DEPARTMENT FOR THE STUDY OF RELIGIONS UNIVERSITY OF GHANA TRANSNATIONAL CONTACTS AND MUSLIM RELIGIOUS ORIENTATION IN GHANA BY YUNUS DUMBE A THESIS PRESENTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (PhD) IN THE STUDY OF RELIGIONS JUNE, 2009 lolt-C. DECLARATION I hereby declare that this research work that I have conducted represents the true ideas and views of mine. I have not sought any academic materials and literature other than what I have indicated and acknowledged. Any mistakes, misinterpretations and errors are solely mine. YUNUS DUMBE (CANDIDATE) ....... REV PROF ELOM DOVLO (SUPERVISOR) REV. DR. ABRAHAM AKRONG (SUPERVISOR) DEDICATION The ambition of my family to have a Muslim scholar to serve the spiritual needs of our community (Dahile, in the Lambusie-Kaan District) made my cousin Hamidu Dingane to hand me over to the late Issaka Abdulai to attend a Madrassah (Falahiyya Islamic School) at Hamile in the Upper West region. At that time, I was only nine (9) years old. The greatest asset that the late Issaka bequeathed to me in life has been hard work and endurance. The late Issaka was an Islamic cleric himself who imparted Islamic knowledge to us at the forecourt of his house in order to supplement what we were taught at the Madrassah. We thought at that time the cleric was subjecting us to undue overwork. The Suit of the hard work as imparted to us has been the outcome of this thesis. Though, Issaka has passed away since 1999, I dedicate this thesis to his memory and my cousin Hamidu Dingane who live to see his dream fulfil through me. The dream fulfilled is of a nature different from the one he anticipated for me; not as a Muslim cleric but an aspiring Islamic academic and a scholar. I pray that the Almighty would reward them with any useful scholarly contribution that this thesis has made to the advancement of humanity. ACKNOWLEGEMENTS My initial ambition to pursue a Masters program in the year 2004 after my undergraduate program was received by many people with a lot of encouragement. Despite that I come from an underprivileged background, such moral encouragement and support was the greatest motivation which pushed me to aspire higher. I cannot recount all those who have encouraged and supported me in ouc way or the other in this regard. I am however deeply indebted to my supervisor Rev. Prof Elom Dovlo, who during the course of my Master’s program proposed that the Department is willing to convert the Master’s program into a PhD. It was a rare opportunity with its consequences. I have greatly benefited from his unique scholarly acumen and academic background throughout my postgraduate years. One important virtue that I learnt from him is the high sense of reward and appreciation for hard work. Rev. Prof Dovlo was not only an academic mentor for me but his fatherly counselling and concern was quite outstanding. Also, I appreciate the support and the care offered me by my wife Fulera Issaka, and Najat-Lanta Dumbe, my only female daughter by now, who have endured my absence from home for sometime. Equally important, are the academic support provided by my second supervisor Dr. Rabiatu Ammah Konney. Her encouragement and scholarly advice was quite helpful which enable me to push through. Her support for me also extends beyond the academic confine as she was also much concerned with my social life, which 1 sincerely believe aided the smooth completion of this project. Her personal library also provided me with array of Islamic literature which hitherto would have been difficult to obtain. Likewise the academic support provided by Hussein Ibrahim Iddriss during my postgraduate studies which was quite encouraging. Sulemana Mumuni who has always played the role of a teacher, mentor and a senior brother cannot pass without comment. His advice and encouragement has motivated to me to work hard. 1 am equally indebted to the scholarship support that he obtained for me through his friend Prof Holger Weiss from Finland during my postgraduate studies. Also deserve mention are the various Heads of Department whose tenure of office occurred during my students days at one point in time or the other. Of special importance were Rev. Dr. Benhardt Quarshie, Dr. Rebecca Ganusah and Rev. Dr. Abamfo Atiemo. Apart from the usual teachings that i have benefited from them, they further provided me with the needed administrative support which also contributed in the success of this thesis. The moral support and concern shown by the entire staff of the Religions Department towards my research work is quite appreciated. Without the collective support of all in the Department this thesis will not have been a successful one. Among the many individuals who also supported me and deserve mention is Shawki Byrouthy, formerly of Rainbow Motors Company Limited and now working with Kwatson Impex Limited. At a time, the Rainbow Motors also provided me with partial scholarship to finance my postgraduate studies. There were others too who assisted in editing this thesis and deserve mention. Of special significance is Mrs Ophelia Dosu a former Regional Director of Ghana Education Service in the Volta region, Millicent Awuni, who is working at the Law Temple and Madam Tanya Barben of the University of Cape Town African Studies Library Section. These personalities have brought their expertise in the English Language and typing skills to bear in the quality of this work. Many organisations as well as Muslim groups also open up their offices for the purposes of this research to be successful. In this regard, the cordial environment created by the United Stales Embassy in Ghana for me was commendable. Similarly, the National Imam of ASWAJ, Umar Ibrahim Imam, Basha Ibrahim Iddriss, the Northern regional Imam of ASWAJ, and Kamil Muhammad Khalifa, a leading Tijaniyya scholar in the Ashanti region deserve commendation. My personal relationship with Abdul Baasit Abdul Aziz Bamba, Baba Tunde Lawanson, LT Col Umar Ahmed Sanda and his family, as well as Armiyau Shuaib, Seebaway Zakaria, Muhammed Muniru Lumana and his family, Salman Muhammed Alhassan, Hudu Mogtari, Hamidu Chodi and the entire members of the Muslim ‘Parliament’ provided me with a sense of mentorship and the spirit of hard work with the view to succeed in life. Indeed, I cannot mention all those who have encouraged and supported me during my study period. One thing that I will say is I appreciated your support and concern v ABSTRACT A key issue worthy of academic attention in the study of the Muslim experience in the post­ independence Ghana is the proliferation of new religious movements. These new religious movements found their way in Ghana in consequence of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with some Islamic states such as Egypt and Libya from North Africa, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran from the Middle East. For the first time. Muslims in the post-independence Ghana came in touch with new Islamic orientations driven by the interests of the sponsoring Islamic states to serve their religio-political agenda. Some of these Islamic movements include Wahhabiyya (Ahlus-Sunnah), Shi’ah and the Green Book of the Third Universal Theory (TUT). The dissertation explores how these Muslim states through their embassies promoted their religio-political interest in the modem day Ghana. While the representative of these Muslim states (embassies) promoted the interests of Ghanaian Muslims on education, health, agriculture, Islamic centers and women empowerment, they in effect introduced their ideological interest in Muslim religious space in Ghana. We also examine the activities of the various quasi-state institutions and the affiliated NGOs to these Islamic states. The study further explores the extent to which these new religious ideas co-exist with the pre-colonial and the colonial Islamic movements such as the Tijaniyya in contemporary time. Significantly, Muslims transnational contacts in Ghana extend to the United States of America, in the aftermath of 9/11. Interestingly, this interaction with the West was largely driven by the interests of the United States government to educate Muslims globally on the menace of religious terrorism. The dissertation further examines this phenomenon. vi ABREVIATIONS ONCI: Office of National Chief Imam IDB: Islamic Development Bank MAP: Muslim Association Party GLISS- Ghana-Lebanon Secondary School GBC-Ghana Broadcasting Corporation NAM-Non-Aligned Movement OAU-Organisation of African Unity AU-Africa Union ECOWAS-Economic Community of West Africa States ARD-Agriculture and Rural Development CIA-Central Intelligence Agency PNDC-People National Defence Council NDC-National Democratic Congress NPP-New Patriotic Party OlC-Organisation of Islamic Conference UDS-University for Development Studies ASWAJ-Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama’ah SCICR-Supreme Council for Islamic Call and Research NGO-Non-Govemmental Organisation AFRC-Armed Forces Revolutionary Council PFP-Popular Front Party TUT-Third Universal Theory FMC-Federation of Muslim Council COMOG-Coalition of Muslim Organisations SDF-Saudi Development Fund GES-Ghana Education Service ICT-Information and Communication Technology JSS: Junior Secondary School SSS: Senior Secondary School FOMWAG-Federation of Muslim Women Association, IRRC: Islamic Research and Reformation Center NEC: National Executive Council PDC: People Defence Committee FAGLAT: Friends Against Global Terrorism USA: United States of America GMSA: Ghana Muslim Students Association HIV: Human Immune Virus AIDS: Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome UN: United Nations CDD: Customer Due Diligence IMF: International Monetary Fund BBC: British Broadcasting Corporation CNN: Cable News Network VOA: Voice of America TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Dedication .................................................................................................................. 1 Acknowledgements..................................................................................................... 11 Abstract ............................................................................................................... Abbreviations .... XI Table of Content........................................................................................... ... . xi List of Tables................................................................................................................>v List of Figures................................................................................................................x ............................................................................................................ xi CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background to the Study .............................................. ......................... 1 12 Statement of the Problem ............................................. ......................... 2 1.3 Aims and Objectives of the Study ................................ ......................... 4 1.4 Hypotheses ............................................ ......................... 5 1.5 Research Questions....................................................... ......................... 6 1.6 Theoretical Framework ................................................. ......................... 7 1.7 Methodology ................................................................. ......................... S 1.7.1 General Approach ......................................................... .................................8 1.7.2 Sources of Data and Collection .................................... ..................................9 1.8 Scope of the Research .................................................. ......................... 11 1.9 Literature Review ......................................................... ......................... 12 1.10 Limitations of the Study ............................................... .......................... 17 1.11 Structure of the Chapters ........................................................................ 17 ix 1.12 Relevance of the Study ................................................................................ CHAPTER TWO: FOREIGN MUSLIMS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISLAM IN THE VOLTA BASIN AND THE GOLD COAST IN THE PRE-COLONIAL AND COLONIAL PERIODS 2.0 Introduction............................................................................................... 21 2.1 Historical Background of Islam in West Africa ....................................... 24 2.2 Ghanaian Muslims’ Encounter with the Outside Muslim World through Trade and Commerce ................................................................ 26 2.3 Scholarly Activities and the Search for Knowledge................................. 33 2.4 Diplomatic Relations................................................................................. 39 2.5 Hajj as Means of Ghanaian Interaction with the Outside Muslim World ..................................................................................... ... 42 2.6 The Policies of the Colonial Government ................................................ 45 2.7 The Role of Immigrant Lebanese ...................... ..................................... 46 2.8 The Islamic Doctrinal Worldview of Muslims in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast ............................................................................. ... 53 2.9 Effects of Islamisation of Ghanaian Muslims ..................................... ... 70 2.10 Conclusion .................................. ............................................................ 74 CHAPTER THREE: POST-INDEPENDENCE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISLAM IN MODERN GHANA 3.0 Introduction................................................................................................ 77 3.1 The Definition and the Origin of Diplomatic Relations ........................... 78 3.2 Factors Promoting DiplomaticR elations with Muslim States ... 79 3.3 Internal Factors ......................................................................................... 79 3.4 External Factors ................................... .... ............... ...................... 83 3.5 The Foreign Policy Ramifications of Nkrumah’s Marriage to x Fathia Halen Rizk .................................................................................... 86 3.6 Nkrumah’s Interest in Islamic Spirituality .................................................... 89 3.7 Ghana-Egypt Diplomatic Relations ........................................ 97 3.7.1 The Historical, Bilateral and Political Background ..................... 97 3.7.2 The Type of Islamic Orientation Offered to Ghanaian Muslims by Egypt .................................................................... 100 3.7.3 The Role of Ghanaian Muslims in Ghana-Egypt Relations ... 103 3.8 Ghana-Saudi Arabia Diplomatic Relations .................................. ... ... 105 3.8.1 The Historical, Bilateral and the Political Background of Ghana-Saudi Relations ......................... ...........................................105 3.8.2 The Role of Ghanaian Muslims in Ghana-Saudi Relations .... 109 3.9 Ghana-Islamic Republic of Iran Relations .............................. ... ... 115 3.9.1 Historical and Bilateral Background of Ghana-Iran Relations 115 3.9.2 The Role of Ghanaian Muslims in Ghana-Iran Relations ... 117 3.10 Ghana-Libya Diplomatic Relations ... ... ... 121 3.10.1 The Historical and Bilateral Background of Ghana-Libya Relations ..................................................................................... 121 3.10.2 The Role of Ghanaian Muslims in Ghana-Libya Relations ... 124 3.10.3 Conclusion ................................................................................... 126 xi CHAPTER FOUR: NORTH AFRICAN TRANSNATIONAL MUSLIM BODIES (TMBS) AND MUSLIMS IN GHANA 4.0 Introduction..................................................................................................... 128 4.1 The Role of the Egyptian Government in the Development of Ghanaian Muslims....................................................................................... * 30 4.1.1 Education .............................................................................................. *30 4.1.2 Health 133 4.1.3 Ideological Contribution ...................................................................... 134 4.2 The Role of Libyan Government in the Development of Muslims in Ghana... 4.2.1 Education ... ••• 135 4.2.2 Women Empowerment .......................................................... ... 139 4.2.3 Health 139 4.2.4 Agriculture ............................................................................. ... 140 4.2.5 Mosques ............................................................................................... 140 4.2.6 Ideological Contribution ................................................ ... ... 141 4.3 Conclusion ...................................................................................................... 143 CHAPTER FIVE: MIDDLE EAST TRANSNATIONAL MUSLIM BODIES (TMBS) AND MUSLIMS IN GHANA 5.0 Introduction.............................................................................. ... ... 146 5.1 The Role of the Royal Kingdom of Saudi Arabia towards Muslim Development in Ghana .................................................................................. 147 5.1.1 Education ............................................................................................. 149 5.1.2 Health 169 5.1.3 Agriculture ........................................................................................... 169 5.1.4 Ideological Contribution ................................................ ... ... 170 5.2 The Role of Islamic Republic of Iran in Muslim Development in Ghana ................................................. 174 5.2.1 The Iranian Cultural Consulate 175 5.2.2 The Iranian Clinics 176 5.2.3 Agriculture and Rural Development 178 5.2.4 Education .......................... 179 5.2.5 Health ............... 182 5.2.6 Agriculture ....................... 184 5.2.7 Women Empowerment 185 5.2.8 Ideological Contribution 186 5.3 Conclusion ... ............... 191 CHAPTER SIX: THE ISLAMIC RESURGENCE IN GHANA 6.0 Introduction ........................................ 194 6.1 The Origin of Islamic Sects........................................................ 196 6.2 The Basis of Islamic Resurgence in Contemporary Times ... 196 6.3 The Origin of Ahlus-Sunnah (Wahhabism) and the Ghanaian Muslims ................................................. 205 6.4 Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama’a (Wahhabism) in Ghana ... 209 6.5 Institutions which Facilitate the Expression of Wahhabism in Ghana ............................................................. 211 6.5.1 The Institute of Islamic Studies 211 6.5.2 Islamic Research and Reformation Center 215 6.5.3 Supreme Council for Islamic Call and Research 217 6.5.4 Islamic Charity Centre for Women Orientation 221 xin 6.5.5 Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘Ah (Aswaj) ............................................ 225 6.6 Biography of the Founder of Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama’a in Ghana ... 230 6.7 The Distinctive Teachings of Ahlus-Sunnah (Wahabism) in Ghana ... 232 6.8 Shi* Ism and the Ghanaian Muslims........................................................ 234 6.8.1 The Origin of Shi'ism (Historical Overview).................................. 234 6.8.2 The Shi’i Doctrine (The Imamate Doctrine)................................... 236 6.9 Shi‘Ah in the Ghanaian Muslim Community.......................................... 238 6.9.1 The Expression of Shi'ism through Shi’i Organisations in Ghana ...................................................................................... 238 6.9.2 The World Ahlul-Bayt Assembly .................................................. 238 6.9.3 The Imam Hussein Islamic Foundation ......................................... 239 6.9.4 The Ghana Muslim Shi‘ah Society ................................................ 240 6.9.5 The League of Ahlul-Bayt Islamic Organisations ......................... 241 6.10 Distinctive Teachings of Shi‘ah in Ghana .............................................. 243 6.11 The Third Universal Theory of The Green Book and Ghanaian Muslims 245 6.11.1 Teachings of The Green Book.............................. ....................... 246 6.11.2 The Shari’ah and The Green Book Principles... ........................... 250 6.11.3 Political Basis of the TUT in the Shari’ah ................................... 251 6.11.4 The Economic Basis of the TUT in the Shari’ah ......................... 252 6.11.5 The Social Basis of the TUT in the Shari’ah ... 254 6.12 The Green Book and the Ghanaian Community ..................................... 257 7.12.1 Activities Related to the Green Book in Ghana 258 6.13 The Impact of The Green Book on Ghanaians 264 xiv 6.14 The Interplay between Muslim Sects in Ghana ....................................... 266 6.15 Conclusion ............................................................................................... 274 CHAPTER SEVEN: THE POST 9/11 FACTOR: GHANAIAN MUSLIMS’ RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 7.0 Background to the American Embassy’s Engagement with the Muslim Community in Ghana .............................................................................. 277 7.1 Introduction.............................................................................................. 277 7.2 Historical Background of the Post 9/11 United States’ Engagement in Ghana .................................................................................................. 278 7.3 The United States’ Perspective on the Engagement................................. 280 7.4 The Broader Policy of the Engagement .................................................. 283 7.5 The Objectives of Friends against Global Terrorism (FAGLAT) 285 7.6 The Nature of FAGLAT Activities in Ghana ........................................ 286 7.7 The Achievements of FAGLAT ..................................... ....................... 288 7.8 Findings on Ghanaian Muslims’ Perceptions of the United States ... 290 7.8.1 The Appraisal of the United States’ Engagement in the Muslim Community ... ....................................... ....................... 291 7.8.2 Avenues for Cooperation between the United States and Ghanaian Muslims 296 7.8.3 Perception about the United States before and after 9/11 299 7.8.4 Compatibility between Islamic and Western Values...................... 311 7.8.5 Avenues for Constructive Cultural Dialogue 316 7.9 Conclusion .............................................................................................. 320 XV CHAPTER EIGHT: TERRORISM: THE THRUST OF UNITED STATES ENGAGEMENT IN THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY 8.0 Introduction..................................................................................................... 324 8.1 Background to Terrorism ............................................................................... 325 8.2 Causes of Terrorism 330 8.3 The Impact of Terrorism on Ghanaian Muslims ............................................ 337 8.4 Eradication of Terrorism ................................................................................ 342 8.5 Ulama Involvement in Da1 Wa on Terrorism ... ... ... ... 347 8.6 Factors Affecting Ulama in Da1 Wa against Terrorism ... ... 349 8.7 Conclusion ..................................................................................................... 355 CHAPTER NINE: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 9.0 Conclusions 356 9.1 Recommendations ............................................................................................ 372 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES .................................................................... 374 APPENDICES .......................................................................................................... 383 xvi Page 22 Table 1: The Contribution of the Libyan Government to Ghanaian Muslims ... 143 2: Approved lDB’s Projects in Ghana for the year 1987-2005 ... 154 3: Distribution of Al-Hudaibiyya Projects in the Regions of Ghana 157 4: The Distribution of Saudi Funded Projects by Districts Facilitated by A1 Hudaibiya Relief Services In the Northern Region of Ghana ... 158 5: The Distribution of Al-Hudaibiyya Projects an a Regional Basis in Percentages ............................................................................. 159 6: A Summary of Saudi Government Contributions to Ghanaian Muslims ... ... ... ............... 165 7: A Summary of Saudi Government Contributions to Ghanaian Muslims 170 8: Contributions of the Iranian Government to Ghanaian Muslims 191 xvii 1.1ST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1: Doctrinal Background of the Respondents and their Evaluation of the Worth of the United States Interest in the Muslim Communities in Ghana ...................................................................................... 293 2: The Areas of Cooperation between Ghanaian Muslims and the United Stntes? 297 3: Respondents Perception about the United States before and after 9/11 300 4: Gender Perspective as to Whether Islam is in a Perpetual Conflict with the Western World in Terms of Values............................... 318 5: Gender Perspective and Avenues of Cultural Dialogue to Improving Constructive Engagement between the West and Muslim Ummah Globally 319 6: Occupational Perspectives and the View that Islam is in Perpetual Conflict with the Western World in Terms of Values 320 7: Occupational Perspectives and Avenues for Cultural Dialogue to Improving Constructive Engagement between the West and Muslim Ummah Globally 320 8: Causes of Terrorism...................................................................... 331 9: Areas that Terrorism has impacted on Ghanaian Muslims 337 10: Avenues to Eradicating Terrorism ................................................ 342 xviii CHAPTER ONE 1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY Transnational contacts facilitate the interactions of people across civilizations, geographic regions and continents on cultural, religious, economic, or political issues. Transnational contacts may also start a process by which countries attempt to influence or shape the perspectives of others. Modem Ghana, which was carved out from the Volta Basin and previously referred to by a progression of colonial masters as the Gold Coast, has had various transnational interactions with states of the West African sub-region during the pre-colonial and colonial periods. These interactions were mediated and conducted through the political ambit of present day Ghana’s traditional kingdoms of Gonja, Mamprusi, Dagbon and Wala, as well as the Ashanti Empires. However, during the post-independence period a different dimension was introduced into Ghanaian Muslims’ transnational relations with the Muslim world. This was as a result of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with some Muslim countries in North Africa and the Middle East. The impact of the larger Muslim world including both North Africa and the Middle East on Muslims Islamic experience in Ghana has been remarkable. For the first time, in the post­ independence period, new religious groups pertaining to those countries that Ghana has forged diplomatic relations found their way into the country. Significantly, the 11 September 2001 factor in Muslims transnational relations with the West and the United States of America in particular cannot be underrated. Although the 1 Western and American rapprochement towards Muslims in Ghana in the post 9/11 was to create a common platform of understanding, the conviction that Muslims should be educated in a religious context about the menace of terrorism and violence was the ultimate consideration. This thesis looks at the effects of transnational contacts on Ghanaian Muslims’ religious identity. It argues that transnational contacts are largely responsible for the origin of diversity in Islamic practices, doctrines and orientations in Ghana, as well as shifts in the perspectives of Ghanaian Muslims concerning the West. The research categorizes Ghanaian Muslim interactions into three timeframes, namely, the pre-colonial and colonial periods, the post-independence period and the post-11 September period. For reasons of clarity, the thesis is further divided into three (3) sections, namely pre­ colonial and colonial, the post-independence, and the post-9/11 periods. Each timeframe has its own distinct characteristics, and these have impacted on the identity and religious experiences of Ghanaian Muslims. 1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM The Islamic Ummahas one universal community based on a shared faith, has generated a serious academic debate in the ever-globalizing world (Riaz Hasan 2006: 1). This was necessary because transnational contacts, boosted by improvements in information and communication-technologies, have made the Muslim Ummah understand the reality and the diversity of Islamic cultures in the world. At the same time, the Ummah's consciousness and rhetoric operate with the intention of dc-territorializing the boundaries of the 1 Ummah simply means Islamic or Muslim brotherhood. 2 contemporary nation-state by heightening a sense of a Muslim belonging to a global community of believers. Notwithstanding the fact that a sense of consciousness within the Ummah has been the binding factor among Muslims of diverse national backgrounds, their allegiance to multiple Islamic Schools of Thought and to different modem nation-states provides for interesting dynamics.1 This is as a result of the distinctive Islamic identities and orientations that some nation-states represent. These Islamic identities and orientations could be viewed from the Saudi Arabia Wahhabi, Iran Shi‘i and the Libya Socialist identities. Historically, Muslims in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast, in addition to their indigenous values, were culturally influenced by the Arab/Islamic values and orientations. However, a new feature in respect of Ghanaian Muslims relations with the West and more specifically the United States of America has become an emerging phenomenon in the post the 9/11 incidents in the United States of America. The allegiance of Ghanaian Muslims to multiple state-controlled Islamic doctrinal centres as well as the impact of Islam on the West African sub-region has not generated much scholarly interest in Ghana until recently. While studies explore the rapid and the intensity of African Muslims interconncctedness with the Muslim world (Soares et al 2007:8), the present work highlights its effects on Ghanaian Muslims perspectives to Islamic discourse. The effects of these diverse encounters on Ghanaian Muslims understanding of the Ummah This thesis draws great inspiration from Jonathan Laurence’s pioneering work entitles: Managing Transnational Islam: Muslims and the Slates in Western Europe, 2006. Whereas aspects of his analysis focuses on the role of the Muslim embassies which he refered to as 'official Islam’ in disseminating the religious agenda of the respective states with the disaspora Muslims in Western Europe, this work focuses on these Muslim embassies and the United States Embassy in promoting specific rcligio-political ideology in modem Ghana. 