and form necessarily composed the nature of a “thing”. Furthermore, that
117 Dugay, Easter Picnic, loc. cit.
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principle was used to demonstrate the necessity of a spiritual soul as the form of the
human person.
B. Scholasticism
The term scholasticism denotes, first, traditional Philosophy as taught in European uni-
versities such as Cambridge, Paris, Bologna and Oxford in the Middle Ages. That era
was around the 12th and 14th centuries when the works of philosophers such as Aris-
totle, Plato and other works of great Greek philosophers were discovered and translated
from Arabic into Latin in Spain. Secondly, theology moved from being practical “wis-
dom taught in monasteries to ‘science’ taught in schools, hence the name ‘scholasti-
cism.’”
In scholasticism, logic and dialectic were used to clarify terms to identify sure princi-
ples upon which arguments could be reliably constructed and to point out fallacies in
opposing arguments. The main purpose of the manual used in seminaries was to keep
“critical realism” in place, in an age that was in constant danger of falling victim to
scepticism, materialism and subjectivism. The climate at the time, at least from the era
of David Hume (1711-1776) and Immanuel Kant (1724-1808) was to make use of “en-
lightenment” to release humanity from “its self-incurred tutelage” to authority. Rather,
Kant urges Sapere aude! (Have courage to use your own reason!).118
The Catholic Church expressed concern over the teachings of scholars such as Hume and
Kant to maintain the authority of tradition and confidence in human reason, guided by
the light of faith as clarified by the church’s teaching authority, truly to know the world
as directed by God and show the reasonableness of what was revealed in revelation. In
118 Kant, On History, 3. See David Hume, Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion within the Limits of
Reason; trans. Theodore M. Greene and Hoyt H. Hudson (New York: Harper & Row, 1960).
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view of the above teaching of the church, seminarians were required to have a firm un-
derstanding of certain basic terms and concepts. Lectures were conducted in a style of
argumentation that seminarians would in future employ in theological studies.
Hence, Philosophy was viewed as the “handmaid of theology” and, therefore, consid-
ered extremely important. Consequently, more periods were allotted on the timetable
to learning and teaching the basics of this system. Philosophical distinctions were made
between nature and person, substance and accident, act and potency, necessary and
contingent, essence and existence, which will later be important in the use of theologi-
cal language to explain the doctrines of Trinity, human and divine natures in the one
person of Jesus Christ and the Eucharist; where the emphasis was placed on how the
substance of the bread and wine is “transubstantiated” to become Christ’s body and
blood, while the accidents of bread and wine remained.
Like any SVD seminarian studying Philosophy, Bowers hardly knew what was at stake
when they memorised formulae and distinction. Nevertheless, some of those seminari-
ans matured out of that era of Catholic anti-Modernism and obeyed Roman legislation
to ground them in the scholastic tradition of St Thomas Aquinas.
C. Bowers the Theologian
As a requirement for ordination to the priesthood, Bowers did four years of Theology
as a core course. Dogmatic Theology was then considered the most important of all the
branches of theological subjects. Theological studies had, over the years, been moni-
tored by Rome to ensure a high degree of uniformity. The theological courses were
taught in the various fields of specialisation with dogmatic theology as the core subjects
in disciplines on Christian, Catholic faith and revelation. Hence, doctrinal subjects such
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as Trinity, Christology, Sin, Grace and Redemption, Ecclesiology and Sacraments were
taught under the umbrella of dogma.
In addition to the above theological studies, Bowers studied Moral Theology, which
served as his pastoral formation to equip him with tools to function as a pastor and
confessor. Virtues and vices were enumerated and explained. A commonly used text-
book on virtues was the first volume of the Summa Theologiae Moralis by Hieronymus
Noldin (1838-1922). Besides Moral Theology, there were subjects such as Fundamental
Theology, which was known as Apologetics, and Pastoral, Ascetical and Mystical The-
ology. Due to Bowers’ academic prowess, his formators, though whites, saw his poten-
tial and after his philosophical studies recommended him to complete his theological
studies at the Gregorian University in Rome, Italy and he received a Bachelor of Arts
degree.
Bowers derived great benefits from his formation in the major seminary. The exposure
to integral philosophical and theological system formed the solid basis for his preaching
and teaching. The whole structure of formation ensured that seminarians acquired high
academic standard and the sense of belongingness to a community and the care for the
other. All of these later on reflected in Bowers’ pastoral ministry. As one elderly priest
has summarised, those of us who went through pre-Vatican II priestly formation learnt
to ‘suffer together and rejoice together’.119
2.3.3 Extra-curricular Activities
Formal education was not the only formation that Bowers received in the seminary.
There was room for him to be creative. In effect, extra-curricular programmes – various
119 Dugay, Easter Picnic, loc. cit.
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sporting activities, such as basketball, football and tennis, were organised as a means
of keeping fit and learning to be together. Entertainment and drama performances were
organised, where seminarians played different roles in social life to help them appreci-
ate issues in the real world of their future ministry.
In order to encourage creativity among students, the seminary had a printing press and
a magazine. That afforded Bowers the opportunity to write poems, compose classical
music and play the organ to the admiration of his companions. He contributed to the
publication of the St Augustine’s Messenger, a seminary magazine, by writing articles
and by extension helped the mission magazine. In 1938, while still a seminarian, he
wrote an article entitled: Early Evangelisation of Negros, which was about the French
and Spanish ministry in New Orleans, a school founded by the Ursuline Sisters for
Black students. The article: The Papacy and the Negro, was also to his credit. He wrote
another article on Catholic Education, Negro Spiritual, Our Colored Catholic Neigh-
bors (1940), which was a survey of the Catholics Church in the West Indies. This illus-
trates his strong inner desire to identify with the indigenous African, which impacted
positively on his future pastoral ministry in the Gold Coast/Ghana.
2.3.4 Assessment of Candidates to the Priesthood
The exercise of critical self-examination was extended to peer evaluation, known as
votatio. That required everyone voting on the suitability of everyone else in the class
before taking their first and subsequent vows. Such evaluation was done even in the
major seminary, where the practice was extended to everyone who had had contact with
the candidate to vote on his suitability. However, the confessor of the candidate did not
take part in the annual votatio. Nevertheless, if he had any doubts about the candidate’s
creditability regarding his chastity and sexuality, he was obliged to encourage the
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candidate to discontinue. In that regard, specific instructions from the Holy See and the
Society detailing the guidelines a confessor should follow in that matter were issued.120
There were also some criticisms. As times changed, especially around Vatican II, cer-
tain deficiencies in the formation programme were identified. They were more about
the juridical structured formation system. The individual was not given the opportunity
to take initiative and lacked insight into human development, emotional and psycho-
sexual maturity. There were controls and manipulation of the individual and there was
no room left for inner conviction, instead of external imposition.
Picture 2.1: Bowers after his ordination in 1939
120 Code of Canon Law, trans. Canon Law Society of America (Vatican City: Libreria Editice Vaticana,
1995), c. 1388, ⸹1. According to c. 983, ⸹1, the seal of sacramental confession ‘is inviolable’: the con-
fessor may never, for any reason, divulge what he has learned in the course of celebrating the sacrament.
Should he do so, he commits a most serious offence. The canon distinguishes between direct and indirect
violation of the seal. Direct violation occurs when the confessor deliberately discloses the identity of the
penitent and content of a confession either explicitly or implicitly. Indirect violation occurs when the
confessor negligently says or does or fails to do something which leads others to conclude or suspect the
identity of the penitent and the content of the confession.
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2.4 Ordination into the Priesthood
After the directors of formation had assessed and found Bowers suitable for the priest-
hood, he was recommended for ordination and ordained a priest in Rome121 on 22nd
January 1939.
2.5 Appointment to the Mission in the Gold Coast
After Bowers’ ordination, his superiors wanted to maintain him as a teaching assistant
in the seminary, but Adolf Noser, who was then the SVD America Vicar Apostolic to
the Gold Coast and later became the first Bishop of the Accra Diocese, made a passion-
ate appeal to the America mission to assist him with a priest. Bowers volunteered and
was sent to the Gold Coast mission. Some people, in fact, interpreted Bowers’ volun-
teerism as escapism from the harsh reality of racial discrimination in the United States
and poverty in Dominica. The researcher thinks the volunteerism was authentic, given
the manifestations in Bowers’ formative years – his life and writings.
In an interview, Bowers admitted that God had granted the secret desire of his heart. To
contextualise Bowers’ claim, an exposition of the background story would suffice: Nor-
mally, when a newly ordained priest celebrates his thanksgiving Holy Mass (First Holy
Mass) he is assisted by an elderly experienced priest, as the newly ordained young priest
may have stage fright. It was on one of such occasions that Bowers narrates this sacred
tale: “I went to thank the elderly priest who assisted me at the mass and said to him: ‘If
I knew there was a missionary priest from Africa, I would have asked to be sent by the
Superior there, instead of Papua New Guinea.’ Then the elderly priest told me: ‘Don’t
worry, I have already asked for you’.”122 For Bowers, that was not mere coincidence
121 See Curriculum Vitae of Bishop Bowers by the SVD, Guest House, Accra.
122 “Bishop Joseph Oliver Bowers,” DVD.
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but God’s intervention in his life. This incident demonstrates that he already was at-
tracted to the Africa mission.
It was no wonder that Bowers saw his call to the priesthood as unique and yet simple.123
He acknowledged the roles played by his family and the parish priest in the discernment
process: “My vocation to the priesthood was discerned by my parish priest”. It took the
church many years to explain the action of his Parish Priest at the Second Vatican Coun-
cil that exhorted all priests to promote vocation to the priesthood in their various apos-
tolates: “All priests should show their apostolic zeal by fostering vocation as much as
possible, and should draw the hearts of young men to the priesthood by example…”124
In his Apostolic Exhortation, Pope St. John Paul II had stated: “God always calls his
priests from specific human and ecclesial contexts, which inevitably influence them;
and to this same context the priest is sent for the service of Christ’s Gospel” (Heb.
5:1).125
On January 1, 1940, Bowers arrived in Accra to take up his first missionary appoint-
ment in the then Gold Coast, now Ghana. In the Gold Coast, he worked mainly in the
Eastern and the Greater Accra regions, as well as part of the Volta Region. Those po-
litical regions constituted what became the Catholic Diocese of Accra. After 10 years
in the mission in the Gold Coast, Bowers was sent to Rome to continue his studies. He
returned to Accra in 1952 with a licentiate in Canon Law.126
123 “Bishop Joseph Oliver Bowers,” DVD.
124 Vatican II, Optatum Totius, no. 2.
125 John Paul, Pastores Dabo Vobis: I Will Give You Shepherds (Vatican City: St. Paul Books and Me-
dia, 1990), no. 5.
126 Superior General to Superior Provincial, Ghana province on the July 28, 1950: “In answer to your
letter of July 16 I am pleased to inform you that the General Council has consented that Father Bowers
come to Rome to take up the study of Canon Law…”
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On 27th November of the same year, he was appointed the first Auxiliary Catholic
Bishop and the substantive Bishop on 6th February 1953,127 and was consecrated a
bishop on 22nd April 1953. Thus, he became the first Catholic Bishop of African descent
in the then Gold Coast during a period when the struggle for independence was intense
and the Vatican had considered it expedient to make such an appointment. Bishop Bow-
ers served the Catholic Church in the Accra Diocese and in Ghana as a whole with great
dedication, self-discipline and admirable expressions of humility and deep spirituality,
among other heroic virtues worthy of emulation as the following chapters have demon-
strated.128
2.6 Conclusion
In sum, from what has been reviewed in this chapter; Bowers’ early years, his basic
education and secondary school, his seminary formation, his ordination to the Priest-
hood and his appointment to the mission in the Gold Coast illustrate that human, pas-
toral, spiritual and intellectual formations are sine qua non to seminary formation.
Hence, we conclude with the words of Pope St. John Paul II in his encyclical letter,
Pastores Dabo Vobis: “The whole work of priestly formation would be deprived of its
necessary foundation if it lacked a suitable human formation.”129 The Pope explained
that experience had proved the statement to be true. As the very nature of the priestly
ministry was a call to act in persona Christi, it was imperative that the priest imitated
127 H. Kroes, to Assistant Superior General SVD, 9th December 1952; see Lagos, “Press release of Ap-
ostolic Delegation,” 6th February 1953.
128 Bernardin Cardinal Gantin to Bishop Bowers, Rome, 1997.
129 John Paul II, Pastores Dabo Vobis, n. 43. See, The Canon Law: Letter & Spirit ed. Francis G. Mor-
risey (Trowbridge Wiltshire: Redwood Books, 1995), cc. 1590-1592; in the same vain, the Church
through her University pursues the goals of human development. “An institutional commitment to the
service of the people of God and of the human family in their pilgrimage to the transcendent goal which
give meaning to life (c. 1591, ⸹ 4).
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the perfect human nature of the incarnated Son of God, reflected in His attitude towards
others in the Gospels.
Commenting on the Gospel, the Pope referred to Paul’s Letter to the Hebrews: “Every
High Priest chosen from among men is appointed to act on behalf of men in relation to
God” (5:1). He emphasized the importance of that aspect of priestly formation and
added that priestly formation would be incomplete without spiritual, intellectual and
pastoral formation.130
In other words, seminary formation honed the pastoral ministry of the Priest. Thus, in
his written report, Bowers had stated that at the beginning of the Krobo Mission, one
Aidam131 had insisted that he pay pastoral visits to the villages. Aidam argued that there
were more people dwelling in the villages than in the towns. Bowers also mentioned
that they had only four Catholics in the town. He commended Aidam’s observation and
foresight, which was his guide in his pastoral ministry.132 He had first-hand experience
that in the villages people lived concretely and authentically the experience of frater-
nity. He saw in the inhabitants of the village the spirit of disinterested service and soli-
darity. He also observed that the common goal reigned. There, each was moved and
inspired to construct a family entirely open to the world from which absolutely nobody
was excluded. Bowers said he came to the realisation of Aidam’s observation that it
was such communities that were the best means to fight against ethnocentrism.
However, Bowers has recorded that he was upset to observe how some missionary
priests administered the sacrament, especially baptism, without first taking time to
130 John Paul II, Pastores Dabo Vobis, no. 45-59.
131 Bowers’s Memoirs on the early missionary activities in the 1940 at Agomanya (ER).
132 Ibid.
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instruct the catechumens. Hence, he was determined to educate the catechists. The fruit
of his hard work was the very rapid growth of the Krobo Mission, leading to the devel-
opment and indigenisation of the Church.
That was made possible by his pastoral programme of action for the training of cate-
chists in furtherance of their education. With reference to holistic human development,
it is noteworthy that this emanated from Bowers’ family background, education, social
milieu and seminary formation he had received. This also shaped his personality, pas-
toral strategy and, above all, his passion for holistic human development. Lastly, Bow-
ers’ attention to holistic human development of all irrespective of religious affiliation
was based on Vatican II: “All men of whatever race, condition or age, in virtue of their
dignity as human persons, have an inalienable right to education.”133 This statement can
only be relevant in a pluralistic religious situation as found in Ghana.
133Vatican Council II, “Gravissimum Educationis, no. 1.
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CHAPTER THREE
ECCLESIASTICAL TERRITORY OF THE CATHOLIC
DIOCESE OF ACCRA (1953-1971)
3.1 Introduction
This chapter examines the ecclesiastical territory of the Catholic Diocese of Accra
(1953-1971). It describes the demographical setting of the diocese, the landscape, land
surface area, vegetation, the people, their languages, ethnic groups and occupations.
The chapter further discusses the early human development efforts of the Catholic
Church in the area of education, especially the provision of basic schools and two sec-
ondary schools. It also analyses the pluralistic religious environment of the Gold
Coast/Ghana and the political, economic and socio-cultural development. It concludes
with an examination of the cooperation between the State and the Catholic Church in
the provision of education and health for all Gold Coasters and Ghanaians, irrespective
of religious affiliation.
3.2 Demography and Political Geography
Geographically, the Accra Diocese is bordered on the east, west and north by the Volta,
Central and Eastern regions of Ghana respectively and on the south by the Gulf of
Guinea. Bowers’ pastoral ministry was exercised mainly in the Accra ecclesiastical ter-
ritory, as shown in the map below (fig. 1).
The Accra Diocese was a wide area. In 1960, Greater Accra, then referred to as the
Accra Capital District, was geographically part of the Eastern and the Volta regions.134
Therefore, the Accra Diocese occupied a total land area of approximately 3,245 square
134 “Genesis of the Capital-Accra,” in Daily Graphic https://www.mordernghana.com/news/123998/
genesis_of_the_capital_Accra.html.
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kilometres, representing Greater Accra. The Eastern Region covered 19,323 square kil-
ometres; Battor covered 1,460 square kilometres and Vume occupied 448 square kilo-
metres of land area.
The above survey was the political geography,135 which served as a backdrop against
which we will discuss Bowers’ contribution to human development in the area of health
and education in the Diocese of Accra.
Fig. 1: Map of the Political Geography of the Accra Diocese
135 Here we define political geography as the way in which the Gold Coast was divided into differ-
ent regions and Accra as Capital District covers the demarcated area in the map above and conter-
minous with the Accra Diocese.
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With reference to the above map136 of the Diocese of Accra in 1953-1971, Wise and
White have explained that there was a narrow and often-precarious cultural niche be-
tween the forest zones and the sea that had shaped Accra’s urban history and perception
of landscape. The landscape of the Diocese of Accra was bordered on the south by the
Gulf of Guinea and on the north by the hills of the Akwapim escarpment, which begin
to rise from the coastal plain some 15 miles from the sea. Akwapim, Kibi, Koforidua,
Suhum, Akwatia, Nkawkaw and Nkwatia are predominantly Akan-speaking people oc-
cupying the forested hills137 and have intertwined boundaries which extend to the
Afram Plains, inhabited by predominantly Ewe-speaking people. The inhabitants were
largely peasant farmers.
Also, the ecclesiastical territory of the Diocese of Accra, which coincides with the po-
litical geography of the Gold Coast, merges with that of the closely related Ga and
Dangme-speaking people, who occupy the coast down to the Volta River. The Krobo,
Prampram (also known as Gbugbla) and Ada are Dangme-speaking people inhabiting
a rich farming area which extends farther to the northeast/south of the Volta Region as
Battor and Vume and inhabited by a predominantly Ewe-speaking people.
Naturally, many small rivers flow from the well-watered hills across the dry Accra
Plains and into a succession of lagoons that punctuate the open surf beaches of the coast,
with the sea and the rivers serving as the source of livelihood for fishermen and miners
of salt.
136 The centuries-old European division of the Gold Coast into “windward” and “leeward” sections at the
Sakumo River coincided with indigenous mental mapping, which drew a fundamental cultural distinction
between the Akan-speaking Fante people to the west and the Ga-Dangme people to the east.
137 Colin Wise, “Climate anomalies on the Accra on the Accra plain,” in Geography 29 (1944); H. P.
White, “Environment and Economic Research: Annual Conference Proceedings, March 1956 (Ibadan,
1956).
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Traditionally, the western limit of Accra is the Sakumo River and the Sakumofio La-
goon, a frontier marked by a hill known as Lanma. Thirty miles to the east is Tema.
Seasonally, the ecology of the Accra Diocese on the coastal hinterland is characterised
by aridity. Two wet seasons, from April to June and in September, provide Accra with
an average of only 20 inches of rain a year compared with over 80 inches in many of
the Akan forest zones with great variety. With annual rain falling to as low as 10 inches,
periods of recurring drought on the Accra Plains are not uncommon and have resulted,
particularly in times of war and insecurity, in shortages of staple food crops such as
maize and cassava.
According to Kropp Dakubu, the inability of the coastal savanna to sustain tree crops
such as oil palm and cocoa, together with the absence of older export commodities such
as gold and ivory, necessitated the Gas becoming traders. Accra’s location between the
open plain and the sea also facilitated intensive, long-standing contacts with other peo-
ple: the European maritime powers, the Twi-speaking Akan kingdoms of the forest to
the north and the coast to the west and the people of the slave coast to the east.138 The
result has been the rise of a highly eclectic, heterogeneous urban culture. Therefore, the
Accra Diocese was and is still a complex network of people of different cultures, tradi-
tional religious beliefs, languages, tribes and ethnic backgrounds.
138 M. E. Kropp Dakubu, Korle Meets the Sea: A Sociolinguistic History of Accra, (New York: Oxford
Press, 1997); See also Robin Law, The Slave Coast of West Africa 1550-1750: The Impact of the Atlantic
Slave Trade on an Africa Society (Oxford: Oxford Press, 1991).
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3.3 Brief History of the Catholic Diocese of Accra (1953-1971)
Picture 3.1 Bowers after his consecration as Bishop of Accra Diocese in 1953
The Accra ecclesiastical territory139 was, in the beginning, under the auspices of the
Cape Coast Vicariate. In 1939, Propaganda Fide, the congregation responsible for the
evangelisation of people, mandated the SVD to evangelise the inhabitants of the
Accra ecclesiastical territory. The territory was elevated to a vicariate with the appoint-
ment of Noser as its first Apostolic Vicar. Subsequently, Accra was elevated to a
139 Ecclesiastical territory is a division of the Church comprised of all Catholics living in a specific geo-
graphical area under the pastoral care and authority (of a residential bishop).
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diocesan status on 18th April, 1950140, with Noser as the first Bishop and Bowers as an
auxiliary Bishop. After Noser was transferred to Papua New Guinea, Bowers was ap-
pointed the substantive Bishop in 1953.
At the beginning of Bowers’ pastoral ministry in 1953, the diocese was still at the pri-
mary stage of evangelisation. There were no identifiable ecclesiastical administrative
structures. However, there were 14 main stations, 227 outstations and three residential
stations.141 The table below shows the statistics in the years 1940, 1948 and 1953.
Year 1940 1948 1953
No. of Main Stations 2 7 14
No. of Outstations 56 195 227
No. of Catholics 5,660 21,275 34,040
No. of Annual Conversions 352 798 1,420
No. of Infant Baptisms 180 959 1,905
No. of Schools 17 126 177
No. of Pupils 1,095 8,435 21,085
No. of Teachers 36 369 775
No. of Secondary Schools ----------- ---------- 2
Table 1: Statistics
140 Elsbern, Story of the Diocese of Accra, 127.
141 Elsbern, Story of the Diocese of Accra, 127. 142-145.
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Picture 3.2: Bowers on a pastoral visit to an outstation
Between 1948 and 1953, there were 320 basic schools and two secondary schools – St.
Thomas Aquinas and St. Mary’s. The establishment of St. Mary’s and St. Thomas Aqui-
nas was in response to the colonial government’s Educational Programme in the 1950s.
St. Mary’s Secondary School (St Mary’s College, as it was initially known) was estab-
lished on 6th February 1950 as a private Catholic institution by the Catholic Missionary
Sisters - Servants of the Holy Spirit (SSpS) at Korle Gonno in Accra. The aim of the
missionaries was to educate and assist less-endowed young girls in deprived areas of
Accra. In 1950, the population of the school was 10 students and two teachers. It was
not until 15th January 1952 that the school was officially inaugurated, with an enrolment
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of 61 students and four teaching staff. In 1953 the number of students increased to 62,
with six teaching staff.142
Table 2 below represents the early beginning of St. Mary’s Secondary School (College)
up to when Bowers took over as Bishop of Accra.
Year 1950 1952 1953
No. of Students 10 61 62
No. of Teaching Staff 2 4 6
Table 2: Statistics St. Mary’s College
St. Thomas Aquinas Secondary School (St. Thomas College, as it was originally called)
was established by Noser on 15th January 1952, with Fr Elbsbern as the first Headmas-
ter.143 Table 3 below represents the statistics of Aquinas Secondary School from 1952-
1953.
Year 1952 1953
No. of Students 50 130
No. of Teaching Staff 5 5
No. of Non-Teaching Staff 2 2
No. of Classes 2 2
No. of Buildings 1 1
Land area in Hectares 1 1
Table 3: Statistics St. Thomas College
142 “The History of St Mary’s Senior High School Accra,” in St Mary’s Secondary School 60th Anniver-
sary Brochure (1950-2010): 4-5.
143 “A Short History of Aquinas Secondary School,” in Silver Jubilee of St. Thomas Aquinas Secondary
School Souvenir Booklet (1952-1977): 10-11.
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3.4 Religious Situation
Ghana has been and is still a pluralistic religious society. Before the advent of other
religious groups, Ghana had its own primal religions, with variations from one ethnic
group to another.144 With the introduction of Christianity, Islam and presently Eastern
religions, the inhabitants subscribe to one faith or another. According to Morgan and
Lawton, in the Ghanaian religious sphere, Christianity has different denominations: Ca-
tholicism, Protestantism (Anglican, Methodist and Presbyterian), Seventh Day Advent-
ism and indigenous churches of the time of Bowers. Islam too has different sects: Or-
thodox Islam or Sunnis, the Ahmadiyya Sect, the Khan or Ismaili Sect and Fundamen-
talist Tabliq.
Indigenous religions include Afrikaner religion145 and the ethnic or tribal religions.146
There are also tendencies of syncretism and a steady growth in secular thinking among
the educated elite.147
In his contribution to the debate, Kwame Bediako has commented that syncretism
among the various religious confessions is as a result of the fault of the ministers of the
various major foreign religions. They do not take into consideration African traditional
religious worldviews when importing and transplanting religious beliefs from a
144 K. B. Asante, “Reconstructing Education in Ghana,” in Daily Graphic (December 16, 1988): 3. See
K. Trevor, Teaching Religious Education (London: Macmillan Education Press, 1984), 24.
145 Kwame Bediako, Christianity in Africa: The Renewal of an Non-Western Religion (Accra: Type Com-
pany Limited, 2014), 17-18.
146 Kwame Bediako, Theology and Identity: The Impact of Culture upon Christian Thought in the Sec-
ond and Modern Africa (Oxford: Regnum Books International 2013), 305.
147 Peggy Morgan, Clive Lawton et. al., Ethical Issues in Six Religious Traditions (Edinburg: Edinburg
University Press, 1999), 202-218.
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different culture to the primal religion. Therefore, the converts continue to struggle to
internalise their newfound faith and be totally committed to it.148
In response to the argument for the cause of syncretism, Twumwesigire and Fichter
have indicated that in religious pluralistic societies like Ghana, it is difficult to decide
what kind of religious confession should be introduced in government and mission
schools which admit children from diverse religious persuasions. Therefore, it is naïve
to think that religious education is simply teaching or reading the Bible, the Qur’an or
the doctrine of one religion in this kind of situation. The choice of the type of religious
confession to be taught in a religiously pluralistic society like Ghana has to take account
of the nature of pluralists in a given society.149
A close examination of pluralistic religious societies reveals that there are four clearly
distinct options of approaches at the disposal of the Ghanaian society - options from
which we can choose for peaceful coexistence. Each choice must depend on the degree
of pluralism in the society.
According to Hull, the first option will be to choose one of the existing religious faiths
(one that is dominant enough to render all others “ignoble”) and profess it alone as the
true faith. When you make this choice, the profession of religious faith automatically
becomes simple. All the government needs to do is induct the citizens into the religion
and nurture them in this “national faith.”150
148 Kwame Bediako, Jesus in Africa: The Christian Gospel African History and Experience (Accra: Reg-
num Africa Press, 2013), 34-45.
149 S. Twumwesigire, “Religious Education in the Twenty-first Century African Pluralistic Society,”
Journal of African Religion and Philosophy 2 (1991), 1. See, J. S. Fichter, Sociology (Chicago, IL: Uni-
versity of Chicago Press, 1957).
150 M. J. Hull, “Religious Education in Pluralistic Society,” in Progress and Problems in Moral Edu-
cation, ed. Monica J. Taylor (London: Falmer Press, 1975), 195
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The second option is to strike a compromise among the existing religious faiths by
choosing what is common among them and teaching it to all. This choice could be
resorted to in the case of a pluralistic society where the various religions make almost
equal claims on society and when adherents have grown to accept that they have many
things in common which can be combined to be taught to their members together. This
choice requires maturity and mutual love on the part of the participating religions. In
short, an ecumenical spirit is needed.151
Twumwesigire gave the third option as splitting the members (during worship) into
groups according to their religious affiliations, with each group worshipping in its own
faith with a minister hailing from the church or religion. In such a case, the burden of
planning and worship is entirely in the hands of the various religions. The Church would
only be required to provide time and probably space. This type of arrangement is also
confessional.152 Incidentally, this happened to be the official position in Ghana, which
was adopted when the state took over control of all schools soon after independence in
1957.153
The fourth option, according to Twumwesigire, would be to treat all the existing reli-
gions as neither true nor false. This is the kind of philosophy of religion that will rec-
ognise that each religion has something of value which it offers to those who believe it
to be true. That is to say that it will recognise that there is truth in each religion, but
such truth will be considered as relative and parochial rather than universal. This kind
of philosophy of religion, therefore, will aim at helping the members to understand the
151 Hull, “Religious Education,” 195.
152 Twumwesigire, Religious Education, 1.
153 The Ghana Educational Act 1961, Act 87, Educational Ordinance, file GH, PRAAD, RG 3,1,3, 1954-
67, 22, 1,2 & 3, 10.
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phenomenon of religion and how it affects people through a study of examples drawn
from all the existing religions. This will include the belief, practices, histories and sa-
cred literature of that religion and their “saints”, that is, examples of people who have
believed in these religions and how they (religions) have affected their lives.
It will also be a form of philosophy of religion that will aim at developing the members’
religious sensitivity (religious potentialities), which is central to the general aim of ed-
ucation and is essential for a well-developed and balanced personality. This type of
philosophy of religion would not only be the kind that is viable and meaningful but also
desirable in a pluralistic and secular-minded Africa, and a nation like Ghana.
Now I would like to discuss the reasons for not justifying the three options on educa-
tional and moral grounds in the pluralistic society of Ghana. First, let us look at choice
one: taking the existing religion in the society and teaching it as the true one, ignoring
all others. This was the case in Ghana before the introduction of the Educational Reform
in 1986. Until then, religious education, especially in the 1950s, was simply Christian
doctrine and the Bible.
As noted by Hull, “The idea presents few difficulties when the society is unanimous
about its religion…But if the society is not unanimous about its religion (as it is bound
to be in a pluralistic context), then there are problems.” For example, in Libya, decid-
ing to teach Islam alone as the religion will present no problems, since the Libyans are
unanimous about Islam as the true religion. On the other hand, deciding to teach Islam
as the true religion in Ghana will present some difficulties, since a large section of the
Ghanaian population does not subscribe to Islam as the true religion.
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In a pluralistic society such as Ghana, problems will arise if a decision is taken to select
only one religion to be taught in a Religious Education class. This is because the deci-
sion would deny that all the other religions in the society are true and declare, at least
indirectly, that they are false. It would mean that all the pupils in the country will be
induced to deny the possibility that others’ beliefs might be true. As far as teaching is
concern, the teaching of the selected religion will naturally follow a subjective ap-
proach; that is to say indoctrination or developing only the cognitive domain with the
aim of memorizing doctrines; hence Confessional Religious Education.
On the other hand, if the society is truly pluralistic in its religious culture, that is, having
many or several religions all claiming to be true and all having come to be regarded as
equal in status (each seen as being as good as the others) and there being no standard
or norm by which any one could objectively be shown to be truer than the others, then
one cannot take any of them and declare it to be the true one and, therefore, teach it
alone to all the members of society as such. Such a step should not be taken because it
would be unfair to the unfavourable religions.
Again, in such a pluralistic society where many people would come to regard religious
beliefs and practices as a hobby of the minority, it would also be unfair to individuals.
It should be noted that in a pluralistic society, religious matters inevitably come to be
regarded as matters of opinion. In such a context, therefore, it would be morally inap-
propriate or even unfeasible to teach one religion and its beliefs as the indispensable
truth in a public school that is maintained by the state and shared by all the members of
society. The researcher thinks that educationally, it would even be wrong to do so in a
private school which is attended only by children of parents who belong to the selected
religion. This is because those children would be denied the knowledge in their
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pluralistic religious environment, which would be falsely presented by such a form of
Religious Education. Concerning the second option, where the approach is to strike a
compromise among all the religions in a society by choosing what is common to all of
them and teaching only that to the children in schools, that also presents problems.