3 cannot be underrated, though the intensity of its consciousness might be inclined towards a particular continent. The study focuses on the role of Muslim diplomatic offices and the United States embassy in Ghana and their affiliate institutions in stimulating such transnational discourse. This was done by highlighting the competing interest shown by Muslim states and the United States in the Islamic affairs in the modem Ghana with its consequences on Muslim consciousness of the Ununaii. It further explores a paradigm independent identity envisioned by the West and the United States in particular for Ghanaian Muslims, an Islamic identity that is not linked to the North Africa, the Middle East and the larger Arab world in general, but rather indigenously grounded in the Ghanaian socio-cultural milieu. The study also focuses on the respective roles that each group plays in the Islamic and Muslim terrain in Ghana, with its socio-cultural and political implications on the nation’s development. The unique nature of each interaction in respect of each sub-region as well as of the individuals and the institutions which facilitated such interactions and contacts were examined. Finally, the study also highlights the religious issues that have emerged, shaped, and impacted on Ghanaian Muslims and Islam globally. This study, therefore, revolves around the development of Islam in the post-independence and the post 9/11 periods through diplomatic relations with the Islamic world and the United States of America. It is with the view of filling in the academic vacuum existing in the nature of the available literature. 13 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY The aims and objectives of the study are to: (i) identify the type of Islamic and cultural orientations handed down to Ghanaian Muslims by each of the respective countries in each of the periods; 4 (ii) explore Ghana’s diplomatic relations with selected Muslim countries and the major contributions they made to Ghanaian Muslims, including their facilitation of the introduction into Ghana of diverse religious orientations; (iii) examine the role of the Muslim diplomatic missions (embassies) in the rise of the Islamic Resurgence in Ghana through the introduction of Islamic sectarian diversity and religio-political ideologies; (iv) examine the impact of the Muslim missions’ contributions on Ghanaian Muslims; (v) analyze the nature of Ghanaian Muslims’ relations with the United States of America; and, (vi) identify and discuss Ghanaian Muslims’ stance on terrorism. 1.4 HYPOTHESES The following hypotheses have guided the researcher in this work: (i) the relations between the people of the present day Ghana with Muslims in the Volta Basin witnessed significant improvements from the pre-colonial and colonial periods to 1957 (when the Gold Coast became independence Ghana); (ii) Muslim diplomatic missions in Ghana displaced the influence of the West African Muslims; (iii) Muslim diplomatic missions in Ghana facilitated Ghanaian Muslims’ interactions with the outside Muslim world during the post-colonial period up to 2006; (iv) the allegiance of Muslim scholars to the Muslim world has facilitated the introduction of major doctrinal groups from the Middle East into the country through Muslim diplomatic missions; (v) Muslim diplomatic missions in Ghana facilitated the categorization of Ghanaian Muslims on doctrinal and sectarian lines. 5 (vi) The 11 September 2001 attack on the United States of America has brought about an evolving paradigm in the relationship between Ghanaian Muslim scholars, the Muslims in the Middle East and the West; and (vii) Religious terrorism has polarized the world into two camps: the Muslim camp and the non-Muslim camp. It also brought to the fore the categorization of Muslims into two separate groups: good Muslims and bad Muslims. 1.5 RESEARCH QUESTIONS In view of the unfolding interplay between the major Islamic groups in Ghana as a result of further transnational engagement and the consequential effects of the global war of terrorism on Ghanaian Muslims, the primary research question is asked: (i) What has accounted for the advent of diverse Islamic ideological groups and identities in Ghana and the contemporary interest of the United States in the Muslim communities of Ghana? The following sub-questions have been posed in order to answer the above: (a) How have Ghanaian Muslims been relating to the various foreign-based Islamic centres in Ghana? (b) What are some of the incentives available within these foreign-based Islamic centres in Ghana which attracted Ghanaian Muslims interest? (c) How did Ghanaian Muslims build and consolidate their relations with Muslim diplomatic missions in Ghana from 1957-2006? (d) What are the effects of these diverse interactions and engagements on Ghanaian Muslims religious worldview? 6 (e) What is the attitude of contemporary Ghanaian Muslims towards the Muslim world and issues affecting Muslims globally? (f) What factors have accounted for the warm relations between the West particularly the United States of America and Ghanaian Muslims. (g) Lastly, what unique impact has the United States of America had on Ghanaian Muslims? 1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Theoretically, the study was founded on Juergenmeyer’s theory of transnational religion and the state. The general thrust of his theory was that transnational religions such as Islam and Christianity have not been reliable allies for state power. He argues that, by depending on their ideologies, some rulers may think that they are harnessing religion’s vision of global expansion for their political fortunes. However, these religions could be the source of anti- national and transnational forces that will undermine the state. He concludes that the contradiction between transnational religions and religion of the nation could be overcome in instances where religion is itself the expression of transnational culture and society (Juergenmeyer 2006:7) This theory is quite significant as the major Islamic groups examined in this study could be regarded as enjoying State support. For instance, Shi'ism as a global religious expression has been linked to the Persian Empire since 1501 and also adopted by the 1979 post revolutionary regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This thus emphasises the significance of religion to the interest of the State, and more specifically the interest of the Iranian Government. Similarly, Wahhabasim is another Islamic expression in this instance rccciving its support from the Kingdom of Saudi State. Though the Third Universal Theory (TUT) was fashioned in line with Islamic values to offer an alternative universal political theory to the developing nations, yet it is linked to al-Gadhafi’s political ambition in the Third World. The situation in respect of the relationship between the Egyptian Government and a particular Islamic expression and heritage and the state, is exceptional. However, following Ghana’s independence, Egypt served as the gateway to the Muslim world. The study tries to bring to light the various Islamic expressions which were linked to some Muslim countries interest in Ghana due to their diplomatic engagement with Ghana in the post independence period. We will thus focus on the role of Egypt, Libya, Saudi Arabia and Iran in their bid to exert their global influence on Muslims promoted a particular brand of Islam. The study further examines the Western and American interest in the Muslim communities in the post 9/11 period. The study sets out to ascertain the extent to which these governments’ endorsement of a particular brand of Islamic expression has boosted their popularity in Ghana and has achieved the underlying objectives behind such endorsement. Haynes has argued that globalization facilitates transnational networks of religious actors by feeding off each other’s ideas, assisting with funds, and forming bodies to promote the interest of their transnational religious community (Haynes, 2001: 144). Though his study focused on the Catholic Church and the Organisation of Islamic Conference, it also shows the extent to which transnational religious bodies could make an impact on others in the globalized world. The present study, however, sets out to explore and examine the transnational dimension of Muslim embassies and the United States embassy in promoting specific religio-political agenda of their respective government with Ghanaian Muslims. The study does this by determining the various structures and institutions which these transnational political institutions have employed to popularize their brand of Islam in Ghana. 8 1.7 METHODOLOGY 1.7.1 General Approach The researcher employed a multi-faceted approach to the study. For instance, the historical approach was employed in chapter two which assisted the researcher to identify the agent of Islamic influences in the pre-colonial and colonial periods. It further enabled the researcher to source for information from the Ghana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the origin of her diplomatic relations with the selected Muslim countries in this study in chapter three. Historical approach also reflected in the data collected in chapter six on the origin of the doctrinal groups which are tied to the Muslim missions’ religious interest in Ghana. This was done by sourcing information from the founders of these Muslim movements in Ghana. The phenomenological approach assisted the researcher in examining the contributions to Ghanaian Muslims from the perspective of Muslim diplomatic missions and the American mission in Ghana as reflected in both chapters five, seven and eight. Lastly, the theological approach helped the researcher to interpret and analyze the religious basis of the attitudes and reactions of Ghanaian Muslim scholars to global issues in chapter eight. 1.7.2 Sources of Data and Collection The researcher relied on both primary and secondary sources of data. The primary sources were gathered in the field through interviews. This has aided in the analysis on the interconnection between Muslim missions’ developmental contributions to Ghanaian Muslims and their impacts. The primary data also included information on the activities of Islamic NGOs with foreign affiliation. In addition, data on the contributions of some selected Muslim diplomatic missions, as well as the United States to Ghanaian Muslims were further 9 gathered. Information was also gathered on the origins of the Islamic resurgence in Ghana by interviewing the founders of the various Muslim sects as in chapter six. Purposeful sampling was employed in selecting key organizations, both Islamic and non- Islamic, with interest in assisting Muslim communities. This was so because of the indispensable nature of their activities in undertaking this research and for serving as the mouthpiece of Muslims. 200 respondents were targeted in the field. Information was further sought from the various stakeholders in the community, such as the Imams and Ulama, Muslim students in tertiary institutions, Muslim public servants, teachers, businessmen and women’s groups. Particular attention was given to the leaders of the various doctrinal groupings. Structured questionnaires were administered and the responses analysed in chapters seven and eight This was necessary to obtain quantitative information about the perspectives of Ghanaian Muslims on the United States’ interest as well as their perception about terrorism. The questionnaires consisted of both open and close-ended and targeted almost all prominent Muslim leaders in the community. Importantly, the structured questionnaires were administered within the three regions of Ghana, namely the Greater Accra, Ashanti and the Northern regions. Random sampling methods were employed in selecting and interviewing the target groups. These helped in giving a fair chance and opportunity to each member of the target group to express their view. The researcher relied on statistical tools such as the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and EXCEL for the analysis of the data in chapters seven and eight. The data was analysed using a descriptive statistical approach. It was also presented in a cross tabulation format. 10 Secondary sources of information included literature on Islam in West Africa and the Gold Coast in particular as reflected in chapter two. Literature were also depended on Islamic ideological views propounded by certain Islamic governments and individuals. Information about the activities of certain diplomatic missions and embassies in Ghana were obtained: (i) the Embassy of the Arab Republic of Egypt. (ii) the Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia; (iii) the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran; (iv) the Socialists People’s Republic of Libya; and (v) the Embassy of the United States of America in Ghana. Again, information was sought on the origins of certain Islamic sectarian and politico- religious institutions in Ghana. This was done by ascertaining how they have influenced and impacted on Ghanaian Muslims doctrinally and politically. These bodies include the following: (i) the Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah or the Wahhabiyya religious institutions in Ghana. (ii) the Shi ‘ah Muslim community in Ghana and Iranian Cultural Consulate, the Libyan Arab Cultural Center and the World Islamic Call Society. 1.8 SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH The research was conducted within the Greater Accra, Ashanti and the Northern regions. This was informed by the fact that the majority of Muslim population is concentrated within these three regions of Ghana. Strategically, these regions play a crucial role in the Ghanaian Muslims’ tradition. The target populations are the Imams, Ulama, Muslim leaders and the enlightened Muslim youth, mainly made up of graduates and students of tertiary institutions. 11 In addition, data were gathered on the activities of Muslim embassies, the United States embassy and Muslim NGOs which promoted new Islamic worldviews and ideas. 1.9 LITERATURE REVIEW The researcher consulted various sources of literature in both Arabic and English in the form of books, theses, and journal articles, (published and unpublished) on political, social, and economic factors that affect the general orientation of Muslims. Among some of these are: 1. David Waines: An Introduction to Islam (1995). The book basically focuses on the teachings of Islam based on the major doctrinal lines of each sect: Sufism, Wahabism, the Nation of Islam and Shi‘ism. It also looks at the concept of the Islamic state as proposed by some Muslim thinkers in the 1930s and 1940s as a cure to Muslim global problems. The book also provides an analysis of the possibility of having a pure Islamic state as envisaged by some Muslim scholars. It also analyzes the relations between the Egyptian state and the Muslim Brotherhood. 2. Enid Schildkrout: People of the Zongo (1978): This book’s perspective is sociological. It provides a detailed survey of the nature of the Zongo community in Kumasi. It also deals with the origin of the Muslim community in Ghana and specifically the growth of the Zongo. The book is relevant because it provides information on the earlier relationship between Muslims and the northern empires which was facilitated by the influx of Muslims to the southern part of Ghana. The book is relevant because it deals with the major occupation of these early Muslim settlers at the court of Ashanti Kingdom. 12 3. J. O. Hunwick: Islam in West Africa 1000-1800 A.D.: This book was edited by J.F Ade, Ajayi, and Idun Espies. The book is primarily a handbook for teachers and students. It gives information on the origin of Islam in West Africa and concludes on the origin of Islam in the modem Ghana. The book is relevant since it traces the origin of Islam in North Africa to West Africa and the personalities involved in the Islamisation of a section of the Ghanaians. 4. Mervyn Hiskett: The Development of Islam in West Africa (1984): This book is historical in perspective. It provides an in-depth history of Islam in West Africa. The relevant aspect of the book deals with Islam in the area of the Volta from 1267 A.H. (1889 C.E) is of interest to the researcher in several ways, because it deals with the historical background of Islam in Gonja, Dagomba, Mamprusi, and northern Mossi. It also discusses Islam in Wa, as well as Salaga. It also treats extensively Islam in Ashanti and the major contributory factors to the growth of Islam there. The book is relevant because it provides a detailed account of the origin of Islam in the various kingdoms in Ghana and the nature of Islam in various communities. 5. Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab: Kitab al-Tawhid (1996): Translation, Compilation and Research Department, Dar-us-Salam, Makkah, Saudi Arabia. The book represents the teachings of the Wahabiyya movement otherwise known as Ahlu-Sunnah Wal Jama'a, its author being the founder of Wahhabism. The book serves as a standard guide and reference for Wahabis beliefs and practices in the world. 13 6. David Owusu-Ansah: Talismanic Tradition in Nineteenth-Century Asante (1991): This book documents Muslim engagement in the Asante Empire from 1795-1820. It contains the various modes with which Asante engaged the Islamic world, ranging from scholarly to administrative purposes in the chiefs palaces to spiritual and commercial purposes. The book is very relevant to the research because it gives a comprehensive and detailed account of Muslims engagement with the Asante Kingdom. 7. S.H. JAFRI: The Early Development of Shi'ah Islam (1989): This book was written by a leading Shi'ah. It provides an adequate and comprehensive history and major doctrinal teachings of Shi‘ism. All the various stages of Shi’i religious activities are given as is a thorough analysis of every regime; the origin as well as the circumstances leading to the emergence of some Shi’i doctrines and beliefs is described. The book gives the researcher a true historical perspective of Shi‘ism as well as its teachings. Political materials consulted included the following: 8. Hamid Enayat: Modern Islamic Political Thought (1986): Here the major distinguishing features of Shi‘ism in relation to Sunni’ism are discussed. The major beliefs of the two doctrinal groups are analyzed by means of a discussion of the chronological evolution of Sunnism and Shi'ism .More importantly, the book also discusses the concept of the Islamic State, based on the views of Muhammad Rida, a renowned contemporary Muslim scholar and a former Mufti of Egypt. The book is relevant in that it exposes the researcher to the actual beliefs of the two doctrinal groups as well as their major doctrinal differences. Also, the book 14 provides the researcher with the notions of the ideal Islamic State, as expounded by the modem Muslim scholars. In short, the book serves as a yardstick in analyzing contemporary institutions in Muslim states and the parallels they have with similar institutions in non-Muslim states and presented a broader picture as to the basis of Islam in the modem world. 9. A New Civilization Upsurge (2000) edited by the World Call Islamic Society: This is a compilation of speeches and papers presented at the conferences of the World Islamic Call Society from 1970-1995. The book contains the major speeches of the Libyan leader presented at the conferences where he defined his political philosophy. The book is quite relevant in the sense that some of the speeches of the Libyan leader depict the dichotomy between the Islamic world and the West, and what he perceives as the machination of the Western imperial powers and their Zionist allies against Muslims. The book also addresses what he perceived to be the causes of terrorism and the type of terrorism practiced by the West. 10. Ayatollah Seyed -Ali Khomeini: Cultural viewpoints of the leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran (2000): This is the major ideological work of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. It helped the researcher understand the nature of the Iranian revolution and its underpinning philosophy, as well as its major distinguishing features as compared with those of other Islamic revolutions. 11. Jalalad-dine Madani: Islamic Revolution of Iran (1996): This book deals with the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the major events leading to it. The personality of Ayatollah Khomeini as a factor in the success of the Revolution is also dealt 15 with. To him religion is politics and this view is presented in the book as the spirit of a revolution in which the interest of the masses was the focal point. The fight against imperialism, colonialism and the rights of workers are issues addressed by the Imam. The book is relevant to the research, because it gives a thorough background to the kind of politico-religious institutions existing before the Revolution and the new ones introduced thereafter and provides information as to the views of some Muslims on the interconnectedness of the Revolution and Islam. 12. Kwakuvi Azasu: Understanding the Green Book (1989): This is a commentary on The Green Book prepared by the World Centre for the Studies and Researches into The Green Book, Ghana Chapter, Accra. It highlights the Libyan political socialist view as espoused by the Libyan leader Col Muamar al-Gadhafi. The author surveyes the major components of The Green Book which he consideres to be political, economic, and social. A contrast between The Green Book and other political systems and ideologies was made and analyzed. The Communist Manifesto, Marxism, and Capitalism are touched upon. Al-Gadhafi claims that the book is the latest attempt to reorganize human society and to address the concern of the masses. The book is relevant because its addresses some social issues pertaining to religion. 13. G. K. Nukunya and Tom Kumekpor, Readings on The Green Book (1990): This is a collection of articles on the Green Book, compiled by the World Centre for the Studies and Researches into The Green Book, Ghana Chapter, Accra. The articles were written by Ghanaian academics on the teachings of The Green Book on political, social, and economic issues as pertaining to it. The book is relevant 16 because it helps the researcher understand the attitudes of Ghanaian academics towards The Green Book. It also discusses its impact on Ghanaians and Ghanaian Muslims in particular. As observed, the literature reviewed so far did not highlight Ghanaian Muslims relationships with Muslim diplomatic missions and the American embassy in the post independence Ghana. Similarly, the role of the Muslim diplomatic missions and the American embassy in the dissemination of specific brands of Islamic discourse and new religious ideas were not explored. The present work thus attempts to fill in this vacuum in the academic literature. 1.10 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY The primary focus of this research was on the role of Muslim diplomatic missions and the American embassy in disseminating Islamic ideas in the post independence and the post 9/11 periods in Ghana. My dimension of analysising the interconnection of certain Islamic ideas with some states and their origin in Ghana could not entirely be attributed to their vitality in modem Ghana. Also, diplomatic missions and Islamic scholars were selected for the purposes of the research. Because of this selection, the research could not claim to reflect the attitude of entire Ghanaian Muslims towards global issues and the activities of Muslim missions in the country accuratcly. 1.11 STRUCTURE OF THE CHAPTERS The thesis has been structured in nine chapters. The first chapter which is the introduction covers the following areas: background to the study; statement of the problem, aims and objectives, hypotheses, research questions, theoretical framework, methodology, data 17 collection, scope of the research, literature review as well as the relevance and limitations of the study. The chapter two discusses the origin and the development of Islam in the Volta Basin and Gold Coast in the pre-colonial and colonial times. This was presented in historical perspective. Attention was paid to the various means through which Ghanaian Muslims interacted with the Muslim world and the origin of Islam in West Africa. These included trade and commerce, quest for religious knowledge, Hajj and the policies of the colonial government. Chapter three focuses on the role of post-independence Muslim missions in the development of Islam in Ghana. The historical background of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Libya was described. Again, the chapter identifies certain personalities and organisations that promoted and fostered relations between the Muslim communities of Ghana and those Muslim states. Chapter four looks at North African transnational Muslim bodies and Muslims in Ghana. Primarily, this chapter focuses on the contributions of Egyptian and Libyan embassies and their affiliate institutions to Muslim development in Ghana. Specifically, contributions to Ghanaian Muslims in the areas of education, health, construction of Islamic centres (mosques), agriculture and women’s empowerment were identified. It also describes the specific expressions that these Muslim diplomatic missions introduced into the Ghanaian Muslim community. 18 Chapter five discusses the Middle Eastern Transnational Muslim bodies and Muslims in Ghana. It focuses on the role of the embassies of the Royal Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran in Muslim development. Certain institutions and NGOs which are affiliated to and connected to these religious interests are further discussed. The tide of Islamic resurgence in the Muslim world and Ghanaian Muslims’ reaction to this was discussed in chapter six. This is done in the light of the specific Islamic expressions which are tied to the selected political regimes. Specifically, the researcher focuses on the emergence of Shi'ism in the global religious terrain and the role of the Iranian Revolution in attracting a section of Ghanaian Muslims to Shi‘ism. Significantly, Wahhabism, now known as Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah, is a religious doctrine which emerged in the latter part of the 18lh century in Arabia. It later proliferated throughout the Muslim world as another expression of Islamic resurgence. Lastly, Islamic socialism as in the Libya‘s politico- religious theory, the Third Universal Theory (TUT), is another form of Islamic resurgence which affected Ghana and Ghanaian Muslims is discussed. Chapter seven discusses the United States’ interest in the Ghanaian Muslim community in the post 9/11. This creates a platform for Muslim transnational contacts with the United States officialdom in Ghana. Issues discussed include: 1. the Islamic basis for relations between Muslims and non-Muslims, 2. avenues through which Muslims and non-Muslims can cooperate, 3. the contributions of the United States to Ghanaian Muslims community, 4. the motive behind the United States relations with Ghanaian Muslims, 5. the Muslim perception of the United States before and after 11 September, and 6. whether Islam is in perpetual conflict with Western values. 19 Chapter eight covers the thrust of the United States’ involvement in the Muslim community to which her war on terrorism has a direct relevance. The areas covered include the following: 1. causes of terrorism, 2. impact of terrorism on Ghanaian Muslims 3. how terrorism can beeradicated 4. role of Muslim Ulama in combating terrorism, and, 5. factors affecting their role. Chapter nine is the conclusion and also makes some recommendations. 1.12 RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY This study is relevant because it is the first time that a study on the impact of transnational contacts on Ghanaian Muslim’s doctrinal orientation has been undertaken. Many of the issues explored and discussed, and the linkages drawn between them, have not been the subject of previous studies. This study certainly helps increase the store of knowledge of Muslim religious doctrines as they affect Ghanaian Muslims, the extent of the contributions of diplomatic missions to the Muslim community, and Ghanaian Muslim perceptions on terrorism. All these issues are extremely relevant in contemporary times and need a detailed examination. That is what the study has set out to examine. 20 CHAPTER TWO FOREIGN MUSLIMS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISLAM IN THE VOLTA BASIN AND THE GOLD COAST IN THE PRE-COLONIAL AND COLONIAL PERIODS 2.0 INTRODUCTION This chapter traces the historical background of Islam in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. It does this by identifying the unique ethnic and socio-cultural identity and the background of those who facilitated the transnational contacts between the people of the region. It also establishes the major conduits through which Islam was spread through these interactions.1 The chapter also deals with the type of Islamic doctrinal worldview facilitated by the transmitters of Islam. Lastly, it analyzes the effects of the Islamisation on some of people of the region. Before delving into the thrust of the thesis, a brief background of Ghana becomes necessary in order to lay the ground for the origin of Islam in the country. The modem day Ghana, which was previously referred to by the successive colonial masters as the Gold Coast was carved out from the traditional kingdoms in the Volta Basin. It is located in West Africa and bordered by Cote d’lvore to the West, Burkina Faso to the North, Togo to the East and the Gulf of Guinea to the South. The Gold Coast attained political independence from the British colonial masters on the 6th March 1957, and thereafter the name Ghana replaced the former. One finds in Ghana the most impressive display of European military architecture in Africa. These forts, mostly British and Dutch, mark the country as a centre of Africa's notorious slave trade when it was colonised. From the glories of the medieval Ashanti kingdom to the heady days of the continent's first successful 1 Interaction in this sense means the interface and mode of relations, which might include, economic, social and political. The other alternative meaning of the word interaction is engagement. Therefore, these two words would be used interchangeably. 21 independence struggle, Ghana, despite its relatively small size, has played appreciable role on decolonization in Africa. The modem day Ghana "evokes" both the ancient Empire of Ghana and the riches of the "Gold Coast," as the area was called by the British (Swift, 2009: 36). Observers note that the abundance of gold, timber and kola nuts drew Europeans to its shores first to trade for these goods and then to buy slaves (Swift, 2009: 36). of Ghana Map of Ghana in Africa Burkina Fuo Mote Bolga'unga S Not, Pork a .Tamale- Dtgyo a . r w Nat Park.Sunyam • Kumaji Asamankese( Tern a Lome I J Ta;kwa ^ ̂Accra Guifof ' Xape Coast Guinea | Axlantic Ocean Sekondi-Takoradi The country Ghana is abound with a lot of natural resources which include gold, timber, industrial diamonds, bauxite, manganese, fish, rubber, petroleum, silver, salt and limestone. According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Ghana has roughly twice the per capita output of the poorest nations in West Africa. The population of Ghana, according to the year 2000 Population and Housing Census Report is 22,409,572. The dominant ethnic group is African at 98.5 percent with the European population at 1.5 percent. Ghana is an ethnically diverse and religiously pluralistic country. The dominant ethnic group comprise the Akan, Mole-Dagbani, Ewe, Gurma Grunsi, Ga, Guan, Mande-Busanga and other minority tribes like Hausa, Fulani and Zabarma. The year 22 2000 Population and Housing Census estimated that Christianity is the dominant religion having 68.8% of the population, followed by Islam 15.9% and traditional religion 8.5%. The religious landscape of Ghana is diverse though could be viewed from Northern Muslims and Southern Christian Ghana. The Muslim population in the north are concentrated in the old traditional kingdoms like the Gonja, Dagbon, Mamprusi, Wala with a significant Sissala natives who also adhere to the Islamic faith. Many of the indigenous Ghanaian tribes from the middle belt to the south arc rather Cliristians. However, Islam has gained ground in the extreme south especially among the Fante through the pioneering work of Abubakar from northern Nigeria and two of his Fante disciples Benjamin Sam and Mahdi Apah. A significant number of Muslim populations are found scattered in the southern Ghana in quarters known as the Zongos (Muslim segregated settlements). Unlike the early Muslims who settled in the north, many of the southern Muslims are latter immigrants from neighbouring West African states like the natives of Kotokoli, Chamba and Basila from northern Togo, Dendi from the Republic of Benin, Hausa, Fulani, Baribari and Yoruba from Nigeria and Mali. Other immigrants Muslims include the Moshi from the Burkina Faso and Zabarma from Niger. In the political sphere, Muslims have been actively involved and in some occasions contested elections. The Muslim Association which was formed as an educational and a cultural organisation in 1938 transformed itself into Muslim Association Party (MAP) and joined opposition to Convention Peoples’ Party (CPP) of Kwame Nkrumah. It was however disbanded in 1957. 23 In spite of their less numerical strength, Ghanaian Muslims in recent times have been fairly represented in the national politics and most often vie for the Vice President of the Republic. As parts of their national recognition in Ghana, Muslims have been given two National Holidays, the Eidul-Fitr and Eidul Adha. The Islamic faith is further recognised in major national ceremonies. The authority of Muslim leadership in Ghana is invested in the Office of National Chief Imam (ONCI), while the Ahmadis represent different different leadership structure, the Ahmadi Muslim Mission. 2.1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ISLAM IN WEST AFRICA Islam, Muslims claim, is the first religion of all human persons irrespective of race. Established historical thought, however, sees Islam as a world religion that originated when Muhammad received his first divine revelation in the year 610 C.E. Islam from the Arabia through the North Africa is known to have made its first contact with West Africa in the 7th century C.E, through the agency of Uqba b. Nafi. Peter Clarke (1982: 10) is of the view that West Africa made its first contact with Islam in the 8th century by means of the trans-Saharan trade routes from North Africa. The main attraction of West Africa to the North Africans was the slave trade: commerce, and not missionary zeal. The commercial attractiveness to this region was evidenced by the availability, and the prospect, of obtaining gold from the ancient kingdoms of West Africa (Clarke 1982: 12) These transnational contacts between the Muslims of the North and the West Africans facilitated the conversion of certain ethnic groups to Islam. For instance, the Sanhaja Berbers tribes were the first West Africans to be converted to Islam through trading activities. 24 Clarke (1982: 13) concludes that, the realization that West Africa was the ‘land of gold’ made it the focus of greater attention in North Africa. It then attracted increasing numbers of Muslim traders to the commercial centers of West Africa (Clarke, 1982: 13). This, of course, suggests that the major thrust driving North African Muslim contacts with the West Africa was trade. It, eventually, ushered in the gradual orientation of West Africans to the North African Islamic culture, with its attendant implications as to the future cultural identity of some West Africans. The lack of in-depth religious acumen by the original transmitters of Islam in West Africa was to later affect the fortunes of Muslims there. It could be discerned that, trade and, particularly, the slave trade facilitated the initial transnational engagement with the North African Muslims and the West Africans. Later Mande traders of the Western Sudan, who were to become very influential in the propagation of Islam in the Volta Basin, were converted to Islam through the influence of the North African, Islamized Berbers. Trade and commerce constituted the earliest method by which the peoples of the whole region were converted to Islam. That was the case, also, in the area of the Volta Basin. All of the new converts to Islam became part of a larger Muslim world. Later, scholarly activities, the Hajj, the activities of the colonial governments, and the role of immigrant Lebanese as will be explained later increased this sense of belonging to a wider Muslim world. It is, however, worth stating that every Ghanaian interaction with the Muslim world has had its unique undercurrent and dynamism. 25 2.2 GHANAIAN MUSLIMS’ ENCOUNTER WITH THE OUTSIDE MUSLIM WORLD THROUGH TRADE AND COMMERCE It is on record that the Mande Muslim traders, who were originally associated with the Mali Empire and popularly known in West Africa as the Wangara, were the first Muslims to have facilitated relations with Muslims in the Volta Basin. This they did in the early part of the IS* century by settling in the Akan forest of Begho, near Wenchi in the present Brong Ahafo region of Ghana (Hiskett; 1962: 45). The main driving force behind the Mande traders’ adventure in the forest belt of the Volta Basin and, for that matter in the Gold Coast, was the availability of gold and kola nuts. The enterprising nature of the Mande traders has been variously referred to as ‘Commercial Diasporas’ in the Western Sudan because they traveled far and wide during their trading engagements(Hiskett, 1962:45). They then transported their merchandize back to Jenne and Timbuktu for onward transportation to North Africa. Hiskett (1984: 45) argued further that Mande traders even traded with the Portuguese around Elmina before the end of the 15th century. This report did not mention any early Gold Coast people who had converted to Islam. The exception however was in Bono, where the King Ali Kwame, and the royal family had adopted Islam after he had traveled to the Western Sudan to leam mining in the latter part of the 16lh century (Hiskett, 1962:133). This early encounter of the peoples of the Volta Basin and, for that matter, of the Gold Coast with the Mande traders resulted in some of the people of the Gold Coast embracing Islam. Thus Islam was introduced into the region, with all its attendant socio-cultural and political implications for its adherents. The doctrinal background of these early Mande traders suggests that they were Ibaddiya but later embraced the teachings and practices of the Maliki School, following the Al-Moravid 26 conquests (Hiskett, 1962:133). Consequently, the Maliki School became the dominant School in the Western Sudan, and, more particularly the Gold Coast (Hiskett, 1962:133.). The movement of Mande traders from one place to another made them very influential in the spread of Islam in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. For instance, it is said that as result of their trading activities, Mande scholarly community in Timbuktu arrived at Dagbon around 1700 C.E. These Mande scholars were known in Dagbon as Yarnas, which was the Mande word for religious leaders (Hiskett, 1962:122). This means that, while in the forest belt of the south the scholarly identity of the Mande traders was not fully established, that of the early Mande settlers in Dagbon were known. However, one could not rule out the possibility of trade as the major motivating factor of the Yarnas settlement in Dagbon. This is because not much is known about the role of Yarnas in Dagbon religious affairs. Despite this, the Yarnas could be regarded as the first religious leaders to have facilitated the transnational contacts of the Dagbon people with the wider Muslim world through trade. Some people of the Gold Coast were also drawn to the transnational Islamic influence because of the triumph of the Fulani Jihads in the Hausaland in 1804, with the resultant expansion of Hausa trade in West Africa. The success of this Jihad resulted in the spread of Islam to other parts of West Africa, including the Gold Coast. Their impact was greatly felt, not only in the northern part of the Gold Coast especially Dagbon, but also in other parts of the country. Again, the major motive which attracted the Hausa-Fulani from Northern Nigeria to the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast was trade rather than any missionary zeal (Letvzion, 1968: 5). This therefore underscored the fact that, these early traders did not intend to convert the Gold Coast people to Islam. Therefore, any such conversion that they might have initiated was incidental and accidental, not deliberate. 27 Although, the Wangara and the Hausa-Fulani were the first groups in the West African sub- region to have facilitated the religious interaction with the people of the Volta Basin, the intensity of their religious orientations and socio-cultural dynamics associated with each group differ. For instance, it could be stressed that the Hausa-Fulani clerics were considered to be stricter and more learned than the Yarnas. Perhaps, the effects of the Fulani Jihad in the Hausaland reinforced the strict Islamic background among the more populous Hausa which later impacted on the Hausa settlers in the Volta Basin. This shows, therefore, that the people of the Volia Basin have undergone two types of Islamic orientation through their encounters with the early Muslim settlers. As a result, they absorbed different Islamic influences and traditions from these groups of early Muslim settlers in their respective societies. To reiterate, the first phase of the people of the Volta Basin’s interaction with regional Islam took place during their encounter with the Wangara or Mande traders whose Malian socio­ cultural background was a latent form of Islam. The second phase was their encounter with the Hausa-Fulani who had less compromising and stricter attitude towards Islam. The significance of this period was that the Volta Basin Muslims’ interaction with the Wangara, the Hausa and the Fulani created their linkage and connection with the regional Islam, which was West African in nature. The prevailing socio-cultural conditions in the place of origin of these early scholars affected the Volta Basin Muslim’s perspective of Islam in the pre­ colonial and colonial periods. It is worth noting that one remarkable effect of the Hausa’s trading engagement in the area of the Volta Basin has been that it has facilitated the emergence of certain trading centers in the region. This further enhanced the interaction between people of the Volta Basin and the Muslim communities in West Africa. The most notable centre was the Salaga Market in the 28 Gonjaland which emerged in 1775 as a Hausa-speaking town (Hiskett, 1962:51). The major commodity, which attracted people from the Muslim world especially Timbuktu, Bomo, and Hausaland to Salaga, was kola nuts. The kola nut was cultivated in the Akan forest and transported to Salaga where it was sold to the Hausa and the Bomo traders. The Hausa occupation of Salaga was important because it created conditions for the later Mande and Hausa penetration into the Ashanti Empire (Levtzion, 1987:2). This implies that the Ashanti Empire was to come under the influence of Hausa and Mande because of their trading expedition. It has been argued that the Hausa kola trade brought Hausa merchants into Gonja as early as the middle of the IS* century. This is because the Muslims, whom Ndewura Jakpa met at Kafaba, claim to have come from Hausaland. Some of them were said to be Beriberi (Berbers) (Braimah, n.d:22). Also, it has been claimed that the name ‘Gonja” originated from the Hausa expression ‘Zani gun dza goro' meaning ‘I am going to the place of the red kola nut1 (Braimah, n.d:22). Buipe in the Gonjaland was the market centre in northern Ghana until 1930. The market was transferred to Salaga when Buipe became the battlefield for the struggle between the Ashanti and the Lata N’Gbanya (Lata’s clan). The influence of the Hausa and Mande nationals was felt on the trading activities in the years following the founding of Salaga market in the northern territories that the task force officer, ‘Kil M buwura’ ensured that people patronized (Braimah, n.d: 22). This was done to curtail the possible boom in the Ashanti market through the movement of the traders from the north to the south. 29 Among some of the Hausa names for the Salaga market were: 1. Kuntuag pa so: the battlefield of the hyena. 2. Asiga dad aria, fita da kuka: one enters it with joy and laughter; one departs wailing (Braimah, n.d:23). These show the extent of the intensity of peoples’ patronage of the market. It also shows the attractiveness of the merchandise in the market because people might overspend at the expense of other equally important commodities. Lastly, the use of Hausa here shows the extent of the Hausa’s influence in the Salaga socio-cultural background in these northern territories. Information available on the structure of the Hausa caravan to the Salaga market indicates that it used to have a well-organized leadership. This is because each caravan used to have a leader known in Hausa language as the Madugu. Among his responsibilities was the choice of the routes and halting places, the settlement of disputes, and negotiations with local chiefs about tolls. Other caravan leaders of the Hausa traders were known as Jagaba, the guide, while the Uban Dawaki the one who collects payments for tolls, assisted the Madugu. Significantly, every caravan used to have a Mallam2 (a Hausa word for a religious leader), whose role among the group was to officiate on matters of Islamic rituals. He was a literate person so in addition to leading the caravan in prayer, he kept the records and had the prerogative of choosing a suitable or prosperous day for the trip. 2Mallam means in Hausa a learned person or a religious leader. It is a corrupted word from Arabic Mu 'alim, meanng a teacher. 30 It is argued that it was through these Mallams that Islam made significant impact on the trade routes (Levtzion, 1987:2). This is because; some of the traders would withdraw from the caravan and settle with the chiefs if their services were needed. Such a Mallam was given a wife, probably the daughter of the chief. In this way a small Muslim community would start growing. Furthermore, when the Mallam settled in a particular community he became the host of foreign traders and visitors and, in that capacity; he was referred to as Maigida, or House Master, Host or Landlord, plavinc the role of mediator between the caravan and the community (Levtzion, 1987:2). More Gold Coast people were introduced to Islam through the activities of these settled Mallams, who encouraged their colleagues to settle in the same spot and intermarry with the local people. Thus the influence of the Hausa caravan on the trade routes and the various communities into which they were absorbed was significant. The activities of these Hausa caravans give an indication of the other roles played by the Hausa during their trading expedition to the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. Consequently, the activities of these caravan leaders, whether Madugu, or Maigida, was to become a mark of identity of certain families in the southern Zongo communities in Ghana. Thus some of the families preferred to attach such nomenclature to their families’ identities such as Madugu, and Maigida, reminiscent of the role played by their grandparents for Islam during their commercial expeditions. This tendency shows the extent of the impact of Hausa culture on the Muslim territory in the Gold Coast and, of course, contemporary Ghana. When Salaga Market declined due to the Civil War of 1892, the Muslim traders moved to the newly emerging trading centers such as Atebubu, Kete Karachi, and Kintampo (Abass, 2005: 35). 31 Ashanti is another area where West African Muslims contributed to the development of Islam in the Gold Coast and modem Ghana. The account of Muslim engagement with the Ashanti suggests that the early Muslims who settled in Kumasi were trade representatives and commercial agents guarding the interests of the northern kola nuts traders. In the southern part of Gold Coast, especially from 1835-1865; the Muslim traders formed the nucleus of the Muslim community in Accra. For instance, the 1S65 Report of the Sclcct Committee of the Colonial Government indicated that Muslim merchants, who were living in James Town in Accra, were plying their trade between Accra and its neighboring countries (Dretke, 1968:29). This, therefore, suggests that the southern Gold Coast Muslims had relations with regional Muslim communities of West Africa through trade. The settlement of these early traders in Accra created the opportunity for the spread of Islamic ideas in the south. This was to be further nurtured and promoted through other means, such as scholarly activities and the annual pilgrimage to Makkah. An important point worth emphasizing here is that the Colonial Masters in the Gold Coast also maintained trade relations with the Arab or the Muslim countries. The countries through which such trade relations were transacted were from North Africa to the Middle East. In 1923, the Gold Coast colony traded with North African countries such as Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco. While in 1924 and 1925 the Gold Coast trade relations were further extended to Saudi Arabia and Libya in addition to the aforesaid countries (Jonah, 1986:160). Though such trade relations were related to importing goods from these countries, much is not known about the type of goods that were imported from those countries. However, the Gold Coast timber was the major commodity that was exported to the North Africa and the Middle East. It can be concluded that such trade relations with predominantly Muslims 32 countries in the colonial period did not have any significant impact on the nature of Islam in the Gold Coast, partly because the colonial interest dictated the pattern of the trade relations. 13 SCHOLARLY ACTIVITIES AND THE SEARCH FOR KNOWLEDGE Scholarly activities of the early Muslims also enhanced the introduction of Islam to the Gold Coast. It is interesting to note that the early Muslim traders were literate and religious scholars. In the course of their trading expeditions in the Volta Bnsin nnd the G^ld C^nst they linked Ghanaians with the Muslim communities of West Africa, the Islamic culture and ideas of the Hausa and Mande. Since these early Muslims were literate, the courts and palaces of the chiefs were the first centers which initially came under the influence of Muslim scholars. This is particularly noticeable in the northern and the Ashanti kingdoms. These scholarly engagements in the chiefs’ courts and palaces were not unique to the Muslim literates in the Volta Basin and northern territories. This is because these scholars have historically assumed administrative roles in the ancient kingdoms especially, in Koumbi-Saleh, the ancient Ghana Empire’s capital. This was also the case in the Mali and the Songhay Empires. It was, therefore, in the main as the product of such scholarly centers within these early empires that Islam came to the Gold Coast and what is now modem Ghana. The distinctive role played by the Muslim scholars in the palaces in the pre-colonial and colonial periods was in rendering spiritual services. This could be discerned from the role of Muslim scholars in the ancient kingdoms of modem Ghana, such as the Ashanti, Dagbon and Gonja, where they were very instrumental in solidifying the political leadership of the northern kingdoms, especially the Gonja and the Dagomba empires. For instance, 33 Muhammad AI-Abyad was the Muslim advisor and Imam to Jakpa the conquering warrior- hero and the King of Gonja (Hiskett, 1962:120). He was very instrumental in assisting the King through spiritual means to win most of his battles. The spiritual support Jakpa obtained from Muslim scholars attracted the attention of the Dagomba chief. This was the beginning of the Islamisation of the chiefs’ palaces in Dagbon. This tendency shows the Islamic religious and spiritual influence on the leadership of the various communities in which they settled. It also shows the gradual shift of the traditional leadership from depending on their indigenous spiritual beliefs to Islamic spiritual services. With this predisposition towards Islamic spiritual services in the palaces, a new development in the area of alternative spiritual services was introduced into the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. Similarly, the role of the Muslim scholars in the Ashanti Empire could also be discerned from their literacy and the potency of their spiritual services. This could be seen from the fact that the Ashanti, upon realizing the roles played by Muslim literates and the nature of the Muslim spiritual services in the northern Kingdoms, began to demand the services of Muslim clerics and literates within the palace. By 1816-1820, the influence of Muslim scholars was greatly felt in the Ashanti Empire, especially in the court of the Asantehene. This was as a result of the numerous services and roles that they played in Ashanti’s government as court scribes and keeping accounts and records on trade and matters relating to war. Some of the Muslim scholars also served in the army, performed magical and religious services, acted as ambassadors for the kings on foreign missions, and as hosts for visitors from distant countries in the north including the Mossiland, Hausaland, Timbuktu, and North Africa due to their literate background (Levtzion, 1987:182). 34 An important role played by the northern territories’ chiefs in the development of the Ashanti Empire and its government at the time was that those in the Gonja and Dagbon kingdoms used to send religious scholars and priests to the Ashanti to assist the king in winning his battles. Notable among these were Baba, Kantoma, and Suma. These religious leaders also manufactured charms and amulets for the Asantehene’s courtiers (Levtzion 1987:182). The zenith of Ashanti-Muslim relation was reached in the reign of Nana Osei Kwame (1777- 1803). This was when, for the first time, Muslims were recruited into the royal household (gyaasewa) mainly to render spiritual services to the Asantehene and the Ashanti Kingdom at large. These services to the Ashanti Kingdom included the manufacture of charms and amulets, giving advice on policies, and determining the direction of Ashanti foreign policies. The military wing of the kingdom was also influenced by the Muslims. For instance Owusu- Ansah records that the Ashanti army, which invaded Fante State in 1807, had ‘an Arab medical staff with the responsibility for recording casualties and attending to the wounded (Owusu-Ansah, 1991:9). Not much, however, is known about the ethnic background of the ‘Arab medical staff, whether they were natives of West Africa or Arabs. It could, of course, be concluded that ‘the Arab medical staff in this sense might refer to the written language used by Muslim scholars who might well have been West African nationals. The impact of Islamic spirituality on the Gold Coast facilitated by the Islamized nationals of West Africa who used Arabic as the language of religious communication and instruction can be clearly seen here. As mentioned above, the influence of Muslim scholars, and therefore Islam, on the Ashanti Kingdom was felt particularly through their engagement with the Ashanti royal family, especially Nana Osei Tutu who was on the verge of embracing Islam. He was endeared to 35 Islam by the power of the Muslim spiritual services offered to the palace. It is on record that Nana Osei Tutu overtly expressed his belief in the potency of the Quran, once saying, I know that book [the Quran] is strong and I like it because it is the book of the great God, it does good for me, and I therefore like the people that read it ’(Owusu-Ansah, 1991:10). It is noted, further, that the spiritual services of transnational Muslim scholars were demanded beyond the borders of the Gold Coast. A case in point was that, in 1817 the Ashanti government once invited one Sharif Ibrahim to pray for the king and make sacrifices to ensure the success of the Ashanti wars (Hiskett 1962:120). It is also on record that in 1777 Asantehene Nana Osei Kwadwo, upon realizing the administrative and literacy abilities of the Muslim merchants in Kumasi, initiated an administrative reform programme for his empire. The main targets of the administrative reform were the Muslims who became the personnel of the reform administrative set-up. Interestingly by 13th AH/ 19th CE a madrasa (school) had already been established at Buna, west of the Black Volta to train Ashanti civil servants. The medium of instruction was undoubtedly the Arabic language. The training school was headed by one Abd Allah b. AI- Hajj Muhammad al-Watarawi (Hiskett, 1962:133). Consequently, this centre attracted scholars not only from the Ashanti and the Volta Basin region but also from Senegambia (Hiskett, 1962:133), thereby increasing the Gold Coast Muslims’ transnational encounter with regional Islam through the activities of the individual Mallams at the school. Perhaps, an important observation in respect of the early Muslim scholars’ engagement with the Ashanti Kingdom was that they were in Ashanti to pursue their own personal interests with an eye on the benefits that they would derive in rendering spiritual and administrative services to the kingdom. Their aim was not necessarily to disseminate Islam. Most of the 36 Muslim clerics were merchants by profession, plying their trade between the Ashanti and the neighboring West African countries. This then shows that their personal interests overrode their responsibility to propagate Islam in the kingdom. This attitude of the Muslim scholars was to affect the nature of Islam in the kingdom as well as the material benefits that they have received in the court of the King. Similarly, although the Ashanti political leaders benefited from Islamic spiritual services, but Islam did not make converts at the Ashanti court. When discussing scholarly activities as a conduit of transnational contacts between the people of the Gold Coast and the Muslim world, one cannot ignore the contributions of Muslim scholars in strengthening the encounter among the new converts to Islam. Of special significance were the activities of Umar Kreke of Kete Krachi and Alhassan Jarah of Salaga. They both came from the northern part of Nigeria and settled at Kete Krachi and Salaga respectively in 1870. Umar Krake was noted to have written a great deal on theological and historical subjects and composed a number of poems of a polemical nature on Christianity. It is even argued that before the rise of Salaga and Kete Krachi, Gonja had had its share of Muslim intellectuals spearheaded by al-Hajj Muhammad b. Mustafa, an historian who wrote a history of the Gonja in 1752. These pioneer scholars in the Gold Coast turned Salaga, Kete Krachi and Gonja into centres of Islamic scholarly activities in those days. Umar Krake in particular was also noted to have been a scholar who used to travel the length and breadth of the country, especially during the month of Ramadan when his school was in reccss. Some of the areas to which he traveled to disseminate Islam included Tamale, Yendi, Mamprusi, Ashanti and Tetemu (Kpong) (Abdul Razak, 1996: 51). Such trips of Umar to parts of the Gold Coast had 37 reinforced the faith of many Gold Coast Muslims at that time, thereby raising his status as a prominent Islamic scholar. The role of these transnational Muslim scholars in the development of Islam in Ghana in the pre-colonial and colonial periods cannot be underestimated. The major role that they played in the development of Islam in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast relates to their being the torchbearers and repositories of the faith in the region. This was manifested in the Islamic educational centers that they established within the areas they settled. Through these centres, Islamic orientations and ideas were imparted to the Muslims. They also engaged in the dissemination of religious ideas to other Muslim settlements in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. This in a way strengthened the faith of the Muslims in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. In addition, they rendered spiritual services to the Muslims and non-Muslims alike. These spiritual services raised the prestige of Muslims among non-Muslims in the Volta Basin. It also indicates the all-encompassing nature of the religion on almost every aspect of a Muslim’s life. Despite this, the spiritual services rendered by the Muslim clerics in the court of the chiefs did not result in the conversion of the chiefs in the Ashanti Empire. This might have been due to the fact that these Muslim scholars’ did not see themselves as missionaries but rather as spiritual consultants. This situation therefore affected the extent of the conversion of the indigenous Ashantis in the kingdom. This is contrary to what is obtained in the northern kingdoms, where the Muslim scholars regarded themselves as spiritual consultants as well as missionaries. This eventually facilitated the virtual Islamisation of the northern kingdoms. 