Given the fact that it is not easy to reach an agreement on what is common in order to
formulate a useful and viable syllabus that will really do justice to all these religions and,
at the same time, be educationally worthwhile, to teach this as Religious Education would
mean that the student would be given an inadequate picture of religion and it would not
be a worthwhile activity, both religiously and educationally. It must be noted that it is the
areas on which religions disagree that make those religions what they are. Those areas
are so important to the religions that without them the religions would be spongy and
coreless, thereby being in danger of losing their appeal to adherents. Therefore, teaching
the religions without mentioning those areas would be trivialising the religions.
This position, although enabling Religious Education to take place, has meant that for
nearly a century Religious Education in Ghana was based on the study of the Bible and
the history of the Christian Church alone. Christian beliefs, which to some extent differ
from one denomination to another but which form the core of Christianity, have largely
not been studied and ignored. The same trend can be clearly noted in the syllabus in-
herited from Ghana’s colonial Education Act.
For the Ghana Education Service which had taught compromised agreed syllabi of Re-
ligious Education, this has meant that the students in schools have been with a form of
Christianity that has no doctrines, apart from major common ones. But this form is
nothing more than unbelievable Biblical myths and sagas and history of the Church.
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It is no wonder, therefore, that this form of Religious Education has neither succeeded
in making Ghanaians religious nor improving their morality, as originally intended. It
has only succeeded in trivialising Christianity, which most people now treat as unim-
portant. Thus it is clear that it is impossible to draw a worthwhile common syllabus of
Religious Education from all the existing religions in a pluralistic society with the in-
tention of giving students religious nurture that will satisfy all the partners and, at the
same time, do justice to the intention of providing holistic religious education. This
option of Religious Education, therefore, will not be appropriate for a pluralistic reli-
gious society.
The third option, which entails teaching all the religions in the society, is logically dif-
ficult to run. It is not possible to have classroom space, textbooks, other teaching ma-
terials and teachers all put in place during the Religious Education period. The question
of teachers is particularly crucial. The Ghanaian experience has shown that the religions
are not able to provide enough religious people to visit schools during the Religious
Education period to teach the subject. As a result, Religious Education has not been
taught in many schools. Only schools which engage teachers for Religious Education
have maintained the teaching of the subject.
Another serious problem related to this choice is the reliance on untrained people. Such
people cannot do justice to the concept of education. The best they can do is indoctrinate
the students, without helping them to think discriminatively about and evaluate the in-
formation that is passed on to them. Moreover, the idea of dividing students into groups
according to their religions and teaching the groups beliefs which disagree about the
“truth” — a situation where each group emphasises that it is the “truth” and others’
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beliefs are false — can be a very dangerous and divisive activity in society. Thus, this
option is not only educationally untenable but also socially unacceptable.
We now turn to the fourth option which, in the researcher’s view, is the only choice that
will be educationally useful, viable and desirable for Ghana’s pluralistic society. It is
the form of Religious Education which will treat all religions present in society equally;
that is, without favour of fear. It will also give all their beliefs equal status by regarding
them as neither true nor false. That is, it will take no sides. On the other hand, this kind
of Religious Education will recognise all religious beliefs as being of value and provid-
ing a useful basis for living for those who hold them to be true. It will also recognise
the fact that all beliefs influence the lives of those who hold them to be true. This mature
and objective attitude to religion will render the choice of only one religion or of a
compromise among religions null and void and, accordingly, irrelevant.
Let us now address ourselves to the details of how this kind of Religious Education,
which we have called ‘Religious and Moral Education’ (RME), will work. First of all,
we wish to reiterate that this form of Religious Education will, in the first place, treat
all religions equally, regarding them as neither true nor false but recognising that they
all have something of value which they offer to those who hold them to be true.
This type of Religious Education will also recognise the fact that every religion (its
beliefs, etc.) affects the feelings of adherents and determines and influences their
choices, decisions and conduct. This form of Religious Education, therefore, will make
it possible for those teaching Religious Education to look at all the religions (their be-
liefs etc.) and how they influence those who believe them to be true. This will be done
with the sole educational purpose of helping students to understand the beliefs and other
aspects of religions. There will be no fear of inducting the students into any of the
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beliefs unless the students themselves decide, on their own initiative and on logical
criteria, to adopt them.
In this form of Religious Education, it will be possible to look at the deepest beliefs of
the religions and their most conflicting ones. This approach will enable pupils to enter
into the heart of religions in order to examine and understand them without any fear at
all. This is what the compromise or agreed syllabuses are unable to do. The Educational
Religious Education is unlike “Compromise or Agreed” Religious Education which
looks only at the peripheral areas of the religion being studied and shies away from the
deepest but controversial areas.
Moreover, because it will remain neutral about whether the religions are true or false,
Religious and Moral Education will reject the traditional role of making students reli-
gious and giving them religious nurture ---- a job which would have to be left to the
churches or religions themselves. Its main concern, therefore, would have to be the
understanding of the general concept of religion and to develop students’ potential of
religious sensitivity. And the various religions will serve as sources of examples to
demonstrate the attempt to understand the idea of religion. This is the option that the
researcher thinks, if implemented, will, to a large extent, help solve some of the prob-
lems associated with a pluralistic religious society such as Ghana.
The above four clearly distinct options of approaches at the disposal of the Ghanaian
society – options from which we can choose for peaceful coexistence.— is reason
enough for Bishop Bowers for adopting the policy of not basing admissions on religious
affiliation of the student in any of the education institutions he established in the Accra
diocese.
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3.5 Political Independence of the Gold Coast
According to Allman, the nationalists were granted control over the colony’s internal
affairs in 1951 but stopped short of full independence. Two elections in 1954 and 1956
paved the way for the Gold Coast to emerge as the independent nation of Ghana in
1957.154
In his contribution to the debate on Church/State relationship, Hayford has commented
that in the Church/State schools, Jesus was portrayed as a critique of injustice and was
crucified as a dissenter who held onto his convictions. Therefore, Jesus became the role
model for the nationalists. They were of the view that if Jesus Christ died for fighting
against social injustice and religious fundamentalism of the chief priests and Pharisees,
they must do the same. They gave subjective interpretations to Psalm 68:32: “Let
bronze be brought from Egypt; let Ethiopia hasten to stretch out her hands to God”, as
God accepting Africans without any human intermediary like the colonial masters. Sec-
ondly, they saw God as the Creator of all human beings, which qualifies them as mem-
bers of the family of God who were all equal in both domestic and world affairs. They
drew the conclusion that it was unbiblical for Western missionaries to insist that they
(Africans) obey British authority and promote White superiority.155
Kwame Bediako has observed that some of the above colonial Christian teachings ben-
efited the Gold Coast nationalists, who were products of Church/State schools. They
derived their inspiration from Christian doctrines and later became doctors, lawyers and
teachers with anti-colonial ideologies. That was the after effect of the insistence on
154 On the reasons for the multiple elections, see Allman, The Quills of the Porcupine.
154 Bediako, Jesus in Africa, 97.
155 Caseley Hayford, The Truth About West African Land Question, Second Edition (London: Frank
and Cass Company, 1971), 101-2.
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reading the Bible without exegesis in the Church/State schools. Unintentionally, the
mission schools were turning out anti-colonial radical thinkers who sought freedom
from British domination.154 One such product was Kwame Nkrumah, who had been at
the St Teresa’s Minor Seminary, Amisano, for his secondary education. He later fur-
thered his education in America and Britain, at a time when the Blacks were engaged
in civil rights struggles. On his return to the Gold Coast, the United Gold Coast Con-
vention (UGCC), an anti-colonial organisation, hired him as its secretary. 156
The UGCC had two main agenda: abolish colonialism and establish a post-colonial
society. The leadership of the Convention People’s Party (CPP) made pragmatic use of
religion to advance its agenda and undermine British rule to legitimise the party. The
CPP mobilised the masses against British domination by making use of the Christian
religious culture. After testing the waters, it found out that the effectiveness of Western
missionaries in the Gold Coast for almost two centuries was tied to the Christian theo-
logical terminology as the common parlance among the masses.157
Consequently, the CPP government portrayed Nkrumah as a political Messiah and the
party as God’s arms of deliverance, capitalising on the popularity of religion and Chris-
tianity among the people. The CPP deified their leader by the mass media identifying
him with Christ. The party’s supporters were to consider themselves as the
156 Lugard, “The Dual Mandate,” 317-8.
157 Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana: The Autobiography of Kwame Nkrumah (London: T.H. Nelson Publishers,
1957), 44-5. See Id., Dark Days in Ghana (New York: International Publishers, 1969) 28.
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disciples of Christ who would be persecuted. In addition, Nkrumah was identified with
the ordinary people, with a humble background, poor parents as Christ and coming from
an insignificant town, Nkroful, in the Western Region.158
Since the party members were indoctrinated to see their party as the arms of God, any
work performed on behalf of the party was tantamount to serving God. Recognition
from the party was portrayed as receiving praise from God. In this era, Christianity
exercised a strong influence on majority of the populace in every aspect of their lives.
That impacted on the worldview and affected decision making of the educated and un-
educated, the Christian and the non-Christian, the rich and the poor and the young and
the old. The CPP capitalised on this cultural-religious phenomenon by taking Christi-
anity as an instrument of propaganda by adapting its language, imagery and symbolism
to validate its leadership and popularise its message.
For example, with Nkrumah’s incarceration in 1950 by the colonial government, the
ideology of the CPP gained ground. The CPP, in the Evening News of January 17 of
that same year, published a politicised and popularised version of the Beatitudes (Mat-
thew 5:1-12) and the Our Father to gain the support of the masses:
Blessed are they who are imprisoned for self-government’s sake/ for theirs
is the freedom of the land. / Blessed are ye, when men shall vilify you and
persecute you, and say all kinds of evil against you/ for Convention Peo-
ple’s Party sake. / Blessed are they who hunger and thirst because of self-
government, / for they shall be satisfied…./ Blessed are the parents whose
children are political leaders ,/ for they shall be thanked. / Blessed are they
who took part in Positive Action, /for they shall have better rewards./
Blessed are they who now love CPP, / for they shall be leaders in the years
158 Pobee, Religion and Politics in Ghana, 125.
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to come. / Blessed are they who cry for self-government, / for their voice
shall be heard.159
The relative political interpretation of sacred scriptures might have had an immediate
negative effect on the citizens in the era under investigation. But its remote effect is still
with us, since most of the youth were forced to join the Ghana Young Pioneers and
were permeated with the ideologies of the CPP. For instance, in the Evening News of
October 23, 1961, Nkrumah was “eulogised as the Messiah. At every morning assem-
bly, pupils were to recite the pledge, which depicted Nkrumah as the Messiah. Today,
most of these people occupy responsible positions and see only the acquisition of wealth
as a fulfilment of life.
Despite the propaganda, the government faced difficulties and was on the verge of col-
lapse. Tignor and Lewis have argued that the CPP government, faced with a persistent
battle to maintain a unitary state against federalist opponents, had no option but to strat-
egise by eliminating its political dissenters to consolidate its power. To achieve its aim,
it initiated different strategies. In 1958, the government implemented the Preventive
Detention Act, which empowered it to arrest and detain political opponents without
trial.160 The CPP also co-opted and absorbed labour unions and producers’ associations.
The 1958 Industrial Relations Act created 24 official unions and subordinated them to
the party. As part of the deal, the CPP also banned strikes.
An amendment in 1959 solidified CPP’s control by prohibiting any unions outside the
159 Atukwei Okai, Evening News, January, 17 politicized version of the Beatitudes (Matthew 5:1-12).
160 Robert W. Tignor and Arthur Lewis, Birth of Development Economics (Princeton: University Press,
2006), 151.
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TUC.161 Along with the unions, the CPP absorbed the Farmers’ Council and numerous
mass organisations, including women and youth groups, and producer cooperatives.
“Eventually, membership of such organisations became simply membership of the
CPP.”162 By 1960, Parliament had become the sole instrument of the CPP, and the party
reorganised local government boundaries to take over regional and village politics. In
1962, Nkrumah declared formally that village-level or grass-roots organisations, in-
cluding those led by chiefs, would be absorbed into the CPP.163
3.6 Economic Situation
The colonial era, from 1953 to1956, was marked by phases of a slow maturing system
of trade, which was composed of the import and export of goods and services. That
system of trade marked the transition from relative isolated autonomy to full integration
into and dependence on the international economy in the Gold Coast. Economically,
the partitioning of the African continent among the European countries initiated and
reinforced this system of trade by which the productive capacity of the region south of
the Sahara was linked to the needs and demands of the Western industrial economy.164
The emergence of new political and administrative units on the African continent
brought in colonial investment in transport and other infrastructural projects and the
influx of foreign businesses. Thus, new economic structures were superimposed upon
the existing indigenous ones. Such foreign administrative structures were largely under
the control of African aliens and expatriates living in the Gold Coast. Nevertheless, the
161 Tignor and Lewis, Birth of Development Economics, 101.
162 Douglas Rimmer, Staying Poor: Ghana’s Political Economy, 1950-1990 (New York: Pergamon,
1992), 69-70.
163 Kwame Nkrumah, “Address at the First Seminar at Winneba Ideological Institute, 3 February 1962,”
in K. Nkrumah Revolutionary Path, ed. Kwame Nkrumah (New York: Internal Publishers, 1973), 178.
See Tignor and Lewis, Birth of Development, 4-6.
164 Paul VI, Populorum Progressio, no. 14.
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fundamental issue that underlies trade imbalances on the African continent was export
and import oriented, where the prices of imported goods and services far exceeded those
exported.
In the Gold Coast, when decolonisation took place between 1950 and early 1960, de-
velopment was still measured more in terms of trade than human development. There
was very little the indigenes could do to improve the existing administrative structure,
which had undergone half a century of internal evolution and interaction with the West-
ern industrial economy. Hence, the commercial activities of the colonial masters and
their alliance did much less to ameliorate the living standards of the natives.
The goals and policies of the colonial administration were to put restrictions on private
production and consumption in order to create public investment, which favoured more
the established order than the emergent local business by the indigenous traders. Again,
the colonial regime made its influence on wage-bargaining felt. It controlled employ-
ment and attempted to divert and alter the traditional land tenure system. It continued
to rely more on expatriate civil servants in the large colonial state apparatus and, above
all, its underlying value system was permeated with racism and more bias against the
indigenes than Europeans, some without the necessary qualifications and businesses in
the distribution of earnings and incomes.165
The above structured economic systems, which were beneficial to the established order,
needed restructuring after independence. Eventually, that economy produced a small
privileged class of elites who formed the embryonic bourgeoisie such as professionals,
165 Killick, Development Economics of Africa, 44-45.
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teachers, lawyers and wealthier farmers who were more commercially oriented. That
high class of the society set and propelled the process of decolonisation.
However, the colonial administration’s acceptance of the decolonisation of the econ-
omy was tantamount to its acknowledgement of the shortfalls of certain elements in the
colonial economy which had enjoyed the support and patronage of the State in the past.
Those colonial personnel would become redundant or expandable and would have to
be replaced at some point by native Africans who would aspire to assume their roles
but did not have the expertise to do so. The decolonisation of the economy suggested
why there was capital outflow from colonial Africa in the late 1950s and early 1960s
as a result of repatriated savings of expatriates to the country of origin.166
Meanwhile, the larger, metropolitan-based businesses in Accra and in the Gold Coast,
for example, or international firms engaged in commerce, plantations, mining and man-
ufacturing did not see the African’s goal of taking over positions of influence as a threat,
since the Africans lacked the investment of large sums of money to venture into such
business enterprises. To take over such giant enterprises would require considerable
financial resources, a level of technical knowledge and managerial skills to compete
with the international business network.
Therefore, those big businesses had a commanding advantage in the local economy,
even in the face of decolonisation. That put them on a higher pedestal to negotiate terms
with the incoming African governments. In conclusion, most of them survived the tran-
sition from the late colonial era to the post-colonial period of the African economic
166 Killick, Development Economics of Africa, 44-45.
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history, although with modifications in their methods of operation and in their relation-
ship with the state.
Inevitably, all stakeholders in the ‘big businesses’ and officials of some African gov-
ernments, notably Ghana, were brought to the negotiating table for dialogue. Once the
assurance was given for protection by successive and relatively complaisant govern-
ments, the government was won over by the ‘big businesses.’ The question is whether
we accept this ‘conspiracy theory’ of decolonisation with this prejudice about the mo-
tives of the colonial merchants. Who wielded economic power? The African political
elites? The fact remains that the ex-colonies of sub-Saharan Africa passed into the
1960s with economic power highly concentrated in the hands of the State and local
representatives of international interests.
In his contribution to the debate on Ghana’s economic plans, Nugent has also noted that
in 1957, when Ghana obtained full independence from Britain, it inherited a 10-year
development plan which was drawn by the colonial governor, Sir Charles Arden Clarke.
The first five years, 1951 to 1956, allocated most of the budget to infrastructure and
social services (39 per cent each), with only nine per cent allocated to the ‘productive
sector’ of the economy.167
According to Nugent, after a two-year consolidation period, the Ghana government
launched the Second Development Plan in 1959. The emphasis on infrastructure and
social services was carried over from 1951, with 80 per cent of the budget of the
Second Plan allocated to the non-productive sector of the economy.168
167 Paul Nugent, African Since Independence: A Comparative History (New York: Houndmills, Basing-
stoke, 2004), 169.
168 Ibid., 27-29; 169.
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In analysing this approach of prioritised social overhead capital (SOC), which included
health and education, as well as infrastructure, Killick has concluded that the Ghana
government was of the conviction that that would induce the growth of direct produc-
tive activities (DPA). Additionally, Killick has argued that the funds earmarked for
DPA in the 1950s targeted agricultural development rather than industrialisation, as
recommended by economic advisors, notably Lewis.169
In the implementation of the Second Development Plan in 1959, the Ghana government
was optimistic about national development as recorded in one of the dawn broadcasts
to the nation: ‘Fellow countrymen and women…let us build not only for ourselves but
for future generations a brighter Ghana which will be an inspiration and shining exam-
ple to all Africa.’170
Evaluating the failure of the economic plans, Fitch and Oppenheimer have commented
that Ghana’s optimism did not last long. Although the 1951 and the 1959 plans pro-
duced respectable economic growth of five per cent that year, the returns failed to bal-
ance the budget. As a result, spending under the Second Development Plan far exceeded
income and produced a deficit of £53 million or 12 per cent of the Gross National Prod-
uct (GNP) by 1961.171 Some Ghanaians and members of the opposition party capital-
ised on the poor economic performance and growing budget deficit to call for change.
169 Killick, Development Economics of Africa, 44-5.
170 Kwame Nkrumah, “Broadcast on the Eve of the Second Five-Year Development Plan, 1 July, 1959,”
I Speak of Freedom (London: Sedbooks, 1961), 174.
171 Robert Fitch and Mary Oppenheimer, Ghana: An End of an Illusion (New York: Monthly Review
Press, 1966), 90-91.
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Rimmer has argued that it was under that unstable political structure that Ghana aban-
doned the Second Development Plan in 1961 and began putting in place a new Seven-
Year Plan as a basis for aggressive economic growth.
The new plan rejected Lewis’ emphasis on agricultural development in favour of rapid
industrialisation based on Ghana’s supply of cheap labour. Influenced by development
economics, the government decided that Ghana needed a big push towards industriali-
sation. The close fit between Ghana’s vision and that of the development economists
was illustrated by a conference held in April 1963 to discuss the Seven-Year Plan.172
At the conference, majority of the attendees objected to the proposed plan.
By that time, Ghana had become a corporatist, de facto one-party state with the ideology
of the CPP. For the CPP, rapid industrialisation was necessary in order to break with
the poverty-inducing colonial past economic growth through the export of primary
products. Although social services such as health, education and infrastructure re-
mained important, the Seven-Year Development Plan reduced their share of the budget
from 90 to 63 per cent, while increasing productive expenditure from 10 to 37 per cent.
Social services declined at a lower rate than infrastructure (42 to 32 per cent, compared
to 46 to 26 per cent) and the dollar amount increased due to the increase in the budget
as a whole.173
The leading development economists, Hirschman, Kaldor and Seers, who had convened
at a conference sponsored by the World Bank in Ghana in March 1963 to discuss the
172 Rimmer, Staying Poor, 86; Tignor and Lewi, Birth of Development, 187-9.
173 Kwame Nkrumah, “Seven-Year Development Plan: A Brief Outline: Government of Ghana, Office
of the Planning Commission 1963,” 27; GH, PRAAD, RG3, 3, 90 National Archives of Ghana, Accra.
See Killick, Development Economics, 53-4. See, Rimmer, Staying Poor, 85-6; Nugent, African Since
Idependence,170.
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draft Seven-Year Development Plan, rejected the primacy of agriculture and argued
instead that the government could industrialise quickly by raising capital inflows into
centrally controlled Import Substitution Industrialisation (ISI). Rather, those experts
endorsed the idea of a big push, but the plan’s architect, Mensah, was sharply criticised
for overestimating the country’s potential for raising large amounts of capital extremely
quickly. Just before the conference, the World Bank suggested an investment figure, a
minimum of £450 million. At the conference, Mensah provided a budget in support of
his plan and further presented a figure of £840 million, which he later augmented to £1
billion.174
For Tignor and Omari, the optimism over capital formation and rapid industrialisation
reflected in the fact that the CPP government was “always in a hurry”.175 In fact, as
early as 1957, they observed: “What other countries have taken three hundred years or
more to achieve, a once-dependent country must try to accomplish in a generation if it
is to survive. Unless, as it were, “jet-propelled”, it will lag behind and thus risk every-
thing for which it had fought.”176 This meant that Ghana’s supposed socialist pro-
gramme did not emphasise “universalist aspirations towards human equality” but rather
‘the fastest means of catching up with the developed world.177 By 1961, this vision was
being enforced.
Commenting on the economic plans of the government, Smertin has noted that it is
important to know that the government strove to achieve socialism by means of the
‘evolutionary path’ of augmenting economic growth, rather than the method of socialist
174 Tignor and Lewis, Birth of Development, 186-9.
175 Omari, Kwame Nkrumah, 100.
176 Ibid., xv-xvi.
177 Nugent, Africa since Independence, 168.
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transformation of the economy or property-related issues.178 John Tettegah, the TUC’s
General Secretary in the era under investigation, stated in 1962; “We will bring about
our economic independence by the transformation of our entire national economy.”179
A similar comment was made by J. H. Mensah, who was the Chairman of the National
Economic Planning Commission. His reason for doing so was that Ghana had not yet
built capacity for productivity. He emphasised socialism, not Africanisation, in Ghana,
with the rearrangement of the ownership of the means of production. The central con-
cern must be with the building up of the nation’s productive assets.179 The leadership
of the government expressed the same idea in 1959 when it stated: “It is only from the
surpluses of increased productivity that a higher standard of living for the whole nation
can be achieved.”180 Thus, with the Seven-Year Development Plan, the government en-
visioned the development of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in some sectors, existing
alongside joint public/private partnerships, as well as fully private companies.181 It
might have been the government’s hope that “eventually, the state sector will eliminate
the private sector through efficiency and productivity, rather than revolutionary strug-
gle.”182
On the disability programme, Killick has contended that the apparent welfare spending
on disability programmes under the Seven-Year Plan was, in fact, meant to increase
national productivity by reintegrating disabled Ghanaians into the workforce.183 In
178 Yuri Smertin, Kwame Nkrumah (New York: International Publishers, 1987), 103.
179 Fitch and Oppenheimer, Ghana: An End of an Illusion, 104-5.
180 Nkrumah, “Broadcast on the Eve of the Second Five-Year Development Plan, 1 July 1950,” 170.
181 Nkrumah, “Extract from the Dawn Broadcast, 8 April, 1961,”154.
182 Nkrumah, Revolutionary Path, 182; see Fitch and Oppenheimer, Ghana End of an Illusion, 113.
183 Killick, Development Economics, 173-4
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effect, the welfare policy reflected the increased focus on the growth of Direct Produc-
tivity Activities (DPA) in the Seven-Year Plan.
Analysing the Seven-Year Development Plan, Rimmer has noted that it was the work
of a team of young radicals in the early 1960s. Two years later (1962), Adamafio was
full of expectation for the success of the plan by announcing the programme for Work
and Happiness, which signalled a budgetary shift towards productive activities. The
government finally and officially launched the plan in 1964, the same year that Ghana
officially became a one-party state.184
Contributions from Omari, Nugent and Omaboe have emphasised that to achieve the
Work and Happiness programme, the government needed to employ 1,100,000 new
workers by 1970.185 Additionally, Fitch, Oppenheimer and Herbst have argued that that
working force would be tasked simultaneously to develop industry and modernise ag-
riculture. There was another strategy to keep wages low by taking control of the TUC.
Also, doing that gave the government the freedom to have access to accumulated com-
pulsory savings through tax deductions at source. Low wages and accumulated savings
would propel a self-reinforcing process of ISI. If the process became successful, Ghana
would emerge as an economic power at par with the West and a leading nation in the
Pan-Africanist movement.186
To realise that programme, the government needed to make use of rhetoric to convince
Ghanaians to actively participate in a national development plan on the theme: ‘Work
184 Rimmer, Staying Poor, 71
185 Nkrumah, “Ghana: Seven-Year Development Plan.” See, Omari. Kwame Nkrumah, 103 and Nugent,
African Since Independence, 171; E. N. Omaboe, “The Process of Planning,” in W. Birminham and I.
Neustadt, Study of Contemporary Ghana (London: Allen & Unwin, 1966), 1: 453.
186 Fitch and Oppenheimer, Ghana: An End to Illusion, 102. See Jeffrey I. Herbst, The Politics of Reform
in Ghana, 1982-1991 (Berkley: Monthly Review Press, 1993), 20.
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and Happiness.’ Hadjor has stated that to that end, the leadership of the party embedded
rhetoric in terms of citizens with rights, obligations and responsibilities, including the
need for individual sacrifice ‘in the interest of the nation.’187
The government’s campaign routinely emphasised loyalty, sometimes taking on mili-
tary tones, as in the 1959 broadcast introducing the Second Development Plan:
If this campaign is to succeed, it will require an all-out effort from every
man and woman living throughout the length and breadth of the land. You,
the farmers, the fishermen, the masons, the lawyers, the doctors, the labour-
ers, the businessmen, the engineers, the architects, the traders, the teachers,
the students, the whole people of Ghana, whatever your occupation or sta-
tus, have a vitally important part to play in making this campaign a resound-
ing success. You are the troops who will make the assault and sustain it
through the next five years and who will, in the end, break through and, to
a wider and fuller life for our nation… Chiefs and people, fellow men and
women of Ghana; …make your maximum contribution to this concerted
assault on national poverty, disease and ignorance. Tomorrow the battle
will be joined. We move into the attack. If every soldier in this fight does
his duty well and truly, victory is assured.188
The CPP government reiterated the above military metaphor in a 1961 dawn broadcast,
referring to ‘the unknown warriors — dedicated men and women who serve the party
loyally and selflessly without hoping for reward.’189189
The party’s leadership message was unequivocally on point, commanding dedication,
obedience and development and happiness as surety. These ideologies permeated the
government’s campaign between 1959 and 1964. At the opening of Parliament in 1960,
187 Kofi Buenor Hadjor, Nkrumah and Ghana (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1990): “Nkrumah’s
speech routinely emphasized loyalty, sometimes taking military hues as in his 1959 broadcast introduc-
ing the Second Development Plan.”
188 Nkrumah, “Broadcast on the Eve of the Second Five-Year Development Plan, 1 July, 1959,” 169.
189 Nkrumah, “Extract from the Dawn Broadcast,” 157-8.
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the government promised that the CPP would help Ghanaians live ‘fuller’ and ‘richer’
lives and also emphasised ‘usefulness’ by being loyal and hardworking, which brings
happiness, and the conscientious application of their talents to the nation.190 At the Win-
neba Ideological School in 1962, the CPP government, under the leadership of Nkru-
mah, emphasised discipline, stating that ‘the whole nation, from the President down-
wards, will form one regiment of disciplined citizens. In this way, we shall move for-
ward with great confidence, stepping ahead ever more firmly, with a keen sense of pur-
pose and direction.’191
It was, therefore, not surprising, that the government emphasised those views in its
statements about the programme for Work and Happiness and the Seven-Year Devel-
opment Plan. For example, in a broadcast in May 1962, it declared that “… beyond all
doubt Ghana and Ghanaians will travel full steam ahead, conscious of their responsi-
bilities and fully aware that the materialisation of this bright picture of the future is
entirely dependent on their active and energetic industry.”192
3.7 Socio-Cultural Milieu
One of the major goals of the social project in that era was termed Work and Happiness,
which was meant to mechanise agriculture for economic growth. The success of those
goals would lie in the programme which sought to integrate disabled Ghanaians into
the working forces as productive wage earners. That was the inspiration the government
borrowed from the British programme called “Social Orthopaedics”, which was one of
the aftereffects of the Second World War for disabled soldiers. That model project
sought to provide disabled soldiers with skills to become productive and wage earners
190 Nkrumah, “Speech at the Opening of Parliament, 4 July 1960,” 240.
191 Nkrumah, “Address at the First Seminar at the Winneba Ideological Institute,” 176.
192 Ibid.
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for a happy life. The social nature of that programme lay in the fact that it defined social
citizens through participation in the labour market. Therefore, to qualify as a full and
happy citizen, one must be a productive worker.
That project was soon faced with some obstacles to the development plan. Even though
Ghana’s labour force far exceeded what it needed in 1960, the nation faced a shortage
of skilled labour. It was not an isolated case for Ghana; it was the prevailing situation
during the post-war era in most Western countries, notably Britain. Therefore, Ghana’s
rehabilitation project for disabled veteran soldiers was more about economic growth
for the happiness of the Ghanaian than welfare or charity. That economic bias, which
is supposed to guarantee a happy life, though very important in many respects, also
raised serious issues about the form of social citizenship and the rights of Ghana’s dis-
abled citizens to state-sponsored welfare.
In view of Ghana’s inability to implement the plan, it was compelled to withdraw gov-
ernment-sponsored rehabilitation of social services. That coincided with the emergence
of the colonial policy of community development. By design, that policy focused on
the rural areas by protecting African communities from the disintegrating effect of in-
dividualism perceived to flow from the development of wage labour.
The aim of the community development policy was to modernise the social welfare
system by absorbing the educated elite at the grass roots. But the goal of protecting
African communities against the rapid emergence of capitalist-related issues remained
intact. For example, in 1955, some experts on community development were emphatic
on the need to protect traditional social structures that bound individuals to the rules of
their clans or lineages.
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This project sought to protect peasant production in order to limit the drift into urban
wage employment, which could lead to social unrest and unhappiness caused by labour
protests. The colonial officials had referred to the transformation of peasants into work-
ers as detribalisation. The vision to transform the disabled into wage labourers, that is,
the Social Orthopaedics model of the 1940s, therefore, stood outside the colonial policy
of community development, which formed the basis for happiness in the Ghanaian con-
text.
On the contrary, the above vision did not strongly support the preservation of traditional
social structures as the basis for happiness. When an investigation was conducted and
the result showed that there was disability in Ghana, the government did not hesitate to
put economic rehabilitation back on the national agenda. In that way, the CPP govern-
ment widened the definition of community development to include disability initiatives,
in the interest of expanding Ghana’s supply of happy skilled labour.
3.8 Conclusion
The above survey provides the political, geographical and demographical setting and
the religious, political, economic and socio-cultural scenario of the transition from the
colonial government of the Gold Coast to Independent Ghana. The Catholic Church,
though apolitical, participated in the emancipation and provision of appropriate infra-
structural, religious and social needs towards holistic human development. First, the
nationalist government of the CPP, led by Nkrumah, had called for Africanisation and
the replacement of expatriates in high public offices. That meant the appointment of an
indigene, as soon as possible, at least, as a stop gap between the colonial government,
the post-colonial government and the Catholic Church.
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Secondly, the immediate post-colonial government had wrongly indoctrinated Chris-
tians, particularly the youth, who were known as the ‘Ghana Young Pioneers’, on cer-
tain Christian theological truths in the schools and that needed the attention of the
Church to re-orientate the youth to the right Christian doctrinal truths and virtues. In
addition, the colonial society was largely illiterate, and the Catholic Church felt obliged
to respond to that need. Thirdly, social welfare for the physically challenged, old and
sick citizens needed attention, but the post-colonial government lacked the funds due
to the deficit budget.
In the circumstance where the overwhelming health needs and demand for education
and health care far exceeded what the government could supply, Bishop Bowers sought
to provide those facilities to promote integral human development.