38 2.4 DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS Maintenance of diplomatic relations was another means through which West African Muslims facilitated transnational Islamic influence in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. For instance, it is said that the early traders who settled in Kumasi represented not only their trading interests but also acted as political representatives between the northern rulers and the Asantehene (Hiskett, 1962:134). These reached their peak when the northern territories became tributary states to the Ashanti kingdom in the 18th century. As a result, the northern Muslim leaders used to delegate some of their religious leaders to Kumasi to pray for the Asantehene. Subsequently, the Asantehene appointed his personal Imam among the northern Muslims around 1860, this being Imam Al- Bilad (the official Imam recognized by Asantehene). Gradually, the holder of the title was made a member of the king’s council. It is said that the present day Asante Muslim community in Kumasi (Asante Nkramo) who have become fully integrated into the social and political life of the Ashanti Kingdom were descendants of these early Muslims (Schilkdrout, 1978:68). Ashanti diplomatic relations were not limited to the northern territories, but went beyond the Gold Coast. It is said that by the early 18lh century Ashanti had established further diplomatic ties with the Moshi Kingdom of Wagadugu (Ouagadougou) in Burkina Faso, which was already Islamized by that time (Hiskett, 1962:133). Not much is known about the extent and the nature of such relations. However, it must be emphasized that these diplomatic ties helped spread Islamic ideas and practices in Kumasi and reinforced Ghanaian interactions with the Muslims in the West African sub-region. 39 Significantly, within the same century the Ashanti Kingdom also established diplomatic and friendly ties with Ahmad b. Muhammad (Ahmadu Lobbo), the ruler of Masina in Mali. This diplomatic relationship was attributed to Muslim civil servants who were serving the Ashanti Kingdom (Hiskett, 1962). Such diplomatic ties with the kingdoms in the region fostered close relations between the Ashanti and the larger Muslim Ummah. A close observation of the Ashanti Kingdom’s diplomatic relations with Muslim kingdoms in West Africa in the pre-colonial period does not give any evidence of any considerable impact on the development of Islam in the Gold Coast. This was because the diplomatic relations were fostered on friendly bases and purposes even though these kingdoms were Muslims. Furthermore, the overriding motive behind the Muslim kingdoms’ diplomatic relations with the Ashanti was not religious. Nevertheless, Owusu-Ansah (1987) employed the concept of cultural borrowing to explain the inability of the Ashantis to adopt Islamic way of life. By this, the Ashantis harnessed aspects of useful Muslims skills such as administrative and Muslim spiritual services for the advancement of their Kingdom at the expense of embracing Islam. On the other hand, impact of these kingdoms on the development of Islam in the Volta Basin and Ashanti Empire could be seen, even if remotely. This could be seen on the fact that the diplomatic relations created the awareness of Islamic ideas and the Muslims’ way of life among the Ashanti at that time. From the discussions above, it can be seen that the Islamic influence in the Volta Basin and much of the Islamic activities from the 15th century until the close of the 19lh century were spearheaded by the Hausa, Wangara and Fulani scholars from the West African sub-region, 40 without any traces of indigenous Gold Coast Muslim involvement in Da ‘wa. For instance, Umar Kreke, the great pioneer scholar in the Volta Basin and Gold Coast as stated earlier migrated from the Northern Nigeria and initially settled at Salaga and subsequently at Kete Krachi. Through his religious activities in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast, he turned Salaga and Kete Krachi, the then booming market centres, into the centres of Islamic of learning. The same could be said of Alhassan Jarah who also settled at Salaga at the same time with Umar. He was a Dendi native from Dahomey (the Republic of Benin). The apparent reason for the Islamic propagation {Da wa) being spearheaded by the non- indigenous Ghanaians was that efforts were not made by these early scholars to reach out to non-Muslims and indigenous Ghanaians in the process of their Dawa as a result of linguistic barriers. This meant that the early indigenous Gold Coast Muslims did not benefit from any hands-on experience from the Da'wa activities. It could also be that the indigenous Gold Coast Muslims were not fully imbued with Islamic culture and knowledge by that time. Little could have been known about them and they certainly could not have been actively involved in Da'wa activities. It could partly be that the indeginous Ghanaians did not attach importance to Da 'wa as a result of the influence of the Suwarian tradition which made them to limit the practice of the faith to themselves while respecting the worldview of others (Wilks 1989:98). It was towards the close of the 19th century and in the early 20lh century that some indigenous Gold Coast Muslims joined the Da 'wa terrain. Notable among them was Alhassan Atta of Accra, a native of Gonja and a great disciple of Umar Kreke. Ibrahim Amartey was another indigenous scholar who emerged within the Ga Muslim community in the 20lh century. 41 It could also be discerned from the various means by which the present day Ghanaians encountered the regional Islamic world that the influence of the West African Islam on the Gold Coast Muslims in the pre-colonial and colonial periods was overwhelming. However, there was a period when Ghanaian Muslims, through their Islamisation, also impacted considerably on the outside Muslim world. For instance, out of the Zongo in Kumasi in the latter part of 20th century a puritanical Islamic group emerged. Subanu Muslimin, an Islamic organization founded in the Francophone West Africa metamorphosed in Ghana with the name Ansaru-Sunnah Islamic Society. It was founded in 1972 in Kumasi. The background of the founders of this organization suggested that they were migrant Muslims from Mali and Niger. The group was very instrumental in propagating austere Islamic ideas between Kumasi and Niger. Its pioneer scholars were educated and trained in Kumasi. This meant that the members undoubtedly would have been influenced in their propagation activities by the prevailing socio-cultural environment of Ghana. The activities of this group were not limited to Ghana but cut across the sub-region of West Africa. This shows that aspect of the Ghanaian religio-cultural impact on the sub-region. The group now has branches in Ghana, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria (Iddriss Ibrahim, interview, 15th March 2005). 2.5 HAJJ AS A MEANS OF GHANAIAN INTERACTION WITH THE OUTSIDE MUSLIM WORLD Pilgrimage or Hajj also created an avenue for Gold Coasters and for the present day Ghanaian Muslims to interact with the Muslim world. This exposed (and continues to expose) Muslims of the region to international Islamic practices and standards as obtained in Arabia and the Gulf as a whole. The role of the pilgrimage in strengthening the faith of the present day Ghanaian Muslims and offering them international exposure had its historical antecedents. For instance, it is reported that Yahaya b. Ibrahim, at one time the leader of the Sanhaja Berbers in the Western Sudan, went on pilgrimage to Makkah in the year 1036 C.E 42 accompanied by a number of chiefs and an expert in Islamic law, Jawhar b. Sakkum (Clarke, 1982:14). Consequently, Yahaya b. Ibrahim came to realize the need for a reform in the practice of Islam among his people. He requested that an Islamic teacher from Kairouan be sent to help reform Islam among his people. It is also said that Mansa Musa of Mali Empire performed Hajj in the year 1324 C.E. He consequently brought an Arabian Sharif to Mali to reform Islam in his empire. It is said that Umar Kreke of Kete Krachi, a pioneer Gold Coast Muslim scholar in the 20* century, went on a pilgrimage to Makkah in 1913 via Cairo and subsequently in 1917 and 1918. This has not however contributed to the adoption of Arabian Islamic tradition, Wahhabism, but rather the West African Tijaniyya Islamic worldview. He was originally a Qadiriyya by doctrinal background but the pilgrimage reinforced his new orientation of Islam. This was because, he was given the Tijaniyya litany (Wird) during the Hajj, and this exposed him to the Tijaniyya order for the first time in his life. He subsequently became the bearer of the order in the whole of the Gold Coast. As a result of his new orientation, Tijaniyya became the dominant sect in the Gold Coast and Ghana, largely through his activities (Abdul Razak, 1996:45). The early accounts of the performance of Hajj by Muslims in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast show how enduring and cumbersome it was to perform the religious duty. A major impediment was a lack of a reliable means of transport. Adamu Umar Kuta, a centenarian and a pioneer Muslim scholar at Nima in the Greater Accra region and a former Hajj agent from 1940 to 1976 gave account of how the Hajj was organized in the Gold Coast. 43 In the late 19* and early 20th centuries prospective Muslim pilgrims traveled by road to perform Hajj (Adamu, interview, 11U| May 2006).This meant that a pilgrim must be physically fit and capable of withstanding any fortitude and hardship on the way. The usual norm was that prospective pilgrims would identify a particular agent within a particular community who also know some people who intend to perform the Hajj within that particular year. Normally, prospective pilgrims within Accra during the years 1820 to 1944 do not exceed more than 19-30 people in each year (Adamu, interview, 1 l,h May 2006). Pilgrims undertaking Hajj from the early 19th to early 20th century used camels, donkeys, and horses as a means of transport. A rich person among the prospective pilgrims could employ the services of a transport (camel, donkey, and horse) owner to convey him to the next town but always in a convoy (Adamu, interview, 11th May 2006). According to him the major routes were Accra to Lome in Togo, Lome to Dahomey (Benin), Dahomey-Lagos, Lagos-Jos, and Jos-Bomo or Madugri all in Nigeria. From Nigeria, the pilgrims then cross over to Farlumi in Chad then to Hadari a border town between Chad and Sudan. In Sudan the pilgrims would then travel to Labai and make use of a train to Khartoum, then on to Sawakin to embark upon a shipping vessel to Jeddah in Saudi Arabia (Adamu, interview, 11th May 2006). The informant intimated that the role of the agent in most situations was to lead the pilgrims to the next town or direct them to somebody who would take charge of them in that town. Such a person would then lead them to the Immigration Office for clearance. He would also lead or directs them to another town or a person in another town. This was the trend until they reached their final destination (Adamu, interview, 11th May 2006). He emphasized that a journey from one town to the other always could take a week or two by walking, or two days by a means of transport. He further indicated that, in all, the trip would take about five to six months for a person to reach Jeddah. At Jeddah some of the pilgrims employ the services of 44 camel owners to convey them to Makkah, which is, 73 kilometers day’s journey from Jeddah to Makkah that is with a means of transport or two days walk by road. In all, Hajj trip takes about a year or more for a person to return home, that is, from the date of embarkment (Adamu, interview, 11th May 2006). Because of the huge financial resources that pilgrims require to embark upon the journey some of them engage in menial work in the course of the journey to Hajj to earn some money so that they could continue with the journey to the next town. It is argued that some groups sometimes took as much as five (5) to eight (8) years from the date of departure from home to that of return. Such groups were generally made up of people who worked along the way to earn money to continue with their journey. Adamu, the interviewee, identified Alhaji Norga, Alfa Togma, Alhaji Alawiye and Alhaji Mai Zongo as being among the Hajj agents in the Greater Accra area who facilitate Muslim transnational connection with the Islamic world through Hajj. Adamu showed the interviewer his passport, issued in July 1943 by the British Colonial Office in Accra, so the Colonial Government approved routes to Hajj as designated in 1944. The routes were Lagos to Kano, El-Obied to Sawakin, then Khartoum to Egypt and to Jeddah. According to him he performed the Hajj in July 1943 with his late father and returned in May 1944. Because they had sufficient funds they were able to return within eleven (11) months, from. August 1943 to June 1944. 2.6 THE POLICIES OF THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENT With the advent of colonialism in the Gold Coast, the present day Ghana witnessed a different means of transnational Islamic influence in the Gold Coast. This was through the Colonial Government’s policy of recruiting Muslims from neighboring British West African colonies into the army and the police force. For instance in 1872 the Colonial Government 45 recruited the Hausa constabulary from Nigeria into the Gold Coast (Dretke, 1968:24-29). These Hausa Muslims constabulary consequently played a significant role in reinforcing the regional character of Islam in the Gold Coast. These emigrant Hausas eventually gained recognition from the Colonial Government and became the official mouthpiece of Muslim leadership in Gold Coast. Even before the deployment of the Hausa police, Muslim slaves who had been freed by the Dutch had settled at Java Hill in Cape Coast. The Dutch bought these slaves from the Ashanti Kingdom to fight their wars in Java and at the end of the wars they were settled in Elmina and got pensioned when old (Dretke, 1968:24-29). Furthermore, during the British-Ashanti wars in 1873 a batch of 150 Hausa constabulary was transferred from Lagos to the Gold Coast to strengthen the British front. By the close of 1900 the number of Hausa police (who were invariably Muslims) in the British army was almost up to a thousand. It is said that some Muslims were even recruited from Sierra Leone (Dretke 1968:24-29). Whatever the purpose of the Colonial Government in recruiting Muslims as the core of their security forces, this practice facilitated the regional character of the Ghanaian Muslim community and resulted in its subsequent dominance by leaders whose origins could be traced to other countries in the sub-region of West Africa. 2.7 THE ROLE OF IMMIGRANT LEBANESE Ghanaian Muslims also encountered another level of transnational contact with the Muslim world during the colonial period. Emigrant Lebanese settled in the Gold Coast in 1884 becoming the first Arabs (Habushi, interview, 17*h July 2005). It could also be said that they were the first Arabs that the Gold Coast people might have spoken Arabic with which, in a way, gave meaning to them for being Muslims. This is based on the fact that there is a thin 46 ine between Arabian and Islamic culture. In addition, the present day Ghanaian Muslims’ interaction with the Lebanese serves as an exposure of their understanding as to how Arabs behave. The significance of the Lebanese interaction during the colonial period with the people who are now Ghanaian Muslims was that, the Ghanaian Muslims felt for the first time that they had within their own country interacted directly with people from Muslim world beyond the West African geographical boundaries. This represented a different level of the Gold Coast people’s encounter with the global Muslim world, which is Middle Eastern in character. It must be emphasized that these early Lebanese were wrongly and variously referred to as Turks, partly because, they were then under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. They were also referred to as Portuguese on account of their complexion and because they were the first expatriates after the Portuguese to settle in the Gold Coast. Lastly, they were also called Syrians because of the similarity between them and Syrians, partly due to the Arabic language spoken by both groups (Habushi, interview, 17th July 2005). This was further reinforced by the Gold Coast’s colonial government census classification of Lebanese and Syrians as one homogenous group (Akyeampong, 2006:307). The first Lebanese to settle in the Gold Coast in 1884 was William Ibraham Chebib, a Christian (Habushi, interview, 17th July 2005). Others followed, as a result of the favourable accounts of economic and political conditions prevailing in the Gold Coast. The majority of the Lebanese in Ghana came from northern Lebanon, especially Tripoli and it surroundings (Habushi, interview, 17* July 2005). Generally, the Lebanese in Ghana fell under the umbrella organization called the Lebanon Society, which addresses problems of welfare of members in Ghana. In the religious sphere, it is interesting to note that about 80% of the Lebanese in the present day Ghana are adherents of the Sunni school of Thoughts, whereas the Shi'ah Lebanese constitute about 15% and the 47 Christians representing 5% (Habushi, interview, 17th July 2005). Doctrinal wise, the Lebanese Sunnis were much in tune with the Salafiyya Islamic identity preached by the Egyptian scholar Muhammad Abduh in the 19th century. Salafiyya is embedded in Muslims’ quest for true religious identity and emphasizes purifying Islam from both Sufi mysticism and foreign influences, while aspiring to emulate the West in technological and scientific advancement (Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol 2, page 3). Muhammad Abduh preached this brand of Islam in Beirut. Lebanon in 1882-8 among Muslim intellectuals (Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol 2, page 3). The emigrant Lebanese Muslims who initially settled in the Gold Coast were invariably imbued with this Islamic tradition (Habushi, interview, 17th July 2005). Salafiyya is akin to Wahhabi, as they drew their religious inspiration from the Wahhabi revolution in Arabia. The history of the early Lebanese Muslims engagement with the Gold Coast Islamic Ummah is very obscure, since it has not generated any academic interest in Ghana. Perhaps, this could be due to the fact that the major motivation for the early emigrant Lebanese to settle in the Gold Coast was trade. Nevertheless, traces of their religious interaction with the Gold Coast Muslims could be found in the form of religious centres that they established such as mosques and Islamic education centres in the areas in which they initially settled, including Saltpond, Sekondi, Suhum, and Swedru (Habushi, interview, 17lh July 2005). Moreover, being expatriates in the country their involvement in national politics always generates mixed feeling from the section of the indigenous Ghanaians in recent times (Akyeapong, 2006: 303). This attitude of the indigenous Ghanaians towards the Lebanese is not different during the colonial period. They had always regarded the Lebanese and Syrians as the auxiliary of the colonial masters. This in effect hampered their political integration at 48 that time (Akyeapong, 2006: 301). Further, documents obtained from the colonial archives regarding the registration of Syrians and Lebannese in French West Africa in 1943 also suggests the dilemma that the Lebanese in the Gold Coast encountered in respect of their integration into the colonial security establishment. In French West Africa where the initiative was taken to register them, they interpreted it as a preliminary move to mobilization, since this measure has not been taken in Algeria and Morocco. The Lebanese and the Syrians in the Gold Coast also viewed such action with apprehension as similar action could be introduced here. It is however worth stating that their enlistment into the British security system at that time suggests that they prefer to join the Home Guards (largely made up of the white) as against the African Platoon (mainly made up of the blacks). This could not however be said about their religious integration as they interacted with and contributed towards the development of Islam and Muslims collectively with the indigenous Muslim population. The pluralistic Ghanaian religious environment which allows for freedom of association as well as freedom of religious worship necessitated this. Having inculcated sound Islamic education into their offspring who now represent the third generation of Lebanese in Ghana, with equal rights like any other citizen in Ghana, they have manifested and put into practice their engagement with the Ghanaian Muslim Ummah in various ways. In order to protect and promote the interests of Islam and Muslims in Ghana, the Lebanese formed the Ghana Society for Islamic Education and Reformation. This organization provides an avenue through which they interact with the Ghanaian Muslim Ummah in various fields of concern such as the propagation of Islam and education for Muslims. Because of the wealth they possess and the type of Islamic training they have acquired from their parents, the 49 Lebanese business community in Ghana constructed the Madina Islamic School situated at Madina in Accra in 1985 which primarily provide education to Ghanaian Muslim students. The school runs programmes from primary to the junior secondary level. The Society also constructed an ultra-modern senior secondary school in 2001 at Kwame Nkrumah Circle in Accra, known as Ghana-Lebanon Islamic Secondary School (GLISS), a reminiscent of cordial relationship between their host country, Ghana, and their motherland, Lebanon. The school runs various programmes from business studies to general arts and science. In addition, die Lebanese community established an Islamic Theological Institute at Madina called the Islamic Teachers’ Training Institute. This was because of their concerns about the nature of Islamic Da 'wa in the country. The institute was established in 2000 to produce quality Du 'at (Islamic preachers) with a view of propagating Islam in the country. One area that the Lebanese also distinguished themselves in their engagement with the Ghanaian Ummah is the granting of scholarships to the under-privileged Ghanaian Muslim students. It is estimated that not less than 1500 Muslim students are enjoying various forms of scholarships granted by the Lebanese business community in Ghana. In order to accomplish this they set aside a portion of their business profit as Zakat, an Islamic social security system for the under-privileged in the society. An interesting aspect of Lebanese engagement with the Ghanaian Ummah is that some members of the Lebanese business community sponsor some of their hardworking employees to perform the annual Islamic pilgrimage to Makkah. Quite apart from the Lebanese group’s facilitation of Ghanaian Muslims’ Islamic orientations, some individual Lebanese also played tremendous role in facilitating their engagement with the outside Muslim Ummah in one way or the other. One of these is M.M It is important to reiterate that, though the origin of the Lebanese in the present day Ghana pre dates the colonial period. 1 decided to stretch the nature of their engagement with Ghanaian Muslims to the 21acCT'u°'. This will enable me provide a holistic dimension of their engagement with Muslims in Ghana 50 Hamoui who came to the Gold Coast in 1929 at the age of 13 years and was educated at Koforidua Methodist Primary School in the Eastern region. In 1945 he registered a transport company under the name “Tarzan Transport” (Hamoui: 1984). In the late 1940s he operated as one of the early transport owners in the country plying Accra, Kumasi, Tamale, Sekondi, Denu, Jasikan, Keta, Kete Krachi, and Lome. The services of the company were subsequently extended beyond the borders of Ghana so that by 1948, he was the only transport owner whose services were demanded by Ghanaian Muslim pilgrims to Saudi Arabia who were usually transported from Ghana to Sudan where they were then conveyed by train across the Red Sea to Jeddah for the annual pilgrimage. Hamoui was in charge of transporting Nigerian, Sierra Leonean, and Ivorian Muslim pilgrims to Sudan until 1956, when the Chadian government made it difficult for foreign commercial vehicles to drive through their territory with passengers. He was a distinguished personality who also transported the Ghanaian exhibits to the Cairo International Agriculture Fair by road in 1960 via Khartoum, from where they were conveyed by rail and river transport to Cairo. Through his transport activity, he facilitated Ghanaian Muslims’ engagement with the Muslim world. His business transactions possibly resulted in the exchange of cultural products through the pilgrimage and trade fairs (Hamoui: 1984). It is therefore not surprising that he was singularly handpicked by the late first President of Ghana, Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, as a member of Ghana Ex-service Union, which was later known as the Ghana Legion. He was honoured and adopted by the then James Town Mantse Nii Adja Amugi in 1963 as a member of the Palace under the name Kwashie Kodjo due to his contributions to the Ga community (Hamoui: 1984). 51 A unique contribution that the Arab Lebanese Muslims have made to Ghanaian Muslims in recent times is in the area of the media. The Metropolitan Television Station (Metro TV) is a joint venture between some Lebanese Muslims and the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC). The major individual shareholders are Talal Fatal and his brothers. Metro TV has become a source of major Islamic religious propagation in Ghana. The television station was established in 1999 and allocates free air time for Ghanaian Muslims on Fridays to exclusively propagate Islam. The interesting dimension of the Islamic religious broadcasting at Metro TV is that air time has been allocated to a section of Ghanaian Ulama to propagate Islam in the major Ghanaian languages especially in Akan, Ga and Hausa. For instance, the Islamic Highlight programme is aired in Akan and Ga at different times on Fridays. In order to give Islam the national character that it deserves the English language is also employed in the propagation of Islam through a programme called Islamic Insight. The compatibility of Islam to science as well as the scientific basis of Islamic beliefs and teachings is the subject matter of another religious programme being aired on Metro TV, known as Islam and Science. Al-Nisai is the Muslim women religious programme on Metro TV. This programme was designed to address the socio-cultural and religious problems confronting the development of Muslim women in Ghana. In all, Metro TV, being managed by a section of the Lebanese community in Ghana, has assisted in bringing Islam into the public sphere. It could also be said that the Lebanese Muslim community has facilitated the Islamisation of Fridays on the Ghanaian media landscape from morning to noon through the medium of Metro Television. To sum up, Ghanaian Muslims of Lebanese descent were the first Arab Muslims that Ghanaian Muslims directly dealt with. The nature of the intensity of Islamic orientation in 52 Lebanon was also reflected in the attitude of the majority Lebanese-Ghanaian Muslims in Ghana. This tendency could be seen in their concern for their fellow Muslims and for their role in projecting the image of Islam and assisting the needy Muslims in Ghana. Even though they form the minority Muslims in Ghana, their professional background as businessmen enabled them to contribute more meaningfully than any other group in Ghana. In terms of doctrinal orientation they are strict Sunni Muslims. As a result, they represented the first Wahhabis before some Ghanaian Muslim students traveled to the Middle East and the Arabian Gulf for Islamic studies. Although they were not actively involved in the propagation of Islam they used their wealth to promote the religion. Thus Lebanese-Ghanaian Muslims represent another bloc of Muslims in Ghana. Their influence in the Islamic religious terrain is however limited to the capital city of Ghana, Accra, and its environs. An important issue that has not been addressed within this section is what has been the nature of doctrinal worldview of Muslims in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast? The next section of the thesis attempts to address this. 2.8 THE ISLAMIC DOCTRINAL WORLDVIEW OF MUSLIMS IN THE VOLTA BASIN AND THE GOLD COAST It is an undeniable fact that Muslims in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast have undergone various types of Islamic orientation and received a variety of ideas about Islam through different periods. The earlier Islamic orientation of the Muslims in the Gold Coast was the Qadriyya, which was overshadowed by the Tijaniyya. Two main factors facilitated the Tijaniyya outshining the Qadriyya Sufi order in the area of the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. The first factor was the elitist character of Qadriyya. This made the movement appear as a social class of the Qadriyya Ulama without any social significance to the ordinary Muslims. The second factor was the rivalry between the Qadriyya and the Tijaniyya doctrine 53 in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. During the colonial period, the Tijaniyya became the dominant doctrine in the Gold Coast. The historical background of the doctrinal orientation of Muslims in western Sudan indicates that Ibadiyya and Sufriyya were the earliest doctrinal groups there. For example, Clarke quoted Al-Zuhri, an Arabic scholar who related that the Berber traders who facilitated the Islamisation of West Africans through their trading expedition held doctrinal beliefs similar to those of the lbadites and the Sulrites, all of which were branches of Kharijites (Clarke 1982:12). There were considerable evidences showing that businessmen in Tahert, and the inhabitants of Awdaghost, Zawila Sijlimasa were all Ibadiyya in doctrinal orientation. This was around the late 8* and the early part of 9th centuries (Clarke, 1982:12). These orientations emerged with a view to addressing certain perceived needs and defects in the society at the time. It was therefore argued that one of the motivating factors for the rise of the Al-Moravid movement was the need to rectify the perception that Islam in ancient Ghana was unorthodox. Consequently, the Al-Moravid’s conquest facilitated the orientation of the Muslims in western Sudan towards Maliki school of thought (Hiskett, 1984:45). This was because of the doctrinal background of the leader and the founder of the Al-Moravid movement, Abdullah b. Yasin who was doctrinally a Maliki. This was also entirely due to the educational orientation, he acquired from his tutors in the North Africa. Thus, Abdullah b. Yasin also enforced the Maliki doctrine among his students who eventually became the later Ulama in the western Sudan (Clarke, 1982:14). The Sanhaja Berbers, when they were thoroughly islamised, took up the role of propagating Islam in the Western Sudan and thus facilitated the spread of the Maliki Madhhab, or School. 