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CHAPTER FOUR
BOWERS AND EDUCATION
4.1 Introduction
This chapter investigates education as one of the two pillars for integral human devel-
opment to alleviate poverty and ignorance in the Accra Diocese under Bishop Bowers.
It defines education and explains it, pointing out the indispensability of education in
integral human development. Furthermore, it highlights the historical overview of for-
mal and informal education in the Gold Coast: the colonial system of education and the
implementation of the accelerated education development plan in Ghana after inde-
pendence. The study discusses the patriotism of the Ghana Young Pioneers and volun-
tary agencies. The chapter concludes with a summary of Bishop Bowers’ views and his
contribution to education in the Accra Diocese and Ghana at large.
4.2 Education and Human Development
Education is the basis for development in every society. The Catholic Church has, over
the centuries, emphasised this in various documents and its teachings.193 For example,
Gravissimum Educationis, a document of the Second Vatican Council, states: “All men
of whatever race, condition or age, in virtue of their dignity as human persons, have an
inalienable right to education.”194 It further explains that education should be appropri-
ate to the actual destiny of the human persons and be adapted to their aptitudes, sex and
traditions to foster true unity and peace in the world. Therefore, true education should
promote the development of the human person and society.195
193 Vatican Council II, “Gravissimum Educationis: Declaration on Christian Education,” Vatican II: The
Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents, ed. Flannery (Dublin: Dominican Publications, 1992), no. 1.
194 Ibid.
195 Ibid.
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Accordingly, this same document has stated that “…children and young people should
be helped to develop harmoniously their physical, moral and intellectual qualities”.196
In effect, the Catholic Church subscribes to scientific methods of education and instruc-
tions.197
Thus, the documents of the Second Vatican Council on holistic education in the integral
human development speak of “integral education as education which responds to all the
needs of the human person.”198 The instrument of instruction should be designed to
intentionally direct to the growth of the whole person with the aim to develop, gradu-
ally, every capability of each student: the intellectual, psychological, moral, cultural
and religious dimensions. Hence, the Church establishes schools because they are priv-
ileged places which foster the formation and transformation of the whole person to be
conscious of his or her dignity and the needs of others and his or her responsibility
towards all peoples. Such education requires the interpersonal relationship and mutual
cooperation between the educator, whose life is a witness to a living encounter with
Christ, and the student, who is inspired and encouraged by the witness of life of the
educator.
Since a Catholic school exists to promote holistic education, it is constantly inspired
and guided by the Gospel of Christ and His person, from whom “it (school) derives all
the energy necessary for its educational work”. Holistic education assumes the premise
196 Vatican Council II, “Gravissimum Educationis,” no. 1.
197 Leona F. Tyler, The Work of the Counsellor (New York: Appleton-Century-Craft, 1961). Vat-
ican II, “Gravissimum Educationis,” nn. 3 and 10. Consequently, some scholars, among others,
Tyler, have argued that educators are to be more precise in their language, since in Taxonomy is
rooted in the ideas that all words in a scientific system should be defined in terms of observable
events and that educational objectives should be defined operationally in terms of performance or
outcomes. This method of formulating objectives can be used for writing objectives at the pro-
gramme and course levels. By adding specific content, the objectives can be used at classroom
level, including the lesson plan level.
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that “virtue can be taught.”198 This would lead to integral human formation, that is,
forming individuals to achieve their full potential for the good of themselves and their
fellow human beings. A person so formed will influence and affect the country accord-
ing to the formation or education he or she has received.
Additionally, integral development is related to holistic education, as integral and ho-
listic refer to the same reality - the totality of a certain subject, in this case, the human
person. Thus, holistic and integral indicate both the interior and the exterior sides of the
human person, which could be summed up as the physical, psychological, emotional,
social, political, economic, moral and intellectual/spiritual. Furthermore, development
is defined as growth, progress, improvement and/or advancement.
Integral development is all-round advancement or growth of a people. The development
of a country ensues when its people bring their experiences, in the formal and the in-
formal educational sectors, to bear on the historical development of their country to
promote the welfare of the citizens in all spheres of their lives. Consequently, every
aspect of the country then grows for the benefit of each citizen, leading them to put at
the disposal of the country their qualities, attitudes, aptitude, abilities and capabilities
to promote the development of the country. It is these traits of the people that determine
the rate and quality of development of a country. The development would be reflected
in the communities and the populace. In conclusion, the integral development of a na-
tion, to a large extent, is dependent on the holistic and integral education of the popu-
lace.
198 J. Faarrant, Principles and Practice of Education (Harlow: Longman Group Ltd., 1980), 8.
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4.3 Historical Overview of Catholic Education in the Gold Coast
In view of the above reviewed literature, the historical overview of Catholic education
in the Gold Coast will be examined. According to Elsbernd, until 1850, the develop-
ment of education in the Gold Coast was entirely in the hands of the missionaries. The
government took interest in education only from 1850 onwards. 199 Governor Stephen
Hill was the first to pass an educational ordinance to provide for a better system of
education that would meet the needs of the people of the then Gold Coast. In 1882,
Governor Rowe also passed another ordinance for the promotion and assistance of ed-
ucation in the Gold Coast. That ordinance included such provisions as: establishing a
general board to serve both the Gold Coast and Nigeria, the establishment of local
boards to administer grants and the appointment of an inspector of schools.200
The recommendations and implementation of the 1920 Advisory Committee on Edu-
cation in the colonies, as well as the advocacy for the establishment of secondary
schools with higher standards, led to the establishment of additional mission schools in
the Gold Coast.201 Notably, the two best secondary schools in existence were in Cape
Coast: Mfantsipim, established in 1909, was the amalgamated former Wesleyan schools
of the Fanti cloistered public schools, and Adisadel, an Anglican school founded in
1910. Both schools were enlisted as ‘assisted’ to raise their standards.
199 “The History of Education in the Gold Coast Ghana, 1957-1961: The Mission Schools,” file GH,
PRAAD, RG3, 1,2, National Archives of Ghana, Accra, “By the time the British West Africa government
and Colonial office began to consider what they might do about schools, the picture had changed com-
pletely from what it had been in 1852. Diseases had opposed and almost crushed the early effort of the
Basel Mission, who had entered the country in1880, and the Wesleyans, who had come in 1835. But by
1880 they had opened a total of 128 schools, while Bremen (North German) had four schools, one at
Accra and the original one at Cape Coast.” See Elsbernd, Story of the Church in the Accra Diocese, 16.
200 Rev. Sunter became the first Inspector of schools in the Gold Coast, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Gam-
bia.
201 “The History of Education in the Gold Coast Ghana, 1957-1961: The Mission Schools,” file GH,
PRAAD, RG3, 1,2, National Archives of Ghana, Accra.
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When the issue of secondary school was raised, the 1920 Advisory Committee on Ed-
ucation recommended that the schools be government assisted. The argument was that
the government alone was in a better position to provide sufficient funds for buildings,
staffing and other needs. The outcome of that recommendation led to the establishment
of Achimota College. However, that move had its critics who argued that the education
being provided at Achimota College was too local or substandard in nature and was an
attempt by the government to give inferior education to native children. However, the
presence of Aggrey,202 who was a native on the teaching staff and doubled as vice-
principal to Fraser, who was the principal appointed by the colonial government, con-
tributed to solving the educational impasse.203
As a first step to finding a solution to the impasse and the implementation of Guggis-
berg’s third principle, Achimota became a provisional university towards the end of the
1920s. It prepared students to write the external examinations in degree courses, includ-
ing engineering, with certificates awarded by the University of London.204 Addition-
ally, the 16th principle of Guggisberg was the provision of trade schools with technical
and literary education. That was to train young men to become skilled craftsmen and
useful citizens. As a result, four government trade schools were established in 1922
with branches in Kibi, Asuansi, Mampong and Yendi, but the one at Yendi was moved
to Tamale.205
202 Donald Simpson, “African Affairs Aggrey and Fraser: Unique Photograph”, African Affairs 94 n. 374
(1995) 87-89.
203 “History of Education in the Gold Coast Ghana, 1931-1952: Report on Achimota College,” file, GH,
PRAAD, RG3, 1, 152, National Archives of Ghana, Accra, Ghana.
204 Ibid.
205 “History of Education in the Gold Coast Ghana, 1931-1952.”
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Though Guggisberg was instrumental in promoting education in the Gold Coast, early
educational efforts in Ghana were largely the result of mission enterprise.206 During the
19th century, many missionary societies established schools, first along the coast and
then in the interior regions.207
The Catholic Church, in the light of the principle of universal distribution of goods in
its Social Teaching, participated actively in the advocacy to establish secondary schools
in the country. Elsbernd reports that some Catholic lay faithful protested against Bishop
Hauger in demand for higher Catholic education from the Church and the State.208 A
Vatican delegation led by Hinsley (later Cardinal) to English-speaking West African
colonies, with a special mandate to investigate and promote higher Catholic education,
was sent to investigate the case in 1929. On their recommendation, a seminary and
teaching training college was established in 1930.210 Several religious congregations in
Europe were approached, including the Society of Divine Word Missionaries (SVD),
but all declined, having no English-speaking personnel to spare. However, the Irish
province of the SMA accepted and sent Fr Kelly, who was already in the field at
Amisano. But the project was delayed due to lack of funds for the construction of the
building complex.209
206 D. G. Scoulon, ed., Education in Ghana (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966), 171.
207 “The 1887 Educational Ordinance, viii-ix,” file, GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1, 3, National Archives of Ghana,
Accra, Ghana. “Governor Baker had envisaged a West African University with consistent colleges in
Sierra Leon, Ghana and Nigeria. The college in Accra was but a small beginning, in his mind, of great
education scheme which would give to Africans a full and adequate place in scholarship of the world.
But he added, “It must be recognized that the best attempts of the white man to educate the Negro on the
Coast will only be a makeshift until some Booker Washington arises, who, having a grasp of fundamental
principles underlying the growth of education in Europe is able to adopt them to the needs of his own
people.”
208 Elsbernd, Story of the Catholic Church, 27.
210 Ibid.
209 Ibid.
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On his maiden canonical working visit to the Gold Cost in 1929, Bishop Hinsley noted
with concern that the Eastern province of the Cape Coast Vicariate had been neglected
and that there was no Catholic school: not even in Accra, the capital of the land. He
called the Bishop’s attention to that neglect, and in January 1930, priests in Accra were
permitted to open Class One at the St. Joseph Catholic School at Adabraka as the first
school in the then Accra Vicariate.
4.3.1 Colonial System of Education in the Gold Coast
In every nation, it is an undeniable fact that the tool for any meaningful national devel-
opment is education. To realise this ideal, the government of the Gold Coast introduced
accelerated educational reform in 1955. The reason for the educational reform pro-
gramme in Ghana was in line with the international changes taking place in education
and its relevant role to society. Over the years, the educational system in the Gold Coast
had been that schoolchildren were being educated for life, which did not relate to the
rural communities where most people lived.
The assets that the Gold Coast can bequeath her youth is education but if she continued
with that system of education, it would be creating more problems for society by pro-
ducing an ever-increasing army of frustrated school leavers who had been handicapped
by the elitist type of education the country had been practising. It had, therefore, become
necessary to fashion a model of equipping the great majority of Ghanaians with flexible
and versatile skills, which would assist them in adapting to further training and a chang-
ing work situation.
Firstly, to find a suitable system of education, this study would like to have recourse to
the past in order to clarify the present.
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The free primary education in 1952 led to rapid numerical growth in schools.210 The
usual type of school consisted of six grades and smaller rural schools with fewer
streams, which over the years grew over to a complete course. The rate at which schools
were expanding made staffing with teachers problematic. From January 1954, head
teachers were required to be full-time classroom teachers, so that a fully developed
single-stream primary school was permitted to have only six teachers in all. The size of
a class was fixed at 46 pupils. When classes were combined, the total enrolment should
not exceed 46 for a trained teacher and 36 for a pupil teacher. Village schools were
usually co-educational, but some of the larger primary schools in towns were non co-
educational.211
A four-year middle school system emerged to replace the ‘Senior Primary’ which was
in place before 1952. But the senior primary schools still served as a bridge to the sec-
ondary schools and also provided a course of practical training for children who did not
intend pursuing their education further. Depending on the locality, a middle school
might have one, two, three or four courses. The curriculum had a bias towards agricul-
ture, domestic science and arts and crafts of local importance.212
Unfortunately, the education of the youth was not given much-needed attention. That
was due to the under-listed reasons:
210 “Accelerated Development Plan for Education, xxx-xxxvi,” file, GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1, 24, National
Archives of Ghana. Accra, Ghana.
211 Scoulon, Education in Ghana, 171. See “Ghana Education Policy, 1927-1957,” 4-9, file, GH,
PRAAD, RG 3, 1, 108, National Archives of Ghana. Accra, Ghana.
212 “The 1887 Educational Ordinance: Curriculum,” viii, file, GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1, 20, National Ar-
chives of Ghana, Accra, Ghana.
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a) First, the class system (that is, the rich who can afford to pay school fees) at the
time favoured an educational structure tailored to preserve the cultural values
of the high social class and was private.
b) Second, the high cost of education naturally excluded the poor and promoted
the privileged minority in society.
c) Third, primary education was limited to teaching the rudimentary of the
“three Rs”; to write, to read and to do arithmetic.213
Also, the problem of wastage was serious, especially in the rural areas. It became par-
ticularly noticeable after the reform in 1952,214 when large numbers of children enrolled
at school and then dropped out in the course of their studies. In a sample survey where
wastage as high as 30 or 40 per cent215 of first grade enrolment was discovered, it was
unearthed that the main causes were the demand for children to work on their parents’
farms, a waning of the enthusiasm for free education and a feeling that tuition received
was not worth the expense of books and materials (there were many schools which were
staffed entirely by untrained teachers) and the inability to meet the financial obligations,
no matter how small.
Moreover, the medium of instruction at the beginning of the primary course was the
local language. Oral English was introduced during the first year and became a regular
subject on the timetable. Experimentally, some towns that faced the problem of a mul-
tiplicity of local languages had tried to introduce English as the (lingua franca) medium
of instruction during the primary course. So, the language of instruction remained as
213 “The 1887 Educational Ordinance: Curriculum,” viii, file, GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1, 20, National Ar-
chives of Ghana, Accra, Ghana.
214 “Accelerated Development Plan for Education, xxx-xxxvi,” file, GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1, 24, National
Archives of Ghana. Accra, Ghana
215 Ibid.
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English. The usual method of constructing a syllabus for a subject was to take a survey
of the lessons taught and arrange them systematically.
In retrospect, in the Gold Coast there was no clear policy on the system of education
until the post-colonial era. Even post-colonial independent governments have followed
the same tradition.
Asante and Trevor have argued that in the post-colonial Gold Coast educational system,
there was an attempt at the national level for a reform. However, they have observed
that from the “yolk”, that is, the kindergarten stages, to the university levels were all
beset with inconsistencies and flaws and, therefore, did not serve our needs. Kindergar-
ten education encompasses children of the age of two upwards. This is the stage of
formal socialisation through play. It also enhances the physical, spiritual and mental
development and enables children to cultivate tolerance. This may be the transition or
preparatory stage from informal education, which commences at the age of six.216
Unfortunately, the nursery and kindergarten idea had not been given the attention it
deserved. Most of the proprietors had no managerial skills; they also engaged lay teach-
ers, inexperienced in handling children at such tender age. A handful of these managers
drifted into the trade not for genuine professional affection but pecuniary gains. Other
problems that saddled those institutions were accommodation and unhygienic environ-
ments.
Undoubtedly, children needed balanced diet for healthy, rapid growth. Canteen facili-
ties were absent, and where they existed, supervision by qualified dieticians or home
science specialists was lacking. Logistics support from the government or non-
216 B. K. Asante, “Reconstructing Education in Ghana” in Daily Graphic, December 16, 1988, 3. See,
K. Trevor, Teaching Religious Education (London: Macmillan Education Press, 1984), 24.
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governmental organisation (NGOs) was too inadequate to have any meaningful impact
on the physical development of the children.
Supervision was inadequate and support, both financial and material, was minimal and
often came in trickles. Worst of all, most children attained school age without any pre-
school training, while nursery training was also very expensive for most parents to af-
ford.
Secondly, the primary and middle schools were faced with a myriad of related prob-
lems. Under that system, we had the experimental international schools and the public
schools. Whereas the international school pupils were groomed mainly to pass the
highly competitive Common Entrance Examination (CEE) for government secondary,
vocational and technical institutions in the country, the public-school system was
geared primarily towards the possession of the Middle School Leaving Certificate.
The latter limited the horizon and prospects of candidates for higher education and,
therefore, the achievement of better standards of living. Possessors of that “underval-
ued” qualification assumed top administrative posts in the ministries and other depart-
ments. A cursory glance at the syllabi in first-cycle institutions, however, revealed one
startling result: “Verbal and quantitative” (call it the “general paper”), a prerequisite for
the CEE, was absent from the timetable of public schools and, therefore, not taught
formally in those institutions.217
Besides, attention given to the common entrance subjects English, Mathematics, Com-
position and General Paper was very high, while their treatment at the public schools was
217 “Planning an Educational System 1920,” xiii, file, GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1,20,108, National Archives
of Ghana, Accra, Ghana. See, “notes on Government Educational Policy,” loc. cit.
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unsatisfactory. Some concerned educationists suggested that subjects such as Science,
Geography and Environmental Studies taught in the elementary schools be added to the
CEE questions. That was very obvious because the secondary school aspirants were go-
ing to be exposed to those same subjects when they finally gained admission. Thus, that
system of testing was biased and an unfair method of testing the quantitative and quali-
tative knowledge of our future leaders. This background scenario is important, since most
students come from broken and sometimes poor families and earlier educational founda-
tion would correct the anomaly or deficiency in their growth and development.218
In the Gold Coast educational system, as the study has outlined above, the secondary
schools admitted students who passed the CEE for seven years of secondary education
and then entry to the university for those who qualified.
However, the present educational system has six years of primary education, three years
of junior secondary school and three years of senior secondary school education before
entry to the university.
4.3.2 Educational Development Plan in Ghana after Independence
The government of Ghana introduced the Seven-Year Acceleration Development Plan
after independence in 1957 to eradicate illiteracy. The main objective of the plan was
first to select candidates at the end of the six-year primary course of education for sec-
ondary schools. Secondly, those who did not qualify to advance to secondary school
were to attend a continuation school for two years. That two-year course would offer
subjects which were vocational in nature. It was projected also to replace the existing
middle school by 1968. Courses to be offered included Agriculture, Shorthand, Typing
218 See also, “Planning an Educational System 1920,” xii, file, GH, PRAAD, RG3, 453-461, National
Archives of Ghana. Accra, Ghana.
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and Office Routine, Bookkeeping and Elementary Accountancy, Housecraft, Handi-
craft, Metalwork, Woodwork, Brick Masonry, Technical Drawing, and Science. In ad-
dition, English Language and Arithmetic would be taught.219 No provision was, how-
ever, made for religious or moral education courses.
As a measure to increase the labour force, in September 1961, the government of Ghana
implemented the fee-free and compulsory education, which meant that the financial ob-
ligation of the government had increased out of proportion. That resulted in a substantial
increase in the number of primary schools in temporary structures and unsatisfactory ac-
commodation. This situation militated against effective teaching and learning.220
Consequently, the two main problems which needed immediate attention were school
buildings and staffing. It was estimated that the population of primary and middle
schools would grow from 900,000 and 193,000 in 1963 to 1,500,000 and 380,000, re-
spectively, in 1967.221 It followed that appropriate provision for staffing and accommo-
dation was inevitable. In that regard, the central government subsidised the local au-
thorities with £5 million.
Additionally, the introduction of science into elementary schools, middle or continua-
tion schools called for special buildings to be constructed and scientific equipment to
be provided. Science was introduced in the technical division and the vocational train-
ing centres. Notable among these was the Accra Vocational Training Centre.
219 “Accelerated Development Plan for Education, 1944-1954, and 1955-1967,” xxx-xxxvi, file, GH,
PRAAD, RG3, 1, 24/285, National Archives of Ghana, Accra, Ghana.
220 Ibid.
221 Ibid.; Elsbern, The Story of the Catholic Church, 138.
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Apart from the special buildings and scientific equipment, there was the need for trained
teachers. The government’s policy in October 1964 was that with the six-year primary
education, at least each child would have been taught by a professional teacher who
was a Certificate A holder in a non-priority school. The expansion of those facilities
and personnel meant an increase in expenditure.
In 1953 when Bowers assumed office, the total number of pupils in Catholic schools
was 442,450.224 Official government reports on education for the 1953/54 academic
year was very discouraging. By the end of 1953, the local authority (LA) schools were
performing very poorly, yet the central government was paying the salaries of teachers
in full for a vast majority of schools.222
In response to the poor performance of both teachers and pupils, Bowers saw the need
for schools that could offer good results. That was in line with the social teaching of
the church, whose framework is the preferential love for the poor and the development
of the human person in general.223 Bowers’ loyalty to the church was reflected in his
love for the poor in his pastoral ministry.
Secondly, according to the principle of the common good in the social teachings of the
Church, “the goods of this world are meant for all people”.224 The problem was distri-
bution. The question that arises is whether the social teachings should be applied before
222 “The History of Education in the Gold Coast Ghana, 1957-1961: The Mission Schools,” file GH,
PRAAD, RG3, 1,2, National Archives of Ghana, Accra.
223 Vatican II, Gaudium et Spes, no. 69.
224 John XIII, Encyclical Letter: Mother and Teacher: Mater et Magistra (London: Catholic Truth Soci-
ety, 1962), no. 218-220. See, John Paul II, Labourem Exercens. On the Centenary of the promulgation
of Rarum Novarum: Centisimus Annus (Vatican City: Libreria Editice Vaticana, 1981), nn. 30-34. See,
John Paul II, Catechism of the Catholic Church (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice, 1992), 2402-2406. The
poor may be understood in Pope John Paul II’s definition as “the immense multitude of the hungry, the
needy, the homeless, those without medical care and, above all, those without hope of a better future
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or after the creation of wealth. We are of the opinion that the Church’s social teaching
must be applied at the distribution point, rather than at the production end.
This is because it is easier to share riches than to share poverty. Bowers’ application of
this principle was demonstrated in the siting of the schools and formation houses in
areas easily accessible to rural folks.
4.3.3 Patriotism and the Role of Ghana Young Pioneers
The destiny of Ghana rests on its youthful population. Only they can be imbued with a
sense of patriotism. Most of the enthusiasm of the CPP government in the youth domain
in the post-independent era was justifiably directed at the development of the formal
educational sector. Yet such human capital investment was futuristic and essentially
long-term drive, hence the benefits could only be accessed at some point in the future.
However, in order to reap more immediate returns from the investment in the youth,
the government of the CPP did not limit its interference into the youth arena to the
formal education system in schools alone but also the informal sector. It sought and
mobilised and even directed the youth under the umbrella of the Ghana Young Pioneers
towards a concrete and tangible end. Thus, the attempt to utilise that youth organisation
for a specific political agenda under the disguise of patriotism was more or less con-
trolled and guided as an organised youth action than care and concern for the future of
the youth.
On the other hand, there were those who were of the view that the aim of the founding
of the Ghana Young Pioneers after independence was to instil in the youth patriotism.
In pursuance of that objective, the government of the CPP might have had in mind not
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to practise the Western type of democracy, but definitely it was not atheistic and so it
is difficult to be conclusive about whether Ghana was on the verge of atheism.
Nevertheless, the study has established that patriotism, as long as it does not become
exaggerated and fall into the danger of nationalism, excluding or alienating other peo-
ple, is positive for a country. The sense of human dignity and patriotism is deeply rooted
in our culture, which is captured in many patriotic songs.
Furthermore, the Council Fathers at the Second Vatican Council noted that the family
plays an important role in the education of children. In other words, informal education
begins at the knee of the mother, “...Since parents have conferred life on their children,
they have the most solemn obligation to educate their offspring. Hence, parents must
be acknowledged as the first and foremost educators of their children.”225
In reference to the 1961 Education Act’s silence on religion on the school curriculum,
the Council Fathers have expressed a general disapproval for atheism, in whatever form
and wherever it is found, which thrives on the desire for human independence, to the
extent that it rejects any kind of dependence on God. Therefore, when proponents of
this ideology gain governmental power, they vigorously fight against religion and pro-
mote atheism. They aim at achieving their goal by especially educating the youth by
means of propaganda which public power has at its disposal.226 They further define
formal education of the youth as not to produce only men and women of refined talents
but also those “great-souled” persons who are so desperately required by our times.227
225 John Paul II, Apostolic Exhortation, Familiaris Consortio. The Role of the Christian Family in the
Modern World, no. 38. Vatican II, “Dei Verbum: Dogmatic Constitution on the Divine Revelation,” no.
11.
226 John Paul II, Familiaris Consortio, no. 20.
227 Ibid., no. 31.
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Ghana was almost on the verge of atheism under the CPP government at the time of
Bowers. The opponents even described Nkrumah as an atheist.228 What began as a
youth patriotic movement known as the Ghana Young Pioneers became a channel of
government communist ideology, idolising the leader and the political party.
4.3.4 The Role of the Voluntary Agencies
The study has revealed that the roles of voluntary agencies in maintaining and admin-
istering schools was considerable. But this was not achieved without a great sacrifice.
In 1963, there was a debate by the Cabinet on the establishment of private educational
institutions in the country. It was noted that under Section 17 of the Education Act,
1961, a person may not establish and conduct a private institution in the country without
the prior approval of the Minister of Education, but under Section 18 of the same Act,
such person was required, within one month after the date of the establishment of the
institution, to furnish the Chief Education Officer with such information. As the case
may however be, the Minister of Education was empowered by Section 19 of the Act
to close down any private institution which he considered to be dangerous or potentially
dangerous to the physical and moral welfare of the pupils attending it.
However, there was an amendment to include a provision making it an offence for any
person to establish a private institution without the prior approval and consent of the
Minister of Education. The minister and the Attorney General undertook to process the
bill to Parliament.
228 Kwame Botwe-Asamoah, Kwame Nkrumah’s Politico-Cultural Thought and Policies: An African-
Centreed Paradigm for the Second Phase of the African Revolution (New York and London: Routledge,
2005), 1.
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In that connection, Osagyefo, the President, directed that the Minister of Education
should submit to the Cabinet a list of all private educational institutions operating in the
country, together with all particulars of the owners.229
There was an attempt by the government to nationalise all educational institutions in
the country to propagate the CPP’s ideology and eradicate any moral and religious in-
struction of pupils. In spite of that, majority of those agencies, which were mission
societies and churches, including the Catholic Church, continued to play crucial roles
in the educational system. They were organised as ‘educational units’ and were respon-
sible to the government for their educational work, supervised by the Minister of Edu-
cation, and under certain conditions received financial aid. Local authorities took an
increased responsibility for primary and middle schools; some founded schools on their
own initiative and thus were graded as educational unit, but the majority exercised only
administrative control, with some financial participation, and left the running of the
schools to voluntary agencies.
A Central Advisory Committee of Education to advise the minister and the government
on matters of general policy was established. Regional committees of a similar nature
existed in some parts of the country. At the district level, there were the District Edu-
cation committees. The intention of the Accelerated Development Plan was to shift
some of the financing of primary education from the central government to the local
authorities. In principle, local authorities met a fixed percentage of the financing of
229 T. K. Leighton, “Cabinet Meetings held on 20th and 23rd August 1963,” file, GH, PRAAD, G3, 1, 106,
National Archive of Ghana, Accra, Ghana. The first of this meeting was committee to deliberate on the
issue and later, the decision was taken and implemented by the members of Parliament.
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teachers’ salaries and other running costs for primary schools and met the full running
costs of new middle schools.
The Central Government made up the difference in the financing of salary items and
met the difference between local authority salaries and salaries paid to teachers at the
middle schools founded prior to 1952. Apart from those two sources of funding for
education, fee-income was derived from middle schools and was needed to help in pay-
ing the salaries of teachers. In terms of expenditure, both central and local government
funds were paid to the educational units according to established gradations, which de-
pended on the size of the school and the number and qualification of the staff.230 It is
with this concept of education in mind that this study has examined the role of voluntary
agencies in the management of schools.
4.3.5 Summary
In sum, the study has established the fact that for any meaningful national integral hu-
man development to take place, the quality of education is a sine qua non. That was
Bowers’ conviction. Furthermore, the study investigated Catholic education and human
development, the historical overview of education in the Gold Coast, the colonial sys-
tem of education in the Gold Coast and the acceleration of the educational development
plan in Ghana after independence. As the youth formed the majority of the population,
the study examined the patriotism of the Ghana Young Pioneers. Finally, the high de-
mand for education and the government’s inability to meet the demand necessitated the
need for voluntary agents to supplement the efforts of the government and consolidate
the educational sector of the nation.
230 “Voluntary Agencies in Education,” file, GH, PRAAD, G3, 1, 24, National Archives of Ghana, Accra.
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4.4 Bishop Bowers’ View and Contribution to Education in Ghana
In this session, the researcher reviewed some of Bishop Bowers’ letters and memoirs
to evaluate his view and contribution to education in Ghana. It would continue with
some selected interviews with individuals and focus group discussions held among the
students of St Rose’s Senior High School, Pope John Minor Seminary and Senior High
School and the elderly sisters in the Mother House of Handmaids of the Divine Re-
deemer.
4.4.1 Bishop Bowers’ View on Education
A. Letters
Bowers’ pastoral ministry was carried out in a spirit of patriotism and he observed the
guidelines laid down for voluntary agencies. This was evident in a letter he wrote to
thank Mother General Fabiola for providing such witnesses as the Dominican Sisters.
This letter was dated 5th August 1963:
Dear Mother General, I hope you had a pleasant voyage back home, and
that it will not be too long before we have the pleasure of having you visit
us here again. Your coming was a source of great joy and encouragement
for the good Sisters who are doing such fine work at Battor and Akwatia.
We wish, therefore, to make use of this occasion to express our deep grati-
tude for all the Dominican Sisters are doing for us. I expect to be in Ger-
many in the second week of September and will write to say exactly when
I expect to be there, at the end of the month. Before I leave, I would like to
make some preliminary preparations and hence would be grateful for the
following information in regard to the two projects proposed, as soon as
you find it possible. Regarding the Asamankese project [Catechetical Cen-
tre]231, it seems that there will be no difficulty on the part of the authorities.
231 Words in bracket are mine. This is what the study revealed from documented evidence that the project
was meant for a Catechetical Centre for the training of Catechists. However, the project was discontinued
due to financial constraints and personnel. In recent times, however, the project has metamorphosed as
Archbishop Andoh Catechetical Centre at Kordiabe initiated by Sister Solami, a Dominican Sisters. See
“Catechist Training for Non-Government Teachers, file, GH, PRAAD, G3, 3, 64,
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It would be good to have the curriculum vitae, especially of the studies of
the two Sisters proposed, so as to have them approved. The buildings for
this project would cost between 250,000 and 300,000 Deutschmarks. In re-
gard to the African Sisters232, I would like to know by what date the house
should be ready so as to start arrangements before leaving.
With kindest greetings and best prayerful wishes for yourself and Congre-
gation.
In the Charity of Christ,
+Joseph O. Bowers, SVD., DD.
Bishop of Accra
The study surmised from the above letter that a nation’s productive system is by edu-
cation, which is a holistic human formation and transformation by which knowledge is
acquired and faculties and skills developed. In order to meet those needs, Bowers in-
vited the Dominican Sisters to his diocese. His vision for doing so was twofold.
The first was to provide quality education. His choice to involve the Dominican Sisters
was to assure quality education. The order of the Dominicans has a long tradition of
well-established schools and universities all over the world. In view of that, he re-
quested for the curriculum vitae of those sisters. This is in line with the assertion that a
nation produces itself, passing on its characteristics to the next generation of citizens.
In other words, whatever goes into education, and for that matter integral human for-
mation, would be reflected in the end products. In effect, if Bowers was concerned
about the qualification of his future co-workers, then it followed that he would likewise
desire the same for the citizens of Ghana and his African Sisters. Nevertheless, the
National Archives of Ghana, Accra,
232 The study has inferred that Bishop Bowers was referring to the HDR sisters as African Sisters, since
there was no black sisters’ congregation in the country at the time.
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fulfilment of that desire could not be immediate, since his sisters had no sound formal
education; they were semi-literate.
Picture 4.1: Bowers in a meeting with some teachers of a school in the diocese Second,
his vision, according to the letter, was to build a catechetical centre to upgrade the
teacher-catechists of his diocese to enable them to provide adequate formation for the
school pupils entrusted to their care. Later, in 1983, Pope Benedict XVI made a similar
comment in his message on the transmission of divine revelation. He wrote:
About thirty years ago (in the 1950s), when I was trying to write a study on
the ways that revelation was understood in the thirteenth century theology,
I stumbled upon the unexpected fact that in that period it had not occurred
to anyone to characterise the Bible as “revelation”. Nor was the term
“source” applied to it. This is not to say that the Bible was held in less es-
teem then than it is today. Quite the contrary: the respect for it was much
more unconditional, and it was clear that theology, by right, can and should
be nothing other than the interpretation of Scripture. But their concept of
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the harmony between what is written and what is lived out was different
from contemporary notions. Therefore, the term “revelation” was applied
only, on the one hand, to that ineffable act which can never be adequately
expressed in human words, in which God makes himself known to his crea-
ture, and, on the other hand, to that act of reception in which this gracious
condescension of God dawns upon man and becomes revelation. Every-
thing that can be grasped in words, and thus Scripture, too, is then testimony
to that revelation but is not revelation itself.”233
The above observation reflects the situation in the Gold Coast mission and state schools.
As noted in the previous sections, the Bible was often studied as a textbook, with ex-
aminations being conducted and marks awarded to students. That crisis of faith deep-
ened when the Bible was taught as a subject and sometimes even wrongly interpreted.
For example, the CPP interpreted verses in the Scriptures as its political ideology and
manifesto, which appealed to majority of the citizenry. But the initial freshness of that
new approach, which dealt directly with the Bible, did not last very long.
In his encyclical, Rerum Novarum, Pope Leo XIII (1891) laid the foundation for Cath-
olic social teaching. The encyclical became the Magna Carta of contemporary social
teachings of the church. In it, the Pope examined and analysed the social situation and
rejected both the socialist and the laissez-faire approaches to organising society and he
pointed out the responsibilities of all, especially political leaders in the defence of the
dignity and value of the human person.234
This teaching of the Church was to emphasise the church’s perception of the human
person as being created in the image of God. So, the church evaluates any new govern-
mental policy as to whether or not it improves or threatens human dignity. Therefore,
233 Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger, Handing on the Faith in an Age of Disbelief (Rome: Libreria Editrice
Vaticana, 1983), 29.
234 Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, no. 3.
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human dignity has become the bedrock of the church’s social teachings. In effect, the
social teachings are solutions to a set of social problems which examine the way we
live, or a set of indicators suggesting the way forward.235
It is in the spirit of the social teachings that when Bowers attended a Eucharistic Con-
gress in Munich, Germany in 1955, he began searching for missionaries to work with
him. Fortunately, it happened that the SVD community in which he resided there had a
priest called Gerhards, who accompanied him to the Mother House of the Dominican
Sisters at Speyer. That was followed by a series of correspondence. In one of his re-
sponses to the Mother General on the feast of Blessed Martin de Porres in 1955, he
wrote:
Dear Mother General, since your letter arrived, I have been on a long jour-
ney, which included a visit to my confrères in the Belgian Congo,236 and an
extensive visitation of my own Diocese. It is only last week I have been
able to get down to the task of answering my accumulated correspondence.
The news about Sister Hedwig237 is naturally a very great blow, since final
arrangements have been made for the school and clinic, so we shall now
have to get on in the best way we can. By special arrangement with the
Congregation of Rites, the Apostolic See has graciously granted permission
for the Diocese of Accra to celebrate the Feast of Blessed Martin (sic de)
Porres, which is today November 5th. He is very popular here and I hope
that by his intercession Divine Providence will furnish the means and per-
sonnel, which we so greatly need for extending His Kingdom here in the
Gold Coast.
With prayerful best wishes. In the Charity of Christ
+ Joseph O. Bowers S.V.D.
Bishop of Accra
235 Ibid.
236 This country is in Central Africa and has adapted the present name, Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC) in 1964 and gained independence in 1960 from the Belgium colony.
237 This Sister was diagnosed with cancer when she went to the America in preparation to embark for
the Gold Coast.
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The above letter is a testimony to Bowers’ resilient faith and strong devotion, trust and
faith in the intercessory role of the saints for the success of any pastoral ministry. Bow-
ers relied on divine providence to provide the resources needed to build his diocese.
Although in principle the Mother General had agreed to send the Sisters, it became
necessary that they were orientated and trained to take up the appointment. Neverthe-
less, Bowers did not give up hope.
Five years later, on May 23rd, 1960, Bowers wrote again to the Mother General to show
his appreciation for the work the Sisters were accomplishing:
Greetings from Ghana and from all your Sisters who are all safe and sound
happy and healthy. It was indeed a source of great joy to everyone, that after
the delays and difficulties, we finally have our Sisters with us, and we thank
our good Lord and His Blessed Mother who has brought all things to a
happy conclusion. Our sincerest thanks to you also, Mother General, for
your continued generosity in assisting us so cheerfully, both with spiritual
and material means for bringing true Faith to our people here in Ghana. We
are now waiting for the doctor, and on his arrival, there would be a solemn
inauguration of the work in Akwatia. But after a brief visit to the scene of
their future labours, Mother Superior will undoubtedly introduce them for
a while to their second motherhouse at Battor. It is always a source of edifi-
cation for me to see how completely at home the Sisters have made them-
selves in such a primitive little village like Battor. God will abundantly
bless their labours and sacrifices in his own good time. Right now, we have
with us Schult-Koster who arrived a couple of days ago. He has come to
put up the bells, which we got from Germany, and at the ceremony of the
pouring of the metal for these bells to the liturgical worship of the Holy
Trinity on whose feast we hope to have them consecrated. They will also
assist our not very punctual faithful to come to mass on time! You may be
assured that we will pray very earnestly on the Feast of Pentecost that God
might bestow an abundance of His grace on you and your community, and
that He may inspire many to join your community in blessing for your char-
ity to our little mission.
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With my blessing
In the Charity of Christ
+ Joseph O. Bowers S.V.D., D.D.
The willingness of the sisters to assist Bishop Bowers was displayed in a spirit of Social
Teachings of the Church; the inalienable dignity of the human person is that he or she
is sacred because, at creation, God gave humans transcendental dignity.238
In other words, all that the Church teaches, does and undertakes must be oriented to-
wards the fulfilment of the human person and the humanisation of the world. Also, the
Church does not consider the human person as an isolated being or an individual, but
as a human person called to live in society. It is by nature that a human person is a social
being.239 He or she needs others for his or her growth and full realisation of potential.
Consequently, the human person is a being in dialogue with himself or herself, with
others, with creation and with God. This dialogue, especially with others, is carried out
with respect for differences and must aim at collaboration “as a suitable method for
finding a solution to the problems through pragmatic and operative agreements.”240
Throughout the centuries, the Church, guided by the light of the Gospel, has drawn up
a body of principles of teaching and action based on the principle that what it teaches
can help in solving some of our problems, at least in shedding new light on them in
order to construct a just society, a civilisation of love, respecting the dignity and rights
of each person. In doing this, the Church does not want to be the sole player but make
a contribution founded on authentic anthropology and on the understanding that it has
238 With this basic truth about the human person. Pope Saint John Paul II has said, “Man is the primary
route that the Church must travel in fulfilling her mission, he is the primary and fundamental way for the
Church.”
239 John Paul, Catechism of the Catholic Church, n. 18
240 See, The Pontifical Council for the Family, The Truth and Meaning of Human Sexuality: Guidelines
for Education within the Family (Bombay: Pauline Publications, 1998), 56. 244 John XXIII, Mother and
Teacher: Mater et Magistra, n. 16 &17.
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of the realities of the world. So, Pope John XXIII affirmed: “No practical solution of
this question will be found apart from the intervention of Religion of the Church.”244
Inferring from its understanding of the human person, the Second Vatican Council has
described the Church as “an expert of humanity” that the Church offers by its teaching,
“a set of principles for reflection and criteria for judgement and also directives for ac-
tion, so that the profound changes demanded by situations of poverty and injustice may
be brought about and in this way serve the true good of humanity.”241 Practically, the
study wishes to reiterate what has already been cited. The Pope has observed that the
educational challenge of Africans is immense.242
Furthermore, John Paul continued that faced with the challenges that the Universal
Church and society in its totality ought to solve, we sometimes feel helpless and without
adequate means. Yes, human reason is not enough to clarify all our human situations,
especially where profound questions are asked about the meaning of our existence in
the world. We need light to identify our areas of responsibility in fighting what the Pope
referred to as “Zones of misery.”243
It was the inspiration of the Holy Spirit and the study of social teachings that Bowers
sought for enlightenment and was able to identify his responsibility towards the poor.
The fruit of his effort was the new happy community life of the Sisters. On June 27,
1960, he wrote to the Mother General to express his appreciation for the sacrifices of
her Sisters,
241 Vatican II, “Declaration on Religious Liberty Dignitatis Humanae,” no. 6.
242 John Paul II, Apostolic Letter, Tertio Millennio Adverniente (Vatican City: Libreria Editice Vaticana)
no. 51.
243 John Paul II, Redemptor Hominis, no. 16.
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Dear Mother General, the feast of the Sacred Heart was indeed a fitting day
for the blessing of the Convent of your new community in Akwatia. For it
is the love and charity of your Sisters to our people in Africa alone which
could have moved your Congregation to make so many and so great sacri-
fices for the spread of the Faith and the exercise of the corporal works of
mercy. You may be sure we are very grateful to Divine Providence for the
gift of your Sisters who edify all by their cheerful charity and industry. At
your next visit which I hope will be quite soon, I think you will be pleased
to see how homelike Mother Victricia has made the Convent at Akwatia.
The new Sisters are well and seem quite at home, and Doctor Hoheneck
will soon be getting down to work. He already has many friends and col-
leagues in Africa.
May I thank you for the nice new chalice; I have already said Mass with it
for your special intentions.
Asking God’s blessing upon you and your community, I remain.
In the Charity of Christ
+ Joseph O. Bowers, SVD. DD.
Bishop of Accra
As it is self-evident, Bishop Bowers was full of appreciation for the way the Sisters had
embraced poverty for love of God. In writing the letter, Bowers mentioned by name
those who had contributed to the foundation of the school and health care, so that pos-
terity would remember them and pray for them.
Also, Bowers expressed the concern of the Catholic Church for the family in his letter
to the Mother General dated September 21, 1961, which was entitled, “Proposed Sec-
ondary Girls’ School of the Diocese of Accra:”
Dear Mother General, I wish to give my most urgent recommendation to
this project as opportunities for Catholic education are getting fewer and
fewer and may soon cease altogether. We cannot have good Catholic fami-
lies without well-trained mothers, hence our fervent prayers for the success
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of this project. If another formal recommendation is needed, I will be only
too glad to write it as soon as I am informed how it is to be addressed.
In the Charity of Christ
+ Joseph O. Bowers S.V.D., D.D.
Bishop of Accra
B. Interviews and Focus Group Discussions
Having looked at Bishop Bowers’ correspondences, the study would like to examine
some of the interviews and focus group discussions. In an interview, Fr. Samuel Batsa,
in the narrative below, highlighted the following points about Bowers. First, he outlined
the similarities and dissimilarities between Bishop Bowers’ new Diocese in the Domi-
nica and that of the Accra Diocese. Commenting on the demography of Bishop Bowers’
new diocese in terms of population and race, he surmised that although the Whites were
the dominant race because Dominica was still under colonial rule, he noticed that Bow-
ers’ ecclesiastical territory was largely populated by people of African descent. He
pointed out that basically they were farmers and exhibited all the characteristics of the
Ghanaian farmer, except that they did not carry their loads on their heads, as was done
in Ghana, hence, he said, “it tells you that these are our own people who were taken
away from us some years ago”.244 So Bowers did not have to explain anything to them
and that was his intention to learn lessons by themselves, that he was selfless and it was
the love of Ghanaians that guided his pastoral ministry.
Coming from such a background, Bowers understood the rural dwelling setting better.
Thus, when he encountered poor people, he understood their plight and willingly helped
them. Peter, one of those who benefited from Bowers, recounted his encounter with
244 Rev. Fr. Samuel Batsa, interview granted the researcher, 21-10-2017.
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Bowers: “I was born and bred in the village of Yilo Koyere in the Eastern Region of
Ghana, where I grew up. I got to know Fr Bowers before he became a bishop.”245. As
was the practice in those days, the children who served at Holy Mass carried the luggage
of any visiting priest on their heads after mass and walked to Onyamakyere, where they
parted company and returned to their village. It was then the turn of the next village
boys and girls to do likewise. That was the routine which brought him closer to Fathers
Bowers and Washington. By closeness, he was referring to the closeness to the catechist
who acted as an intermediary between the missionary priests and the faithful. This study
can only deduce from the intermediary role of the Catechist that there was either lan-
guage barrier or age gap between the youth and the Priests.
Again, Peter has attested to the fact that he attended primary school at Korledor and
continued to Osonson for his middle school. He was at Osonson Form Two when, to-
gether with another boy called Oware246 of blessed memory, he sat for the Common
Entrance-Examination, passed and gained admission to St Augustine’s College in Cape
Coast. That feat was historical, as that was the first time a student from Upper
Krobo had qualified to secondary school. In reality, he said, “we the candidates had no
idea what secondary school was all about.”247 He continued: “We set off to St Augus-
tine’s with a half scholarship award, but as my father could not afford to pay the bal-
ance, I was to discontinue. However, providentially, I was awarded Cocoa Marketing
245 Peter Osaman Sackey, retired from Ghana Water and Sewage Company as chief executive officer of
Sanitation Agency in 2000, Interview granted the researcher, November 20, 2017 at the Holy Spirit Ca-
thedral, Adabraka, Accra, Ghana.
246 Seth Oware, has passed on, as the study revealed from Peter’s narrations.
247 Sackey, interview granted the researcher.
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Board scholarship to continue”.248252 With that scholarship, he managed to complete
Form Five.
Unfortunately, on the last day of his Ordinary Level examinations (Secondary), his fa-
ther died. Although a telegram was sent, the school administration hid it from him. On
the day of his final papers, however, he was given the telegram, with the instruction to
come directly to the village, Koyere, and not stop at Somanya, as was his normal prac-
tice, for a day or two. He suspected his father wanted him urgently to help him on his
farm. At Somanya, the bad news of the death of his father was broken to him. The news
completely devastated him.
Later, he received his admission letter to continue with his sixth form at the same
school. He had no source of funding because he was not able to save much, as he had
worked for only one month. Thus, he had no money and was in dilemma as to what to
do. His mother and siblings were of the view that five years of college education was
more than enough for a village boy like him and so he must continue with his teaching
appointment.
However, his strong desire to further his education urged him on to search for help. He
learnt of the scheduled pastoral visit of Bishop Bowers to the village. After the pastoral
visit, he consulted with Opare, the Catechist, and pleaded with him to lead him to the
Bishop to plead on his behalf. Instead, Opare encouraged him to do so personally. He
was disappointed at his response.
Nevertheless, he mustered courage, and after Holy Mass went to see Bowers in a small
room that served as a Sacristy. With his trembling little hands, he knocked faintly on
248 Sackey, interview granted the researcher.
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the door and Bowers immediately invited him in. When he went in, he knelt down but
the Bishop held him up gently. He told Bowers he had a problem, that he came from
Koyere and was a student at St. Augustine’s College, but he had lost his father, who
was the breadwinner, but he had gained admission to the sixth form. The Bishop was
surprised that a boy from Koyere was a student at St Augustine’s College, so he dipped
his hand into his pocket and gave him four pounds (£4) and asked him to pay him a
visit at the Cathedral in Accra when on holidays. Peter added that that was what had
made him what he had become today. The study deduced from Peter’s sacred tale that
Bowers was not only a man of faith but also a man who loved needy children.
Contrary to the views expressed by some Western missionaries,249 many Sister congre-
gations working in Accra during the tenure of office of Bowers had complained of his
reluctance to grant permission to African Sisters to start their congregations.
But, according to Sister Miguela, “We (sic Dominican Sisters) supported the HDR Sis-
ters in many ways, hoping that they would take over the administration of the school.”
She continued: “Some sisters worked with us before we left. But the Congregation did
not have enough for both hospitals and school to take over the administration. We were
also not given permission to promote vocation to our congregation. But we are grateful
that some sisters are in both hospitals and at St. Rose’s Senior High School.”250
249 “The Missionary Activity of the Church,” eds. Francis G. Morrisey, Gerard Sheehy, Ralph Brown,
Donal Kelly and Aidan McGrath, The Canon Law: Letter & Spirit (London: Geofrey Chapman, 1995):
According Can. 786 Although missionary activity of the Church cannot be totally separated from its
ordinary duty of pastoral care, it is a specific activity with special aims: It means preaching the Gospel
to non-Christians and building up the newly founded Churches until they are fully established and stand
on their own.
250Miguela Keller, e-mail message to the researcher on Saturday, April 8 2017.
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In respect of the above claim, the study cross-examined some interviewees in a focus
group discussion on the claims of the Dominican sisters. It was discovered that some
of them spent the greater part of their religious lives with the Dominican sisters, prob-
ably to understudy them in view of Bishop Bowers’ vision of his African Sisters to
continue the apostolate of the Dominicans. These are their stories below.251
On their contribution to the discussion as to whether Bowers intended the HDRs to take
over, it was revealed that Bishop Bowers envisaged the Dominicans would not be per-
manent in Ghana. Therefore, he invited them to establish the school and the hospital so
that when their time of departure was due, they could take over from them. Sisters Pa-
tricia Anne and Charles claimed they were the first to go to Battor and understudy them.
Sr. Patricia was to teach in the local authority school because she was a trained teacher.
But it did not work out because of human weakness, and as human beings, we are ego-
istic and difficult to deal with. They were not willing to hand over. According to one of
the Sisters, “I stayed there 11 years and six months. It was my longest appointment.
However, I enjoyed staying with the Dominican Sisters. I accepted the fact I was not
the one in charge and so we worked peacefully.”
Also, the study has discovered that “Bowers recruited girls or candidates who did not
have the basic education qualification like secondary school.” This allegation led to the
interview of two of the early recruits and below are their sacred stories:
I was called Martina Adams before my admission to the convent. As a re-
quirement, I had to change it to Theresa Mary. I entered the congregation
about the year 1954. The convent was started in Accra at the Red House,
251Patricia Anne and Charles Sesenyor-Quarshie, HDR sisters who were co-workers with the Do-
minican Sisters at the hospitals and schools; interview granted the researcher, 13 November 2017,
Agomanya.
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where the Holy Spirit Cathedral Fathers’ residence is presently situated now
at Adabraka. The convent started at Korle Gonno with the Sisters of the
Holy Spirit at St Mary, Korle Gonno. But I joined them in the Red House.
My background before I was admitted to the convent was that I lived with
my uncle called Asifie, and his wife. As a teenager of marriageable age, I
had no boyfriend because it was my intention to be a nun. I was the ‘main
person’ in my uncle’s house; I took care of their children, did the shopping
and prepared the meals, etc. I was more or less the maid. I kept and nurtured
the secret desire of my vocation. That was my greatest worry in life.
My handicap in the English language was my low self-esteem; I was well
dressed, with good shoes, good looking. When my mates saw me, they
thought I was their new young English mistress.
The second narrated: My name is Anna Ama Djagley. When I entered the
convent, Bowers explained that a new name had to be given us hence, I was
given the name Fidelis. I am now known as Sr Mary Fidelis. Before a name
was given, you were given three names. Among the three names Magda-
lene, Fidelis and Theresa, I chose Fidelis. Before I entered the convent, I
did not have any education because I lost my father very early in life.
The above narratives give us an indication into the general state of high rate of illiteracy
in the country and the Church. That was one of the challenges to the government’s
policy of Africanisation. Though those who criticised Bowers that he did not allow
other congregations to compete for African vocation to the priesthood and religious life
might have a point, we must know that he was working within the confines of govern-
ment policy on Africanisation at the time.
Yet, the policy of Africanisation had some teething problems. It was faced with short-
age of trained and qualified Africans for immediate appointment to fill vacant positions
in the public service. That problem prevented the commission from laying down defi-
nite timetables for the progressive Africanisation of government departments and re-
flected itself in several ways in the Church.
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Again, the investigation led to another interview with specific reference to POJOSS. To
validate documented evidence on the acquisition of land for the POJOSS project, one of
the old indigenous Diocesan Priests who worked with Bishop Bowers on that project
was interviewed.252 He affirmed that it was Bowers who founded POJOSS in January
1955 but he only had the SVDs to work with, so he, more or less, entrusted the school
to them.
In perspective, the interviewee said: “He founded it to be more of a minor seminary
than a secondary school.” Again, he said: “I do not know whether it was a fable or a
true story that the indigenes asked him for a secondary school. But to start with, only
the seminarians were boarders and the others were day students.”258 Later, due to the
small number of seminarians, the day students who were subsequently added aug-
mented the number of students. Asked about documented evidence that the chief, elders
and the people of Effiduase offered the land for secondary school and not for seminary,
he apologised for his earlier claim that the land was earmarked solely for a minor sem-
inary.
One of our witnesses253 has disclosed that Bowers was emphatic not to allow the SVDs
to campaign or look for vocation to the priesthood among the seminarians at POJOSS.
He said Bowers had to do that to protect the Diocesan Seminarians from unnecessary
competition from their SVD counterparts.
The study conducted interviews to verify some of the assertions above. Our interviewee
said that first, it was Bishop Bowers’ vision that the HDRs were founded to train other
252 Fr. Samuel Batsa, interview granted the researcher, 31 October 2017.
258 Ibid.
253 Fr. Samuel Batsa, interview granted the researcher, 31 October 2017.
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women to be spiritual and good spouses in their future homes. Second, it was his vision
for them to teach and spread the Word of God by their work among the needy, poor and
mostly young girls at the St Anne Vocational School and in Ghana.254 That vision could
only be realised by a witness of life and not only by word of mouth. This study surmised
from the interviewees that it was for the spreading of the Word of God by means of
evangelisation of the family that Bowers established the St Anne
Vocational School at Nuaso. She concluded: “I would be able to influence the lives of
the women I come into contact with by word and deed.”255 This investigation led us to
Osei, an ex-student who is happily married with children and is a devout, hardworking
and successful businesswoman. Some of her narrations are published below:
I was admitted to St Anne in 1968 and completed in 1972. Dancing and
acting were my hobbies as a student. On one occasion Bowers attended one
of the functions, as was his routine. On that occasion, I acted as Jacob in
the play entitled: ‘Jacob and his sons’. After that, Bishop Bowers became
fond of me. After the play, he gave me a cookery book and a cookie cutter
as a gift. We became friends. Soon after that, he was transferred but later
paid a visit to Ghana and came all the way to Agona Swedru to pay a cour-
tesy call on my parents, whom he knew very well at Kukurantumi, and to
honour a sick call as he heard of my sickness. We continued to exchange
letters after he had returned home. I know for a fact that he gave scholar-
ships to many students in St Anne.256
Although our interviewee did not admit she benefited as a needy student, as her parents
could afford her fees, she confessed that she attended St Anne because her father had
254 Sr. Charles Sesenyo Quarshie is an HDR Sister who works at Our Lady of Fatima Basic School,
Nuaso; interview granted the researcher, 13 November 2017, Nuaso.
255 Sr. Charles Sesenyo Quarshie is an HDR Sister who works at Our Lady of Fatima Basic School,
Nuaso; interview granted the researcher, 13 November 2017, Nuaso
256 Marian Osei (Neé Dokye is a businesswoman); interview granted the researcher, November 27, 2018
at the Holy Spirit Cathedral, Adabraka.
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too many children. Nevertheless, she regretted not attending a secondary school. Mean-
while, she admitted that she had benefited tremendously from the institute by way of
her spiritual life, especially the intercession of St Anne for a good husband. Also, the
discipline in the institute had imbued in her love for hard work, devotion to her husband
and family and, above all, comportment in public. To her credit, she manufactured the
scarfs used on the occasion of the recent 125th anniversary of the Archdiocese of Accra
on 25th November 2018.
Again, Amenuve, a teenage girl who was about 14 years in 1968, was one of the girls
who were endearing to Bowers. She attended the St Martin de Porres Senior High
School at Adoagyiri, Nsawam.
In an interview, she attested: “Bowers’ intention was first to have the girls at Adoagyiri
highly trained.257 Secondly, it was for the indirect evangelisation of their parents, most
of whom were unbelievers. He was of the assumption that if the girl child received good
Catholic education, she would serve as a living witness to the Catholic faith by having
faith in God258 and that would augment the membership of the St Joseph’s Catholic
Church at Adoagyiri.”
She continued: “It was one of my father’s desires that I receive training from the reli-
gious sisters. Fortunately, they readily accepted me. Bowers was by that time a priest
who paid regular visits to the convent.”265
257 Nancy Afi Amenuve (Neé Kalitse is retired headmistress of Fatima school and later transferred to
Accra); Interview granted the researcher, November 28, 2018 at her residence in Tema, Community one,
Ghana.
258 Ibid.
265 Ibid.
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This is an affirmation of the teaching on the freedom to receive religious assistance
wherever it is found, especially in schools and other places: “Also, the citizens must
have the freedom to proclaim and communicate the teachings on faith; to carry on ed-
ucational, humanitarian and social activities aimed at putting into practice the religious
commandment of love of neighbour, especially of the most deprived.”259
Amenuve disclosed that when she disclosed to Bowers her future vocation, he encour-
aged her and asked her to speak with Sister Virginia. She added that Bishop Bowers
made mention of his intention to build a girls’ school. Again, he wanted to know of
“my future ambition in life and I told him I wanted to become a nurse. He did not object
to it but explained to me that my comportment and general behaviour depicted more a
teacher than nurse”.260 She was not happy with his remarks. He explained that he would
like that “I train at the teacher training college to qualify as a teacher to help him with
the girls’ school he intended to establish.”261
After her Standard Seven education, Amenuve was asked to help at the Sisters’ Convent
and she was assigned to the primary school. “On one occasion, Sister Benedict also
commented that she had observed in my class at the primary school that I have the gift
of teaching and informed Bowers, accordingly. As a result, Bowers asked me to sit for
the examination to the teacher training college and I did.”262
259 The Pontifical Council for the Family, The Truth and meaning of Human Sexuality, no. 23.
260 Amenuve, interview granted the researcher, 29 December 2017 at Community one Tema, Ghana.
261 Ibid
262 Ibid.
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While she was at Nkawkaw, the results were released, and the news was broken to her
that she was the only candidate among the girls who had passed. “We were 11 girls
who sat for the Standard Seven examination,” she said.263
Amenuve went on that as it was Bowers’ desire that “I head one of the schools he has
founded, I continued to live with the sisters and entered the boys’ school with the boys
as my mates.”264 Later, she clarified that nine other girls joined her.
“I was the only person who passed the examination. I was very happy because the
Bishop encouraged and blessed me and said to me: ‘You will be successful’ and that
prophecy was fulfilled because I was successful,” she noted.265
“He later expressed his happiness and said to me: ‘You will be one of the teachers to
head the schools’,” she added.266
Surprisingly, many of our interviewees had similar stories like Amenuve’s. While he
was promoting the youth to take up the teaching profession, Bowers was also exchang-
ing letters with the Dominican Sisters for teaching staff and infrastructure for schools
in the Accra Diocese.
This study interviewed a neutral person for his views on the pioneers of the St Paul’s
Technical Institute, Kukurantumi, on certificates awarded by the school. Fr Dugay,
SVD, an interviewee, disclosed that he was on an official assignment in Tema in the
1960s and met with one of the pioneer products of St Paul’s. He said through
263 Amenuve, interview granted the researcher, 29 December 2017 at Community one Tema, Ghana.
264 Ibid.
265 Ibid.
266 Ibid. Anthony Dugay, SVD, retired and resides at McCarthy Hill; he is an African American and close
associate of Bishop Bowers. Interview granted the researcher, 5-06-2018. See “Progress on Report:
Technical Education” file, GH, PRAAD, RG3, 4, 21, National Archives of Ghana, Accra.
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conversation, he learnt that the young man was gainfully employed in one of the facto-
ries with his diploma from the institute and was fulfilled and content because what he
had learnt was very relevant to the work he was assigned by his employers.274
Basically, the Nyasunu sisters have observed that Bowers always perceived the positive
virtues in everyone. 267 This is evident in the narratives of the witnesses who had per-
sonal encounters with him: “He does not pretend to act as a bishop but genuinely pre-
sents himself as a person.”268 This observation stems from the way he communicated
with them when they paid him visits. He was genuinely interested in them as human
beings who had come to him and he listened to them with rapt attention. “Whatever you
had to say, he always presented the positive view, not out of lack of interest in your
conversation but because he was interested in your physical, as well as your spiritual,
problems,” they asserted.269
This section has delineated Bishop Bowers’ views on education. The study has dis-
cussed his concern for the holistic or integral human development. In this respect, he
consciously identified and brought out the hidden potential in any person he encoun-
tered. At the same time, he courageously corrected any deviant behaviour that caught
his attention.
4.4.2 Bishop Bowers’ Contribution to Education
The problems concerning the educational needs of the Catholic Diocese of Accra that
confronted Bishop Bowers at the beginning of his pastoral ministry were enormous.
267 Hannah and Alberta Nyasunu, children of Nyasunu who served as secretary to Bishop Bowers and
Archbishop Dominic Kwadjo Andoh for some time. He was a layman; Interview granted the researcher.
Focus group discussion; December 12, 2017.
268 Hannah and Alberta; Interview granted the researcher, 12 August 2018.
269 Ibid.
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Firstly, the products of secondary schools in the country had, for a long time, been
inadequate to meet all the demands made on them. The products were needed in the
Civil Service, the teaching profession, commerce and institutions of higher education.
The long-term solution was the establishment of more secondary schools and the im-
provement of existing non-assisted secondary schools. The training of those who had
graduated from secondary school was necessary to ensure their maximum use.
Secondly, the few facilities and teaching materials for technical education at all levels
were awfully inadequate for instructing students. That was the most serious problem
which had to be contended with. There was, however, no easy and short-term solution
or method to overcome that difficulty.
Also, the output of graduates and professionals had been low. Unfortunately, it took a
longer time to train a graduate, doctor or engineer.270 Since the diocese lacked profes-
sional priests and religious practitioners in the teaching field, there was the need to
promote more vocation to the priesthood and religious life among Africans in the Dio-
cese of Accra. To achieve that would require the development of the human resource
through quality Catholic education.
270 “Africanisation of the Gold Coast Public Service, Public Relation Department, 1951: A Summary
Based on the Progress by the Commission for Africanisation,” file, n. ADM 5, 3, 821-3, National Ar-
chives of Ghana, Accra.
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A. Caring for Poor and Needy Children
In the interviews so far, one recurrent theme had been Bowers’ promotion of Catholic
education and love for needy, brilliant children. The cost of living in those days was
very high and the poor were the miserable people who, though burdened with much
work, could not sustain themselves financially. They had no access to any scientific
method of farming. As a result, many farmers remained poor. If they succeeded to have
bumper harvests, they were faced with how to transport the produce to the market. Gen-
erally, almost all who lived in rural farming communities in the Gold Coast experienced
poverty. The misery of poverty tightened like a noose around the necks of most dwellers
of farming communities. It was in the light of the plight of the poor that Bowers opted
to work among the poor peasant farmers in the rural areas of the Gold Coast.
So far, we have examined education in the colonial era and contextualised Bowers’
pastoral ministry and the experiences some of the youth had with him. His encounter
with the youth and his family background gave him an insight into their potential and
the fact that given the chance, they would excel. Yet, there were few Catholic schools.
Additionally, his love for children was attested to by one eyewitness, who said: “I knew
Bowers as a child when we went to play in the Bishop’s garden at the Holy Spirit Ca-
thedral.”271
271 Elizabeth Bulley, until her retirement recently, she had been the secretary in the Cathedral Parish of
the Holy Spirit Cathedral during the tenure of office of Bowers and Andoh. She served under many
priests appointed as Cathedral Administrators; Interview granted the researcher, December 04, 2017 at
her residence at Adabraka.
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According to this witness, Bowers welcomed every child, despite his busy schedule.
While they were in his company, he gave each of them a balloon to inflate and the first
child who succeeded in inflating hers or his till it burst was rewarded with a gift.