54 Again, the other most important personality who influenced the orientation of West African Muslims was the North African scholar Al-Maghili. He became an advisor to Muhammad Rumfa of Kano. It is believed that he was a Maliki, as well as a Qadriyya in mystical orientation. His writings became the standard point of reference to Uthman Dan b. Fodio (Hiskett, 1984:150). Eventually, Uthman Dan b. Fodio was influenced doctrinally and thus his newly found Islamic orientation affected the entire region of northern Nigeria which he conquered. The success of his conquests also affected the religious orientation of the people of the Volta Basin on account of the pioneer Hausa traders’ settlement in the Volta Basin and in the Gold Coast. In the area of Volta Basin, specifically, Dagbon, Gonja and the Ashanti Kingdoms, the early scholars and traders who settled there in the pre-colonial and colonial periods were Maliki in doctrinal orientation. The strong evidence for this view is found in what Hiskett recorded around 1955 about the academic qualifications he obtained in Wenchi. This shows that students tended to link the type of academic qualifications that they received to the Maliki School of law. In this case, the student identified the type of academic qualification he acquired with his teacher’s orientation. The teacher in turn identified the teacher who taught him and so on back to Imam Malik b. Anas, the founder of the Maliki School of law (Hiskett 1984:57). A majority of Muslims in the West Africa, and more particularly in Ghana, still resort to Maliki literature to orient their students on Islam, including the Tijaniyya and the Ahlus- Sunnah Wal-Jama’a (Wahhabiyya) doctrines. The fundamental Islamic jurisprudence literature which are still in use in the Islamic schools were all authored by the disciples of 55 Imam Malik b. Anas. It suggests a common ground of Islamic education at the primary education level. The other observation in respect of early Muslim mystical orientation in the Volta Basin is that they belonged to the Sufi Qadriyya order. This was during the time when the Qadriyya order was the dominant mystical and popular movement. Abdul Qadir Jaylani founded the movement in the 6 AH/12lh CE century in Baghdad. This Sufi order then spread to North Africa and was adopted by the Sanliaja Berbers in the Western Sudan of the Sahara It is on record that one Kunti Sidi Ahmad Bakkai of the Kunta family was very influential in spreading the Qadriyya order in the western Sudan (Hiskett, 1984:47). This was done by means of his preaching tours and that of the Kunta clan as a whole while trading. It is recorded that Sidi Ahmad Bakkai was in Bomo in 843 A.H /1439-40 C.E. as part of his preaching and trading tours (Hiskett, 1984:47).The major criterion of distinguishing the Qadriyya from non-Sufi orientations was the emphasis put on the mystical interpretation of the Quran. The major Qadriyya doctrine, which distinguishes it from that of non-Sufi groups, is the ability of a person to achieve absorption in God (fana), through self-denial and fasting. Also peculiar to them is their doctrine on the personality of Muhammad, who to them, is the perfect man (insan al-Kamil) and also Afdal al-khaleq ‘the most excellent creation’ (Hiskett, 1984:48). The origin of the Qadriyya movement in the Volta Basin is traced to the Wangara traders who through their trading activities spread the doctrine. Hiskett (1984:250) indicated that early traces of Qadriyya teaching could be found in Mamprusi as well as the Ashanti in 1221-2 A.H./1807 C.E. Much is not known about the specific personalities who spread this mystical 56 order. However, Qadriyya might have been facilitated by the traders and early Ulama from northern Nigeria and Jegu (Benin). The Qadriyya mystical order of Muslims in the Western Sudan and North Africa could be regarded as the prevailing wider orientation likewise in the region of the Volta Basin and the former Gold Coast. The evidence of the Qadriyya order being the general religious orientation in West Africa could be seen in the fact that most Muslim scholars in the Western Sudan, including the leader of the Fulani, upheld such an orientation (Hiskett, 1984:251). These leaders included the Jihadist Uthman Dan b. Fodio in the northern Nigeria and Umar Kreke in the protectorate areas of the northern part of the Gold Coast (Hiskett 1984:248). The Qadriyya movement thus became the dominant mystical orientation in northern Nigeria. The early Hausa traders who originated from the Northern Nigeria were of Qadriyya order in mystical orientation. They conducted their trading activities and settled in the Volta Basin, the Gold Coast and, specifically, around the Salaga market in the Northern Region of present day Ghana. According to Charles Stewart, the trade routes were the major assembly points and teaching centres for the dissemination of the Qadriyya order (Stewart, 1965: 24).This was the trend up to, at least, the frontiers of Ashanti. The mystical background of Umar Kreke, a renowned Muslim scholar in the 20th century was Qadriyya. This was certainly a renowned Muslim scholar in the 20th century until his performance of Hajj, when he changed his orientation to that of Tijaniyya. He eventually became the bearer of the Tijaniyya order in the Gold Coast. It could safely be concluded said that, his earlier disciples were therefore of Qadriyya in mystical orientation until his encounter with Tijaniyya mysticism in Makkah in 1913. 57 The mystical orientation of the people of the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast was, therefore, to compete with the Tijaniyya order. Tijaniyya order was founded by Ahmad al-Tijani in 1815 in Cairo. He later moved to North Africa at Ayn Madi in Fez and set up his own Zawiya. The movement spread from North Africa to the western Sudan. The spread of the Tijaniyya order in the Volta Basin was recorded by numerous sources. One such source indicates that Umar al-Futi, a Tijaniyya by orientation, might have spread the Tijaniyya litany to some Wangara in Bobo-Dioulassu (Burkina Faso) (Stewart 1965:27). This was before his pilgrimage to Makkah in 1825. Stewart (1965) indicates that, Umar Tal a Tijaniyya by inclination was the first to visit the Gold Coast through the Northern Nigeria (Stewart, 1965:27). This report, however, did not indicate the date when the visit occurred. Moreover, it does not tell us the major role played by Umar Tal in spreading Tijaniyya in the Gold Coast. Nevertheless, he might have dealt with the Muslim scholars at that time which in a way facilitated the orientation of the Gold Coast people to the Tijaniyya order. Generally, the unanimous view about the advent of the Tijaniyya mysticism in the Gold Coast was that with the fall of the Segu Empire in 1889 leaders who were Tijani by orientations dispersed or migrated to the east. This period, therefore, marked the commencement of the active proselytisation of the order in the Gold Coast and Nigeria (Stewart, 1965:28). The proselytisation of the movement created extent of doctrinal tension with the Qadiriyya, the then dominant orientation in the Gold Coast. The Tijaniyya also spread to the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast through emigrant Hausa traders. The traders who had become imbued with the newly emerged Islamic mysticism in Northern Nigeria became its carriers in the course of their trading expedition and activities in the Gold Coast. However, their role in spreading the Tijaniyya order is limited to the 58 application of the doctrine among themselves and they were not able to impart its teachings to others. In addition, the colonial masters’ policy at the end of the 19th century of recruiting Hausa constabulary from northern Nigeria to be the core of its police and troops facilitated the transfer of Muslims with a Tijaniyya doctrinal orientation to the Gold Coast (Stewart, 1965:29). The most significant figure who played a remarkable role in the propagation of the Tijaniyya order in West Africa was Alfa Hashim, the nephew of Umar Tal. This was when he settled in Madina in Saudi Arabia in order to avoid French reprisals. While in Madina he facilitated the interaction of Tijaniyya leadership from other countries with West Africans, normally during the time of the pilgrimage (Stewart 1965:29). He was also known to have corresponded with other West African Tijaniyya leaders and given them direction on political as well as religious matters (Stewart, 1965:29). The religious orientation of the Gold Coast Muslims changed from Qadriyya to Tijaniyya when Umar Kreke performed pilgrimage to Makkah in 1913 as observed earlier. During the Hajj, Umar Kreke interacted with Alfa Hashim in Madina and was thus eventually initiated into the Tijani order (Stewart, 1965:30). Consequently, he became the leading figure and the bearer of the Tijaniyya order in the Gold Coast. Subsequently, his students followed his example and spread the doctrine to their respective localities. Some of these disciples included Dan Tano in Kumasi and Alhassan Atta in Accra (Stewart, 1965:30). Through them the Tijaniyya order ultimately became the dominant Islamic doctrinal and mystical orientation in the Gold Coast. 59 The religious hierarchical structure of the Tijaniyya mysticism was determined byAhmad Al- Tijani, the founder of the Tijaniyya order. For instance, he regarded himself as the Qutb al- Aqtab (the pole of the poles) and Khaim al-Wilaya Muhammadiyya (the seal of the Muhamadan sainthood) (Abu Nasr 1965:32).Although he claimed to be the Qutb, it was not the first time that a Sufi had laid claims to such a title. However, his position could be distinguished from others in that in his claim to be their pole he indicated that he was their chief, meaning that it was through him that other Qutbs draw their spiritual authority (Abu Nasr, 1965:32). Another interesting distinction that Ahmad Tijani gave about the Khatm al-Wilayya was that he drew an analogous position between himself, other Walis (saints) and Muhammad. This could be seen from the fact that he espoused the view that Muhammad was the embodiment of all prophetic revelations as well as being the last of God’s prophets, whereas he, Ahmad Tijani was the complete and perfect embodiment of Wilaya and from him all the Walis who came before him have derived, and all who will come after him will derive their inspiration (Abu Nasr, 1965:32). The Tijaniyya in the Ghanaian Muslim community could be distinguished from other Muslims through the rites they performed in addition to the five daily prayers. These rites include the recitation of the litanies (Wirds), another prayer known as the office (Wazifa) and lastly, the participation in the stance (Hadra) (Abu Nasr, 1965:40). The most revered liturgies of the Tijaniyya order are the Salatul Fatih and Jawharat al-Kamal, which they sometimes recite for a particular number of times, the rewards for this being equivalent to or above reciting the Qur‘an (Abu Nasr 1965:50). This aspect of their belief generates controversy and tension between them and the Ahlus-Sunnah group in Ghana. 60 In the early part of the 20lh century, the West African sub-region did not experience any diverse teachings of the Tijaniyya movement until the emergence of Ibrahim Nyass of Khaolakh, Senegal in 1900. His appearance brought into being the Jama'at Faydat al- Tijaniyya (the Tijaniyya community of grace) in West Africa. He introduced two new ideas into the Tijaniyya movement in West Africa, the first being his concept of Fay da (attainment of divine grace). He claimed to have the power to transmit divine grace to his followers. He also introduced the concept of Tarbiyya in West Africa, which is the Sufi path of seeking Allah through initiation (Abdul Rahim 2003:82). The Ibrahim Nyass brand of the Tijaniyya competed with the mainstream Tijaniyya of the founder, Ahmad Tijani, over Islamic orthodoxy in Ghana. The Tarbiyya ideas popularized by him did generate controversy in some parts of Ghana, especially among the elderly Ulama. However in view of the fact that it was the youth within the Tijaniyya who embraced the Tarbiyya thought, it has gradually replaced the mainstream Tijaniyya of the founder as the main dominant Sufi thought in Ghana. The Tijaniyya heritage in Ghana has witnessed a new orientation with the introduction of an indigenous and local version, the Jello Tijaniyya. Abdulai Maikano, a graduate of Al-Azhar in 1956 was the brainchild behind this brand of the Tijaniyya. The Jello Tijaniyya emerged as a reaction to the resurgence of Wahhabi thought in Ghana which constantly vilified the Tijaniyya thought as a whole. In due time, it has attracted a significant number of the Tijaniyya youth into his movement. This was further boosted in view of the friendly platform that it has created for the youth during the Maulud celebration.3 The Jello Tijaniyya is 3 The Tijaniyya movement seems to follow a common pattern in respect of its growth in Ghana. There is a relationship between the support the Tarbiyya movement enjoyed from the youth and its growth. In a sense, what has worked for the vitality of the Tarbiyya thought popularised by Ibrahim Nyass was the fact that he used to enjoy support among the youth and in due time these youth transformed themselves as leaders of the movement in modem time. The Jello Tijaniyya also seems to be showing similar pattern of the support of the 61 popularly known among its admirers as Akwashi Rawah, (From the Hausa language, meaning ‘dancing’). This refers to singing and dancing while praising Allah (Abdul Rahim 2003:86). This needs to put into perspective regarding the national prominence of Sheikh Abdulai Maikano in Ghana. When Abdulai Maikano graduated from Al-Azhar in the early 1956, he joined the Ghana Armed Forces as a Chaplain in 1964, though was dissatisfied with this job later (Abdul Wadud: 426). He resigned from the Army in 1968 in order to focus on religious propagation. The advent of the Wahhabi movement in the northern region in the 1960s led by Afa Yusuf Ajura and the challenge it poses to the Tijaniyya orthodoxy helped transform Maikano as its vanguard. Maikano was seen as the leading scholar in the north who helped contain the perceived Wahhabi menace. He is also known to have followed the Wahhabis to other parts of the country to counter their activities (Abdul Wadud: 428). In spite that Maikano religious activities were implicated in many of the doctrinal conflicts from the 1960s to 1990s between the Wahhabis and the Tijaniyya, he was seen by many followers of the Tijaniyya as a leading scholar who defended the orthodoxy of the movement. In the perspective of some Muslims, Maikano’s legacy in the religious sphere has been a very violent one, not only against his Wahhabi opponents but against Tijaniyya leaders who oppose his perspective of and approach to Islam. He is also celebrated because of his perceived spiritual prowess. Maikano’s legacy in recent times has mostly been embraced by the youth partly because of his liberal inclination and tolerance for youth participation in Maulud celebration. His home town Prang in the Brong Ahafo region has become a center of attraction for many of his sympathizers during the annual Maulud celebration. youth and its strength. However it strength in the Muslim public sphere is yet to be tested in the decades to come vis a vis the dominant Tarbiyya thought oflbrahim Nyass. 62 Currently, the Tijaniyya in Ghana is divided between the Jello-Tijanniyya and the Usmaniyya. The Jello-Tijaniyya are those who believe that Abdualai Maikano of Prang in the Brong Ahafo region is their overall spiritual leader. On the other hand, the Usmaniyya are the orthodox Tijaniyya who draw their leadership inspiration from Usman Nuhu Sharubutu, the present national Chief Imam in Ghana.His Tijaniyya heritage is tilted towards Ibrahim Nyass. The Jello-Tijaniyya could also be distinguished from the Usmaniyya or the orthodox Tijaniyya by the following features: (a) The Jello-Tijanniyya looks at Prang in the Brong Ahafo region as their source of leadership and inspiration. (b) Secondly, most of them are natives of Prang or have relations in Prang. (c) They always have an engrossed portrait or image of Abdulai Maikano on their rosary. (d) Within their Zawiya, the Jawharatul Kamal and associated prayers are recited in a different tone and style. (e) During prayers, when the Imam rises from the Ruku (prostration) and says "Sarnia Allah Liman Hamidahu\lAllah has heard those who praised Him’), the congregation will collectively respond louder: ‘Hamdan kaseeran tayiban mubarakan ftih', meaning ‘many praises be to Allah’. (f) Lastly, after the end of prayers (Taslim), the Muazin will instruct the congregation to recite Fatiha and Suratul Fill. It is noteworthy that Ibrahim Nyass exerted considerable influence on Muslims in Ghana and West Africa in general in the 1950s. This is in spite of the political and geographical boundaries erected by the colonial masters. In the case of Ghana, there were certain occasions 63 that he reprimanded and dismissed some Muslims leaders whom he deemed departed from the true Islamic spirit along the Tijaniyya line. One such example was his dismissal of one Jaffar Abdulah of deviancy in Islam (Nyass 1962: 86). The accusations against Jaffar could be understood from two dimensions. Aspects of the accusations were related to his claim of being the new Messiah in Ghana as he formed an organization called Ya 'ti, Ya 'ti (that he is coming, he is coming in Arabic) and, his claim of being superior to Prophet Musah (Moses) (Baba al-Waiz 1962:88). Secondly, it is alleged that Jaffar also initiated counter Islamic oelieis as reflected in his non-compliance pay back missed prayers and his denial of women to perform waiting period in the event of the death of the husbands. Though, the issues involved revolve around Islamic orthodoxy, it also shows how Ibrahim Nyass wielded his influence in respect of his understanding of Islam over Ghanaian Muslims at that time. For instance there were other occasions that he issued admonition against ethnic division over competition of Muslim leadership in Kumasi when Imam Muhammad Churuma passed away. The dominance of Muslims orientation towards Tijaniyya and in line with its diverse teachings was to be challenged after Ghana’s attainment of independence in 1957. This was as a result of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with some Islamic countries which are the heartlands of different Islamic orientations. The post-independence doctrinal groups in Ghana represented the official governments’ religious orientation, such as the Wahhabiyya from Saudi Arabia and Shi ‘ah from the Islamic Republic of Iran. The emergence of these religious groups in post independence Ghana was accompanied by fragmentation of Muslim authority. The consequence of this, in the case of Ghana was that the Tijaniyya orthodoxy was challenged within this period. This was when Umar Ibrahim Imam, the pioneer Wahhabi in Ghana was still undergoing Wahhabi Islamic education. Despite that Ibrahim may be giving spiritual direction to many of his followers in the sub-region, certain deviancies of his 64 followers were regarded by the Wahhabis as inherently part of the Tijaniyya movement. A case in point was when Umar Ibrahim reported him to the then Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia Ibn Bazz, that Ibrahim Nyass movement encourages deviancy in Islam (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). A thorough analysis of the nature of Gold Coast people’s interaction with the outside Islamic world in the pre-colonial and colonial periods shows that the interaction was regional in nature, related mainly to the sub-region of West Africa. For instance, the background of the Muslims who facilitated the interaction between the present-day Ghanaians and the Islamic world in that period generally shows that they were Africans of Mande, Hausa and Fulani origin. This, therefore, made Islam in the pre-colonial and colonial periods more of a religion of West Africa than of the Middle East. This is because the socio-cultural influence of the pioneer Muslims was clearly evident in the expression of Islamic perspective in the Gold Coast and Ghana. Again, the professional background of the majority of the pioneer Muslims who facilitated Ghanaians’ interaction with the Islamic world in the pre-colonial and colonial periods reveals that they were traders, who lacked a well-structured leadership and organization. This situation affected the nature of Islam in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. Consequently, the traders’ preoccupation was not to spread Islam but rather to be successful in their trading activities. The implication is that the basis of the Islamic perspective as engendered by the traders in the Gold Coast was not from an Islamic viewpoint, but was rather intertwined with their respective indigenous cultural backgrounds. This situation, thus, affected the pace of Islamisation in the Gold Coast and Ghana. The only means through which they spread Islam was through procreation and intermarriages with some sections of the indigenous population. 65 The other category of people who spread Islam in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast as identified in the research were the Muslim clerics who were in the minority. It could be deduced that their impact in the pre-colonial and colonial periods could be viewed in three perspectives namely, their role: (a) among the already Islamised community (b) in the courts of the chiefs (c) in facilitating the doctrinal and mystical orientation of Muslims in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. (a) The Role of the Muslim Clerics among the Islamized Community The Muslim clerics mainly concentrated their religious role among the already Islamized community. This they did by establishing Islamic religious centres and propagating Islam. They did not make any efforts to reach out to the non-Muslims. This might have arisen due to the age-old Islamic religious training and orientation in the Muslim community, which has been largely inclined towards reformation rather than missionary. By reformative Da 'wa, we refer to Da ’wa that is aimed at orienting the Muslims towards the accepted Islamic practices and belief systems emanating from the Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet. This strategy denied indigenous Ghanaians in the southern part of Ghana the opportunity to embrace Islam As a result of this, majority of the people in southern Ghana who profess Islam are non- indigenous (‘non-indigenous’ means somebody whose ancestral lineage could not be traced to Ghana but who could be a citizen by the laws of Ghana) but, rather, emigrant Muslims from the neighboring West African countries. The only exception is the northern part of Ghana, where the wave of Islamisation affected the indigenous people. However, this could not be explained to mean that the early settled Muslim clerics in the north made efforts to Islamize the indigenous people. Rather the traditional leadership’s attitude towards Islam was 66 the major factor in the Islamisation of majority of the northern population. This attitude was evident in the Gonja, Wala, and Dagomba leadership’s acceptance of Islam, which then paved the way for the Islamisation of majority of their subjects. (b) The Role of the Muslim Scholars in the Courts of the Chiefs This was necessitated by the need for the traditional leadership to make use of Muslim spiritual sciences and the literary background of the clerics. Consequently, the early Muslim clerics were invited into the chief s palaces to mainly render administrative and spiritual services. The outcome of the Muslim clerics’ role in the chiefs’ courts shows that they rendered spiritual services at the expense of propagating Islam. As a result, the potency of Islamic spirituality was virtually utilized by the chiefs to fortify their regimes and increase their prosperity without any direct benefit to Islam. A typical example is the role of Muslim clerics in the Ashanti kingdom, where Islam did not gain much from the engagement, in the chiefs’ court in terms of converts even though the spiritual services rendered by Muslim clerics raised the prestige of Muslims in the kingdom (Owusu-Ansah, 1991:9). The reverse could be said about the Dagbon, Gonja and the Wala kingdoms where the potency of Islamic spirituality in the chiefs’ courts resulted in the Islamisation of the traditional settings. This then brings to the fore the nature of Islamisation in the chiefs’ courts, this being significant in unearthing the motivating factor behind the Islamisation of some traditional political institutions. From the analyses above, it is seen that the traditional political setting within a particular society would determine the extent of Islamisation of the community. For instance, the Ashanti traditional political setting, which requires group cohesion on the ancestral and traditional leadership, provides a typical explanation for this scenario. This could be discerned from the fact that the inability of the Ashanti traditional leadership to 67 embrace Islam resulted in Islam losing it hold in the Kingdom. However, Owusu-Ansah argues that the Ashantis did have selective relations with Muslims. This meant that they considered which aspects of the Muslims services were useful to their society (Owusu- Ansah, 1987:257). It has also been suggested that Islam did not represent a serious military challenge to the Asante religion (Insoll, 2001: 345). Lastly, the other theory which explains this scenario was that the early Muslims failed to reach out through Da'wa to Ashantis because of the invocation of reformist doctrines that they live in a darul al-harb, the land of theeneiny (Wiiks 19o6: 33o). The reverse was the case as regards the Islamisation of the northern leaderships such as the Gonja, Wala and Dagomba where virtually everybody in those kingdoms was converted. It could also imply that the common people in every traditional setting looked to the traditional leadership for inspiration and direction on matters affecting them and their religious orientation. Added to this was the culture of obedience on the part of the subjects towards their traditional leaders. This automatically predisposed them to any orientation of their chiefs. It could therefore be concluded that the attitude of the traditional leadership towards Islam largely influenced the direction of Islamisation in the chiefs’ courts. Significantly, Muslim clerics at personal level might have also benefited from their engagement in the chiefs’ courts as their peers did in Ashanti Empire. Levitzion (1968: 108) argued that the compromising nature of the pioneer Muslims in Ghana as against the puritanical position represented by Uthman dan Fodio in the Hausaland facilitated favorable conditions for the growth of Muslim communities, secured the position of Muslims in the chiefs’ courts and infused Islamic elements into the ceremonies and customs of the communities (especially in the northern territories of 68 Ghana). This situation, therefore, resulted in the virtual Islamisation of certain ethnic groups in the northern part in the present day Ghana (Letvzion, 1987:108). Based on this perspective, Ghanaian Islam could be distinguished from Islam in the sub-region of West Africa because of the incorporation of some indigenous and traditional elements into some aspects of its teachings and practices. (c) The Role of the Muslim Scholars in the Doctrinal and Mystical Orientation in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast It was also observed that Muslims clerics in the area of Volta Basin and the Gold Coast have facilitated the orientation of Muslims towards different types of mystical Islamic orientation (Sufiyya) in the course of history. For instance, the earliest known Sufi orientation of the Muslims in the Gold Coast was the Qadriyya order as early as 1166 C.E. (Letvzion, 1968:245). It was also realized that the viewpoint of the followers of this mystical order was that they interpreted Islam mystically. The adherents of this order believe that through religious confinement (Khalwa) a person could achieve ‘absorption’ in God (Fana) (Letvzion, 1987:34). They also developed two major views about the personality of the Prophet, these being those of the perfect man (Insan Kamil) and the most excellent of creation (Afdal al-khalq). The mystical strata that Qadiriyya leaders developed at that time was such that the axis (Qutb) or succor of the age, that is ‘Ghawth’ occupied the highest echelon of Qadriyya (Hiskett, 1984:245). The holder of this title has the power of performing miracles. On the other hand the elitist nature of Qadriyya created the opportunity for it to be overshadowed by the populist Tijaniyya in 1831. The Tijaniyya also competed with the doctrines of Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah and Shi'ism in the post-independence period facilitated by Muslim diplomatic missions. The research also shows that the transmitters of the religion in the pre-colonial and colonial periods were not given any governmental or state support. This is in contrast to the nature of post-colonial Islam. 69 2.9 EFFECTS OF ISLAMISATION OF GHANAIAN MUSLIMS The Islamisation of some segments of Ghana has profound effects on Ghanaians. The introduction of Islam in Ghana provided Ghanaian Muslims with a sense of direction in respect of religious orientation towards the Middle East. For instance, it has become axiomatic that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia represents the centre of Islam to all Muslims and to Ghanaian Muslims in particular due to the presence of the Ka 'bah, the Prophet’s mosque and, partly, due to the fact that, Islam originated in what is now Saudi Arabia. Again, their Islamisation meant that Ghanaian Muslims leaned towards the Islamic world for religious orientation and direction. Historically, Ghanaian Muslims in the pre-colonial and colonial periods depended on religious tutorship from the Hausa, Mande and Fulani clerics and, subsequently, higher institutions of learning in the Arab world. Even though accessibility to higher education in the Islamic world by Ghanaian Muslims during the pre­ colonial and colonial periods was difficult, the notion was always that the best Islamic education could be obtained outside Ghana. Consequently, this notion has impacted on the psyche of a section of Ghanaian Muslims who prefer seeking religious Fatwa from the Ulama of the Two Holy Mosques in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia or the Al-Azhar University, both noted in the Muslim world for their long-standing Islamic scholarship. This situation tends to reflect Ghanaian Muslim dependence on and allegiance to the outside Muslim world for religious direction.3 The implication was that the socio-cultural background of the Arab and the Muslim world affected such Ghanaian Muslims who seek religious 3 The Northern Regional Imam of ASWAJ, Ibrahim Basha Iddriss told this researcher that there was dispute over holding Islamic education on Thursdays and Fridays instead of Saturdays and Sundays. He sought a Fatwa from the Muslim leadership at Al-Azhar in Egypt and in Saudi Arabia, asking for the permissibility to hold Islamic Studies on Thurdays and Fridays. He indicated that the Al-Azhar scholars ruled in his favour on having Islamic Studies on Thursday and Friday, having taken the socio-political environment of Ghana into consideration. 