“Aku, who was the Bishop’s pet, brought the gift from the fridge in the parlour. That
way, he was able to identify some of us and sometimes he paid surprise visits to our
homes. Through those visits, he found out who the needy children were. He also iden-
tified whether the children attended good schools or were undergoing good parenting
or not. For example, he educated Ashe, who later became his secretary, and others like
Awune, Aku and Osei,272 to mention but a few. He educated many people at the Nuaso
Vocational Institute to become seamstresses, fashion designers, etc. He loved children
and always supported them,” she added.
Another interviewee had testified to Bowers’ love for children: “On holidays, I helped
out at the clinic, where I earned some pocket money for school. Bowers as a routine
came to Agomanya every Wednesday with a supply of my needs”. 273 This interview is
an expression of the fact that Bowers did not limit his concern for the girl-child to the
confines of the Parish.
One of Bowers’ spiritual children observed: “Bowers had a special interest in me. I
was very special in his mind and I knew that.”274 She added that she did not know the
272 Teresa Aku is caterer who educated at St. Anne’s Vocational Institute and a beneficiary of Bowers’s
scholarship. Christian Ashe served under Bishops Bowers and Andoh as secretary, Jeannette Afi Awume
and Marian Osei were spiritual daughters of Bowers like the rest of the women. Both of them are on
retirement. While Awume was a secretary at FAO, Osei was a businesswoman. I Interview granted the
researcher, 28-11-2018.
273 Aku, previously mentioned, as one of the beloved spiritual children of Bishop Bowers, Interview
granted the researcher, 13th November 2017 at Agomanya.
274 This interview was conducted in confidentiality. The name of the interviewee is withheld by mutual
agreement (we use the pseudo name ‘Debit’ for identification). Interview granted the researcher, Decem-
ber 15, 2017 in Tema, Ghana.
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reason for his special love for her but said: “I can only conjecture that I resembled
somebody in his family. Nevertheless, I noticed he had the same attitude towards all
the people he extended scholarships to.”275
It was her grandfather who had formally introduced her (Debit) to Bowers when she
was mature enough to engage him in meaningful conversation. That was when she be-
came a student at St Mary’s Elementary School, Korle Gonno.
Accordingly, Debit said, Bowers offered her a scholarship to secondary school when
he became a Bishop. Bowers was interested in her future career and wanted to know
her ambition in life. She disclosed to him that she would like to take up dentistry and
he extended her scholarship to cover her entire course.
Nevertheless, Bowers did not love children at the expense of discipline. That was dis-
closed by this same interviewee:
Accidentally, his offer of scholarship to cover my education did not go
through. The reason for the withdrawal of the scholarship can be attributed
to the jealousy of the sisters. When I was in secondary form three, I had a
friend who wrote a letter to me from St Louis Secondary School in Kumasi
about some bad experiences she was going through and wanted to know my
opinion on the issue. In short, she said she had been beaten up by her boy-
friend.276
She continued:
I advised her that secondary education was a licence to life and so she
should be serious with her education and stop chasing men.277 I also told
her to tell him that if he drank beer, his belly would be like Bishop
275 This interview was conducted in confidentiality. The name of the interviewee is withheld by mutual
agreement. Interview granted the researcher, December 15, 2017 in Tema, Ghana.
276 Ibid.
277 Ibid.
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Bowers’.278 Unfortunately, the letter got into the possession of the sisters,
who showed it to Bowers. He became so angry with me and immediately I
was dismissed from the school. I packed bag and baggage and went to his
place of residence. When I rang his doorbell, that time I received no re-
sponse.
She said she went to see Monsignor Vanderpuje279 to be her arbiter. He in turn encour-
aged her to go and press the doorbell, since she was his friend. “I felt he had informed
him I was around, so I confidently pressed the doorbell and waited, only to be saddened
by a long silence. I must confess, the bishop broke my heart,” she said.280 At last, he
came and stood at the balcony and addressed her: “Go and help your grandmother and
grandfather at home.”281
In the interviews so far, the study has revealed two characters: Peter, who represents
the rural youth, and Debit, who represents the city youth. The contrast between these
rural and city dwellers is in their appreciation of Bowers’ benevolence to the award of
scholarships. Peter was very humble and grateful for the opportunity given to him to
further his education. Debit, on the other hand, was complacent and very careless and
lost the chance.
However, in a focus group discussion, many expressed the opinion that her punishment
was too drastic. She could have been helped to reform. Nonetheless, the two achieved
their aims in life. Peter qualified as an engineer and Debit a dentist.
278 This interview was conducted in confidentiality. The name of the interviewee is withheld by mutual
agreement. Interview granted the researcher, December 15, 2017 in Tema, Ghana.
279 Rev. Msgr. Samuel Washington Vanderpuje was a priest of Accra diocese. Born 1828 and died 27 th
May 1976 at Ridge Hospital Accra.
280 This interview was conducted in confidentiality, name of interviewee is withheld by mutual agree-
ment. Interview granted the researcher; December 15, 2017 at Tema, Ghana.
281 Ibid.
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Although Bowers seemed withdrawn, as was observed by witnesses, he was very atten-
tive to everything, offering fraternal and charitable service. He visited the homes of
children to find ways to improve their lives and learn at first-hand about their needs,
such as food or clothing. “Sometimes on seeing the clothes the poor children wore, he
asked the bursar to give them the best clothes or what they needed,” 282 one witness
said.
Once he was on a pastoral visit in a village and noticed a poor child who had come to
church in tattered clothes at Asutuare. Bowers entrusted the child to a goldsmith called
Wayo,283 who was his middleman in cases such as that. He took care of all the boy’s
expenses till he completed school. There were many such cases in many of the villages
he paid visits to.284
Another witness said: “Bowers loved all, but his love for children was extraordinary.
On Christmas Day when I [Theresa] baked cake for him, he preferred to share it among
them. He was always amused when he saw children at play and eating. He also loved
to watch children stage a drama.”285
A. Founding of Schools
Under this session, the study discusses the founding of the six schools and the Congre-
gation of the Handmaid of the Divine Redeemer of Accra by Bishop Bowers.
It considers their origin up to their present state.
282 Bully, interview granted the researcher, December 04, 2017.
283 The goldsmith’ name is Tey Wayo of Asutuare.
284 Nana Laboki I, Asutuare Manye, the Queenmother of Asutuare; Interview granted the researcher De-
cember 11, 2017.
285 Sister Theresa Adams, HDRs, is currently on retirement and resides at the Old Sister’s home at the
mother house, Agomanya. Interview granted the researcher, December 11, 2017.
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i. Pope John Minor Seminary and Senior High School (POJOSS) Koforidua
As a new Bishop, with many White missionaries but fewer indigenous Diocesan Priests,
Bowers needed indigenous Diocesan Priests to collaborate with him in his pastoral min-
istry.286 Accordingly, his maiden pastoral visit to the New Juaben Traditional Area was
on 8th November 1953. It was there that the Chief of Effiduase (Effiduasehene), who is
the Nifahene of the New Juaben Traditional Area,287 and his elders donated a parcel of
land and launched an appeal to him for a secondary school.
In response to their request, Bowers established the St. John Seminary and College.288
The name was later changed to the Pope John XXIII289 Minor Seminary and Secondary
School (POJOSS) because the St. John conflicted with other schools in the Greater Accra
Region and elsewhere in the country. Originally, Bishop Bowers’ plan was to take an
immediate measure by transferring St. Thomas Aquinas School in Accra to Effiduase
in Koforidua, but this plan did not materialise.290
The intention of Bishop Bowers to establish a seminary was to achieve the goal of spir-
itual and intellectual formation of the seminarian; that is, the personal maturity of his
286 Vatican II, Optatam Totius, no. 2.
287 “Chieftaincy: New Juaben Traditional Area Eastern Region of Ghana,” File n. ERG, I, 13, 255, East-
ern Region Archives of Ghana, Koforidua.
288 Vatican II, Optatam Totius, no. 3.
289 He was called Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli (1958-1963), before his election, was born in Sotto il Monte,
Italy. He joined the secular Franciscan Order in 1889 and professed his vows in 1897.
290 One of Bowers’ witnesses who was his close alliance, Mgrs. Pius Kpeglo, narrated how, as a semi-
narian, he taught catechism and how boys and girls, men and women walked barefooted during those
days. But with the founding of the Ghana Young Pioneers most of the catechumen stopped attending
catechism classes, only to reappear later in the Ghana Young Pioneer uniform with shoes on their feet
and walking with arms akimbo.
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Christian life, using education as a means to achieve this aim. His concern was the inner
growth, the development of the human person and the cultural milieu.291 For
Bowers, the development of the individual is not only a matter of inner growth. The
development of the human being is greatly influenced by the type of culture with which
an individual develops. The religion of the individual is not just his personal making. It
does not just come from the inside of the person. Religion is considered to a greater
degree than we realise by the particular culture in which we live.
Mindful of the fact that a religious person tended to minimise the effect of the corporeal
dimension of the human person, Bowers showed that that dimension was basic to the
human being. For him, for religion to be meaningful, it must help persons interpret and
make sense of their inner striving, desires, passions, inclinations and emotions. Com-
plete religious expression allows the human person to utilise these dimensions in their
proper form: Human formation, Spiritual formation, Intellectual formation and Pastoral
formation. 292
In a sense, Bowers founded the seminary to appeal not only to the human person’s mind
but also his physical and emotional needs. Therefore, the seminary curricula utilised
the arts of music, painting, architecture, spiritual conferences and theatre in its appeal
to the entire human person. Hence, religious feelings are not to be considered a lower
expression of religion than religious thinking.
291 Sacred Congregation for Catholic Education, Spiritual Formation in Seminaries and Instruction on
Liturgical Formation (Boston: St. Paul’s Books and Media, n.d), no. 1.
292 John Paul II, Pastores Dabo Vobis, nn. 42, 43, 45, 51 & 57.
299 Vatican II, Optamtam Totius, no. 1.
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In Bowers’ opinion, each person had his own social history and identity. Often, we tend
to put people into groups or categories. This is true as far as there are similarities among
persons. But each person has created his own personal and social identity within a par-
ticular culture in which he or she was nurtured and the particular type of relationships
that he or she has had.299 This creates a difficult problem for teachers, hence, Bowers’
insistence on trained teachers. It means that serious seminary formation cannot be mass-
production. It must include real relationships among persons, and that was exactly what
the seminary which Bishop Bowers founded had provided for.
In January 1955, Fr Jud, SVD, Dr Balduricus and Dr Lucian Orians constructed the first
building --- one classroom block and a combined Fathers’ Residence cum Administra-
tion block in the early years. In 1957, Brother Demian Brockman, SVD, constructed
the Science Block (which now serves as a students’ dormitory called Elsebern House).
In October 1957, Bowers appointed Fr Elsebern as the first Headmaster and Seminary
Rector, assisted by Frs. O’Sullivan and Joseph Skorupka. Providentially, on 21st Janu-
ary 1958, a budding institution, St John’s Seminary and College, opened with 45 stu-
dents: 14 seminarians and 31 day students in two classes. On September 1, 1968, the St
John Seminary and College was absorbed into the Ghana Education Service as a gov-
ernment-assisted secondary school. Today, there are professional teaching staff of 90
and a non-teaching staff of 94. The student population has grown to 1,845, with 50 in
the Minor Seminary.
In conclusion, POJOSS which was commenced by Bowers as a mustard seed now ranks
among the best schools in Ghana, making its mark on all fronts: academic, sports, mu-
sic, discipline, etc. The school now boast hundreds of former students who have been
ordained as Priests of the Catholic Church, including Archbishop Palmer Buckle.
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Others have become Pastors for other churches and many more can be found in all
spheres of life, both on the local and the international job market, contributing in diverse
ways to the development of humanity.
ii. St Peter’s Senior High School, Nkwatia
Bowers was also the founder of the above-mentioned school. The first Headmaster of
the school, Clement Hotze, who was appointed by Bowers, revealed this. In a very brief
historical account of how it all began, Hotze said: “The school was founded in January
of 1957.”293 On one of his pastoral visits as Bishop of the Accra Diocese, Bowers met
with Nana Asante Yiadom III, his elders and influential people of the town. The mission
of the members of the Royal Family was to request for a secondary school for their
town. Bowers gave a favourable response to their request, but on condition that they
were prepared to cooperate fully with him to execute the project. The deal was sealed
on 5th January 1957 when the site earmarked for the project was shown to the Bishop.
As their local contribution, the chief donated 80 acres to the Catholic Mission for the
development of the school. Later, under the able leadership of their chief, Nana Atuobi
Yiadom IV, the people of Nkwatia provided communal labour over the years. In par-
ticular, they contributed to filling up the foundations. The people did, indeed, cooperate,
but the SVD provided some of the funds for the development of the physical infrastruc-
ture of the school. Without that steady contribution, the development and growth of St
Peter’s would never have reached its present state.
293 Clement Hotze, “Speech and Speech and Prize-giving Day,” St. Peter’s Secondary School. Nkwatia,
Kwahu,
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With the rapid progress of the school, the Ministry of Education gave approval for the
construction of the science block and it was handed over to the SVD, since they had the
experts to oversee the work. September of the subsequent year was set as the deadline
for completion.
Originally, classes began on 5th February 1957, after the appointment of the headmaster
and the administration of the oath of office by Bowers. In that same year, a classroom
block was started on the site and was completed for use in January 1958 and classes
began on the same day. It is noteworthy that at that time, Ghana had just gained inde-
pendence and so it was not until September 1960 that the Ministry of Education gave
approval to the school with the status of an encouraged school within the Ministry of
Education.
The first batch of students who sat for the School Certificate Examination for the first
time passed with an average of 60 per cent. In that same year, boarding facilities were
sited permanently on the school compound, which were completed in 1961. An Amer-
ica charitable foundation known as Fourteen Cross Roaders, together with the Ghana
Works Camp Association, built a classroom block for Forms One and Two.
Subsequently, the sixth form was started in September 1964. In a few years, the school’s
infrastructure included nine staff bungalows, with an additional one being constructed.
Two flats for housemasters’ residence were attached to the dormitory. Additionally, a
one-storey dormitory was built with a capacity to house over 400 students. One staff
bungalow was strategically attached to the classroom block for the effective supervision
of students.
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Three classroom blocks were constructed for students of the secondary school, with one
classroom block for the sixth form and a library situated within the building with a
capacity to hold 5,000 volumes of books. One science block with laboratories for Phys-
ics and Chemistry and an additional science lecture hall with a seating capacity of 230
students was constructed. A dining hall with a seating capacity for 380 students was
built. Provision was made for one kitchen with a storeroom and an oven for baking
bread.
Naturally, the presence of a member of the SVD necessitated the building of a house
for the promotion of Vocation to the Order. Again, on the seminary (novitiate) side,
three blocks were constructed for the seminarians, with two study halls and a dormitory,
together with a recreation room and a dining hall. One swimming pool which measured
70 by 70 feet was constructed. A science block, a water tower and special study rooms
were built.
Furthermore, in order to provide electricity for the school, one powerhouse was con-
structed as shelter for two generators with a capacity of 17 KVA. A large school church
with a seating capacity for 450 to 500 students was built.
In all, the Catholic Mission provided the funds which were used to build the structures.
However, it was acknowledged that in 1965, grants were given through Misereor to the
SVD, on condition that the funds were equally disbursed on dormitory and classroom
projects.
In retrospect, on the 10th anniversary of the school, the headmaster said: “It has been a
period of hard work and careful planning.”294 His hope was that St Peter’s would
294 Clement Hotze, Speech and Prize Giving.
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continue to grow and develop for the good of the youth of Kwahu and surrounding areas
and for the good of Ghana and the world.
Additionally, there is documented evidence that there were fewer diocesan priests
among the expatriates, and that Father Andoh, who later became Bishop, was a diocesan
priest at the time under investigation. A witness said: “Bowers had no choice but to rely
on the SVD priests and appointed Hotze as the first headmaster of St Peter’s Secondary
School. At that time, the diocese and SVD were conterminous. The Bishop was also
SVD, and, hence, naturally, it appeared to be the same body. I know for a fact that
SVDs had the strong hope to make St Peter’s their own. I knew this while in POJOSS.
But in POJOSS they could not influence much because they were there to help the Dio-
cese.”295
Finally, Bishop Bowers did not allow SVD seminarians to mix up with the diocesan
seminarians, since, if such a situation was allowed, the attraction to become an SVD
seminarian was greater and more seminarians would end up going to join the SVDs
because they had all the influence, both nationally and internationally. It was, therefore,
likely that he might have allowed them to have St Peter’s, but it is very difficult to be
conclusive. On the other hand, since he was the Bishop, they might have petitioned him,
and as the bishop, he could have said no to their petition.303
iii. St Rose’s Senior High School, Akwatia
As a result of the acceleration of the educational development plan in Ghana after in-
dependence, Bowers took a cue from the concern expressed by the government for more
295 Fr. Samuel Batsa; Interview granted the researcher, 9-05-2017
303 Ibid.
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teachers and the act passed by the Cabinet. He requested for a training college and was
given a Sister, in addition to Sister Victricia, who was then the Regional Superior and
a teacher who held the fort until two other Sisters were sent.
In 1965, the St Rose’s Teacher Training College was opened, among several others in
the same year due to a shortage of teachers. After the first batch of students graduated,
the school was converted to a secondary school and enrolled students for the GCE Or-
dinary Level Certificate.
Some of the correspondence between the Ministry of Education and the Principal of the
St Rose’s Training College in 1966 suggested that the school was strictly under the
administration of the ministry. All decisions of the principal were scrutinised.
That included academic performance, disciplinary measures, admissions, etc.296
Already, the study has had some sketches on the modest beginning of St Rose’s297 from
the point of view of the founder (Bishop Bowers). The contribution of the community
was remarkable. At a meeting held at Akwatia-Ahenfie on 27th August 1964, both the
Akwatia Town Development Committee and the Akwatia Traditional Authority, under
the leadership of the Akwatiahene, Barimah Kofi Bempong II, passed a resolution that
gave birth to the establishment of the school. In that resolution, the Roman Catholic
Mission was to be approached, through the Kade/Akwatia Local Council, to establish
a teacher training college for male, female or mixed schools at Akwatia during the
1965/66 academic year. Among other things, the resolution indicated that the three
296 M. J. Dadzie, to Beatrix Kool, “Application for Termination of Course, 19th November 1966 and
Warning to Students, 15th December 1966,” File, n. GH, PRAAD, RG3, 3, 98, National Archives of
Ghana, Accra.
297 St Rose of Lima (1586-16-17) was a Spanish colony, Rose was known for a life of severe austerity
and her care for the needy in her city. She was a member of the Dominican Order in the third order (lay
person). She was the first person in the Americas to be canonised by the Catholic Church.
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middle schools at Akwatia: the Local Council Boys’ School, the Local Council (Pres-
byterian) Middle School and Local Council Middle Mixed School, should be given to
the Catholic Mission to be used to establish a training college.
Based on the decision reached, the three schools were relocated, and the Catholic Mis-
sion took over the administration. The church further added a dining hall, a kitchen and
bathrooms to the existing buildings. The Dominican Sisters of Speyer, Germany,
funded the construction of the buildings. Sr. Victricia Koch, the Superior-General of
the Dominican Sisters in Ghana, and Fr. Lobianco, the then Parish Priest of the Catholic
Church at Akwatia, supervised the work.
On 25th November 1965, the first batch of students, numbering 80, arrived. Studies
started seriously with only six teachers. In September 1969, the training college was
converted to a secondary school with an enrolment of 72 students.
The sixth form course for Arts subjects began in 1984. Throughout the years, the school
kept strictly to a yearly intake of 72 students of two streams for the Ordinary Level and
about 22 students for the sixth form. It helped the school authorities to get to know all
students personally and coach them through their secondary education.
As of 2017/18, the school had a total student population of 1,138, with 110 teachers
and 63 nonteaching staff. From its modest beginnings, St. Rose’s has grown over the
years to become one of the best girls’ high schools in the country because of its high
academic standards, including science and moral discipline.
In conclusion, one of the past students has testified: “I am proud to be an old student…it
gave me not just great education but also taught me the morals of life…Education is
mainly concerned with the acquisition of knowledge to build character that will not
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merely solve problems but also positively change the world and progressively make it
a better place.”298 These are the ideals of Catholic education: the formation and trans-
formation of the human person for the evangelisation of the world.
iv. St Martin de Porres Senior High School, Adoagyiri, Nsawam
The pastoral mission of the SVD congregation was evangelism, with a view that it
would culminate in deeper Christian faith. It is with that understanding that Bowers, a
member of the society and Bishop of the Diocese of Accra, contemplated school apos-
tolate as an essential part of the transmission of Gospel values in the young generation.
Therefore, he did not hesitate in granting permission for the establishment of the St
Martin de Porres Senior High School at Adoagyiri-Nsawam. However, the original idea
for its establishment was to serve as a novitiate for the formation of SVD Religious
Missionary Brothers. It was not slated to be a secondary school or a training college, as
it is today. Nevertheless, circumstances guided the deliberations to finally arrive at the
establishment of a secondary school as the better option. Consequently, the initial en-
rolment of 12 brothers became the pioneers of the school in 1964 and operated as a
private school.
The next issue was the choice of a name. As a solution, the brothers were tasked to
propose a name for the school. Providentially, the beatification of Martin de Porres, a
Dominican Religious Brother from Lima in Peru, was fresh in the memory of the people
at the epoch of the Universal Church and so his name was unanimously acclaimed.
Naturally, their choice was given approval by the authorities of the SVD Order.
298 Marietta Brew Appiah-Oppong, “Speech Delivered by Hon. Marietta Brew Appiah-Opong, Ghana’s
Attorney General and Minister for Justice,” St Rose’s Senior High School Golden Jubilee Celebration
Brochure, 7-8.
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Gradually, what began as a Formation Centre was steadily transformed into a secondary
school and 92 students were admitted to Form One, with the first Headmaster as Fr
Jacques Nijsen.
In 1969, the construction of the first boys’ dormitory block was started at the present
location of the school at Adoagyiri. The late Nana Adu-Korkor II, the Adoagyirihene,
and his elders offered the piece of land on which the school is presently sited. In 1970,
the Brother Lawrence Carpentry Shop was converted into the existing dining hall for
the boarders. The chiefs, elders and people of Adoagyiri pleaded with Bishop Bowers
for the school to be co-educational and their request was granted for it to become the
first Catholic mixed secondary school in Ghana.
Even though the co-educational system was adopted, it is hoped that it was in response
to the request of the people, as the social teachings of the church has stressed the free-
dom of parents and guardians to educate their children: a system of education that was
in accordance with the religious convictions which inspired their lives and the freedom
to send these children to catechism class and religious instruction offered by their reli-
gious community.299
As of the time of writing this (2014-2017), the staff population of the school stood at
21 females and 54 males on the teaching staff, with non-teaching staff of 36 males and
21 females. A breakdown of the student population was as follows: Form One: boys,
371, girls, 360; Form Two: boys, 394, girls, 278; Form Three; boys, 390, girls, 352.
The grand total of students was 2,145.
299 Vatican II, Gravissimum Educationis, no. 3.
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For supporting activities, like most Catholic schools, the students actively participated
to keep fit, coupled with a high level of discipline. Academically, 1,284 out of the 1,343
candidates presented for the 2017 WASSCE, representing 95.6 per cent, qualified to
tertiary institutions.
In conclusion, this study has reflected on Bowers’ administrative and pastoral strategy
as inspired by his love for the girl child. He took the risk to establish a co-educational
Catholic school, the first of its kind in the country. Also, he placed the interest of young
people over and above a formation house for his own confrères or religious brothers.
Thus, his contribution to the education of the youth of both sexes and the alleviation of
poverty in the promotion of the evangelisation of the Ghanaian was in the right direction
for integral human development.
v. St Anne’s Vocational School, Nuaso
According to popular tradition, Nene Azu Mate Korle donated the land at Nuaso to
Bishop Bowers in his capacity as the Diocesan Bishop. Nene was then the Paramount
Chief of the Manya Krobo Traditional Area.
Historically, Bishop Bowers established the St Anne’s Vocational School on 8th Sep-
tember 1963 because of his strong belief that given the opportunity, women could
achieve the unimaginable. To realise his conviction, Bowers established that institution
for the development of women, especially under-privileged girls/women who, for some
reason, could not further their studies. In order to achieve his vision, he also established
the women’s religious congregation known as the Handmaids of the Divine Redeemer
(HDR), under whose auspices the institute was placed.
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Exclusively, Bowers aimed at providing vocational skills by training some young
girls/women to acquire knowledge in catering/fashion design. The institute was com-
menced with four girls at Agomanya. Officially, the Ghana Education Service regis-
tered the institute with a private status on 2nd June 1965 and the pioneers graduated on
12th December 1966.
He helped to educate a lot of people. St Anne’s offered free education for poor and
needy girls. Steadily, as the population of students increased, it became necessary that
the school be relocated to its present premises at Nuaso in the Lower Manya munici-
pality in the Eastern Region in December 1967.
The following are some of the guiding principles personally formulated by Bowers:
1. To provide young women with opportunities to develop their God-given
talents.
2. To educate young women to understand their responsibilities and rights as citi-
zens of Ghana and encourage them to be of service to their country and neigh-
bours.
3. To prepare young women to become ideal future housewives and instil in them
love and appreciation of womanhood. It is also to create the awareness among
them of their responsibilities as future mothers of Ghana.
4. To train young women adequately to become independent.
In respect of the aforementioned, the school has trained many girls/women since its
inception and continues to do so. The present enrolment (2017/2018 academic year)
stands at 100 students. The following is the breakdown: In Form One, there were 16
girls offering fashion and 11 in the catering class. In Form Two, 10 girls studied
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fashion, with 17 in the catering class. Ten girls were in the Form Three fashion class,
with 11 in the catering class. In Form Four, there were five students who took fashion
and 20 enrolled in the catering class.
Academically, the school’s performance has always been good and is one of the best
vocational institutes in the country, with an average of between 95 and 100 per cent
passes. There were 17 teaching staff and eight non-teaching staff, making 25 in all, and
four of the HDR sisters as of the 2017/2018 academic year.
vi. St Paul’s Technical Institute, Kukurantumi
Since Bishop Bowers’ pastoral strategy was the use of education for evangelisation and
human development, he did not only develop the cognitive domain with formal second-
ary education, as was the desire expressed by Osei300 above, but also established a tech-
nical institute. Subsequently, in February 1957, the St Paul’s Technical Institute became
the first Catholic technical school in Ghana. It was established with the aim to train the
youth to acquire technical skills and make them employable and self-reliant.
It is noteworthy to mention the composition of the team that gave birth to St Paul’s
Technical. They were Bishop Bowers, then Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Accra,
who provided the funds; Nana Kwame Kena II, the then Adontenhene of the Akyem
Abuakwa Traditional Area and Chief of Kukurantumi, who released a parcel of land
and additionally mobilised his subjects for communal labour, and Fr John Harpel, SVD,
who became the first principal of the school.
300 Marian Osei (Neé Dokye is a businesswoman); Interview granted the researcher 27th November 2018
at the Holy Spirit Cathedral, Adabraka.
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Originally, the school started in a rented cocoa shed with an initial enrolment of 18
pioneer students. Of that number, 14 were able to graduate in 1960 with diplomas
awarded by the school. The only course offered was Block laying and Concreting with
integrated Carpentry. Samuel Otchere, a contractor by profession, constructed the Mis-
sion House, which also served as the first classrooms and later the administration block.
Subsequently, the science block was built in 1960, which also served as a classroom
and workshop.
The accelerated educational plan of Ghana in the 1960s tied in with the institute’s rapid
expansion and development. With the help of some benefactors, the following courses
were introduced: auto mechanics, electrical installation work and mechanical engineer-
ing, craft practice. It was not until 1962 when the school provided boarding facilities
for 20 students. In 1968, the second Principal, Fr Joseph Sprehe, registered the candi-
dates with City and Guilds of London Institute for external examination and still
awarded its own diplomas.
In effect, the aim for which the institute was established has been achieved; some of its
products have become businessmen, teachers, estate developers, engineers, contractors,
lecturers, to mention but a few.301
vii. Founding of the Congregation of Handmaids of the Divine Redeemer
In one of Bishop Bowers’ letters to Mother Fabiola, he mentioned African Sisters (re-
ferring to the Congregation he founded).302 Some of those African sisters have testified
that during the colonial era, some Western European missionaries had argued, without
301 “Brief History of St Paul’s Technical School,” St. Paul Technical School 60th Anniversary Brochure.
302 Bowers to Mother Fabiola, August 5, 1963.
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any evidence, that the native Africans saw no advantage in enrolling their daughters in
schools.303 They argued that the Africans saw the woman’s role as more useful at home;
fetching water and firewood, caring for younger ones, or selling food and marketing
goods on the streets and in the marketplaces to augment the family income.
With that negative view of African girls, there was very little attempt at getting vocation
to form an educated indigenous congregation of sisters in the country. Again, without
studying their belief systems and practices, the Europeans concluded that the African
tradition favoured more marriage than virginity304, that parents were reluctant and un-
willing to permit their girls to enter the religious life.
On the contrary, Bowers was convinced that African girls needed rules and regulations
which were more adapted to African culture and way of life.305 With the consent and
cooperation of the SSpS Sisters and funding from the Dominican Sisters, Bowers
founded a Diocesan congregation of African Sisters called Handmaids of the Divine
Redeemer (HDR). The SSpS Sisters loaned Sister Providencial to Bowers to form and
train the aspirants. In March of 1954, the foundation of the congregation of Handmaids
of the Divine Redeemer was laid at the St Mary’s Girls’ Senior High School at Korle
Gonno, with seven aspirants in formation.
This study has conducted detailed investigations into the circumstances surrounding the
beginning of the foundation of the HDR. The idea to found the congregation was con-
ceived by Bishop Noser. His initial attempt to recruit won him Elizabeth Cobbina, who
303 Kathleen Fallon, “Education and Perceptions of Social Status and Power among Women in Larteh
Ghana,” Africa Today 46 (1999), 67-91.
304 John Cadwell and Patrick Cadwell, “The Cultural Context of High Fertility in Sub-Saharan Africa,”
13, Population and Development Review 13 ), 409-437.
305 John XXIII, To Women Religious, July 2, 1962, (Boston: Daughters of St. Paul, 1963), 3-4.
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hailed from Kumasi, in 1952. In 1953, three girls from Akim Swedru and one from
Nkawkaw joined her. Sister Virginia, SSpS, whose country of origin was Ghana and
was a native of Keta but joined her congregation while in Steyl, Holland, was appointed
postulant mistress. For some mysterious circumstances known only to the aspirants,
they all left in September of the same year. Bishop Noser was transferred to Papua New
Guinea and Bishop Bowers was appointed as his successor in that same year.
Subsequently, after he had taken canonical possession of the diocese of Accra in 1954,
Bowers rejuvenated the plan to found a congregation with new recruitment of aspirants.
His efforts paid off with the following aspirants: Antonia Kofie from Akim Swedru,
Veronica Sesi from Battor and Regina Asare from Kibi. Elizabeth Cobbina and Anna
Gagli from Tsevie in Togo joined them. Sister Virginia left on health grounds back to
Style, Holland, and was replaced by Sr Providencial Hein, SSpS.306
Originally, the first postulants lived in a house called “Mosquito House” on the com-
pound of SSpS’ Most Pure Heart of Mary Convent at Korle Gonno, Accra. That house
earned that name because many mosquitos perched on the inner side of its walls. Some
of the aspirants were admitted as students at the St Mary’s Secondary School, while
others were given tuition by Sr Patrice, SSpS, with Fr George Wilson, SVD, and Fr
Bernard Ato, a diocesan priest, as confessor and teacher, respectively.
The budding congregation was relocated to the “Red House”, situated at the Holy
Spirit Cathedral, Adabraka, where their community life began. Bishop Bowers and
Fr Wilson took turns and celebrated daily Holy Mass for the group. However, on
306 “Brief History of the Sisters of the Handmaids of the Divine Redeemer,” Brochure of the Golden
Jubilee Celebration of the HDR.
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Sundays, they walked to the church at St Joseph (now the Quality Insurance Company
(QIC) office.
Brother Damien, SVD, supervised the sod-cutting for the construction of a new convent
at an old cemetery at Agomanya in 1955. That same year saw the arrival of Elizabeth,
Bernadette Adobea, Helena Awoyo and Matina Adams from Elmina. On 10th June
1955, the new convent was named Our Lady of Fatima and blessed by Bishop Bowers.