70 direction from it. This is because the tutors who gave religious direction to Ghanaian Muslims were partly influenced by their own socio-cultural environment. Another effect of the introduction of Islam on West African Muslims including Ghanaian Muslims is that it has brought them into the orbit of the global Islamic culture. This is evident in the mode of dress and social interactions of Ghanaian Muslims. This argument is predicated on the fact that the general cultural outlook of Ghanaian Muslims is a semblance, if not a holistic imitation, of that of the Middle-East. This is rooted in the argument that Islam is a complete way of life and the tendency of many Muslims to equate Middle-Eastern culture to Islam is ubiquitous. Subsequent to the introduction of Islam in West Africa, and Ghana in particular, the Arabic language has become the formal religious language in the Ghanaian Muslim community. There are several factors that explain this scenario. To begin with, the Arabic language is a requirement in religious worship since every Muslim is required to recite a portion of the Quran in it when he/she offers ritual prayer. Added to this is the argument that the Arabic language is the language of Islam and it is going to be the medium of communication in the hereafter. Furthermore, the ability to interpret the holy Quran rests on a deep understanding of the Arabic language. Lastly, the leading bearers of the Arabic language in the Muslim communities have been the Muslim scholars who, due to the training they received, predisposed them to speak the Arabic language rather than English as the medium of communication. Thus, the language of religious sermons delivered in the mosques is Arabic. This is largely due to the availability of the century-old Islamic literature on sermons in Arabic. It has been 71 observed that most of these sermons do not reflect issues affecting the contemporary Ghanaian Muslim’s socio-political needs. However, the sermons tend to give religious direction to Muslims and socio-cultural issues, alas lacking the contemporary dimension to issues affecting Muslims in Ghana. Furthermore, the adoption of Muslim names or of names of Middle-Eastern origin has been another observable fact about the effect of the introduction of Islam in Ghana. Some Ghanaian Muslims assume that the Muslim names are Islamic and select these rather than their own indigenous names. They are however, quite oblivious of the fact that most of the names pre-date the advent of Islam and could therefore not be Islamic. This tends to somewhat spoil the expression of Muslim names in a Ghanaian’s own indigenous language and makes Islam appear as an alien religion. This is despite that bearing a Muslim name serves as the mark of identification of a Muslim in every Ghanaian community. This feature is more apparent among the southerners, especially the Zongo communities, and in the northern part of Ghana. The exception to this tendency is found among the Ga and the Akan Muslims. Pan-Islamism (Islamic solidarity) is another effect of the introduction of Islam in West Africa in general, and Ghana in particular. This is manifested in the tendency of Ghanaian Muslims to sympathize and support Muslims in other parts of the world at the expense of objectivity and detachment. This might be due to the well-entrenched concept of the Muslim Ummah factor which unites Muslims of diverse ethnic and geographic backgrounds together. In short, Ghanaian Muslims tend to identify with the outside Muslim and Arab world on matters of global politics and religious issues. This, therefore, shows the interconnectedness of Ghanaian Muslims with the larger Islamic world through a common religious identity. Islam 72 thus serves as the best conduit for fostering solidarity between Ghanaian Muslims and the Muslim world. This is manifested in Ghanaian Muslim leaders, especially Imams and Ulama, organizing religious forums and prayers for Muslims in other parts of the world who have been afflicted with any tragic event, be it a political, economic or natural.3 At the sub-regional level the introduction of Islam in Ghana has created the dominance of Hausa culture in the Ghanaian Muslim community, especially in the southern part of the country. This might be partly due to the effects of the triumph of the Fulani-Hausa Jihads in the 19th century with its resultant Hausa-Fulani dispersion in the sub-region of West Africa. The most noticeable effect of the influence of Hausa culture is the widely spoken Hausa language in the Muslim community of Ghana. If Arabic is the religious language for Muslims in West Africa, then Hausa is the most widely spoken vernacular language among the Muslim community in Ghana. The net effect of this is that there is the tendency on the part of non-Muslims to equate the ability to speak Hausa with being a Muslim, and being a Muslim with the ability to speak Hausa. Aspects of Hausa language influence include its dominant use in explaining Islam in the Zongo communities in southern Ghana. This might be partly due to the fact that the Hausa clerics wielded considerable influence in the Islamic religious circles in Ghana and also because of their role in transforming the Muslim community in Ghana. This is because the prevailing type of Islam in the pre-colonial and colonial periods was largely Hausa. It also implies that little effort has been made to convert indigenous Ghanaians into Islam in the southern part of Ghana. For that matter, the impact of Islam on the southern Ghanaian 3 Several instances abound in which Muslim leaders in Ghana organize forums and press conferences and issue press statements calling for the fair political treatment of Muslims in other parts of the world. They sometimes request the larger Ghanaian Muslims to fast and pray for their fellow Muslims bedeviled with certain calamities. See Daily Graphic, 25 March 2003: 13. 73 languages is minimal. Thus, the only medium of communication among the predominantly southern non-indigenous Muslim community is the Hausa language. The exception to this argument is the Ga and Akan Muslim converts who have made frantic efforts to indigemze Islam in the southern part of Ghana through the Ga and the Akan languages under the umbrella organization of the Ghana Muslim Mission (GMM). In contrast, the northern part of Ghana shows the impact of Islam on the indigenous languages. This could be observed in the interpretation of Islam in the indigenous languages in the Dagbon, Gonja, and Wala traditional areas. 2.10 CONCLUSION The foregoing discussion shows that the transnational connection of Muslims in the sub- region of West Africa with the people of the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast changed their religious identity and orientation around the 15th Century. Originally, the people of West Africa were known to be adherents of African Traditional Religion (ATR), the nature of its practices being varied because of the multiplicity of ethnic groups on the continent. This means that with the advent of Islam in the Gold Coast, the new ‘African converts’ to Islam had to balance their loyalty to their own indigenous traditions, which originally served as a guide of their worldview, vis-a-vis Islam. One could not, however, rule out the fact that Islam also provided an indigenous linkage above the varieties of ATR that transcended ethnic boundaries, leading to a more universal religious orientation. The thesis shows that the principal transmitters of Islam in the pre-colonial and colonial periods were individual Muslims especially Mande, Hausa, and Fulani traders. It reveals the dual cultural identity of the Fulani, Hausa, and Mande people in respect of their ethnic and indigenous traditions and culture which was intertwined with the Islam that they introduced 74 into the Gold Coast. This dual cultural identity was to become part of the way of life of some Gold Coasters. The interconnected dual cultural orientation of the original transmitters of Islam is evident in the social realm of Ghanaian Muslims’ practice of Islam particularly in the sphere of Muslim marriage, naming, and funeral ceremonies. This view is also buttressed by Lapidus that the Hausa version of Islam has become the standard practice in Ghana especially in the area of marriage and naming ceremonies which tend to follow the Hausa pattern (Lapidus M, 1988: 259). The study further reveals that during the pre-colonial and colonial periods Muslims in West Africa were under one unified leadership exencesed by Ibrahim Nyass. Again, two patterns could be discerned in respect of integration of the ethnic identity of the early transmitters of Islam in Ghana. For instance, in the northern parts of Ghana the transmitters of Islam in the Wala, Gonja, and the Dagbon were fully integrated into the socio­ political structures of the respective kingdoms. This situation, therefore, gave Islam the socio­ political recognition and legitimacy within these traditional kingdoms. After their integration, these Muslims were not ethnically interconnected with their original homeland Muslims and the Ummah conscoiousness on their part was less intense. In contrast, the wave of Islamisation in the south was exclusively confined to the migrant transmitters without any strong linkage with the traditional leadership and the indigenous people. This eventually affected the integration of the southern migrant Muslims into the socio-political structures of the Akan and the Ga societies. This view is self-evident in the origin of the Zongos in the southern part of Ghana which is a purely migrant Muslim settlement. The outcome of this tendency was that, it affected the image of Muslims in the south, as it was viewed as the religion of the foreigners and strangers. 75 The pioneer Muslims in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast engendered various forms of development such as scholarly and intellectual, and also rendered spiritual services in the courts of the chiefs. In the area of trade and commerce the pioneer Muslims were the first agents to facilitate commercial activities between West Africans and North Africans and it was through such trading activities that some West Africans were converted to Islam. In conclusion, the Islamic way of life, which has its origin in Arabian culture, became part of Ghanaian Muslim culture. I he Ghanaian Muslims as a result also represented a tripie euhur«il heritage in their life. That is, the Arabian Islamic culture, the Mande, Fulani and Hausa Islamic perspective and lastly, their own respective ethnic identity.4 The specific areas that the role of the Muslims of West African background manifested in the Islamic terrain in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast were in the establishment of educational infrastructures (Makaranta), and the facilitation of the Qadriyya and Tijaniyya Sufi orientations. What dimension is unique to the development of Muslims and Islam in the post­ independence Ghana? What were the mediums through which Islamic activities were mediated and conducted? The next chapter will attempt to answer these questions. This paradigm of triple heritage is in sharp contrast to what Ali Mazrui espoused. Whereas his triple heritage holds that African identity has been affected by three global forces namely, Africanity and indigenous Religion. Euro-Christianity and Islam, this thesis also espouses the African triple as embedded the Arabian Islamic culture, the Mande-Hausa and Fulani culture on the other and the indegenus ethnic identity of the new adherent to Islam. For more on this, read Ali Mazrui, 1986, the Africans, a Triple tferi/age.Published by Little Brown and Company, Boston and Ali Mazrui, 2004, Nkrumah's Legacy and Africa's Triple Heritage between Globalisation and Counter Terrorism. Published Ghana Universities Press. 76 CHAPTER THREE POST-INDEPENDENCE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISLAM IN GHANA THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF GHANA’S DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH SOME MUSLIM COUNTRIES 3.0 INTRODUCTION This chapter discusses the historical background of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with some Muslim countries. In the previous chapter the impact of foreign Muslims and the development of Islam in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast during the prc- colonial and colonial periods were discussed. As observed, one unique dimension of Islam in that period was that transnational engagements were facilitated by individual Muslims who contributed to the development of Islam in the area without the support of any state or government. However, the unique dimension of the transnational engagement was the fact that the early migrant Muslims engage with the traditional Kingdoms and empires in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. The post-independence development to be discussed here, however, presents us with another dimension of the transnational factor in the development of Islam in Ghana. It is related to the role of Muslim states or governments and their institutions which facilitated the development of Islam in modem Ghana. In doing so, an overview of the historical background of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with the Muslim world’s political institutions (embassies) is necessary if a holistic view of the trend in diplomatic relations is to be had. This will be a prelude to a discussion of the post­ independence Islamic influence and impact on Ghanaian Muslims through Muslim diplomatic missions. The historical background will also bring to the fore the nature of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with each country as well as the extent to which such transnational political institutions have contributed towards promoting diverse Islamic 77 expressions and influences on the Ghanaian Muslim communities. It will also identify Ghanaian Muslims’ role in the promotion of relations specifically with Egypt, Libya Saudi Arabia and Iran, and their affiliate institutions We will first focus on the basis of diplomatic relations of the modem state of Ghana and the targeted Muslim countries with a view to: (a) defining and tracing the origin of such diplomatic relations and the factors promoting relations with Islamic countries; (b) exploring the nature of Ghana’s foreign policy and its impact on Islamic countries; (c) examining the political undertones in respect of Nkrumah’s marriage to Fathia Helen Rizk; and (d) reviewing the historical background of Ghana’s relations with some Muslim countries, specifically Egypt, Libya Saudi Arabia and Iran. At this point it is necessary to put into perspective the meaning of diplomatic relations. This will help shed more light on how diplomatic relations are practiced (and executed). 3.1 THE DEFINITION AND THE ORIGIN OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS Foreign diplomacy is considered by Satow (1997:70) as the ‘application of intelligence and tact to the conduct of official relations between governments of independent states’. This definition shows that the starting point of diplomatic relations is when a country has attained independence or is a sovereign state. It also means that such diplomatic relations does not extend to states which have not attained independence. 78 Ghana, geographically situated in the Volta Basin and known by its colonial masters as the Gold Coast, attained sovereign status and independence in 1957. This marked the beginning of her diplomatic relations with other independent states, including Muslim countries. Some of the African Muslim states which Ghana formed diplomatic relations upon their attainment of independence were Morocco, Algeria, Libya, Tunisia, Egypt, and Sudan. Middle Eastern states such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, (formerly the Persian Empire), among others, are also of special importance to this study. 32 FACTORS PROMOTING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH MUSLIM STATES The rationale behind Ghana’s interest in establishing diplomatic relations with some Muslim countries is varied and linked with Ghana’s strategic interest in these countries. Such strategic interest displayed by Ghana in the post-independence period eventually facilitated the development of Islam and Muslims in the country. It must, however, be stated that the factors underlining Ghana’s diplomatic relations with the Muslim world could be categorized into internal and external. The internal factors of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with the wider world as well as the Muslim countries will reveal the rationale behind Ghana’s foreign policy. 3.3 INTERNAL FACTORS As part of his framework for a diplomatic policy, the first President of Ghana, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, outlined the basic tenets of Ghana’s foreign and diplomatic policy at independence. The nature of Kwame Nkrumah s foreign policy represented the internal factors of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with other states as well as the Islamic World. The internal factors in this sense are those which influenced Nkrumah’s foreign policy direction with the wider world as well as with the Muslim countries. These basic tenets were 79 eventually adopted by successive regimes, and have become the major benchmark in Ghana’s foreign policy. These tenets could be categorized under the following: 1. decolonization; 2. African unity, 3. non-Alignment and positive neutrality; 4. economic emancipation of Ghana and Africa; and 5. membership of strategic international organizations (Adomako, 1995: 26). The rationale behind Nkrumah’s foreign policy with the Muslim countries was corroborated by K.B Asante, his former Personal Secretary and a retired diplomat. Asante asserted that Nkrumah’s policy with the Arab and the Muslim nations in Africa reflect his agenda in relation to African unity and non-alignment policies (Asante, interview, 11th May 2006). Nkrumah adopted the strategy of dealing with the most influential and strongest Arab and Muslim country in order to pave the way for him to deal with other influential Arab and Muslim countries (Asante, interview, 11* May 2006). Coincidently, Egypt during the post­ independence period in Africa served exactly that purpose. This argument is also underpinned by the historical and geographical location of Egypt in the Muslim world. Historically Egypt had played a pivotal role among the Arab nations in terms of leadership in the early years following African independence. Geographically it was (and remains) a strategic crossroad between the African and the Asian continents and through which Muslims from Africa had to pass for the annual Hajj. Furthermore, it had the oldest University in the Islamic world (Hunwick 1990: 40). 80 The most important personality in Egypt who endeared himself to most Arab countries at that time was Gamal Abdel Nasser (Asante, interview, 1101 May 2006). Nkrumah was compelled to establish early ties with Gamel Nasser of Egypt in order to build a sympathetic bloc in the North Africa. This shows that the driving force behind Nkrumah’s establishing diplomatic ties with Egypt was to have as an ally country and a leader who served as the unifier of the Arab nations. Nkrumah’s ties with Egypt over his African unity policy also created a leadership contestation between these two leading personalities in African post­ independence politics as to who lead the continent (Hunwick 1990: 45). Notwithstanding, Nkrumah acknowledged the divided loyalty of the Egyptian nation between its Arab identity and, at the same time, its geographical membership of the African continent. This, therefore, compelled Nkrumah to establish early ties with Egypt with a view to ensuring that he counterbalanced their virtual allegiance to the Middle Eastern Arabs and the Muslim world (Asante, interview, 11th May 2006). Moreover, the role of Egypt as a leading country in the Arab and the Muslim world cannot be underestimated in the search for African unity. This is because, from the early 1950s to the late 1960 Egypt served as a model and an icon of Arab unity on the African continent. Early diplomatic ties with Egypt yielded results when the two countries teamed up to play a leading role in the Casablanca Bloc which was invariably composed of a large number of Muslim countries such as Morocco, Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya. The composition of the Casablanca group was due to the influential role wielded by Gamal Nasser among the Arab and Muslim nations in the early post-colonial period (Asante, interview, 11th May 2006). Nasser was on Nkrumah’s side so most of the Arab nations felt obliged to follow suit. There were, however, attempts made by the Arab nations to exploit the opportunity 81 created by the Casablanca Bloc for their own interests and against those of Israel. This was evident when the issue of Israeli occupation of the Arab lands dominated the agenda of Arab nations in most of their meetings (Hunwick 1990:43). Nkrumah therefore gradually and in sequence worked out his African unity policy with the Arab and the Muslim world. The unity policy consequently served as the common platform of cooperation between Nkrumah and the Arab and Muslim world. Naturally, the African unity policy was liie common concern 01 every African leader at that time. Yet a* 10 how it should be pursued was the major anxiety of most of the leaders. Nkrumah’s decolonization policy was another appealing issue to all the African leaders. It also created another principal ground of cooperation with the Arab and the Islamic world. That period was the opportune moment in African history, since the alien forces invariably dominated the continent, which has its political, economic, and social effects on the African vision for the future. In short, the African unity and decolonization policies of Nkrumah were the inevitable issues for any leader seeking to extend relations with other states at that time in African history. Nkrumah’s ties with Nasser were established partly to exploit his influence among the Arab leaders. Nkrumah, upon gaining acceptance among the leaders, gradually introduced other aspects of his foreign policies which were non-alignment and positive neutrality, membership of strategic international organizations and decolonization. In the light of this, Asante concluded that Nkrumah’s policy with the Arab nations in Africa was moderately successful in achieving his emancipation movement and non-aligned agenda (Asante, interview, 11th May 2006). 82 3.4 EXTERNAL FACTORS One major external factor that influenced Ghana’s relations with the Muslim States was international political alliances, as reflected in her membership of continental organizations such as the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), the Organization of African Unity (OAU) now the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), among others. It is important to state that as the Prime Minister of the Gold Coast, Nkrumah was one of the founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement during the Cold War period. Ghana, also hosted the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) Ministerial Summit in 1991. The opportunity of hosting the summit created a platform for Ghana to share some ideas and strengthen diplomatic ties with some Muslim States in attendance. It is undisputed that membership of such groupings creates opportunity for bilateral agreements on cultural, economic and political issues. The NAM summit hosted by Ghana in Accra in 1991, for example, strengthened Ghana’s friendship with the Islamic Republic of Iran (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2005). This situation in the end facilitated the establishment of Iranian political and religious institutions in Ghana. These contributed to the development of Islam and Muslims, as will be discussed later, as in the role of the Iranian Cultural Consulate, Agriculture and Rural Development (ARD), the Iranian Medical Missions and the Islamic University of Ghana of the Iranian Government. Other factors that could be considered as accounting for Ghana's diplomatic relations with some Muslim states are their abundant oil resources. The fact that oil is the major source of energy in the world market made producing Muslim States economically and politically powerful and this attracted the interest of both the developed and the Third World nations. 83 The Muslim countries, which are the subject of this research, have abundant natural resources including oil. These countries include the Royal Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Socialist People’s Libyan Arabian Jamahiriya (Libya). With their economic wealth derived from the oil boom, the Muslim states gained some political influence in some countries as a result of bilateral economic agreements. For example, at the NAM summit in 1991 the Islamic Republic of Iran promised to assist Ghana in oil exploration (Ministry of Foreign, 2005). The 70% increase in oil price by 1973 compelled Saudi Arabia to propose a possible two-lier pricing system to give the poorer nations oil on preferential terms. Though Ghana at that time has made more from the surge of cocoa which was higher than her official aid receipts, it also thought of getting supply of oil on favorable terms (The Economist, 13* December, 1973). Le Vine also argues that Ghana has benefited from the Cocoa price bonanza in the international market by 1977; however a compound of high initial oil crisis impact including internal economic crisis made her to realign with some oil producing countries in the North Africa and the Middle East (Le Vine et al, 1979:40). Furthermore, a common response to western or foreign domination by the Third World or developing countries also created the ground to foster diplomatic relations. For example in the early part of independence, Nkrumah was seen as the leader spearheading and proposing solutions to the developing countries political turmoil. A case in point was that he was the first leader to publicly propose the Austrian formula for the resolutions of the Lebanon crisis. This was when he met the Canadian Prime Minister in 1958. Eventually this proposition was accepted as the best formula by the United Nations for Lebanon (The Economist, 2nd August, 1958). 84 Again, the revolutionary explosions (or tendencies) in Libya (1969), Iran (1979) and Ghana (1981) also provided good grounds for inter-state friendship and co-operation. For instance, not quite too long before the December 1981 Revolution in Ghana; the Iranian Revolution under Imam Khomeini had taken place in 1979. Libya was also extending the revolutionary ideas of the ‘Third Universal Theory’ as expounded in Muammar Abu Minyar al-Gadhafi’s The Green Book, beyond its borders. For instance, Libya foreign policy with Ghana in the early 1980s was partly dictated by her perception of the ‘radical and progressive’ background of the leaders ol the 31s1 December Revolution (JolTe'1988: 47). These countries therefore saw themselves as sharing common experiences and therefore could co­ operate in so many ways. One final factor that deserves mention is the tendency among Islamic States to compete among themselves. This is done with a view to extending their cultural and religious influences across their borders to the Muslims, non-Muslims and the non-Arabic speaking countries of the world. Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Libya could also be cited as good examples of this. Underpinning this is the fact that major Islamic doctrinal and ideological views which have strong governmental backing and influence originate from these countries. For instance, Wahhabism (Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah) and Shi'ism are the official religious leanings of the Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran respectively. Similarly, the Libyan leader, Muammar al-Gadhafi set forth in The Green Book, his brand of Islamic socialism and political ideology with a view to extending it to other countries in the world. These governments therefore set out to consolidate and advance their positions and influences among Muslims in all parts of the world by extending their views beyond their countries’ borders (Eickelman et al 1996:151). Consequently, Ghanaian Muslims have been 85 affected by the doctrinal orientation of these transnational governmental religious persuasions through their diplomatic relations with Ghana’s government. These external factors, amongst others, have played significant roles in fostering good diplomatic relations between Ghana and the Muslim states in many spheres of national interest including the social, economic political, cultural and religious spheres. In a way Nkrumah’s personal relationships also reinforced the direction of his diplomatic relations with oilier countries. This was evident in his friendly relations with Gamal Nasser of Egypt after his marriage to Madam Fathia. The next section of this study will focus on how Nkrumah’s marriage to Fathia dominated the agenda of the western countries’ dealings with Ghana and on its ramifications on inter-state relations and their interests. 