The convent still serves as Mother House of the Congregation.
On 2nd February 1957, on the feast of the Presentation of the Lord, the Propaganda Fide
gave a Formal Degree of the Erection of the Congregation. The first profession of vows
in the congregation took place at the Holy Trinity Parish, Agomanya, and was presided
over by Bishop Bowers.307
Today, the numerical strength of the HDRs is 102. The breakdown is as follows: first
professed sisters are 80; temporary professed sisters, 10; novices, nine, and postulancy,
six. Some of these sisters are nurses practising in hospitals and pharmacies, professional
teachers in various grades of schools, lecturer in universities and graduates.
4.5 Conclusion
In conclusion, this chapter has examined education as one of the two pillars for integral
human development to alleviate poverty and ignorance in the Accra Diocese under
Bishop Bowers. Additionally, it highlighted the historical overview of Catholic Educa-
tion in the Catholic Church and Bishop Bowers’ view and contribution to Education.
The study has discovered that Bowers was very passionate about education, especially
307 Brochure of the Golden Jubilee, “Brief History of the Sisters of the Handmaids of the Divine Re-
deemer”
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for the girl-child. That passion was not sentimental but may be due to the transfer of his
love for his late illiterate mother to all girls to realise their potential. Probably it was
also because Catholic social teachings are founded on the faith vision of the human
person who, according to Scriptures, is created in the image and likeness of God and
redeemed by Jesus Christ (cf. Genesis1: 27). The resources of this faith are the principal
means for human development. Therefore, the church perceives human dignity as its
bedrock. This was the reason for his option for the poor.
This passion for the development of the girl-child, humanity and the poor led him to
favour the teaching profession, as against the medical or nursing profession. His pref-
erence may be due to his background as the son of a teacher. This was very evident in
the number of girls he encouraged to take up the teaching profession. The study also
affirms from the fact that his era was the pre- and post-Vatican II, when science was
looked upon with suspicion and so he wanted to remain loyal to the church.
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CHAPTER FIVE
BOWERS AND HEALTH
5.1 Introduction
This chapter discusses Bowers’ contribution to health and human development in the
Catholic Diocese of Accra. It examines his views on health and contribution to health
delivery services by reviewing the narratives of selected witnesses and the history of
health facilities he founded.
5.2 Health and Human Development in the Roman Catholic Church
In relation to Church and State in healthcare delivery, the Catholic Church had prepared
a working document for its members, known as the encyclical letter, Rerum Novarum
by Pope Leo XIII (1891). That document became the Magna Carta of contemporary
social teachings of the church. In it, the Pope examined and analysed the social situation
and rejected both the socialist and the laissez-faire approaches to organising society.
He pointed out the responsibilities all of us (including political leaders) had for com-
munities to defend the dignity and value of the worker, including their right to receive
a just wage and to organise into unions.308
In the early years of Bowers’ ministry as a Bishop, there were few health facilities in
the Gold Coast. Catholic health practitioners were faced with a number of challenges
to the integrity of their divine mission of the salvation of souls.317 It was this quintes-
sentially doctrinal subject which the church took as the basis for its considerations. It
was well aware of how immensely difficult it was for those who were not Christians or
who had no belief in a life beyond this life on earth to give meaning to life and to death.
308 Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, no.74, 76; Vatican II, Dei Verbum, n.10.
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Christians, too, will admit that their position is not specific. But what really is at stake
is the defence of the fundamental rights of the human individual. The Church cannot
waver, as far as these rights are concerned. All the more so because these rights are so
very much in the foreground of political and legislative activities in a morally and reli-
giously pluralistic society like the Gold Coast. There is the need to convince people for
whom everything ends at death and about what respect is due their own life and the
lives of others after death. In this respect, the surest arguments are those which show
what consequences are brought on society by the lack of rigid measures taken for the
protection of human life.
Besides these challenges were the religious and moral pluralism of the Gold Coast so-
ciety, coupled with the financial challenges of the newly created Diocese of Accra. As
the study has noted, the Catholic Church does not exist only to provide good health; it
is essentially a moral agent which seeks the good health of the human person formally
as its own. However, developments in science have influenced medical practice more
and more, particularly in the treatment of illnesses. This state of affairs raises problems
of a theological and ethical nature on which health professionals are eager to be enlight-
ened. Christian members of these professions working in Christian surroundings have
long been concerned about these problems. Even more so are Christians obliged to work
in non-Christian surroundings or pluralistic religious and moral societies and who, for
this reason, desire that their work be inspired by their faith and bear witness to it.
Unfortunately, Catholic Medical ethics are, for many people, a matter of speculation,
of more or less accurate information and of erroneous ideas and all these beget great
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confusion. It is in this light that the Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of Faith309
has, as the first corollary of this fundamental concept, the idea that to give up life of
one’s own choice is to give up striving towards an end which not we but God has es-
tablished. A human being has been called upon to make his life useful; he may not
destroy it at will. His duty is to care for his body, its functions and its organs; to do
everything he can to render himself capable of attaining to God. This duty implies giv-
ing up things which, in themselves, may be good. This duty sometimes requires that we
sacrifice health and life: our concern for them cannot allow us to deny the claim of
superior values in defence of the faith. All the same, in the matter of cares to be taken
for maintaining good health and preserving life, a correct proportion must be arrived at
regarding both the superior good perhaps at stake and also the concrete conditions in
which the human person lives.
Catholic healthcare facilities in the Gold Coast/Ghana had in the past fought, and still
fight, fervently to avoid intervention they deemed intrinsically immoral, such as abor-
tion, euthanasia and suffering. These challenges notwithstanding, the Catholic health
sector had made numerous accommodations and changes on how it operates. This is in
response to the growing pluralism of our society, but it has resisted crossing certain
boundaries in providing particular interventions deemed objectively wrong. It is based
on one principle of the medical good: that the patient wants to be healthy. Thus, the
Catholic Church exists to promote the harmony between the good as wanted by the
patient and the good as sought by the act of medicine. It is not to be disharmonised by
the purpose society introduces into the assessment of what is to be done by legislation.
309 Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Declaration on Euthanasia (Boston: St. Paul Books
& Media, May 5, 1980).
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Therefore, the Catholic Church seeks the medical good of the patient as its good and
pursues professionally the good health of the patient310
When in a dilemma in decision-making, the Catechism of the Catholic Church (CCC),
the Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith and founded on the teachings of
Aquinas serve as a guide as to what ought to be done.
The following principles are to be applied, and in case of doubt, consideration should
be given to: a) an agent’s intentions and the circumstances of a case; b) the morality of
an act.311 Further expatiating on this point, Aquinas appealed to the Catholic tradition
that the three sources of morality are: the moral object (the specific kind of action cho-
sen), the intention (the reason for which an agent chooses a particular kind of action)
and circumstances (considerations of the conditions under which an act was chosen and
performed). All three features shape the morality of actions and all three must be good
for an act to be morally good.
Even though the intention and circumstances shape the moral character of actions, ob-
jectively wrong acts cannot be rendered morally right or good because of good inten-
tions or difficult circumstances. Objectively wrong acts remain objectively wrong. Alt-
hough they do not make their analysis explicit, as it appears (for example, a desire to
relieve a patient’s suffering) difficult circumstances (for example, a terminally ill pa-
tient with metastatic cancer and intractable pain) cannot render particular acts of eutha-
nasia permissible. This assertion is based on the fact that objectively wrong acts cannot
be made right because of the intentions or circumstances, and that “one may never do
310 Sokolowski, Christian Faith, 244.
311 St. Thomas Aquinas, The Summa Theologiae IA IIAE, trans. T.C. Obrien (New York: McGraw Hill
Book Company, 1972), question 18.
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evil so that good may result from it”.312 Objectively wrong acts are objectively wrong,
and the Magisterium consistently has held that euthanasia is objectively wrong. Thus,
while it is true that the church holds that the objective of the act, the intention and the
circumstances are all relevant for judging the morality of actions, it also holds that ob-
jectively wrong acts are never rendered morally permissible through good intentions or
difficult circumstances. Hence, “Euthanasia” must be used only to mean “to put an end
to a patient’s life by a specific act”. Pope Pius XII made it abundantly clear that under-
stood by this meaning, euthanasia could never be sanctioned.313
In conclusion, this study cautions the temptation of medical science to believe that it is
sufficient remedy for suffering. Human suffering, very frequently, contains an element
of anguish, of fear in the face and of the unknown, brought about by severe illness and
the nearness of death. Drugs can diminish anguish, but, more often than not, they are
powerless to relieve it completely. It is only a human presence, discreet and attentive,
that can procure the relief so much needed by allowing the sick person to express his
thoughts and by giving him human and spiritual comfort.
Concerning developing countries, especially in Africa, this study emphasises how im-
portant it is for the human being to end her/his days on earth with his/her personality.
As far as possible, it is his or her whole and entire, both in himself or herself, and in his
or her relationships with his or her milieu, and especially with the family. In countries
which are less developed technically and less affected by sophistication, the family
gathers round the dying person and her/himself feels a need --- almost an essential right
--- to be thus surrounded. The study has observed that given the conditions required for
312 John Paul II, Catechism of the Catholic Church, n. 1756.
313 Pius XII, “Allocution of 24th of November 1957,” Documentation Catholique, 1609.
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certain therapies and the total isolation imposed by them upon the sick person, it is not
out of place to state that the right to die as a human being and with dignity demands this
social dimension.
5.3 Historical Overview of Health Services in the Gold Coast
There is very little research work done on this topic. However, the study has summa-
rised an article by Hawe below.314 Nevertheless, the study reminds us of the past history
of health services in the Gold Coast in order to appreciate the views and contributions
of Bowers to Catholic health services in the Accra Diocese.
Anthropologically, the conception of the nature of illness and the practice employed for
healing was common to the various tribes of the Gold Coast before the advent of Euro-
peans. That, undoubtedly, resembled that still practised today by some of their descend-
ants in rural districts of Ghana. This is based on transcendental beliefs and closely re-
lated to a polytheistic religious worldview. All sicknesses and health are believed to be
ultimately of supernatural origin. The survival of this traditional herbal medicine in
modern Ghana, despite the giant strides made by Western medicine, demonstrates how
deeply entrenched this Ghanaian worldview is.
Historically, during the colonial era in the Gold Coast, naval military surgeons who
travelled with the early traders and adventurers in the 16th century attended to their
health needs. In the 17th century, knowledge of tropical fevers and the crude surgical
procedures practised among European doctors proved very inadequate as antidote to
the tropical diseases. The castles, forts and trade centres were infested with diseases,
which culminated in high mortality rate and earned for the Guinea Coast, as the Gold
314 See, A. J. Hawe, “Looking Back,” Ghana Medical Journal 1, no. 1 (September 1962): 16-18.
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Coast was referred to, the nickname: “The White man’s grave”. Among the recognisa-
ble diseases were malaria and black water fever, yaws and trypanosomiasis. The only
known concoctions were made from cinchona bark and later quinine salts were seen to
possess curative powers against African fevers.
Later, the advent of Christianity saw the coming of more Western Christian missionar-
ies. They brought a new and more philosophical approach to the nature of tropical dis-
eases. In addition to the preaching of the Gospel, they visited the sick and established
schools and hospitals. About 1874, following the introduction of colonial administra-
tion by the British, doctors were sent to Africa and hospitals built. Subsequently, fol-
lowing the founding of the West African Medical Service, European nursing sisters
began the training of African nurses.315 The need for pharmacists was the result of Af-
rican doctors.316
Consequently, Western Medicine began to gain popularity in the Gold Coast between
1920 and 1930. Many patients flocked to consult doctors and hospitals, clamouring for
injections. The sudden change in attitude was due to the fact that there was cocoa har-
vest boom and the price of the commodity soared in the 1920s. Medical researches into
tropical medicine were intensified, despite the fact that the First World War disrupted
the research efforts. It was not until 1920 that a new injection was discovered for the
cure of yaws, which was first introduced in the colony by Dr C. E. Reindorf. That was
a great success, since the new injection rapidly cured yaws. That played a very im-
portant role in the popularization of hospitals and doctors and paved the way for the
315 “Report of the Committee on the Training of Nurses for the Colonies, 1945-1946,” File n. GH,
PRAAD, RG3, 1, 354, National Archives of Ghana, Accra.
316 “Training of Male Nurses and Pharmacies in the United Kingdom, 1949,” File n. GH, PRAAD, RG3,
693, National Archives of Ghana, Accra.
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success of Western medicine. Also, surgery became popular with the successful surgi-
cal operation of hernias. Thus, patients with such conditions sought help for relief from
hospitals, rather than from their traditional healing centres.
Furthermore, in the 1920, pulmonary tuberculosis was outstanding in importance in the
Gold Coast. That was because it was very difficult to diagnose, and its incidence was
high. That disease was most feared because the facts about it were distorted by igno-
rance and superstition. In addition, the Korle Bu Hospital had fewer successes in its
attempt at treatment. Other diseases were lobar pneumonia, anaemia, sickle cell and
Kwashiokor.
Malaria was predominant and was one of the known causes of high infant mortality.
Before 1936, quinine was the only anti-malaria available. Black water fever was com-
mon and at the Ridge Hospital, 30 cases a year were recorded, with 15 deaths. Black
water fever was most commonly seen in Europeans. Synthetic anti-malarial were intro-
duced about 1937 and completely altered the outlook in the treatment of malaria. The
severity of malaria decreased, and the incidence of black water fever fell.
Also, yellow fever was a serious disease of great economic importance occurring in
outbreaks at irregular intervals. An epidemic broke out in Accra in 1928 and again in
1937.317 In 1918, Dr Noguchi, practising in Mexico, separated a spirochaete from a
supposed yellow fever case. He further prepared a vaccine that he claimed was protec-
tive against yellow fever. It was confirmed that the effective agent was a filter-passing
virus.
317 “Epidemic Disease-Outbreak of 1935-1964,” File n. GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1, 75, National Archives of
Ghana, Accra.
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In view of his success, Noguchi, well immunized with his own vaccine, came to Accra
in 1928 and was given facilities to work at the Medical Research Institute. Mosquitoes
fed on yellow fever cases were used to passage the virus to batches of monkeys. At that
time the dangers of mosquito passage of yellow fever virus were hardly appreciated,
and the precautions were inadequate. First, Young, the Director of the Medical Re-
search Institute, fell ill with yellow fever and within a few days Noguchi himself also
contracted the disease. Both were dead within a short time. In reaction to the tragedy,
Selwyn Clark destroyed all the infected monkeys and mosquitoes in the Research In-
stitute and removed a serious threat to the health of residents of Korle Bu and Accra.
Adrian Stokes also died from yellow fever in Lagos. Those deaths proved a tragic prel-
ude to many others, but finally a protective vaccine was produced which afforded com-
plete protection.
As a result, a danger of considerable economic importance to West Africa had at last
been overcome and the increasing danger of spread to India had been averted. It is
known that Noguchi was working with Weil’s disease and not yellow fever in 1918.
These brilliant and great successes in therapeutics must not be allowed to outshine the
importance of the great advances resulting from more mundane methods. The spread
of education and the continued and accelerated increase in the number of schools and
colleges318 contributed as great impetus to the fight against disease. That situation,
which combated illnesses in the best possible way, was widely disseminated. Infor-
mation concerning nutrition and food values helped to build a healthier young
318 “Accelerated Development Plan, 1955-1967,” File n. GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1, 24, National Archives of
Ghana Accra.
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generation.319 The more educated the population, the greater the co-operation to be ex-
pected in mass health measures introduced by the government.320
Second only to education is the introduction of safe water to towns and villages. That
measure alone prevented many diseases and made a most substantial contribution to the
happiness and health of the community. It was evident that both these factors had been
silently and not obstructively working to raise the health standard of the nation.
In conclusion, it is important that this study recapitulate here some memories of the past
for posterity, since memories are short lived. The occurrence of bubonic plague in Ku-
masi in 1923 is worth recalling because the drastic steps taken by Sewlyn Clark to burn
down the rat-infested quarters of the town stamped out the plague. The result was very
decisive, because from the ruins of the burnt slums a new model of “Garden City”
sprang. Also, the inhabitants of Accra were plagued with guinea worm disease in the
early nineteenth twenties. Even some doctors were infested with this painful and time-
consuming disease.
The introduction of piped water supply and closing of infested wells was followed by
the rapid dying out of the disease in the city. The presence of relapsing fever in Accra
in the thirties was maintained by its incidence among the migrant laborers who came
from Haute Volta district. Measures were taken to rid these itinerant strangers before
they reached the city and the fever was successfully wiped out. Similarly, a high inci-
dence of cerebrospinal fever occurred periodically among Kroo population and others
who provided labour for working population and others who provided labor for working
319 “National Food and Nutrition Board-Education and Nutrition, Committee: Meetings and Minutes,
1960-1962 in Ghana, 1967-1970” File n. GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1, 418-1, 419-1, 420, National Archives of
Ghana, Accra.
320 “Health Education 1969,” File n. GH, PRAAD, RG3, 1, 99, National Archives of Ghana, Accra.
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the harbour lighterages. Bad housing was the main factor in keeping this disease alive
and it persisted long after sulphonamide drugs were available. When satisfactory new
living quarters were built and over-crowding stopped, the disease finally disappeared.
These few results are quoted since they have been witnessed in Accra. They are but a
reflection of similar happenings all over Ghana and demonstrate the value of the pre-
ventive approach in the fight against disease.
Finally, to eradicate a disease, it is necessary to have a coordinated and balanced attack
on the disease by all the known means. Education, prevention and therapeutics offer
the best and quickest road.
5.4 Health Services in the Gold Coast
The indigene pioneer workers of the health services in the Gold Coast prioritized human
development in order to provide quality health services in the country.321 It is on record
that the first Ghanaian doctor was William Benjamin Quartey-Papafio, who had been
in practice in Government Service since 1890s. In 1990 the number of doctors in the
then Gold Coast was very few. Ernest James Hayford was also a Ghanaian doctor.
However, the number of Ghanaian doctors increased over the years and during 1933
the foundation of the indigene Medical Practitioners’ Union was laid. This was the first
attempt at an organized group of indigenous doctors in the Gold Coast.322
On his own initiative Dr. J. A. Schandorf decided to form a Ghana Medical Association
and called for a press conference of all doctors at the Ambassador Hotel in Accra, where
he announced that the Prime Minister (Dr. Kwame Nkrumah) would be in attendance
321 M. A. Barnor, “A History of Medical Society,” Ghana Medical Journal: Special Number, Health in
Ghana 1, no. 1 (September 1962), 4ff.
322 Ibid., 6; Frederick V. Nanka-Bruce, C. E. Reindorf and W. A. C. Nanka-Bruce were cofounders.
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and address the meeting. The meeting took place on 4th January 1958 with 58 doctors
present. The Prime Minister, among other things, expressed his distress at the back-
wardness of the Public Health Services in the country and promised the Government’s
determination to take steps to remedy this situation. He called for private practice in
Government hospitals to be abolished and said the formation of one Ghana Medical
Association was welcomed news to the Government and officially sanctioned its exist-
ence.
In retrospect, when Guggisberg became governor of the Gold Coast in 1919, his policy
was to upgrade the hospital in the colony to serve as the chief medical centre of the
Regions. He also intended (by policy) to improve the existing rural district hospitals
and to build new ones in areas where necessary. These hospitals, as he envisaged, were
to contain between 20 and 50 beds, well equipped with operating theatres and dispen-
saries. The district hospitals were to form the main medical centres in the districts.323
By 1926 the colonial government had provided no fewer than 23 excellent hospital
facilities.324 These hospitals essentially served as the basic curative health service insti-
tutions established in the Gold Coast by the colonial authorities in aid of reducing the
incidence of diseases in the country. Additionally, to accelerate health services in the
rural areas, the colonial government introduced mobile clinics. Thus, the introduction
of travelling dispensaries formed part of the broad measures adopted by the colonial
government to reach the rural population in the colony. This facility was introduced in
the country on two separate occasions. It was first introduced in 1927 and subsequently
323 “Gold Coast Legislative Council Debates, 1926-27,” 142-3.
324 “Organization and Activities of the Public Health Services of the Gold Coast Accra 1926,” 8.
334 S. Addae, The Evolution of Modem Medicine in a Developing Country: Ghana 1880-1960 (Durham:
Academic Press, 1996), 243.
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in 1948. In neither of these occasions did the scheme last long. Between 1933-34 and
1951 the schemes were withdrawn respectively.334
The defunct mobile clinic prepared the way for the introduction of the Medical Field
Unit (MFU). Its preoccupation was the diagnosis and treatment of endemic diseases in
general. In effect, the MFU originated as a sleeping sickness control service: There have
been two varieties of MFU in the Gold Coast. As the study has already indicated, the
first, which was aimed at curative medicine, is now extinct.
The second aim of MFU is preventive medicine. It makes use of data collected during
surveys to study the behaviour of the different infections, demarcating their geograph-
ical distribution and demographic pattern and following the changing trends in preva-
lence. These studies resulted in a better understanding of the epidemiology of a disease
and indicated the way in which the standard control measures could be best applied in
the Gold Coast.
The MFU was a particular West African concept, which was developed almost simul-
taneously in many different countries of the region in response to a common danger.
The epidemic of human trypanosomiasis raged over the area in the 1930s and 1940s. In
the Gold Coast, staff moved in makeshift nearest medical posts and returned to their
normal work when the epidemic subsided. They had dealt with the earlier outbreaks of
other infections, such as plaque, meningitis, and smallpox or of yellow fever, measles,
and anthrax. After several attempts to deal with the epidemic of sleeping sickness in
the same way, it was realised that it would take several years to control those diseases
and the only solution under those circumstances was to establish a unit of specially
trained staff for the work. Hence the early history of MFU is the story of campaign
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against the long-maintained outbreak of human trypanosomiasis in 1932.325 Neverthe-
less, in the last decade this field organisation in the Gold Coast, redesigned MFU, has
undergone considerable evaluation and development, concerning itself with many more
diseases and extending its range to cover the whole country.
Firstly, its concern was with specific disease prevention and control by the application
of mass measures like a) Mass vaccination of smallpox, and occasionally yellow fever.
All other diseases against which there were an effective vaccine could be added to this
list as necessary, from tuberculosis to tetanus, pertussis and measles, b) Chemoprophy-
laxis to populations at risk. Under certain circumstances, there were cases of trypano-
somiasis and cerebrospinal meningitis, c) specific vector eradication or control. Trypa-
nosomiasis and onchocerciasis; bilharziasis may be added d) Eradication of reservoir
of infection in patients. Yaws, trypanosomiasis, and onchocerciasis were formerly in-
cluded but mass treatment of cases met with indifferent success.
Secondly, there was the specific treatment of individual cases of infection. This was
carried out in yaws, cerebrospinal meningitis, trypanosomiasis and measles (only the
complications of this disease are treated by MFU.326 MFU is particularly suited to deal
with epidemics. By long tradition the ad hoc team of staff were accustomed to moving
at short notice, to living under hard conditions in the remote rural areas; their experience
in public relations and training in the elementary principles of public health make them
particularly adapted to provide this flying squad service.
In conclusion, Brachott has remarked that it is tempting to attribute the improvement in
the health of a developing country solely or directly to the influence of purely medical
325 Scott, History and Work, 19.
326 Ibid.
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activities. But it is obvious that at least the initial spurt towards better health is related
more to technological progress which provides better roads, improved agricultural
methods, more adequate food distribution, safe water supplies and so on, rather than to
the direct effect of medical measures alone.
This fact is conceded when early in the report of Brachott, he made reference to the
problem of food and nutrition the solution of which requires a sound and practically
feasible agricultural policy and, secondly, to the report of the WHO team.327 It is un-
disputable that in the long run a sound food and nutrition policy and national water
supplies and sewerage programmes are at least as important for the health of the people
as the building of hospitals and clinics.
5.5 Access to Health Services
To make health service accessible to the people, government constructed dispensaries.
In this sense, they served only those people who lived close to the facilities. Hence,
those living outside a certain radius of the hospitals, by reason of distance hardly if at
all, gained access to them. Another important factor that influenced the construction of
dispensaries was fiscal. “The capital and recurrent cost required in the construction and
maintenance of a hospital was quite enormous”.328
As the study has noted above, it was solely the government who financed the provision
of these dispensaries up to the early 1930s with the local people providing labour. Not
many dispensaries were put up within the period because by policy dispensaries were
327 “Report on the Technical, Administrative and Financial Implications of a National Water and Sewer-
age Scheme for Ghana,” World Health Organization, February 1961. The capital cost of the construction
of a hospital, with an average number of four beds was approximately £50 in the mid-1920s
328 “Report on Tour of Inspection, 4, 2, 1926,” File n. GH, PRAAD, RG3, 56, 1, 405, National Archives
of Ghana, Accra.
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located close to an area where a medical officer would be able to render supervision.
Although meant for the rural population, these dispensaries preponderated in the areas
already close to hospitals. To make it possible for doctors to visit the dispensaries,
health authorities helped them with transport. But with the persistent death of doctors
they did not travel most of the time. Moreover, as noted earlier, during rainy season
travelling was not feasible due to the bad nature of roads.
Another strategy employed by the Medical Department to reach out to the outstations,
was to liaise with the various missionary bodies operating in the country. Among these
bodies were, the SVD Fathers and the OP sisters, perhaps the first to offer curative
health to the public. Needless to say, these mission bodies were already operating dis-
pensaries in the various locations in which they had mission houses.
In connection with the relationship between the Catholic Church and the State in health
delivery, Bowers played a very key role. As a young priest of African descent working
among the aborigines of the Gold Coast, Bowers became a close associate of their Pres-
ident, Nkrumah, in nation building, in making healthcare accessible to the public (or
rural folks). At the same time, he had first-hand experience of their health needs, as a
result of his pastoral experience, which out of ignorance was riddled with superstition.
For example, people engaged in all kinds of superstitious belief to remove pain. A clas-
sic case of superstition in the Gold Coast was the religious belief among some Tradi-
tional Africans that the cause of every ailment can be attributed to the local gods. A
case in point was at Adeemmra, a village in the Volta Region on the Afram Plains. It
was reported that to treat and stop the spread of an outbreak of a tropical disease like
smallpox, the chief was advised by the fetish priests of the local gods, to offer various
sacrifices to appease the anger of the spirits. Hence, to remedy the epidemic, it was
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recommended that bell ringing and noisemaking at night be forbidden in the hope that
the evil spirits would be warded off, and not find their way to the village when roaming
at night.329
The action of the chief and his subjects was prompted by the secret desire nurtured in
every human heart. To uncover the mystery surrounding illness, sometimes by use of
unscientific method, such as a remedy for unhappiness by piling up gifts as peace-of-
fering before the local god, with the hope that somehow one or the other gift would
appease it.330
As part of his pastoral duties, Bowers, as a young Priest, used to trek to the villages in
the Upper Manya Krobo District. On one of such visits, he met a pregnant woman in
labour with her little child on the pathway in the hinterland and instinctively Bowers
sought help in a nearby village for the woman’s safe delivery. This was during the co-
lonial era in the 1940s with Akuse Government Clinic as the only health facility that
provided healthcare to Osudoku and Krobo Traditional Areas.331 Besides, around this
epoch, in the history of the Gold Coast, some of the sick would not visit the hospital
until their condition become worse. Hence, the need to make healthcare accessible to
the public was very urgent.
5.6 Bishop Bowers’ View and Contribution to Health Services
5.6.1 Bishop Bowers’ View
In this section, the study interrogated the letters and interviews on Bishop Bowers in
order to arrive at his views on health. First, the study analysed his correspondence with
329 Elsbern, Story of the Catholic Church, 83.
330 Ibid.
331 “70th Anniversary Celebration Brochure,” St. Martin de Porres Hospital Agomanya, 12.
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health practitioners who he invited to cooperate with him in health delivery in the Gold
Coast. In the interviews, the interviewees told their stories of their encounter with him
and the views he expressed on healthcare.
A. Letters
This study investigated and analysed a brief background history to the narration of the
coming of the Order of Preachers (OP) sisters to the Gold Coast. In view of the OP
Sisters’ future apostolate in the Gold Coast, Bowers had counselled them to include in
their future plans a study of the Ewe approach to language learning based on the model
of our SVD missionaries in Togo, which has much “points” (or phonetic transcription)
like the German language, and was used almost exclusively.
However, in his letter he has stated, that although the Dominican Sisters would be ex-
pected to speak English, this would not prevent some of them who spoke only German
from coming at the very start. What is necessary, according to Bowers, was to have
sisters who are kind and are not afraid of people and who have enough ability to learn
the language. Three of them should be well-trained nurses. He concluded by entrusting
the contacts with the Mother General and Sisters to Fr Gerhards. Bowers was hopeful
that they would be able to start work in June and would like to know their contribution
to help with the commencement of work.
For some undisclosed reason, Bowers again asked unconditional pledge from Fr Ger-
hards not to speak of this to anyone, except the Mother General. In the end, he expressed
his appreciation for his great kindness shown to the Accra missions. In an appendix to
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the letter, he stated, “Next week I will put a scheme of the agreement we want to sug-
gest, to be as such and you may please send it to Mother General for her consent”.332
Further, Bowers took a major step forward in outlining his plans for the general orien-
tation of the Sisters before they assumed their future apostolate in the Gold Coast. He
recommended that they start a clinic and perhaps, “a small children’s school in Ac-
cra”.333 This, he believed would make it easier for them to learn about the culture, lan-
guage, and the general conditions in the Gold Coast.
“The first six months”, he had said, “would be earmarked for getting acquainted with
the language and customs of the people”.334 It was hoped that this would help the first
group of Sisters in the not too far distant future.
Thus, firstly among his international correspondence, was Bowers’ maiden contact with
the Sisters in Germany and after he had returned home to Gold Coast, he wrote a letter
on 25th May 1955 to the Mother General that: After having spent a week in Rome, he
also continued on his journey to Holland and Belgium and finally arrived a few days
ago in Accra by plane.
He confessed that the journey was very tiring but said it was worth it:
I was very glad I made it and, especially to see how such interest the people
of Germany have in our African missions. My visits to Speyer was most
encouraging of all, and my constant remarks at the Holy Sacrifices is that
Divine Providence will bless our arrangements so that we may be able in
the near future to have your sisters in the Gold Coast.335
332 Bishop Bowers to Mother Fabiola Mentor Quack, 25th May 1955, Accra.
333 Ibid.
334 Ibid.
335 Ibid.
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He reiterated what he has said to the Mother General and to her Sisters that, “I will be
only too glad to welcome you to the Gold Coast and the sooner the better”.336 He noted
the accelerated development on the African continent and cautioned that it was very
essential for the church to develop health institutions as quickly as she can, before po-
litical events begin to hamper her growth. He drew attention to the events taking place
in China, India, Indonesia, South Africa, the Belgian Congo (now Democratic Republic
of Congo, DRC), Argentina, and elsewhere. He conceded that he has no knowledge of
how widely this movement against the church has spread but called for vigilance.
Secondly, in one of his early correspondences with Fr Gerhards, Bowers had expressed
his interest in the Dominican Sisters’ apostolate in health services; “I considered meet-
ing with the Sisters on my just ended trip the best result especially having you (Fr Ger-
hards)337 as my companion and your mediation and introduction of me to the good Sis-
ters”.338 He had also said further that he cherished the ‘book of work’ (manual) of the
Sisters in his possession.
About their Mother General, Bowers has said, “She is the most ideal person for that
office I have ever seen”.339 He had described the Sisters as “a new vigorous order with-
out any other mission but having natural love which all Germans seem to have for Af-
ricans”.340 However, he was disappointed at the slow pace in their response: “Maybe
the fact that they have no previous mission experience makes it difficult for them to
appreciate the circumstances”.341 Hence, he had stated that his intention for writing was
336 Bishop Bowers to Mother Fabiola Mentor Quack, 25th May 1955, Accra.
337 Name in bracket is the researcher’s insertion.
338 Bowers to Gerhards, November 18, 1955, Accra, File n. A/9/g- Kind of Letter of 12th instant Diocesan
Archives Archbishop’s House, Accra.
339 Ibid.
340 Ibid.
341 Ibid.
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that Fr Gerhards would be able to explain to them in the best manner possible and to
ask for Fr Gerhard’s intermediary role between him and the Sisters.
Also, Bowers had asked Fr. Gerhards, with regard to the presence of their Sisters in his
diocese (probably this reference was to the Servant-Sisters of the Holy Spirit (SSpS),
to exercise extreme caution and demanded allegiance to proceed carefully and cau-
tiously. However, the difficulty he had as a Bishop, he had said,
…every move of the Bishop is known to everyone. So, when I make effort
to establish a new clinic everyone speaks about it. Then I have to be definite
in my dealing with the government as to when I expect to start, how I expect
to have staff, where and when to begin.342
He referred to “New China” and asked that we take lesson from it. When the early
missionaries ignored their language and culture for their instant conversion and had
said: “You know what trouble it was when the SVDs have to deal with ‘New
China’ so we can understand the delays of the Sisters, but my frequent visits to them
are necessary to get anything done.”
Responding to the above comment, Kpeglo said after Bowers had returned from Ger-
many, he began to work very hard to get government approval and some aid to establish
a clinic on the River Volta. The project plans, he has explained in one of his letters to
the Mother Superior, are enclosed. The total estimate for the completion of the project
was one hundred and fifty thousand German marks, including a Sisters’ convent. Since
the architectural drawings of the convent was not ready, he had promised to “soon send
a plan of the type we usually build here, which is a simple one-storey affair; of course
they could modify it to suit themselves”.353 He had asserted that the nuns would have
342 Bowers to Gerhards, 18th November 1955 A/9/g- Kind of Letter of 12th instant Archdiocesan Ar-
chives, Archbishop’s House, Accra.
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no difficulty in accessing two clinics not too far from their residence, which could be
reached in less than three hours by motorboat. He was hopeful of getting a doctor to
visit the clinics.
The above-mentioned initial contact was in line with the Social Teachings of the church
that stated “Freedom for religious authorities to exercise their ministry unhindered.
Freedom to receive religious assistance wherever it is found especially in health insti-
tutes like clinics and hospitals”.343 Thus, in establishing health facilities, Bowers si-
lently witnessed to the church’s mission to evangelise and declare the faith.
Thirdly, in reply to one of their initial correspondence, the Mother General had asked
Bowers for his prayers for Sister Hedwig, who was one of the two sisters of the America
Province and had expressed the desire in the missionary work in Africa but, unfortu-
nately, had been diagnosed with cancer. It would take a miracle, she had noted, for her
to be able to undertake any missionary work in Africa. She and her Sisters had been
praying hard through the intercession of Katharine Emmeriion for her healing. She also
made reference to a letter from one of the Dominican Fathers from California that
stated, “Sister Hedwig would have been such a perfect founder for your African Mis-
sion”. She concluded, “May God help her and us. Asking humbly for your blessing and
good wishes,” she concluded her letter.344
Fourthly, in another correspondence between Bowers and the Dominican Sisters,345 the
Mother General had acknowledged receipt and expressed gratitude to Bowers for his
earlier letter of 5th December 1955, and stated that “there was a problem with sending
343 Vatican II, Dignitatis Humanae, no. 3.
344 Quack’s Letters to Bowers, Speyer, Institut der Armenschulschwestern, December 18, 1955 reference
n. A/9/9.1955.
345 Ibid.
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the sisters to the Gold Coast of which Gerhards who is scheduled to come to Accra on
December 23rd will brief him”. Nevertheless, Fabiola, the Mother General, thanked
Bowers for sending the plans and the beautiful pictures of the mission and concluded
with “trusting in God that it will be possible to come to the Gold Coast in the future.”346
Fifthly, in another letter dated 19th June 1956, the Mother General thanked Bowers for
his letter but expressed some difficulties in sending her sisters to the Gold Coast. She
mentioned some of these as study of English language and especially to be trained for
missionary work. She also mentioned one Dominican Bishop from South Africa who
went by the name Kronstadt. She reminded Bowers of having spoken of him in their
conversation while he was paying them a visit in Speyer.
This Dominican Bishop met with the members of the Council of the Order in the ab-
sence of Fabiola and came up with a decision that it would be good to start the mission
work in South Africa and not in Accra, West Africa, for practical reasons; in the even-
tuality that the Sisters might have problems in adjusting to the weather conditions. They
could also start with opening of a clinic and a “small children school” as the most ac-
ceptable practice. The Mother General also promised to give Bowers two secondary
school teachers with their certificates spelling out the detailed information on their qual-
ifications. Of the two sisters, one was at the time teaching Latin, English and History at
Speyer High School, while the other was indisposed.
The latter was a State Registered Medical Technician and had some years of working
experience in hospital laboratories and had also taught science in the same hospital.
346 Quack’s Letters to Bowers, n. A/9/9.1955.
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She concluded that both sisters were willing to work with little children and had had
working experience with children in the past. Fabiola added that given the present cir-
cumstance, it would be difficult to give a definite response, but she was optimistic that
their mission goals would be realised. She asked for prayer and especially at the sacri-
fice of the Holy Eucharist.
Finally, in a correspondence, Bowers explained how he had made a very long spiritual
journey to pay a visit to his confrères in Belgium Congo and not to mention his pastoral
visit in his own Diocese on his return. He also had to answer many letters, which had
accumulated while he was away. Then also, he had expressed his disappointment about
the news on Sister Hedwig’s indisposition, which he described as, “really a great
blow”347 since final arrangements for their arrival and reception had been made for the
school and clinic to start.
Nevertheless, he was optimistic about their apostolate in the Gold Coast. Despite the
setback, he was very grateful that a special appeal which he had made to the congrega-
tion of Rites had been granted; “the Apostolic See graciously granted permission for
the Diocese of Accra to celebrate the feast of Blessed Martin de Porres,”348 which fell
on 3rd of November 1956. He went on to describe him as a holy and very popular saint
here and had expressed the hope that by his intercession, divine providence would fur-
nish the means and the needed personnel, “which we so greatly need for extending His
Kingdom here in the Gold Coast.349
From the correspondence, as examined, a question arises as to what was the intention
of Bowers for inviting the Dominican Sisters? He had wanted to evangelise the people
347 Bowers to Quack, November 5, 1956; Accra Archdiocesan Archives.
348 Ibid.
349 Ibid.
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of the Gold Coast through improved healthcare with health practitioners who were re-
ligious. And who could provide their services in the clinics to extend the Kingdom of
God by a life of witness, as stipulated by the Social Teachings of the Catholic Church
and Second Vatican Council.350
In commonality, the Dominican Sisters have propagated the faith in sharing the good
benefits of this world with Ghanaians through healthcare. In this connection, Pope John
Paul II had indicated that the practice of solidarity was valid when members of a com-
munity recognised one another as persons. Those who are more influential, because
they have a greater share of goods and common services, should feel responsible for
the weaker and needy nations and must be ready to share with them all they possess.
Those who are weaker, for their part, in the same spirit of solidarity, should not adopt
a purely passive attitude or one that is destructive of the social fabric, but while claiming
their legitimate rights, should do what they can for the good of all.
By analogy, the same criteria are applied to international relations, in this case, the
relationship between Ghana and Germany in terms of healthcare. Interdependence must
be transferred into solidarity, based upon the principle that the good of creation are
meant for all. Surmounting every type of imperialism and the determination to preserve
their own hegemony the stronger and richer nations must have a sense of moral respon-
sibility for the nations so that a real international system may be established which
would rest on the foundation of the equality of all peoples and on the necessary respect
for their legitimate differences.351
350 Vatican II, Gaudium et Spes, no. 1.
351 John Paul II, Sollicitudo Rei Socialis (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice, 1990), n. 39, 40.
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In the spirit of solidarity, Bowers believed that society as a whole was really responsible
for one another and that any human act, desires and decisions, which did not take into
account their impact on a fellow human being in laissez-faire attitude, amounted to
selfishness. Therefore, it is the view of the church that the willingness of all of us to see
the image of God in us as also in others and to regard injustice committed against an-
other as no less serious as an injustice against oneself. This is fundamental to our well-
being, because we are each other’s keeper.
After all, the real engine of a thriving economy is not the market. The market is simply
a means. The driving force is the creativity, the innovation and the needs of people,
investing in improving their human and technical capacity, is the most important in-
vestment of a successful economy.
But in reality, the practice of solidarity is not without challenges. Many people espe-
cially in economically advanced areas seem to be dominated by economics and com-
pletely obsessed about health, since all their personal and social lives are permeated
with a kind of economic mentality, and this is true of other nations, where sometimes
health becomes a commercial commodity and is only affordable by the rich.
On the contrary, the practice of solidarity is different when economic progress (pro-
vided it is directed, organised, responsible and humanly oriented) does so much to re-
duce social inequalities. Otherwise, it serves all too often only to aggravate them. In
some places, it even leads to a decline in the position of the underprivileged and con-
tempt for the poor. Another problem is that in the midst of huge numbers deprived of
the absolute necessities of life, there are some who live in riches and squander their
wealth: This happens in less developed areas as well. Luxury and misery exist side by
side. While a few individuals enjoy an almost unlimited opportunities to choose for
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themselves, the vast majority have no chance whatever of exercising personal initiative
and responsibility and have recoiled often to live and work in conditions unworthy of
human beings.
In the Gold Coast, and for that matter, on the national scene, in a letter to Bowers, Nimo,
a Member of Parliament for Akim Abuakwa North, expressed the wish to propose to
the government to give the project “on the cripple home” to the Catholic Church.352 He
hinted that he had tabled a motion of his view in parliament that a home for crippled
children should be established in the country.
His decision was inspired by the fact that the Catholic Mission had already taken the
initiative and planned to establish such laudable scheme and he would be pleased to be
associated with it. However, he admitted that he had not approached any voluntary
agency in regard to the scheme yet, and would be delighted to have an audience with
the Bishop on Friday 2nd August 1957 at 10:30 am or at his convenience so as to discuss
the subject further. He disclosed that the government had already given an undertaking
to assist in the implementation of the scheme and promised to cooperate and assist in
the realisation of the project.353
In his response to Nimo’s letter, Bowers expressed his appreciation and commented
that he had read with much interest in the Hansard Independence Bill of 10th July 1957,
and commended his estimable motion in parliament to train personnel to manage the
scheme for crippled children and to establish such a home in Ghana. He stated that it
had been two years then since the Catholic Mission had been discussing and drafting
352 C. E. Nimo to Bowers, 25th July 1957, 31st July 1957, D74/3 Hanson Road Accra.
353 Ibid.
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plans for erecting such a House and she had been hoping to proceed with its actualisa-
tion in the coming year.
In view of the statement made by the Parliamentary Secretary for the Ministry for La-
bour, Bowers wrote:
I am happy to be able to assure the Honourable member for Akim Abuakwa
North that if he can interest a voluntary agency in this scheme, the Ministry
of Health would do everything within their power to assist in the implemen-
tation of the scheme… and he has concluded, I would appreciate hearing
from you if you have not already approached any other voluntary agency in
regard to the scheme. 354
In another correspondence addressed to a priest simply identified as father, Bowers has
written that the Ministry of Health has promised to train one employee which is sub-
jected to the approval of the Ministry of Social Welfare. However, the Minister in the
person of Akoto-Adjei was away in the United States for business, hence action could
not be taken on the request until his return in a few weeks.
Meanwhile, Bowers had disclosed: “I am hoping to receive some help from government
to pay the salaries of the staff”.355 He was convinced and emphatic that, “as soon as that
is done we will actively take up the matter of building for which everything has been
prepared”.367
This letter referred to a presentation made to the house by Nimo, a Member of Parlia-
ment, on the 10th of July 1957, in which he argued that he had been able to whip up
interest of a voluntary agency headed by Bowers of the Roman Catholic Church, Accra,
in undertaking to build and to manage the “Home”. Bowers was referring to an earlier
354 Bowers to Nimo, July 25, 1957 Archdiocesan Archives, Archbishop’s House Accra.
355 Ibid.
367 Ibid.
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transaction in a letter, which was addressed to the Secretary of the National Assembly
at the Parliament House.356
In his capacity as Member of Parliament, and on behalf of the government, he had been
able to fulfil the obligation to provide over twenty-eight thousand pounds (£28,000)
received from an appeal to overseas agencies. A large parcel of land was made available
at Koforidua for the buildings and the Architect was ready to start the project when the
Member of Parliament asked that a meeting be arranged with Bowers, the Minister of
Health, and himself to discuss the terms of the contract of government assistance to-
wards the implementation.357
In this connection, Nimo wrote on behalf of the Ministry of Health in the capacity of a
General Secretary that a voluntary agency had expressed interest in the management
and running of the Home for crippled children at Koforidua and funds collected for the
project amounted to over twenty-eight thousand pounds (£28,000) for the establishment
of the Home. However, he added that the Ministry’s responsibility for crippled children
would cease as soon as their treatment at the government hospital had been completed.
Thereafter, if they needed any further assistance, they must be directed to the Ministry
of Labour Cooperative and Social Welfare.358
In retrospect, the above policy, to some extent, is contrary to the Catholic Church’s
common good principle of solidarity of subsidiarity. Let us assume the above scenario
where the subject of the competition relates to whether or not the community should
adopt the cash and carry system. In such a case, the common good principle would
356 Bowers to “People for Cripple Children,” 29th August 1957, Accra.
357 Bowers to ‘Father’, October 6 1958, Archdiocesan Archives, Archbishop’s House Accra.
358 Nimo to Bowers, 11th September 1958, Accra.
371 Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, n. 37.
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insist that there should be someone who would be prepared to come in when there are
people who cannot pay. It goes without saying that the common good cannot exist with-
out solidarity of subsidiarity.371 Hence, it is the Catholic Church’s choice to opt for the
poor in human development, especially health.
In pursuance of the human development agenda, Rivas wrote to inform Bowers that he
had had contact with the Regional Medical Officer and rendered an unqualified apology
for misinforming the Bishop that the Regional Medical Officer was Dr Moody, who
was instead the District Medical Officer. Instead, the Regional Medical Officer was Dr
Darkwah, who was on trek, and that as soon as he returned, he (Rivas) would arrange a
meeting with the Bishop either in Accra or Koforidua.
Additionally, Rivas also recalled that he and his team spent Christmas while on trek.
On his return, Rivas said he learnt that Bowers had paid a visit and left a message of
the positive response from the German Bishops and considered it as a happy Christmas
present. Rivas later wrote to thank the Bishop for his visit but apologised for not being
present and for the mistaken identity. However, he expressed the hope to see the Bishop
in Accra to discuss the matter. He concluded with New Year wishes.359
Also, Dosuing had written to express appreciation for the generous grant for the hospital
by Earoppolinder and noted that it was very timely, since it came to add grandeur to the
feast of Christmas. It would also enable the hospital to help the sick little ones who are
so dear to the infant Jesus.373 Bowers had also expressed his gratitude to the German
Bishops and the Germans as well as to “‘your good self’ and wished all the assistants
blessings and graces during the New Year”.360
359 John Rivas to Bowers, 6th April 1958, Koforidua.
373 Monsignor G. Dosuing to Bowers (no date).
360 Bowers to German Bishops’ Conference, December 14, 1959, Bishop’s House Accra,
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Consequently, Rivas had submitted an estimated expenditure for running the Hospital
for Crippled Children in order to get support from Social works of the Diocese and to
get “full” support from the Trust Founders’ fund. One full-time medical doctor would
receive 125 pounds per month plus a car and a house at £150 per month. Six qualified
brothers of the staff would receive £50 per month. Six African staff (on training) would
be paid £15 per month.
For orderliness and labour, £10 per month was to be spent. Eighty children would be
budgeted for at £5 per month for medical treatment and clothing.375 There was attached
the list of qualified registered brother nurses ready to come to Ghana from Spain. The
incentive to the doctors was meant to motivate them to give of their best while in prac-
tice. Bowers always insisted on the qualification of any health practitioners in his dio-
cese. In effect, the superiors of the congregations complied with these directives.
B. Interviews
This investigation has disclosed that there were three accounts surrounding the circum-
stances of the coming of the Dominican Order of Sisters in Ghana. The circumstances
which led Bowers to the Dominican Sisters of Speyer, Germany, and culminated in the
establishment of St. Dominic Hospital, Akwatia, and Battor Hospital were:
In 1954 plans were far advanced for the Dominican Sisters, a diocesan Order, to come
to the Accra Diocese and help in the medical field. In this context, the first oral account
has it that, Bowers attended the Convocation of the Second Vatican Council (in 1962
to 1965). As one of the Council Fathers from Ghana, he met a priest of his order of the
SVD Missionary called Gerhards, who was a brother of one of the nuns in the Order of
the Dominicans at Speyer in Germany. In a conversation that ensued between them,
375 Rivas to Bowers, 12 October 1959, Koforidua.
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Bowers became interested in the sisters when he learnt of their apostolate of hospitality
in education and health. After the closing session of the council, he immediately con-
tinued to Speyer, Germany, in the company of the said priest. Fortunately, the Council
for the Dominican Order of Sisters was holding the chapter and he was invited to make
his presentation. After his passionate appeal, all the Sisters present were so much moved
that they voted in favour of his project to come to work in the Gold Coast, and particu-
larly in the Diocese of Accra.361
In the second oral historical account by one of the Dominican Sisters,362 Bowers at-
tended the National Eucharistic Congress at Munich in Germany in 1955 and happened
to meet other SVD confrères in the community where he had resided, who had two
sisters in the Dominican order. He encouraged Bowers to pay them a visit to which he
obliged. This was the beginning of a lasting relationship leading to their mission to
Ghana.
According to this documented evidence attributed to Bowers, he had visited Europe.363
While in Rome he met one of his confrères called Gerhards, who was a member of a
Committee for the Eucharistic Congress in Munich and they became friends. After the
Congress, Gerhards took him to Speyer, where three of his sisters were members of the
Dominican Order of Preachers (OP). Bowers had a meeting with the Superior General,
Quack and her Council and the outcome was positive.
The above oral/historical and documented accounts admit the fact that Bowers had con-
tacted the Sisters. But the first two narratives have been embellished with an aura of
361 Pius Kpeglo, a good collaborator of Bowers and his vicar general; Interview granted the researcher,
5th of May 2017, Agomanya.
362 Miguela Keller, Email message to the researcher, Monday, April 10, 2017.
363 Bowers’ memoirs on his encounter with Gerhards.
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mystery and contextualised within the Second Vatican Council, which was held in
Rome in the years 1962-1965, and the National Eucharistic Congress at Munich, which
also was held in 1960. The two dates cited conflict with the time of contact between
Bowers and the Sisters according to the correspondence from the annals of Accra Arch-
diocese and Speyer, since Bowers’ correspondence with the Sisters dated back to the
1955 and the dates of two oral accounts fall in 1960.
The third documented account that has been attributed to Bowers seems more credi-
ble. It is the meeting of the Planning Committee for the Eucharistic Congress which
took place earlier in Rome prior to the actual Eucharistic Congress in Munich, Ger-
many.
As the study has already noted, it can only conjecture that the two narratives were meant
to create an aura of mystery around the encounter of Bowers with the Dominican Sis-
ters. Whatever the intention, this is not relevant for our present investigation. What is
important is the fact that the Dominican Sisters fulfilled their mission in the Gold Coast
of which Bowers was the founder and architect for the integral human development.
The above cursory glance at how Bishop Bowers contacted the Dominican Sisters,
brings us to consider why in the first place he took such a major decision, given that the
SSpS Sisters were in his diocese, who were also health professionals. This study can
only infer that first, his love for the African woman compelled him to do so. Second,
his background as a descendant of ‘slaves’ impacted greatly on his decisions on master-
servant relationship, which he experienced as a priest in the Gold Coast. Thus, he ap-
pointed Sisters Immaculata Freizer (qualified midwife), Mary Emmanuella Awudza
(qualified nurse), Mary Barbara Aidoo (qualified nurse), all of the African women con-
gregation he founded, to the Clinic and Maternity at Agomanya.
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In view of the difficulties the HDRs encounter under the supervision of the SSpS Sis-
ters, one of the above-mentioned Sisters of HDR in an interview, gave their job descrip-
tion while they were at the maternity ward, “We were made to attend to old people in
the hospital and paid visits to their homes, and the homes of old soldiers, the Legion
village, children’s hospital etc. Often, the tap was deliberately left opened overnight in
the clinic and maternity block and we were made to fetch and mob the flooded floor.
As his policy, Bowers always insisted we went out in pairs on visitations”.364
The study deduced that the maltreatment of his Sister might have impacted negatively
on the relationship between the SSpS and HDRs. Also, it inferred that Bowers was
aggrieved by the maltreatment so much that it prompted him to write in one of his
correspondences to Gerhards to treat their correspondences confidentially and not let
“their Sisters (SSpS)” know about it.365 Nevertheless, the SSpS finally handed over St
Martin de Porres hospital at Agomanya to the HDRs in 1983.
Under the administration of the HDRs, the Sisters did not limit the health delivery to
Agomanya. There was the outreach programme to villages like Asesewa, and its envi-
rons through the PHC programme. What started as Clinic/Maternity Home has now
been upgraded to a hospital status.
One witness had testified that while she was a teacher at Asamankese, Bowers paid a
visit to the school and handed her a letter of transfer to his school at Agomanya and to
see the chief. Furthermore, she testified to the fact that Nene Azu Mate Korle was a
personal friend to Bowers, who donated the parcel of land at Agomanya and Nuaso to
the Catholic Church:
364 Mary Fedelis, one of the founding Sister of the HDR; Interview granted the researcher, 26-03-2018
at Agomanya.
365 Bowers to Gerhards, loc. cit.
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I knew Bowers as a teenager at Nsawam when I was about thirteen or four-
teen years old. I stayed with the religious Sisters (SSpS) at Nsawam. These
are some of their names: Benedict, Lucet, Providencial, and others.
They were the pioneers of the convent at Nsawam, which was founded by
Bowers. In Agomanya, Bowers had arranged with the Chief of Odumase
called Nene Azu Mate Korle, who was his bosom friend, to give accommo-
dation to one of his children in his house and to take very good care of me.
Upon my arrival, I met Bowers who introduced me to Nene and his wife.
They became my very caring guardians.366
Another witness, named Fr Samuel Batsa, has testified that the brothers of St John of
God came to Koforidua, because Bowers gave them a parcel of land for development:
“I have known that there was a little bit of controversy as to what extent they can go on
with their development. He confirmed that Bowers bought the land but the brothers
continued to stretch their development and encroached on the property of POJOSS”.367
He added that it was during his time as a teacher at POJOSS that their postulants or
novices commenced their formation programme. On the acquisition of an indenture on
the land, he said Bishop Dominic K. Andoh saw the church as one and was therefore
not very strict.
C. Focus group discussion
Further search on the vision of Bowers led to the annals at Speyer, Germany. Here the
study discovered that the intention of Bowers for bringing the Dominican Sisters to the
Gold Coast was also to establish hospitals and hand over to the indigenous religious
congregation of African women Sisters called the HDR. In a focus group discussion368,
the study has revealed that there was an initial attempt to prepare the Sisters of the HDR
to take over. There were series of meetings to this effect and even the Dominicans sent
366 Amenuve, Interview granted the researcher, 28-11- 2018.
367 Fr. Samuel Batsa, Interview granted the researcher, 31 October 2017.
368 Focus group discussion with elderly sisters at Agomanya.
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some HDR Sisters for studies but one of them training as a Hospital Administrator was
recalled from her studies yet was not assigned to the position she was aspiring to be-
cause she did not have the requisite qualification.369
In effect, at the time of the departure of the Dominican Sisters from Ghana, the HDR
had no qualified personnel to run the schools and hospitals.370 In reaction, the HDR
interviewees have commented that the Dominicans should have helped them to have
enough trained personnel rather than wait until the time of their departure only to blame
them for not being ready. In another interview, our interviewee refuted the claim by the
Dominican Sisters.
Sister Aƒla, HDR has asserted that the Dominican Sisters sponsored her to study Busi-
ness Management to acquire the needed skills as the administrator of Battor Hospital.
However, after completion they were unwilling to hand over to the HDR.371 In response
to their reaction, one interviewee, Kpeglo, said the HDR should have taken the initiative
to study and acquire the necessary qualifications themselves rather than rely on the OP
Sisters.
Another interviewee, Archbishop Palmer-Buckle, has confirmed the intention of Bow-
ers to train his Sisters for their future apostolate, but lamented that though Bowers took
the initiative and sent four Sisters for studies in America and Canada in the disciplines
of medicine, education and administration, unfortunately he was transferred and some
of the Sisters were recalled from studies on the grounds that there was no need for
educated women to become good religious Sisters. However, one of those who returned
369 HDR; Focus Group Discussion, 26th March 2018, Agomanya.
370 Keller, Regional Superior of the Dominican Sisters, “Congratulatory Message” The Golden Jubilee
Brochure, 17-18.
371 Regina Aƒla, the interviewee has since switched course to do law at Gimpa at Achimota, instead of
business administration, as was the original plan; Interview granted the researcher, 10th November 2017
at the Archbishop’s office, Holy Spirit Cathedral, Adabraka, Accra.
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persevered in Ghana to become a medical doctor but later had to leave the congregation
and religious life.
Furthermore, the investigation led to an interview with the above-mentioned medical
doctor372 who left the HDR congregation. The interviewee revealed that her decision to
return to Ghana was informed by two reasons; first, she was refused a request to con-
tinue with her education while on studies, even though she had scholarship to continue.
Secondly, she returned with the intention of leaving the congregation and the religious
life altogether. But she was encouraged by a priest373 to rescind her decision, which she
did, and she was later given teaching appointment as a Science teacher at St Roses
Secondary School at Akwatia.
Later, she gained admission to the University of Ghana to pursue her dream of becom-
ing a medical doctor. After graduating she accepted to practise at St Martin de Porres
Hospital at Agomanya with her Sisters but could no longer tolerate the envy, jealousy,
and rancorous dispute among the Sisters, so she had to leave. She also confirmed that
it was the vision of Bowers for the congregation he founded to take over the schools
and hospitals.
In another interview with an ex-nun, Koffie,374 who was among the first Sisters to have
professed in the congregation but later left and now resides in Canada, she expressed a
different view. She was emphatic that Bowers never intended to train his Sisters to take
372 Telephone conversation with the researcher on the 28th October 2017. The interviewee is self-em-
ployed with a clinic of her own and seemed to be content. This interview was conducted in confidential-
ity, and the name of interviewee is withheld by mutual agreement.
373 The name of the priest was Fr. Lobianco, who was the Vicar General and Bursar of the then, Diocese
of Accra of which Bowers was the Bishop
374 In a telephone conversation between Perpetual Esi Koffie, interviewee is about eighty years old and
resides in Canada. She was very affable and willing to cooperate. Interview granted the researcher. Some
of these interviewees were Mary Fidelis, Mary Charles, Mary Theresa, Mary Consolata, Mary Rita, Mary
Vincentia, etc.; Interview granted the researcher, 26th March 2018.
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over the hospitals and schools founded by him. She said Bowers wanted the HDR to
simply work with women and not to become intellectual giants. However, she admitted
that takeovers are natural phenomena. She argued that as the congregation grows over
the years, naturally the members become well educated with qualifications to occupy
certain positions in the hospitals and schools.
Also, she said she paid a visit to Ghana just before the founder’s demise on the 6th of
November 2012. She learnt in a conversation with him and he expressed the wish for
cloistered or contemplative Sisters of HDR to pray and intercede for the church. Many
of our elderly HDR interviewees agreed that Bowers’ intention was to have them work
simply with women in spreading the word of God.392
In the above arguments for and against the intention of Bowers, the concerns are more
with spiritual and mental health of the human person than physical health, not to say in
the least its importance. It is only in a life of poverty expressed in love of God that
development of human beings and infrastructure take place. This goal is possible when
members of a religious community are enlightened on the significance of their evan-
gelical vows of poverty, chastity and obedience and not riches. This was the founder’s
vision and faith in God who provides for the poor in the midst of want for the spread of
His Kingdom on earth. This also was the spirituality of his favourite Saint Martin de
Porres.375
In conclusion, data from the field shows that Bowers’ pastoral activities were centred
on the integral development of the human person and the healing ministry of Jesus
Christ.
375 Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, no. 37.
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5.6.2 Bishop Bowers’ Contribution to Provision of Health Facilities
From the analysis of data in the preceding section, it was clear that Bowers contributed
to health delivery services in the Accra diocese in many aspects. Below are some of the
identifiable areas.
A. Care for the Aged and Poor
Concerning the aged and poor, according to the Hansard Independence Bill, the Home
for Cripple Children Project was to be conducted by the Brothers of St John of God, an
Order of Hospitals (OH) with the experience of caring for 15 of such institutions in
Spain. The Ministry of Health in Ghana had promised in Parliament to assist with such
a scheme taken up by a voluntary agency.376 Consequently, on 2nd December 1957, a
questionnaire was circulated to collate a detailed data of information on the scheme for
the aged and crippled children. The Catholic Mission of the Diocese of Accra was
named as the Education Unit to run the whole programme.377
Subsequently, there was the question of how to finance the project. In effect, among
other sources of finance, it was decided that as their contribution to the scheme, parents
and guardians would be expected to contribute to the boarding and lodging expenses of
their children. Moreover, if they were unable to do so, where there are real ingenious
cases considerations will be given, and if possible, the fees waived. In view of the
scheme, four buildings would be erected at Koforidua.
The first set of buildings will cost £8000 (eight thousand pounds). The funds were al-
ready made available. The needy parents would be maintained partly from an annual
376 Rivas to Bowers, 3rd March 1957 Koforidua, Hansard, 10 July 1957 section 1926.
377 Ibid.
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grant from the Mission, partly from fees paid by wealthy parents and partly from vol-
untary and government assistance.378
Thus, a discussion was raised on ‘the cripple children’ project. It is considered that in
principle the idea of providing a house for this class of disabled children is a good one
and should receive every encouragement. However, the following observations were
considered very pertinent that, it was intended to start the home with about 20 children.
For climatic reasons (warm weather) it was decided that about 40 square feet should be
the suitable minimum floor space for each inmate, and for 12 persons with an average
age of 10 years and above, the dormitory should measure at least 480 square feet. This
means that the 350 square feet will have to be increased to this dimension, 480. An
equal number of baths and water closets were to be provided at each end of the dormi-
tory block. It was also desirable to have the dispensary and the office in one unit with
the waiting room between them serving both places. This would leave room for water
closets and baths at that end of the building. Also, it would be necessary to increase the
size of the dining hall so that it could contain the full number of children to be admitted
when the Home was fully established.379 This project was aimed at provision of facili-
ties for the development of cripple children into responsible adulthood and conducive
to the environment.
By accepting the responsibility to run the programme in his diocese, Bowers demon-
strated his conviction for the holistic development of the human person as the Catholic
Church states in her social teaching. Not only does he believe that the human person
378 See, Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum. no. 11
379 Bowers to Office of the Principal Medical Officer, Accra Eastern Region 5 February 1958, File n.
DG/C-7 of 9th January 1950 with a note, “the Ministry of Health has studied the Scheme and plans for
the proposed House for cripple children in the country”.
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irrespective of his/her condition deserves respect and care from all, but also put in place
structures and strategies to protect the dignity of the human person as created in the
image and likeness of God.
The inalienable dignity of the human person is that he/she is sacred because God in
creating him/her gave him/her transcendental dignity. This resonates with what Pope
John Paul II said concerning the fundamental truth about the human person, “Man is
the primary route that the Church must travel in fulfilling her mission, he is the primary
and fundamental way for the Church”.380 In other words, all that the Church teaches,
does, and undertakes, must be oriented towards the fulfilment of man and humanisation
of the world.381
Consequently, the human person is a being in dialogue, in dialogue with him/herself,
with others, with creation, and with God. This dialogue especially with others, is done
with respect for differences, and must aim at collaboration, “as suitable method for
finding a solution to the problems through pragmatic and operative agreements.”400
Hence, the church guided by the light of the Gospel, has helped in solving some of our
problems at least in shedding new light on them in order to construct a just society, a
civilisation of love, respecting the dignity and rights of each person. In doing this hu-
manisation of the world, the church does not want to be the sole player but to make a
contribution founded on authentic anthropology and on the understanding that she has
about the realities of the world.382 Bishop Bowers’ care for the poor was informed by
his understanding of teachings of the church on the realities of the world.
380 Pope John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Redemptor Hominis (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana,
1992), no. 14.