3.5 THE FOREIGN POLICY RAMIFICATIONS OF NKRUMAH’S MARRIAGE TO FATHIA HALEN RIZK The marriage of Nkrumah to Fathia Halem Rizk seems to have been part of Nkrumah's African unity agenda. Fathia Halen Rizk was a 26 year old university student studying Arabic in Cairo when she was married to Nkrumah in 1958. The marriage, without a doubt, preoccupied the minds of Western leaders as to the direction of Nkrumah's foreign policies. The wedding to Fathia came as a surprise to both Ghanaians and international observers alike. The British and American security agencies also scrutinized and analyzed its possible implications on the future direction of Ghana’s foreign policies towards the West, and the United States in particular. For instance, Carina discovered some classified documents in 1989 and 2003 in files housed in the British Domestic Office and Colonial Office and published accounts of these in the New African. These documents indicated that the British Colonial Office and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) were extremely concerned about the possible impact of Nkrumah’s marriage to an Egyptian woman on their foreign interests 86 (Carina, 2006: 8). However, this was not the first time that the West had developed a keen interest in Nkrumah’s private life. There were records indicating that Sir Thomas Lloyd, the Assistant Principal at the Colonial Office communicated in a letter to the then Governor of the Gold Coast, Sir Arden Clarke inquiring about rumours concerning Nkrumah relations with an English woman, Florence Manley (Carina 2006: 18). His marriage to Fathia, an Egyptian Coptic Christian, became a matter of great suspicion for Western leaucis. Consequently, * aiioui conspiracy theories emerged among the Briiioli and the American officials as to the motive behind the union. M.E. Allen of the Commonwealth Relations Office confirmed the concern of the Western World about Nkrumah’s marriage to an Egyptian woman. He was once quoted as saying ‘the exact implications of the happy event have provided material for much speculation in London and Accra as well as Washington’ (Carina 2006:8). Curiously, the understanding of the United States especially the CIA and the State Department was that the marriage was intended to create a political union between Egypt and Ghana. This was evident when Nasser immediately sent an emissary to Accra to decorate Nkrumah with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Nile (Carina 2006:8). In addition to Western leaders’ suspicion of the political motive behind the marriage, the United States’ CIA and the State Department inquired from the British officials whether Nkrumah’s marriage was intended to dilute his closeness to Israel (Carina 2006:18). This was when Nkrumah was making substantial gains from Israelis expertise in the area of agriculture, training of the Ghana Army, investment in Ghana’s Black Star Shipping line and overhauling Ghana’s Trade Union Congress in line with Israelis Histadrut (Howe 1958: 284). The other theory which emerged was that, Nkrumah’s marriage to Fathia was intended to weaken his mystic union with Ghanaian women who, he used to claim, were all his brides. 87 To support this view, his own Finance Minister, Komla Gbedemah, was once quoted as saying that Nkrumah did that to avoid his in-laws being’ round his neck’ (Carina 2006:18). Importantly, the British High Commissioner in Accra, J.R Lupton offered a religious conspiracy theory. He claimed that a juju priest (a spiritualist) advised Nkrumah to marry an Egyptian woman with a view to making his son (the product of this marriage) a future messiah. Perhaps the messiah herein referred to might be the Mahdi whom the British had encountered in line North Africa, specifically Sudan. British authorities concluded that the union between Nkrumah and Fathia was a political weapon, which could be used against them (Carina 2006:18). This prediction undoubtedly was a reflection of what was seen as Nkrumah’s attitude towards the West One must acknowledge, however, that, the marriage was not the major determinant of Nkrumah’s foreign policy direction. It rather reinforced Nkrumah’s notion of a united African continent. His policies as outlined gave little prominence to the West, since he was preoccupied with the unity of the African continent and decolonization of some countries which were still under the colonial rule. This was manifested in his famous proclamation of the 6 March 1957 before the solemnization of the marriage at the Old Polo Ground in Accra where he stated that the ‘independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked with the total liberation of the continent’ (Armah 2004: 4). It was Nkrumah’s emphasis on the need for decolonization and his African unity policies that had an impact on the Western interest in the African continent. The basis of these policies implicitly denounced the Western presence and interest in the continent. His marriage to Fathia was, in reality, an insignificant issue in regard to his policies although it played some role in respect of his personal friendship with Nasser, his Egyptian counterpart. This in effect further strengthened and fostered the bond between the two countries on issues affecting the continent. This was manifested in the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries to promote their mutual interests as well as those of the continent as a whole. Lastly, Nkrumah’s commitment to African unity can be seen in the fact that he named some of his children after some prominent African leaders in the post-independence Africa. The first child of this marriage was named Gamal after his Egyptian friend and the second child was given the name Sekou after the Guinean President Sekou Toure with whom he forged Ghana-Guinea Union. Coincidentally, these two Presidents were all Muslims and ruled predominantly Muslim nations. Ghana’s establishment of diplomatic ties with the Islamic countries in the North Africa and the Middle East also made possible the religious and cultural influence of these countries on some Ghanaians and Ghanaian Muslims in particular. Nkrumah turned to Islam for spiritual services which represented another level of his interaction with Muslims and Islam in Ghana. Thus it seemed that the first President of Ghana was naturally predisposed towards Islam, as shall be explored in the following section. 3.6 NKRUMAH’S INTEREST IN ISLAMIC SPIRITUALITY Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah realized the importance of religion as a major force of globalization and made use of it (Mazrui 2002:10). This can be illustrated by the fact that at one time he considered training as a priest. It was out of his fascination with religion that his concept of consciencism was bom (Mazrui 2002:1). Accordingly, Ali Mazrui saw Nkrumah's worldview of Africa with regard to religion as a product of three spiritual forces: the force of Africanity and indigenous African religions, the force of Islam and Islamic culture, and the force of Euro-Christianity and Western secular culture (Mazrui 2002:1). Therefore, 89 Nkrumah’s encounter with Muslim diplomatic missions could be regarded as a realization of his conception of African spirituality and of Islam and Islamic culture. As has already been noticed, his Pan-African, decolonization and non-alignment policies were what first influenced the first President of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, to establish diplomatic ties with some Muslim countries in Africa as well as in the Middle East. Beyond this noticeable motive, however, were the prowess of Islamic spirituality and the influence of Muslim scholars that Nkrumah occasionally consulted on personal as weii as on state matters. For instance, it is said that Nkrumah used to consult Muslim holy men on both personal and political matters.1 This he did with a view to giving him successes in all his endeavours. The most widely known Muslim scholar with intimate relation with Nkrumah was Ibrahim Nyass of Senegal (Okafor 1997:137). Nyass was known to have visited Ghana in 1965 at the invitation of Kwame Nkrumah. During this visit religious and spiritual consultation took place between the two. It is said that Ibrahim advised Nkrumah to marry an Egyptian woman and specifically identified the woman in question. Maduka Okafor argued that the rationale behind the proposal was based on the fact that Black Africa needed to make contact with Islam. This was with a view to concretizing Nkrumah’s vision of African unity, irrespective of religious and racial differences (Okafor 1997:137). Said Sinare, Nkrumah’s former spiritual advisor and a counter intelligence officer also claimed to have played a role in bringing Fathia to Ghana from Egypt. He argued that he 1 This practice of Kwame Nkrumah has its antecedent in the old kingdoms of modem Ghana especially in Ashanti, Dagbon, and Gonja. See Okafor G. Maduka (1997). Christianity and Islam in West Africa The Ghana experience’ Echter Verlag Wurzburg,: 137 90 was behind the fostering of a marital relationship between the two (Sinare, interview, July 15th 2005). He further indicated that at one time his late father, Salifu Sinare, was Nkrumah’s spiritual advisor. He advised Nkrumah to get married whenever Nkrumah sought spiritual advice from his father. Coincidentally, Said Sinare, the son of Salifu Sinare who graduated from the Al-Azhar University in Egypt 1955 with specialization in Islamic studies returned to Ghana with an Egyptian wife, Suadi Mohammed Al-Rouby, a native of Khanatir District in Cairo (Sinare, interview, July 15* 2005). He took over his father’s role as the spiritual advisor to Nkrunuh when the father was old. Sir.arc clnimcd that he identified Fathia at Cairo in Egypt for Nkrumah as a marriage prospect. According to him the then President of Egypt, Gamal Nasser, paid the dowry of Fathia before she came to Ghana (Sinare, interview, July 15th 2005). In spite of the variety of claims about Nkrumah’s relation with Fathia, it seems that Islamic spirituality and the influence of Muslim clerics determined the direction of Nkrumah’s union with her. The influence of Islamic spirituality on Nkrumah is supported by the Apaloo Commission Report which stated that the spiritual prowess of Muslim holy men motivated Nkrumah to have an interest in religion and specifically Islam in 1966. (Okafor 1997:138) The report stated that because Nkrumah felt that the OAU Conference that was scheduled to take place in Accra in 1965 was running into difficulties, he sought the assistance of Ibrahim Nyass a Senegalese Marabout to use his spiritual powers in making the conference a successful one. He consequently made a present of a Mercedes Benz car to Ibrahim Nyass as payment for the successful service rendered to him and the state. 91 Nkrumah’s interest in Islamic spiritual services was clearly elaborated by Hussain Rashid Al-Salawatiya in his book Our African Identity.Rashid indicated that Amadu Futa and Baba Norga introduced Nkrumah and his party leaders to Ibrahim Nyass at Kumasi in 1952. Nkrumah then used this rare opportunity to ask Nyass to pray for him to lead the Gold Coast to independence, to pioneer the African liberation struggle, and to suggest the appropriate time to seek independence (Hussain, 2005:128). Following this Ibrahim Nyass sought the assistance of Abdullah Gomda at Yendi in the Northern region of Ghana as to which Muslim scholars were capablc of performing the prayers and the spiritual needs for Nkrumah. Consequently, Abdullah Gomda identified Abdullah Kankangin (Kankangin MotTe) and Jibril Salihu (Mallam Sofo) all of Bawku in the Upper East region, as well as Tahiru of Kumbugu, Tutubrika b. Umar Kreke, (the son of the late Umar Kreke) and Bawa ofTakoradi among others (Hussain 2005 :129). It is said that upon thorough spiritual search by the Mai lams, they advised Nkrumah on the following: • that the year to ask for independence should be 1957, and the day should be seventh one of the month and the month should be March • the name of the country should change from Gold Coast to Ghana. This was to give it the same status as the ancient Ghana Empire in terms of might, prosperity, and stability. This could only be achieved if and only if the spelling of the name of the country gives it the same spiritual Islamic numerological value of G-H-A-N-A (The word Ghana comes from Arabic word h^ means wealth).5 ’Another theory has it that, the origin of the name Ghana is, credited to J.B Danquah. This was when he was a student at the University of London. He conducted a research on the origin of the Gold Coast tribes. He established that most of the tribes in the Gold Coast were descendants of the inhabitants of the famous ancient Ghana Empire. Nkrumah eventually adopted it as the name for the new nation-state. The Ghanaian Times 2007 6 March: 3. 92 Hussain, further, claimed that the Mallams advised Nkrumah on the following: • for Ghana to become a super power, the date 7 March 1957 should be strictly adhered to • in order to have a stable economy and a sound political country, a mosque should be built in the centre of the capital (Hussain 2005:128). (The location given to the Muslims by Nkrumah is now known as Salifu Amankwah Gardens at Kwame Nkrumah Circle in Accra). The narration demonstrates that Islamic and Muslim spiritual prowess was given recognition within the political landscape during the early post- independence period. This also indicates that Nkrumah had come under the influence of transnational Muslim figures. These transnational Muslim scholars were mainly from the West African region. They already wielded influence on Ghanaian Muslims, who in turn, recommended them to Nkrumah. Nkrumah’s attitude towards religion and Islam in particular, is reminiscent of the way in which chiefs in the old Kingdoms’ of the present day’s Ghana exploited Islam to fortify their regimes and for their prosperity. Stephen Ellis and Gerrie ter Haar argued that the underlining reason for the patronage of priestly or spiritual services by African leaders (and Africans generally) might lie in the general belief in Africa of visible and invisible forces - and the perceived influence of the invisible forces on humankind (Ellis et al 1998: 179). Interestingly, this belief has not been abandoned despite the advent of science and technology. It is therefore apparent that the African worldview of the cosmology is different from that of others. 93 Indeed, the tendency of relying on religious priests for spiritual consultations was not only peculiar to Nkrumah alone. Religious consultation is widely practiced among many African heads of state. Notable among these personalities were Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia who once employed the services of an Indian guru, Ranganathan and Mathieu Kerekou of Benin who relied on Muhammad Amadou Cisse for spiritual directions and consultations (Ellis et al, 1998: 180). Interestingly, Muhammad Amadou Cisse is also known to have worked with the former President of Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) Mobutu Sese Seko and President Omar Bongo of Gabon. In addition, President Didier Katsiraka of Mauagascar and President Paul Biya of Cameroon are known to have been followers of Rosicrucianism (Ellis et al, 1998: 180). In West Africa, the late Ivorian President Felix Houphouet Boigny and the late President of Togo, General Gnagnesibe Eyadema, were known to have been employing the services of spiritual experts (Ellis et al, 1998:189). The conviction of many Heads of State in Africa is that ‘real power has its root in the invisible world and therefore the cultivation of spiritual power is vital for the continued political existence (Ellis et al, 1998:, 190)’. This is, without doubt, due to their convictions and the tangible and psychological benefits that they derived from the utilization of spiritual services in their lives. The reliance of politicians on the religious priests in Africa makes religion the unofficial source for protection and the covert determinant of government policy in Africa. This attitude undoubtedly makes priests in Africa very powerful in government circles, however highly unnoticed in the public. The result of this tendency is that spiritualists in a way become power brokers and have access to confidential information. This can place them above national security intelligence as they tend to deriv< ' " ‘ multiple and 94 highly reliable sources due to the multi-faceted information they gather through their clients. This situation might have necessitated the late Nkrumah to employ the services of Said Sinare a graduate of Al-Azhar University and a Sufi as his counter intelligence officer. This he did under the guise of a chaplaincy in the Ghana Armed Forces. Though, the clients of Sinare had known him as a government employee they still did trust him as a confidential consultant on their spiritual matters which often compelled them to disclose to him their inner-most secrets. Moreover, he was the most likely person to whom his own colleagues in the spiritual services could disclose some of the diabolic machinations ot some group ot people to destabilize the nation (Sinare, interview, July 15th 2005). One other reason that explains the patronage of the services of priests by African politicians is the mass followings that they commanded. This is highly significant, since the African politician is greatly interested in numbers. Therefore aligning with religious priests may be one way of getting broad-based support from the followers of the religious priests. This strategy was adopted by Nkrumah in his dealing with Ibrahim Nyass of Senegal. Upon realizing the obstacles being put in the way of his African unity policy by the Senegalese President, Leopold Senghor, Nkrumah wooed Ibrahim Nyass, who was the most popular figure in Senegal and West Africa as a whole. Nkrumah’s estimation was that Senghor was a Christian ruling the overwhelmingly Muslim population of Senegal. To align himself with the most popular figure in Senegal (with a different religious orientation to the President’s) could help dilute the President’s powers (Asante, interview, 11 t h May 2006). This strategy, by and large made Nkrumah’s African unity policy successful, to the annoyance of some of his detractors in the continent. 95 The context of Ibrahim Nyass relations with Nkrumah could also be due to the Pan- Africanist ideology shared by both. This could be discerned from some of Ibrahim Nyass writings or epistles through which he expressed his philosophy over the destiny of the African continent. Aspects of his African philosophy were tied to his religious beliefs that every continent belongs to a particular people and people belong to different continent. To him therefore Africa is for Africans who are bound to rule it whether in immediate terms or later regardless of the perpetuation of colonial rule (Nyass 1959:65-6). In summary, it has therefore been established that a dependence on the spirit world by African leaders has profound effects on their worldview of religion including Islam. Perhaps this might have been so because there is widespread belief by Africans that the spirit world influences their daily lives. This, therefore, makes religion in Africa a very powerful instrument to resort to in order to allay the fears of the believers and to give them a sense of security in their endeavours. Moreover, because they carry the heavy burden of their nation’s welfare, politicians are compelled to seek help from multiple sources they believe will assist them to meet the expectations of the electorate and strengthen their regime. However, because of the unscientific and unverifiability of religious beliefs as well as the unorthodox demands of the religious leaders in the course of rendering their services to their clients, the politicians’ patronage of the priestly services will forever remain a covert transaction between the priests and the politicians. This situation, therefore, underscores the fact that a modem system of governance cannot accept the creation of a recognized office to deal with issues on spiritual matters of the electorate within its institutions as a result of the unverifiability of religious leaders’ claims and the unorthodox means they depend upon. The perception by Africans that the spirit world influences their life cannot be underrated. 96 Nkrumah’s reliance on Muslim holy men represented the internal and individual level of his relationship and encounter with Islam and Muslims. His relationship with some Muslim states represented his inter-state and external interaction with Islam and the Muslim world for his great African concept, which shall be explored in the next section. 3.7 GHANA-EGYPT DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS 3.7.1 The Historical, Bilateral and Political Background Information issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic ot Ghana in April 2005 indicates that political co-operation between Ghana and Egypt started in the late 1950s. This cooperation was necessitated while the two countries were still struggling for self-determination (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2005). The alien domination of the powers on the African continent shaped the radical outlook of the two countries and provided effective collaboration in the early years of independence. Consequently, Egypt was the first country and as well as, the first Muslim country to establish diplomatic relations with Ghana (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2005). Several factors underscore the warm relation between Ghana and Egypt in the early years of independence. Among these factors were membership to the Casablanca Bloc which was mainly made up of United Arab Republic (now Egypt), Libya, Morocco, Algeria, Mali, Guinea, and Ghana. The Casablanca Bloc was known to have envisaged the creation of inter-state economic institutions, with the vision of implementing an African Consultative Assembly, African Political Committee of Head of States, as well as Economic Committee and Cultural Committee and Joint African High Command of Chief of Staff (Armah 2004:101). The two countries played a leading role primarily in the preservation of freedom, unity, and integrity of the African people. This was to do away with factionalism as 97 decolonization gathered unprecedented momentum on the continent (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). Their long-term vision which also fostered relations between the two countries, for the continent, was that the two countries were the founding members of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), now the African Union (AU) (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). The other factor that strengthened the bond of friendship between the two Presidents was their philosophy of non-alignment and positive neutrality. Because of this they have gone down into history as the two of the founding members of the widely recognized Won- Aligned Movement (NAM) (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). Also, Nkrumah’s marriage to an Egyptian woman, Fathia (as described above) strengthened the bond of friendship between Nasser and Nkrumah. Even though Ghana and Egypt had co-operated politically since the late 1950, the major instrument through which bilateral co-operation has taken place in recent times between the two countries is the Egyptian Technical Co-Operation Fund for Africa which was inaugurated in February 1984. Through this instrument, Ghana has so far benefited from the following forms of assistance (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). (a) Egyptian lecturers at the Regional Maritime Academy (b) Egyptian experts for the Ghana Cotton Company (c) Egyptian medical doctors to work in the Ghanaian hospitals (d) training courses for Ghanaian agricultural officers at the Egyptian International Centre for Agriculture (e) training of Ghanaian geologists (0 Egyptian lecturers at the University of Ghana and all branches of Ghana Institute of Languages in Ghana, and. 98 Egypt continues to offer scholarships to Ghana. The scholarship scheme applies largely to studies in the Islamic religious sciences offered at the famous Al-Azhar University, noted in the Muslim world for it outstanding Islamic scholarship (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). There are other areas of agreement, which strengthen economic co-operation between Ghanaian and Egyptian Governments. These co-operations are in the areas of trade, investment promotion, and protection. These agreements were made possible through the visit of the Egyptian Foreign Minister Amre Mousa to Ghana in March 1998. The trade agreement was concluded between the Ghana’s former Foreign Affair Minister, Victor Gbeho, and the Egyptian Foreign Minister (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). Again, during a visit to Ghana on 1 February 2005 by the Egyptian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ahmed Aboul Gheit, a Memorandum of Understanding was signed. This established a mechanism for regular consultations on bilateral, regional, and international issues of national interest between the two countries. Ghana’s Minister for Tourism and Modernization of the Capital City, Jake Obetsebi Lamptey reciprocated this visit with his visit to Egypt in March 2005. The visit also culminated in the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding in the field of Tourism Co-operation (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). Lastly, the Egyptian government, at Ghana’s request, sent down Abd El-Salam E. Draz, an agriculturist in rice production. He is to serve in Ghana for a period of not more than 6 months (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). 99 A brief glance at the nature of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with Egypt emphasizes an important fact: generally, the bilateral agreements between the two countries benefited Ghana more than Egypt. This could be seen from the numerous human resource experts that Egypt has offered to Ghana in the areas of agriculture, academia, and medicine, as well as offering geological courses for Ghanaians and scholarships for Ghanaian students. The only area of the diplomatic relations which might have benefited the two countries equally is in respect of economic agreements through investment promotion and protection agreements. It could, therefore, be concluded that the bilateral relations between the countries benefited Ghana more than Egypt. The type of Islamic orientation offered to the Ghanaian Muslims by the Egyptian Islamic environment will be the focus of the next section of this study. This will help shed more light on the Muslim world, especially Egypt’s, impact on Ghanaian Muslims in the post­ colonial period. 3.72 The Type of Islamic Orientation Offered to Ghanaian Muslims by Egypt Egypt was the first Muslim country which opened up the intellectual horizon of Ghanaian Muslims. This is evident from the numerous scholarships offered to Ghanaian Muslim students in the early post-independence period, specifically in the area of Islamic sciences. The type of training offered by Egypt to such students was the open Islamic orientation, which did not restrict them to any strict Islamic sectarian background. Consequently, this type of open Islamic orientation was replicated by these Ulama in Ghana. The Islamic training as handed down to the Ghanaian Muslim scholars by Egypt made them well suited for the Islamic religious terrain of the early post-colonial period. The training made them to appreciate the multiplicity of the Ghanaian religious terrain, which is made up of indigenous 100 African tradition and Christian tradition, as well as the diversity of Islamic cultures and values. This is because Ghanaian students were allowed to pursue Islamic training based on the prevailing Maliki Islamic orientation in Ghana rather than the Egyptian sectarian orientation. This instilled a sense of Islamic diversity on the students while in Egypt. The implication is that there is an element of selectivity in the Islamic orientation by Ghanaian Ulama trained in Egypt through their transnational contacts. The research has also shown that the nature of Egyptian society which allows lor and fosters free religious thinking meant that the early Egyptian-trained Ulama in Ghana were to be bearers of the Tijaniyya Sufi order. This argument is shown by the fact that a majority (if not all) of the Ulama trained in Egypt are Sufi and Tijaniyya in spiritual orientation. Notable among these early Egyptian-trained Ulama were the late Jamal Baba of the Greater Accra area, Abdulai Maikano of Prang in the Brong Ahafo region, a great Sufi of the 21a century in the Muslim community of Ghana, as well as Abdul Razak Tahir. Lastly, Said Sinare, a former military chaplain, and spiritual consultant to the late first President of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah was among the Egyptian trained Ulama with Sufi inclinations. It is therefore important to scrutinize the unique identity of the Islamic orientation of these few individual Ulama trained in Egypt, in order to show how their transnational contacts through education influenced their Islamic orientation in Egypt. For instance, the late Abdulai Maikano of Prang in the Brong Ahafo region represented the epitome of Islamic mysticism and Sufism in Ghana during his lifetime. This is shown by his spiritual prowess, in the form of powers that he exhibited and offered to his followers. He was sometimes acclaimed by his followers as an extra-ordinary human being with the power 101 to perform miracles and communicate with Allah. Despite his death his followers still believe that he intercedes in their daily affairs. This is evident in the followers identification with the portrait of the late Maikano in their daily life. Their daily acknowledgement of this portrait shows their loyalty and fidelity to him and reveals their belief in his constant presence in their daily affairs. The other important personality amongst the Egyptian-trained Ulama with strong Sufi inclination is Said Sinare a former military chaplain and a spiritual consultant to the iirst Ghana's first President Said Sinare was also an Al-Azhar trained Alim (Muslim scholar). The fact that he was a spiritual consultant to the then Head of State was very significant since it implied that the orientation that scholars acquired in Egypt permitted spiritual services as a solution to the ever-demanding needs of some Muslims as well as non- Muslims. The background of these two important personalities among the Egyptian-trained Ulama in Ghana gives more clues to the nature of Islamic orientation in Egypt, which is mystically inclined, and the influence they passed on to Ghanaians and Ghanaian Muslims in particular. Rational outlook is another Islamic background found among the Egyptian-trained Ulama in Ghana. This rationalist inclination allows them to give various dimensional perspectives and interpretations to issues that might seem to be difficult or might have been outlawed by other Ulama. Other notable personalities among the Egyptian-trained Ulama in Ghana with a strong rational background are the late Jamal Baba and Abdul Razak Tahir. This is as opposed to some Ulama who have been trained in the Arabian Gulf states and who abhor 102 e philosophisation of religious issues. The ability of the Egyptian-trained Ulama to mtextualize issues from different backgrounds has attracted the youth towards their iligious ceremonies. Numerous examples of issues abound: one could cite the celebration .f the birthday of the Prophet (Maulid Nabiy), which sometimes generate controversies >etween Egyptian Ulama who permit and clamour for its celebration, as against the Ulama rained from the Gulf countries who have outlawed it. One must however stress the fact that Egypt, as a Muslim country, is Sunni of Hanafiyya by doctrinal orientation. Yet the uhanaian Ulama trained in Egypt were not doctrinally coinp^ii^J toward; ruch "^ntafion but were allowed to maintain their Maliki Islamic doctrinal approach. 