381 Pope John Paul II, Catechism of the Catholic Church, no. 18; Id., Sollicitudio rei Socialis, no. 46.
382 Ibid., no. 7.
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Inferring from her understanding of the human person, the Second Vatican Council has
described the church as, “an expert of humanity” that the church offers by her teaching,
“a set of principles for reflection and criteria for judgement and also directives for ac-
tion so that the profound changes demanded by situations of poverty and injustice may
be brought about and in this way serve the true good of humanity.383
Pragmatically, John Paul II has observed that the health challenge of [many] Africans
is immersed. In some African countries more than ‘one-half’ of the number of women
are illiterates. Health services and facilities in most countries are not only inadequate
and in a state of decline, but they also tend to be biased towards urban centres and give
curative rather than preventive care.384 Hence, maternal and infant mortality are high in
many African countries.
Faced with these challenges that the Church and society in its totality ought to solve in
health delivery, they sometimes feel helpless and without adequate means. Yet, human
reason is not enough to clarify all human situations, especially where profound ques-
tions are asked about the meaning of our existence in the world. We need divine light
to identify our areas of responsibility in fighting what the Pope referred to as, “Zones
of misery”.385
B. Founding of Hospitals
The concern for the health needs of people, especially the poor in rural communities,
led Bowers to build various health facilities: hospitals, clinics, and orphanages in his
diocese. Narratives surrounding the establishment of these facilities provide rich
383 Congregation for the Education of the Faith, Instruction on the Christian Freedom and Liberation,
no. 72.
384 John Paul II, Apostolic Letter, Tertio Millennio Adverniente, no. 51.
385 John Paul II, Redemptor Hominis, no. 16.
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information on Bower’ understanding of healing and restoration of the human person
to wholeness.
i. St Martin de Porres Hospital
In view of the above pastoral experience as a priest, Bowers discussed the incident of
his encounter with the woman in labour and her little son with his Superior Adolf Noser
SVD.
St. Martin’s Hospital is in Agomanya (Lower Manya Krobo Municpality). Bowers had
worked here as a young priest and therefore knows the area and the poor living condi-
tions of the people. The long distances people had to travel from the hinterlands and
villages to access the nearest health facility made an impression on him. Having noted
that there was only one Government health facility at Akuse that provided healthcare
services in the whole of the Osudoku and Krobo Traditional areas, Bowers took up the
challenge to rehabilitate and expand a clinic and a maternity home at Agomanya started
by his predecessor, Bishop Nozer, to cater for the health needs of the people in the area.
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The clinic started its operation in 1949 in a wooden structure at the present site of the
Holy Trinity Parish. It was managed by the Sisters Servants of the Holy Spirit (SSpS).
The first three sisters to begin work here were Sr Mary Hellen (American), Sr Mary
Louis (American) and Sr Mary Juanita (Argentine). In1952, Srs Mary Difensora, Mary
Consenta, Mary Rose Martin, Mary Aquilanis joined the community.
As a bosom friend of Bowers, Nene Azu Mante Korle, the then Konor of the Manya
Krobo Traditional Area, chiefs and elders, donated a parcel of land to build a permanent
structure. In appreciation for the efforts of the indigenes in the healthcare delivery pro-
ject, the clinic employed Cecilia Angmortey Denyo, Mary Akosua French, Beatrice
Nartey and Veronica Atta as health assistants. Three Sisters of the Handmaids of the
Divine Redeemer - Srs Mary Theresa Adams, Mary Fidelis and Petricia Sasu – were
admitted to a team of workers to augment the number of the clinic and maternity home
staff.
The focus of Bowers resides on the provision of ‘religious healthcare.’ Aware that the
human person is not only physical but also spiritual, he paid attention to both by em-
ploying committed healthcare workers, especially religious healthcare practitioners. He
was convinced of holistic healing, the natural and supernatural dimensions; body, soul
and spirit of the human person.386
However, it must be acknowledged that before Bowers, the Gold Coast mission had
made steady progress in healthcare due to medical research and investigation in discov-
ering antidote to some tropical diseases. This assertion is supported by the fact that the
missionaries’ lifespan was prolonged from what used to be less than three years, on the
average, of missionary work. Thus, the improved healthcare did not only benefit the
386 Aumann, Spiritual Theology.
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indigenes but also prolonged the lifespan of the missionaries, giving them more time to
learn the local languages, have a more thorough knowledge of customs, gather more
experience, and proclaim the gospel more effectively.387
In imitation of Saint Martin, Bowers did not depend on riches but on the love of God,
which is grounded in poverty with total reliance on divine providence. His strong faith
in the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, as he had said repeatedly, was the source of his
strength and encouragement. He trusted in God to provide the resources to fund the
hospitals.
For the above reasons, Bowers refused to make money the focus or centre of his life.
He deliberately chose not to own any property. However, all that he wanted was a min-
imum of material comfort or amount of money for his sustenance. Even in this case, his
income went to the common fund of the Diocese from which all his needs were met.
“The Decree on the Ministry and Life of the Priests” has concisely stated,
“Priests, just like Bishops (without prejudice to the law), are to use money acquired by
them on the occasion of their exercise of some ecclesiastical office primarily for their
own decent support and the fulfilment of the duties of their state…”388 Bowers opted
for the poor, and this was manifested in his lifestyle as a religious, which made him
easily approachable to the simple people. To this effect, Bowers avoided any kind of
luxury in any aspect of life.389
387 Elsbern, The Story of the Catholic Church, 21.
388 Vatican II, Presbyterorum Ordinis, no. 7.
389 Congregation for the Clergy, Directory for the Life and Ministry of Priests (Vatican City: Libreria
Editrice Vaticana), no. 62
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ii. Battor Hospital
In one of his memoirs, Bowers indicated that at his first visit to Battor as Bishop of
Accra in the year 1953, after a durbar, the chief Togbui Dzekley came to him with
words of wisdom and said: “Bishop I know why you came, you want to make us Chris-
tians, our people have been baptised but when they are sick where do we send them?
Build a hospital for us”.
This was the beginning of the Battor hospital. Following this request by the chief, per-
mission was sought from the District Council at Sogakope in July 1955 by the resident
Priests, Frs. Mertens, Krajick and the District Council. The project started when ap-
proval was given, through communal labour. The CPP loaned the town £3,000. In Sep-
tember 1956, a German medical practitioner, Hildegard Birkhahn, started work in Bat-
tor on the verandah of the house, built by Fr Rudolf Krajck.
In a missionary zeal of the Dominican Missionary Sisters, is attested the request of Pope
Pius XII to Bishop Isidor Markus Emmanuel, Bishop of the Diocese of Speyer in Ger-
many, the diocese of origin of the Dominican Sisters’ congregation, to assist the Ghana
mission. On the 12th of February of 1957, some Dominican sisters from Speyer arrived
in Accra. They spent six months at the Christ the King Parish, Accra, with the HDRs
and in August 1957 went to Battor to begin their mission.
After they had settled, they were entrusted with the construction of a maternity “home”
for expectant mothers in Battor. As soon as the Sisters settled, they started work imme-
diately. Soon it was realised that there would be the need for more services other than
a maternity ward. This became evident as patients with different kinds of diseases
sought for treatment. As a result, the Sisters consulted and obtained the necessary per-
mission from the government to expand.
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Among the pioneer Sisters were Srs. Victricia Koch, Inlinata Harter, Edeltrudis Ber-
berich and Caritas Eisenbarth, all of whom were nurses. They assisted Dr. Mrs
Hiedegard Birkham, a German Doctor who was working under the most primitive con-
ditions imaginable. She could treat only few outpatients on the veranda of her bungalow
and that was the best medical attention for the people of Battor at the time. As we have
already mentioned in one of Bowers’ correspondences about their acclimatization, there
was no electricity and no means of entertainment and there were also the troublesome
seasonal floods to contend with.
Under the supervision of Rudolf Krajick, the building was completed, and work ear-
nestly began. But they had obstacles to surmount, like customs and mentality of the
people, to win their confidence. They were given access to good drinking water from a
well drilled by Fr. Krajick. Dr. Braun from Adidome Presbyterian Mission Hospital
opted to assist by coming to Battor once a week by boat. Sr. M. Scholastica joined the
team from Germany as a midwife and there was improvement. Nevertheless, there was
the river to cross in tiny boats from one bank to the other to pay visits to the villages.
The pace of development gradually picked up with the construction of the female ward
and more importantly, the confidence the people had in the Sisters was sealed. As the
clinic was expanding, there was a corresponding increase in the volume of work, which
created employment opportunity for the people in Battor.
Dr. Sr. Edgitha Gorge’s arrival at the hospital as a substantive doctor totally ended the
dire need for doctors. She revolutionised the structure of the hospital as more and more
people trooped to Battor for medical care and such is what had resulted in the improved
state of the hospital. Sister Margit also brought in her managerial skill that is evidenced
in the massive construction of accommodation for the staff and a fully furnished school
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of nursing and school for the mentally handicapped. The Battor health facility is well
equipped with ultra-modern apparatuses and medical practitioners, which cannot be
compared with anyone in rural setting and has attracted assistance from the Government
of Ghana. Apart from their normal hospital work, the Sisters in diverse ways have sup-
ported many children to further their education. They were also engaged in other char-
itable activities they would prefer not to bring to the public view.
Twenty-seven years later, in the mid-1980s, giant strides were chalked up with the Pri-
mary Health Care (PHC) Department. As a result, there were massive declining rates
with some diseases like malnourishment, tetanus, measles, diarrhoea etc.
iii. St Dominic Hospital, Akwatia
At the request of Bowers, three Dominican Sisters, Theresita Ohmer, Fatima Schmit
and Irmina Radke were sent to Ghana in 1960 to start the project. Upon arrival, the
Sisters stayed for a few months at Battor, where they already had a community.
When their rest was over, they were accompanied by Sr Victricia Koch to Akwatia
where they took over a small clinic of three bedrooms built by the local community.
With support from benefactors and Bowers, the second phase of the project began.
Gradually, additional staff arrived to augment the working team. Dr Karl Augustine
Hoheneck, who was a surgeon of a Dominican hospital in Germany, joined the Sisters
in June 1960. Srs. Scholastika Riesbeck, Jubilata Müller, Lucaris Schüdler, Fedelia
Nießor and Miguela Keller joined the group within the following three years. But there
were also transfers: Sr. Schüdler, who was the only midwife among the Sisters, was
transferred to Battor because there was no medical officer there.
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Hence, until Sr. Fedelia’s arrival, Akwatia had no midwife. In 1970, Margit Ohmacht
came as Head of the Enrolled Nurses Training Course in Ghana and became a member
of the Battor community.
What began as a small clinic has now developed into a District and Teaching Hospital
with a bed capacity of over 330 and over 600 staff members in strength. It has various
units namely, Gynaecology and Obstetrics, Surgery, Internal Medicine, Paediatric with
an Intensive Care Unit for premature and sick new-born babies. Others are a very busy
Eye and Dental units a vibrant Public Health and Community Development Depart-
ment, a Treatment Centre for People Living With HIV/AIDS (PLWAS), a well patron-
ised (CT) Counselling and Testing Unit. There is a successful PMTCT programme (a
programme to prevent the transmission of the HIV virus from mother to child). At the
end of February 2010, out of 63 babies born by HIV-positive mothers, 60 children were
HIV negative.
The above achievements by St Dominic Hospital can also be attributed to Battor Hos-
pital as a centre for excellence where thousands of people have found education, occu-
pation, and hope in a hopeless situation. Many people have by this experience realised
that there is a loving and merciful God who continues to reveal Himself to us through
the grace of healing and care.
These achievements did not come on a silver platter but by very hard work and coop-
eration between the Ghana government and the Motherhouse in Speyer, the Germany
Bishops’ Conference (Misereor), and the Diocese of Speyer.
Also, through the fundraising activities of the Sisters, schools, parishes in Germany,
and the generous donations of friends and philanthropists and members of the Rotary
club, St Dominic Hospital and the Battor Hospital were assisted. Other institutions such
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as the Ghana Health Service, the Christian Health Association of Ghana (CHAG) and
the National Catholic Health Service also contributed their quota to this assistance.
Through all their benevolence, the vision of St. Dominic Hospital as the centre of hope
for the sick and the poor is being realised.
iv. St Joseph Hospital Effiduase, Koforidua
The idea to undertake a project on the cripple home was originally tabled in the parlia-
ment of Ghana by a Member of Parliament for Akim Abuakwa North, called Nimo,
who expressed the wish to propose to the government to give the project on the cripple
home to the Catholic Church.390 He hinted that he had tabled a motion of his view in
parliament that a home for crippled children should be established in the country. His
decision was inspired by the fact that the Catholic Mission had already taken the initi-
ative and planned to establish such laudable scheme and he would be pleased to be
associated with it.
However, he admitted that he had not approached any voluntary agency in regard to the
scheme yet and would be delighted to have an audience with the Bishop on Friday 2nd
August 1957 at 10:30 am or at his convenience so as to discuss the subject further. He
disclosed that the government had already given an undertaking to assist in the imple-
mentation of the scheme and promised to cooperate and assist in the realisation of the
project.391
Consequently, in his response to Nimo, Bowers expressed his appreciation and com-
mented that he had read with much interest in the Hansard Independence Bill of July
10th 1957, and commended his estimable motion in parliament to train personnel to
390 C. E. Nimo to Bowers, 25th July 1957, 31st July 1957, D74/3 Hanson Road Accra.
391 Ibid.
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manage the scheme for crippled children and to establish such a home in Ghana. He
stated that it had been two years then since the Catholic Mission had been discussing
and drafting plans for erecting such a House and she had been hoping to proceed with
its actualisation in the coming year.
In his capacity as a Member of Parliament, and on behalf of the government, Nimo said
he had been able to fulfil the obligation to provide over £28,000 received from an appeal
to overseas agencies. A large parcel of land was made available at Koforidua for the
buildings and the architect was ready to start the project when the Member of Parlia-
ment asked that a meeting be arranged with Bowers, the Minister of Health, and himself
to discuss the terms of the contract of government assistance towards the implementa-
tion.392
In this connection, Nimo, acting on behalf of the Ministry of Health in the capacity of
a General Secretary, informed the house that a voluntary agency had expressed interest
in the management and running of the Home for crippled children at Koforidua and
funds collected for the project amounted to over £28,000 for the establishment of the
Home. However, he added that the Ministry’s responsibility for crippled children would
cease as soon as their treatment at the government hospital had been completed. There-
after, if they needed any further assistance, they must be directed to the Ministry of
Labour Cooperative and Social Welfare.393
In pursuant of the human development agenda, Rivas informed Bowers that he had had
contact with the Regional Medical Officer. Additionally, Rivas also recalled that he and
his team spent Christmas while on trek. On his return, Rivas said he learnt that Bowers
392 Bowers to Father, October 6 1958, Archdiocesan Archives, Archbishop’s House Accra.
393 Nimo to Bowers, 11th September 1958, Accra.
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had paid a visit and left a message of the positive response from the German Bishops
and considered it as a happy Christmas present. Rivas later thanked the Bishop for his
visit, but apologised for not being present and for the mistaken identity. However, he
expressed the hope to see the Bishop in Accra to discuss the matter. He concluded with
New Year wishes.394
Consequently, Rivas had submitted an estimated expenditure for running the Hospital
for Crippled Children in order to get support from Social Works of the Diocese and to
get “full” support from the Trust Founders’ fund. One full-time medical doctor would
receive £125 per month plus a car and house at £150 per month. Six qualified brothers
of the staff would receive £50 per month. Six African staff (on training) would be paid
£15 per month. For orderliness and labour, £10 per month was to be spent. Eighty chil-
dren would be budgeted for at £5 per month for medical treatment and clothing.395
There was attached the list of qualified registered Brother nurses ready to come to
Ghana from Spain. The incentive to the doctors was meant to motivate them to give of
their best while in practice. Bowers always insisted on the qualification of any health
practitioners in his diocese. In effect, the superiors of the congregations complied with
these directives.
Having followed all protocol, the project was entrusted to the Brothers of the Hospital-
ler Order of St John of God and was formally inaugurated in 1959 as a private non-
profit organisation. Over the years, what began as a project on home for crippled chil-
dren have developed into a hospital that offers health services on Orthopaedics and
Traumatology. Additionally, it has extended its services to include other general
394 John Rivas to Bowers, 6th April 1958, Koforidua.
395 John Rivas to Bowers, 12 October 1959, Koforidua.
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healthcare such as general surgery and it is rated as the second highest attended hospital
in the region.396
5.7 Conclusion
With a new democratic dispensation in the Gold Coast more and more mission hospitals
had overcome some of their initial struggles for survival. Therefore, there was the need
to organise into associations in order to solve their common problems collectively. One
of such associations is the Christian Health Association of Ghana (CHAG) which de-
veloped into a body for negotiations with the government. The cumulative effect of this
union is the substantial help given by the government to CHAG members. The Catholic
Church formed the Diocesan Health Councils (DHCs) with the Bishop as the Head and
Chairman, thus technically making them the Head of all Catholic health institutions in
the Diocese.
In view of the organisation of the health sector and Catholic health professionals, the
Catholic Church has in mind to fulfil her criterion of upholding natural moral law, that
is, women and men of faith, missionaries, religious, laity, priests, Bishops and Popes
who have lived out the social teachings over the centuries. These disciples of Christ
responded to the circumstances of their times in the light of the Gospel and Church
mandates to care for the needy, serve one’s neighbour and build a society based on
justice and peace. By extension, the onus is on every woman and man of goodwill to
understand the principles of the Social Teachings of the church.397
In bringing health care to some Ghanaian communities, Bishop Bowers was able to
evangelise through improved health care; with Catholic healthcare practitioners who
396 St. Joseph Hospital’s Report for 2009.
397 Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, no. 82, 83.
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were religious by their witness of life. It was Bishop Bowers’ deep conviction of the
dignity of the human person that led him to love and respect every human person. In
this respect, he provided hospital facilities in order to teach practical Catholic Medical
ethics.
Also, the Catholic health practitioner through healthcare would care and treat the pa-
tients as “another Christ” and not just as a number or a bed. In this way the patients
would come to the knowledge and love of God. Thus, in all the hospitals he established,
healthcare was not confined to the hospital environment but an outreach programme,
as the healthcare practitioners paid visits to the villages on market days. This pro-
gramme was designed so that the poor who cannot afford to pay for transportation and
all the other expenses associated with travelling can access healthcare and take care of
their businesses at the same time.
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CHAPTER SIX
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
6.1 Introduction
This concluding chapter presents a summary of the findings of the work, showing how
the intervening chapters responded to the research questions and objectives. It then
draws conclusions based on the major findings and finally makes some recommenda-
tions for further research.
6.2 Summary
This study investigated how Bishop Bowers expressed his faith in God through his pas-
toral ministry. Specifically, it examined his contribution to healthcare delivery and for-
mal and informal education in the Accra diocese.
Firstly, the study examined Catholic religious education as one of the two pillars of
Bishop Bowers’ evangelical strategy for integral human development Understanding
the necessity of education in development discourse, it explored Catholic education in
the Gold Coast within the colonial system of education and the implementation of ac-
celerated educational development plan in Ghana after independence. Furthermore, it
discussed the patriotism and role of the Ghana Young Pioneers, Voluntary Agencies
and the views of Bishop Bowers on education, which was derived from his letters, in-
terviews, and focus group discussions.
Additionally, the study examined Bowers’ contribution to education: in terms of caring
for the poor and needy children, founding of schools, and the HDRs for the formation
and training of some of them for school and hospital apostolate and concluded with the
impact of Bishop Bowers on education in the Gold Coast Ghana.
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Secondly, this study discussed the contribution of Bowers to holistic human develop-
ment by assessing the health delivery system in the Catholic Diocese of Accra: provi-
sion of health facilities, staffing of the facilities with qualified personnel, most of whom
were religious health practitioners. Behind the establishment of hospitals and schools
lies his deep conviction of the dignity of the human person that requests love and re-
spect. Hence the move to raise the living standards of the less privileged in society,
offering them the opportunity to experience the love of God.
Relevant data were sourced from narratives of selected witnesses, correspondences,
memos ad memoirs and archival records. These were supplemented with secondary
sources. Some of the findings that emanated from the study are discussed below.
6.2.1 Education and Integral Human Development
One of the main findings of the study is that education is a key factor for sustainable
development in every community. Forming people to understand themselves and the
world around opens them up to value the self and the other in the daily existence and
interaction. But for education to be meaningful, it should be appropriate to the actual
destiny of the human persons. It should be adapted to their aptitudes, sex and national
cultural, traditions and should be beneficial to foster fraternal relations with other na-
tions in order to promote true unity and peace in the world. Therefore, true education is
directed towards the integral development of the human person in view of his final end
and the good of that society to which he/she belongs. This is supported by the view that
“All men of whatever race, condition or age, in virtue of their dignity as human persons,
have an inalienable right to education.”
It is for the above reason that for Bishop Bowers children and young people should be
helped to develop harmoniously their physical, moral, and intellectual qualities. Hence,
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he subscribed to the scientific methods of educational instructions like the taxonomy of
education, as practiced, in any part of the world.
Giving the importance of education to human development, educators are to be more
precise in their language since it is their medium of communication with their learners.
The precision of language in Taxonomy is rooted in the ideas that all words in a scien-
tific system should be defined in terms of observable events and that educational ob-
jectives should be defined operationally in terms of performances or outcomes. This
method of formulating objectives can be used for writing objectives at the program and
course levels. By adding specific content, the objectives can be used at the classroom
level, including the lesson plan level.
Though, the findings of the study revealed that Bishop Bowers upholds this scientific
method and instruction, taxonomy of educational objectives, he was strongly opposed
to treating moral and religious education (RME) as an appendix to other subjects, such
as mathematics and science on a school’s curriculum. Relegating RME to the back-
ground would mean that the development of the learner would no longer be integral or
complete, since the spiritual and moral development, which is most essential aspect of
a human person’s development, has become secondary.
Not only did Bishop Bowers oppose minimizing RME, but he also advocates for a phi-
losophy of philosophy of education that uphold the totality of the human person in the
cognitive, affective, and psychomotor developments.
The importance Bishop Bowers placed on holistic development of the human person.
Since indeed the well-being of society and the Church herself is intimately related to
the development of students pursing higher studies. He paid greater attention to their
spiritual life. This, to a large extent, has forestall some social vices, such as; corruption,
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indiscipline and indecency, robbery, murder, rape, drug abuse, disrespect for authori-
ties, elders and laws of the land, indifference to the environment, social and civic irre-
sponsibility.
Thus, the finding of the research has asserted the indispensability of holistic education
and integral human development. He described an integral education, as an education,
which responds to all the needs of the human person. Therefore, the instrument for
instruction should be designed to intentionally direct to the growth of the whole person
with the aim to develop, gradually, every capability of each learner: intellectual, psy-
chological, moral, cultural and religious dimensions. Hence, the study ascertained that
he established Catholic schools, because they are privilege places, which foster the for-
mation and transformation of the whole person to be conscious of their dignity, the need
of others and their responsibility towards all peoples. Such education, requires the in-
terpersonal relationship and mutual cooperation between the educator, whose life of
witnesses to a living encounter with Christ, and the student, who is inspired and en-
couraged by the witness of life of the educator.
Moreover, the investigation has revealed that since Catholic schools exist to promote
holistic education, it is constantly inspired and guided by the Gospel of Christ and his
person, from whom Bishop Bowers derived all the energy necessary for his educational
work.
Basically, the finding of the study is, that Bishop Bowers believed holistic education is
based on the premise, “virtue can be taught.” This would lead to integral human for-
mation, that is, forming individuals to achieve their full potentials for the good of them-
selves and fellow human being. A person so formed would influence and affect the
country according to the formation or religious education he/she has received.
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Additionally, the work has demonstrated Bishop Bowers’ reason that integral develop-
ment, though tantamount with, is related to holistic education, as integral and holistic
refer to same thing-the totality of a certain subject, in this case, the human person. Thus,
holistic and integral indicate both the interior and exterior sides of the human person,
which could be sum up in the physical, psychological, emotional, social, political, eco-
nomic, moral, intellectual/spiritual. Furthermore, in his view of the various aspects of
life, he defined development as growth, progress, improvement and/or advancement.
Additionally, this study has deduced that Bishop Bowers was of the view, that integral
development is all-round advancement or growth of a people. Hence, integral develop-
ment of a country ensues when her citizens bring their experiences, in the formal and
informal education sectors to bear on the historical development of their country to
promote the welfare of the citizens in all spheres of their lives. Consequently, every
aspect of the country then grows for the benefit of each citizen, leading to putting at the
disposal of the country their qualities, attitudes, aptitude, abilities, and capabilities to
promote the development of the country. These character traits of the people determine
the rate and quality of development of a country. The development would be reflected
in the communities, and the populace. In conclusion, the integral development of a na-
tion, to a large extent, is dependent on the holistic and integral education of the popu-
lace.
6.2.2 Health and Integral Human Development
It is noteworthy, as the findings of the study have revealed that since Bowers’ aim was
the integral human development, he did not only establish educational institutions but
health facilities as well. His conviction was based on the saying “sound mind in a
healthy body.” Thus, he evangelised more through preventive than curative medicine.
The healthcare givers paid regular visits on market days to villages, where the patients
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accessed the health facilities and received education on good hygiene. Thus, saving
them the extra travelling expenses and inconvenience associated with such trips. He did
this through primary healthcare.
Nevertheless, he also established hospitals to teach the patients who access the facilities
to be prolife in their worldview and not to procure abortion or practise euthanasia to
alleviate sufferings by terminating life, which is a gift of God.
As stated above, given that health is an essential part of integral human development,
this study has shown that Bowers placed humanity over economic benefits in his min-
istry. For him spirituality and morality superseded materialism.
Further, findings of the study discovered that Bowers emphasised the church’s percep-
tion of the human person as created in the image of God. Hence, he evaluated any new
governmental policy as to whether or not it improves or threatens human dignity. For
Bowers, human dignity, to some extent, depends on healthcare issues. Catholic medical
ethics provide a guide or a set of signposts for the way to live: a sound mind in a healthy
body.
In the quest to answer the question on the relevance of Catholic hospitals, this study
discovered also that Catholic medical ethics are for many persons a matter of specula-
tion of, more or less, inaccurate/accurate information, of ideas and all this begets great
confusion in their minds. It is in this light that Bowers has, as the first corollary of this
fundamental concept, the idea that to give up life of one’s own choice is to give up
striving towards an end which not we but God has established.
In view of this, he believed that the Creator has called upon humankind to make his/her
life useful; He/she may not destroy it at will. His/her duty is to care for his body, its
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functions, and its organs; to do everything he/she can render her/himself capable of
attaining to God. This duty implies giving up things which in themselves may be good.
This duty sometimes requires that he/she sacrifices health and life: our concern for them
cannot allow us to deny the claim to superior values in defence of the faith. All the
same, in the matter of cares to be taken for maintaining good health and preserving life,
a correct proportion must be arrived at, regarding both the superior good perhaps at
stake and also the concrete conditions in which the human person lives.
In view of the above, the study revealed that Bowers established Catholic healthcare
facilities in the Gold Coast/Ghana. In the past, the Catholic health practitioners had
fought and still fight fervently to avoid intervention they deemed intrinsically immoral,
such as abortion, euthanasia and suffering. In the face of these challenges, notwith-
standing, the Catholic health sector has made numerous accommodations and changes
in how they operate in response to the growing pluralism of the Ghanaian society, but
they have resisted crossing certain boundaries in providing particular interventions
deemed objectively wrong based on one principle of the medical good: that the patient
wants to be healthy.
Thus, the Catholic hospitals exist to promote the harmony between the good as wanted
by the patient and the good as sought by the act of medicine not to be disharmonised
by the purpose the Ghanaian society introduces into the assessment of what is to be
done by legislation. Hence, Bowers sought the medical good of the patient as the
church’s good and pursued professionally, the good health of the patient with highly
qualified Catholic Religious Medical practitioners.
Therefore, the finding of the study has established that Bowers evangelised the people
of the Gold Coast through improved healthcare with Catholic healthcare practitioners
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who were religious. The OP Sisters and Brothers of St John of God, Order of Hospital-
lers (OH) provided their services in the clinics to extend the Kingdom of God by a life
of witness as stipulated by the Social Teachings of the Catholic Church and Second
Vatican Council.398
6.2.3 Empowerment of Girls/Women
Finally, this study has established that the idea of empowerment of women emanated
from Bowers’ family background and his love for his dear and virtuous illiterate
mother, which he transferred to all girls/women to empower them through education.
For him, the formation and transformation of the family depended, to a large extent, on
the emancipation of the girls/women through education. For this reason, his main target
was the underprivileged and vulnerable girls/women who for financial reasons or oth-
erwise could not further their education.
To realise his objective of women empowerment, Bowers took some concrete steps,
namely, 1) the establishment of St Anne Vocational Institute to equip girls/women to
find self fulfilment and to be economically independent in any eventuality; 2) Estab-
lishment of St Rose’s Senior High School (SHS) only for girls; 3) Changed St Martin’s
SHS ‘all-boys’ secondary school into a coeducational (mixed) institution to offer many
girls the opportunity to go to school; 4) Founding a religious women congregation to
empower and evangelise their fellow women,
6.3 Conclusion
The study has established the importance of religion in development, especially in
Ghana, where religion shows no signs of diminishing in both public and private spaces.
398 Vatican II, Gaudium et Spes, no. 1.
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In fact, religion does not only bridge the gap between the two spheres, but it also per-
meates every aspect of life. The question, then, is how can the resources religion offers
be harnessed fully for integral human development and nation building?
This thesis, dedicated to the pastoral activities of Bowers, has underlined the im-
portance of studying the life of heroes and heroines of our nation in order to discover
the values that motivated them in the sacrifices they made towards building a unified
nation. Their selfless choices and sense of the dignity of the other, which, in a certain
sense, defines their spirituality are pillars for education. The concern for the develop-
ment of the ‘other’, in fact, is what motivated Bowers to found to found different edu-
cational institutions: Primary, Middle and Secondary Schools; Technical and Voca-
tional Schools for skills training and development.
Particular attention paid to women and their empowerment is notable. The establish-
ment of St. Anne Institute at Nuaso to train the indigenous women and women from all
over the country, especially, the underprivileged girls/women, underscores this. A sim-
ilar idea is the girlchild education campaign in the contemporary education program in
Ghana. Therefore, the vision of Bowers requests attention and evaluation, as many Gha-
naian women are unemployed or are among the low-income groups. Such vulnerability
in the system leads to exploitation and violence.
The study has also noted the importance Bowers attached to human health. This could
be summarised in his favourable dictum: a sound mind in a sound body. In other words,
care of the physical body, especially, in relation to health was one of the ways Bowers
understood development. For this reason, the health facilities he founded were charged
with both preventive and curative health delivery. The humanity of the patient, a crea-
ture in the image and likeness of God, was to be at the fore front of services offered.
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Healing, therefore, was not restricted to the body alone, but to the totality of the person,
what is termed biblically as shalom.
Lastly, it could be observed that Bowers contributed to the discourse on the ‘human
person in search for a true relationship to God, the other and creation, through the es-
tablishment and management of health and educational facilities. His collaboration with
the State in providing for the health needs of all persons in Ghana irrespective of reli-
gious and ethnic affiliations, or race interrogates all Ghanaians to re-think development
and nation building.
6.4 Recommendations
Based on the conclusion, the study makes the following recommendations, divided into
two: academic and pastoral.
On the academic level, the study recommends introduction of the lives and works of
heroes and heroines on school curriculum. The study has revealed that this will serve
as a source of inspiration and motivation to imitate heroic virtues and works for trans-
formation and formation of the human person for development.
Secondly, the study recommends further research into the entire life and ministry of
Bowers since this research was limited to some parts of his life and his contribution to
development in Ghana.
Thirdly, the study recommends more research into the heroic life and works of other
early gallant Catholic missionaries for development in Ghana.
Fourthly, the study recommends the institution of a national Catholic archive because
data on the Roman Catholic Church in Ghana is scattered.
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Furthermore, the research recommends the digitisation of archives at the national level.
Experience has shown that the digitisation facilitates and preserves accurate and easy
access to information within a short time.
From the pastoral perspective, the study recommends that all ministers should undergo,
at least, some form of theological formation before entrusting people in their care.
Lastly, the research recommends the implementation of a new paradigm to preach and
to teach by witness of life (word and praxis) as Pope Francis has observed that the
shepherd must ‘smell like the sheep’. In other words, pastors must empathise with their
congregations, by sharing in their sufferings, pains and problems, as well as their joys.
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APPENDICES
Appendix A: Coat of Arms
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Appendix B: Certificate of Honour
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Appendix C: National Award
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