3.73 The Role of Ghanaian Muslims in Ghana-Egypt Relations In the past the role of the Ghanaian Ulama trained in Egypt in facilitating Ghana-Egypt relations as an organized body was not visible. This might have been because it did not dawn on them to organize themselves as a group. In recent times, however, some Ulama with Egyptian training have formed an association of Alumni of the Al-Azhar University in Ghana with A view to fostering relations with Egypt and their alma mater. One major defect of this is that because it is an alumni association its membership is limited and restricted to students trained at the Al-Azhar University. This implies that there has not been any conscious attempt on the larger Egyptian-trained student body to form an all- encompassing and inclusive association of students trained in Egypt in Ghana. This tendency created a major religious vacuum in the Ghana-Egypt relations in the Muslim communities of Ghana. The only noticeable influence and effect in Ghana of the Egyptian- trained Ulama is through the role of individual Muslim scholars. 103 Such influence could be viewed from the unique scholastic exposition and excellence that some of these individuals exhibited in the course of religious discourses in the Muslim communities of Ghana. This aspect of the background of these individuals has been highly revered by Muslims of different doctrinal orientation in Ghana. This is noticeable in the role of Abdul Razak Tahir, the late Abdulai Maikano, and the late Jamal Baba Al-Azhari. The role of these Ulama in the Muslim communities of Ghana endears the quality of Islamic scholarship to the Muslim youth, yet they are most often discouraged by the unfavourable economic conditions in Egypt to wish to puisuo Islamic studies ilicre a* opposed to in die oil-rich Arabian Gulf states. This situation then shows the dilemma of the Muslim youth in Ghana in relation to seeking quality Islamic education vis-a-vis the economic conditions in the Muslim world. The other dimension of the individual Egyptian trained Ulama in Ghana role in fostering relations between Ghanaian Muslims and Egypt is through the institutions established by the students trained from Egypt. In most cases these Ulama name the institutions they have established after their alma mater such as Al-Azhar or Azhariya and Ain-Shamsh Islamic Institutes etc. Some graduates trained in other Egyptian institutions also identify themselves with their institutions by attaching their institutions name to themselves. An example of this being the late Jamal Baba who attached Al-Azhari to his name meaning ‘a graduate of Al- Azhar’. The cultural manifestation of some Ulama trained in Egypt which fosters relations between Ghana, and Egypt could be observed from their mode of dress. The dress of these Ulama imitates that of the top hierarchy of Egyptian Ulama (Muft i ) . This tendency without a doubt 104 fosters a cultural link between some sections of Ulama trained in Egypt and some Ghanaian Muslims. Lastly, the role played by the expatriate Egyptian experts who have been assigned various responsibilities by the Egyptian government to Ghana must be acknowledged in fostering Ghana-Egypt relations in the Muslim communities of Ghana. These experts are found in the areas of education, health and agriculture. The mere assigning of experts to Ghana to provide certain services and expertise gives proof oi the sincere interest of iho Egyptian government in contributing towards the development of Ghana. In addition, the role of these experts in assisting the government, and Ghanaians in general creates the sense of appreciation among the majority of Ghanaians. This reciprocal attitude by the Egyptian experts to assist Ghanaians and their innermost appreciation of the Egyptian government’s interest largely improves and promotes relations between the two countries. Islamically, the tendency of the Egyptian experts to facilitate certain developmental projects in the Muslim communities of Ghana creates the sense of Islamic Ummatic feeling among Ghanaian Muslims. This tendency on the part of the Egyptian experts reinforces the notion and the concept of Islamic brotherhood among nationals of both countries, thereby promoting Ghana-Egypt relations further. , . 3.8 GHANA-SAUDI ARABIA DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS 3.8.1 The Historical, Bilateral and the Political Background of Ghana-Saudi Relations Ghana’s diplomatic relations at ambassadorial level with Saudi Arabia dates back to March I960. In that year the two countries accredited their respective ambassadors in Cairo and Lagos to each other’s capital as a first measure. Subsequently, Ghana established a resident 105 diplomatic mission in Saudi Arabia and maintained it until the fall of the First Republic in 1966, when it was closed due to financial constraints (Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2004). In June 1974 Ghana reopened its embassy in Saudi Arabia at the level of charge d'affaires and upgraded it back to the ambassadorial level in May 1977 because of the rising number of Ghanaian pilgrims to Saudi Arabia. Moreover, during the regime of the People National Defence Council, (PNDC) relations improved with the Saudi Government, thereby permitting the Ghanaian Government to establish her Consulate-Gcncnl in Jeddah in 1988 to cater for the increasing number of Ghanaian pilgrims who visit Mecca and Medina throughout the year (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). Furthermore, in 2003 Saudi Arabia assented to Ghana’s request to upgrade her mission in Accra to resident ambassadorial level. Some of the institutions of the Saudi Government which promote bilateral co-operation with Ghana’s government are the Islamic Development Bank and Saudi Development Fund. The Saudi Development Fund during the PNDC regime, especially between 1985 and 1987, contracted various loans to the tune of $31.5 million to Ghana for various projects in the country. Some of these projects were the rehabilitation of Tema and Takoradi ports (SI3 million) and the construction of Grain silos at Konongo, Kintampo, Atebubu, Nkoranza, and Techiman ($5 million) (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). During the era of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) (1992-2000), the Saudi government further financed some projects relating to Rural Health Centres through the Saudi Development Fund. The loans were contracted in 1993 to the tune of $9.5 million (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). The New Patriotic Party (NPP) Government of 2001-2008 has also secured a loan from the Saudi Development Fund for the Tetteh Quashie-Mamfie Road project. 106 An important bilateral agency of the Saudi Government, which Ghana benefits from tremendously, is the Islamic Development Bank (IDB). The Islamic Development Bank s support and funds are channeled to assist a member of countries of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC). Interestingly, Ghana is not a member and will, therefore, not be entitled to major funding from the Bank. Nevertheless the Islamic Development Bank still allots sizeable funds for non-members and Muslim minority countries, especially for the Muslims communities in those countries. The IDB development projects are sometimes offered to public institutions through bilateral agreement such as the funding nf Presbyterian science block and the Islamic secondary science facilities are typical example. More also Muslim NGOs are among the beneficiaries of IDB sponsorship. Some of the IDB sponsored projects for both private and public institutions include the construction of primary, secondary, vocational and technical schools, mostly in the Northern region of Ghana, as well as in Accra and Kumasi, amounting to $2,819 million. The IDB also assisted the Ghanaian government with a grant of $100,000 for the expansion of students’ hostel of the University of Development Studies in Tamale and a grant of $250,000 for the construction of a Computer Science Laboratory for the Islamic Secondary School in the Northern region (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). The most memorable Saudi Arabian personality to most Ghanaians who also played a tremendous role in improving relations between Ghana and Saudi Arabia in recent times is His Royal Highness, Prince Al-Walleed Bin Talal Bin Abdul Aziz. He visited Ghana from 28-30 April 2003. Ghana Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that Prince Walleed was voted the richest man in the world in the year 2003 by Forbes Magazine (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). His visit was to explore business opportunities in Ghana. He led a 22-member business delegation. During the visit he donated funds to Ghana in various 107 sectors. For instance, he donated $600,000 to the health sector, $300,000 to pre-school education to construct a primary and a junior secondary school for the Muslim communities in and around Nima and Mamobi area in Accra, and $100,000 to the Otumfuo Education Fund. During the visit, the Prince agreed to invest in the construction of the Ambassador Hotel, which cost about $40m. He also agreed to establish a branch of Citi Bank in Ghana and to construct a multi-million Cedi Hotel at the Accra Airport (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). The Saudi Government also plays a humanitarian role in improving relations with Ghana. For example, during the September 1995 flooding in Accra it donated emergency relief items worth $800,000 towards the victims. Furthermore, following the severe rains and flooding which rendered many people homeless and caused extensive damage to properties in Accra in June 2001, it donated relief items to Ghana for the victims through His Highness King Fahd Al-Saud. Lastly, Ghana receives an allocation of 500 slaughtered sheep after every yearly pilgrimage for distribution to the poor (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). It could therefore be discerned from the historical basis of Ghana-Saudi relations that two major issues strengthened the relations between the two countries, namely Ghana’s quest to secure loans for its developmental programmes and opportunities for Muslim pilgrims to the Kingdom. An analysis of the historical background shows that the diplomatic relations between the two countries benefited Ghana more than Saudi Arabia in respect of securing financial resources. The Saudi Government might have also opened up her doors to Ghana's government to create the opportunity for Ghanaian Muslim pilgrims to attend the annual pilgrimage to the Kingdom. 108 ne diplomatic relations also facilitated a special type of Islamic orientation to Ghanaian luslims, which will be the focus of the next section. This will be done with a view to ientifying the Islamic dimension to the diplomatic relations. It will also identify the agents nd the institutions that facilitated the diplomatic relations. Through this study, the identity )f the Saudi nationals and their organizations that facilitated Ghana-Saudi relations in the Muslim communities will be made known. 3.8.2 The Role of Ghnnninn Muslims in Ghaua-Saudi Relations It must be acknowledged that before Ghana diplomatic relations with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia commenced the annual pilgrimage of some Ghanaian Muslims to the Kingdom in itself promoted Islamic fraternal consciousness between Ghanaian Muslims and Saudi Arabians. Even though the experience of the pilgrimage during the pre-colonial and the early post-colonial periods was very tedious, it was the major medium of interaction between the two countries. The establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries further enhanced the smooth interaction between the Muslims of the two countries, beyond the scope of Hajj. Initially, one important issue dominated the nature and the medium of collaboration between Muslims within the two countries. The major medium through which Ghanaian Muslims interacted with the Saudi Muslims was the Hajj. It must be acknowledged that this medium facilitated Ghanaians interaction with the Saudi Muslims during the pre-colonial and post-colonial periods. The Hajj was made more accessible with the improvement in technological advancement in the area of air transport during the post-independence period through diplomatic relations. 109 The effect of the Hajj on the relations between Ghanaian Muslims and the Saudi Muslims did not result in the adoption of the Saudi brand of Islamic ideology (Wahhabism). This was partly because Umar Krake, a renowned scholar in the Gold Coast, performance of the pilgrimage in 1913 and 11919 respectively preceded the Wahhabi Revoultion in 1923-4. Subsequent Ghanaian Muslims who performed the pilgrimage did not embraced Wahhabi ideas until after Ghana attained independence. Another important personality during the post-independence period through whom relations between Ghanaian Muslims and Saudi Arabia was promoted was Kamali Khalid, an Indian employee of the Saudi mission in Ghana. The aspect of Islamic consciousness that he promoted between Ghana and Saudi Arabia was the Saudi brand of Islamic ideology which, as mentioned before, is Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah (Wahhabism). This he did through the promotion of Islamic education. His activities did not however generate any reaction from other Muslim groups at that time. This type of Wahhabi Islamic consciousness which was facilitated by Kamali linked Ghanaian Muslims with the Saudi Muslim leadership, thereby fostering collaboration in the interests of Islam between Muslims within the two countries. It is known that Kamali used to organize Islamic lectures at the then Central Mosque in Accra. This was the first early manifestation of an attempt of reorienting a section of Ghanaian Muslim students towards Saudi Islam in Ghana. Through such relationships, Ghanaian Muslims secured numerous forms of assistance in the form of scholarship or educational opportunities and educational infrastructure etc in Ghana. Among the individual Ghanaian Muslims who also played leading role in fostering Ghana- Saudi relations were the foremost Wahhabi pioneer scholars in Ghana such as the late Yussif Ajura in the Northern region, Abdul Samad Habibullah and Adam Baba both in the 110 Ashanti region, Hamza Abdul Salam, Umar Ibrahim and Shuaib Abubakar all in the Greater Accra region. The role that these individual Ulama played in promoting Ghana-Saudi relations pertains to their being the first Muslims to have adopted the Saudi brand of Islamic ideology, as propounded by Muhammad b. Abdul Wahhab in 1703 AD. Eventually, they became the first contact persons in their respective communities with regards to having any official transaction with the Saudi NGOs and Government. Interestingly, these early Wahhabi Ulama educational institutions facilitated the orientation of Ghanaian Muslim students towards the Wahhabiyya brand of Islam in Ghana. These institutions include the Anbariya Islamic Educational complex and the Nuriyya Islamic Institute, the largest Islamic educational complexes in the Northern region of Ghana founded by the late Yussif Ajura and Basha Ibrahim Iddris respectively. Again, the Al- Azhariyya Islamic Educational Complex and the Darul Hadith Institute of Islamic Studies established by the late Adam Baba and the late Taufiq Bakr, also represent the largest Islamic educational complexes in the Ashanti region. The role of the Institute of Islamic Studies founded by Umar Ibrahim and the Tafsiliyya Islamic School by the mentor of Umar Ibrahim, the late Hamza Abdul Salam, in the orientation of Muslim students towards the Wahhabiyya Islamic perspective in the Greater Accra region cannot be over-emphasized. All these institutions, which were established by the pioneer Wahabis, have played tremendous roles in promoting Ghana-Saudi relations in Ghana. This is because; these institutions, as established by the pioneer Wahhabis, shaped the mind and the identity of their students towards the Saudi style of Islamic orientation and endeared the students towards the Saudi values and culture, thereby promoting Ghana-Saudi relations in Ghana. I l l The Saudi government also deepens its relations with Ghanaian Muslims through granting of scholarship in various disciplines of Islamic sciences. This has its social, economic, and political advantages to the two countries. The beneficiaries understand the social structures of the Saudi society and then adopted and promoted the Saudi Islamic social values in the Muslims communities of Ghana. Inclusive in this social orientation of Ghanaian Muslims who benefit from such scholarships is the sectarian religious culture of the Saudi society, namely the Wahhabiyya brand of Islam, which they promote among their Ghanaian counterparts. 1 his implies that the Wahhabi perspective of Islam with its origin and support base from the Saudi Government revolves strictly around the followers understanding of the basic tenets of the Qur'an and the traditions of the Prophet. The major religious institutions, which promote the Saudi brand of Islam, include Ahlus- Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah (ASWAJ), the Supreme Council for Islamic Call and Research (SCICR) and the Ahlus-Sunni Society popularly known as the Anbariyya. Two Saudi institutions such as the the Fatwa Center (which is under the Ministry of Endowment and Islamic Affairs) and the Muslim World League are noted for their roles in supporting Ghanaian Ulama who promote their religious interest in Ghana. The role that these institutions play is in the domain of spreading the Saudi brand of Islam in educational institutions, religious centres (mosques), social ceremonies, and during quarterly and annual conventions etc. Through their activities and programmes they have attracted a mass following in the Muslim communities of Ghana. The large number of followers consequently became the benchmark of assessing Saudi religious influence in Ghana. Wahhabi followers in Ghana can be identified by their mode of dress and other forms of social interaction. A corollary to the adoption of Arabian culture and a brand of Islam among them is the tendency to extol Arabian values as the best model for Muslims. 112 The role of the Saudi funded NGOs and NGOs with Saudi affiliation must be recognized in fostering Ghana-Saudi relations in the Muslim communities of Ghana. They promote various forms of developments in the Muslim communities in Ghana such as construction of schools, provision of portable water, Islamic centres, orphanages, and health centres, among others. These NGOs market the plight and the needs of Ghanaian Muslims to the Saudi government and philanthropists who, in turn, provide funding for development programmes for Ghanaian Muslims. They attract considerable financial resources to the Ghanaian Muslims as a result of the trust and the credibility that they have built with the Saudi Government and Saudi philanthropists. Notable among these Saudi-funded NGOs or those with Saudi affiliations are the Al-Hudaibiya Relief Services, the Al-Muntada Al- Islami and Al-Huda Islamic Society. The Saudi Government and affiliated NGOs also promote relations with Ghanaian Muslims by organizing free pilgrimage for them to Mecca, providing sacrificial animals during the two Eids and providing free meals to the needy during the breaking of the fast of Ramadan. This in a way tends to ease the economic conditions of some Ghanaian Muslims and creates a feeling of gratitude and solidarity with Saudi Arabia. The Saudi-funded NGOs also provide employment to some Ghanaian Muslims who largely become financially dependent on the Saudi economic conditions to survive. This tendency without doubt reinforces the extent of their allegiance and loyalty to the Saudi institutions and organizations thereby creating a ground for solidarity and thereby fostering relations between a section of Ghanaian Muslim communities and the Saudi institutions. The outcome of this research shows that NGOs with Saudi connections and affiliations dominate the Muslim religious terrain in Ghana. 113 A major economic leverage which has been very instrumental in fostering Saudi-Ghana relations among a section of Muslims in Ghana has been the monthly allowances that some Saudi trained-Wama in Ghana obtained from the Ministry of Endowment and Islamic Affairs of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This type of monthly allowances and incentives are meant for the Saudi-trained Ulama who propagate Wahhabism in the Muslim communities of Ghana. The enticing of these Ulama by incentives makes them adhere and uphold the approved values of the Saudi religious establishment, thereby promoting sectarian religious relations between a section of Ghanaian Muslims and ilic Saudi religious institutions. The net effect is that the beneficiaries of these facilities and projects represent the benchmark of Ghana-Saudi relations in the Muslim communities in Ghana. This situation also shows the extent of economic dependence of some Ghanaian Muslims on the outside Muslim world which has serious consequences for the nation’s political direction. These Muslims are likely to be predisposed towards the politics of the country (Saudi Arabia) that caters for their source of income. Any serious threat to the economic and political conditions of the country is regarded as a war against them in Ghana. The implication is that major global events, which have the potential of dislodging and restructuring certain institutions and political establishments in certain Muslim countries, are interpreted by sections of Ghanaian Muslims as targeting them as well as Islam as a whole due to the economic advantages that might be affected by such events. The Saudi Government represents the largest Islamic country in respect of contribution to the Muslim communities in Ghana. They therefore wield considerable influence in the Muslim communities of Ghana as a result of the developmental projects that they facilitate for the Ghanaian Muslims. 114 Politically, there is little to talk about the impact of Saudi political institutions on Ghanaian Muslims. Nevertheless, Ghanaian students trained in Saudi Arabia are most likely to extol the nature of Saudi political institutions in Ghana. More importantly, they could be the people who will aspire to the replication and implementation of Saudi political institutions and structures in Ghana. This view is buttressed by the perception of Ulama trained in Saudi Arabia who tend to criticize the perceived moral laxity in Ghanaian Muslim society as against the strict nature of Saudi society. It could therefore be concluded that Ghana-Saudi relations have been enhanced by the Saudi Government institutions and NGOs: (i) which grants scholarships to Ghanaian Muslim students;. (ii) which facilitate the activities of Saudi trained Ulama in Ghana in the propagation of the Saudi official Islamic orientation (Wahhabiyya); an (iii) which supports the activities of NGOs with Saudi affiliation, including arrangements for free pilgrimage to Mecca for Ghanaian Muslims so that they are able to experience the faith in its place of origin at first hand . 3.9 GHANA-ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN RELATIONS 3.9.1 Historical and Bilateral Background of Ghana-Iran Relations Information available at the Ghana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs shows virtually insignificant relations with the Persian Empire before the Ayatollah Khomeini's Revolution. Following the 1979 Revolution the name of the country was changed to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Ghana’s diplomatic relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran began in 1974. The two countries appointed resident ambassadors in 1976. However, Ghana closed 115 down its mission in Iran in 1984 as a result of a general cost-cutting exercise (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2005). Currently, the major machinery through which bilateral cooperation takes place between the two countries has been the Ghana-Iran Joint Commission. This joint commission was inaugurated in November 1990 and subsequently reactivated in June 2002. The Iranian Foreign Minister, H.E Kamal KJianazzi when visiting Ghana from 30—31 March 2004 granted an amount of $1.5 million for development assistance to Ghana. In addition, the visit also resulted in the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding on Development Assistance between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Ghana. The aim of the agreement is to facilitate commercial exchanges between the two countries. Ghana also currently benefits from assistance from the Islamic Republic of Iran in the areas of agriculture, health, education and culture (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2005). The major Iranian institutions which facilitate this economic cooperation in Ghana are Agriculture and Rural Development (ARD), the Red Crescent Society, and the Islamic University. The trade agreement, which was signed between the two countries in 2002 shows that the balance of trade is in favour of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This was evident in the direction and trend of exports and imports between the two countries from 2000-2003. The investment portfolio also witnesses the Iranian Government pushing more resources into the Ghanaian economy as against virtually nil investment by Ghana in Iran (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2005). Among the Iranian companies which have taken the opportunity to explore the Ghanaian business terrain are: 116 (i) Ghana-Iran Services Ltd, a joint venture dealing in the export and import in general merchandise; (ii) Kleen Export Company Ltd, a purely foreign owned company also involved in the export trading; and (iii) AEM Industrial Company Ltd, a joint venture company involved in the manufacture of paper napkins and tissue paper. The most important area identified by llio Ministry of Foreign Affairs is the ncal lo rc.ioil previously signed oil agreements dealing with the importation of crude oil from Iran at the rate of 500,000 barrels per year. Lastly, the report also identified the possibility of cooperation in respect of Ghana’s refinery and the exploration of oil, gas and gold (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2005). What has been the role of Ghanaian Muslims in Ghana-Iran relations? This will be the focus of the next section of the study. 3.9.2 The Role of Ghanaian Muslims in Ghana-Iran relations Historically, the foremost Ghanaian Muslim personality who promoted Ghana-Iran relations was Abdul Salam Abdul Hamid Bansi, the founder of the Shi ‘ah community in Ghana. This was after his graduation from an Iranian higher institution of learning in 1988. Bansi linked some Ghanaian Muslims to the type of religious orientation pertaining to Iran. This type of the Islamic religious orientation is founded on the view of Shi'ism. Shi'ism is rooted in the concept of Ahlul-Bait (that is, prominence is to be given to the household of the Prophet on issues about Islam and Muslims). 117 Bansi created an Iranian religious constituency in Ghana which has since served as the bond of religious relations between some Ghanaian Muslims and Iranian religious establishments. The interwoven nature of the Iranian Islam with political orientation became part of the identity of the followers of this new Islamic orientation in Ghana. Another way in which Ghana-Iran relations is manifested is through the activities of the Iranian NGOs. The early NGO which fostered relations between Ghanaian Muslims and Iran was the Imam Hussein Foundation which was established in 1988 by the late Abdul Salam Bansi. This NGO distributes Islamic literature ot'Shi i doctrinal orientation. There are also a number of other NGOs with Iranian affiliation which promote relations between Ghanaian Muslims and Iran. The foremost among them is the Iranian Cultural Consulate. The role of the Cultural Consulate, as the hub of improving and enhancing Ghana-Iran relations, cannot be over-emphasized The establishment of an Iranian Cultural Consulate in 1988 in Ghana brought about the vigorous promotion of Ghana-Iran relations through the distribution of Islamic literature of Iranian Shi’i orientation in the Ghanaian Muslim communities. Some of the literatures distributed by the Cultural Consulate were cultural and political. The literature distributed by the Consulate played a role in the transnational religious orientation in Ghana. This could be seen from the standpoint that it made the reader appreciate the Iranian cultural values as well as political institutions and structures. The literature distributed to the Muslim students also endeared the Iranian Islamic institutions to the reader. The outcome of this tendency was the search for religious scholarship by a section of Ghanaian Muslim students in Iran. The role of the Consulate in fostering Ghana-Iran relations in the Muslim communities of Ghana could also be viewed from the nature of its other activities. It runs numerous 118 programmes in respect of Iranian art, culture, Iranian political events and significant religious events and activities in Ghana. During such occasions, participants are drawn from the various strata of the Ghanaian society, including the Muslim communities. One aspect of the Cultural Consulate activities which promotes relations between Iran and Ghanaian Muslims is that due attention is given to the Council of Muslim Chiefs, the Iranian-trained Ulama, the Muslim students in the tertiary institutions and the Muslim youth. Through the activities of liic Cultural Consulate, the Iranian cultural, religious, and political values are marketed to Ghanaian audiences. This approach on the part of the Cultural Consulate creates sympathy and friendship among the targeted participants from the segment of the Muslim communities, thereby fostering relations between Ghana and Iran. The larger religious framework through which Ghana-Iran relations was promoted could also be viewed from the standpoint of Iranian-trained Ulama's proclamation and eulogisation of Shi‘i religious values in the Muslim communities of Ghana. This tendency, without doubt, had facilitated the promotion of Iranian religious and cultural values in Ghana. It in effect fostered a religious and cultural understanding between the two countries. Iran is the main country which currently promotes Shi’ite culture in the world. Muslim students who acquire Islamic scholarships to study in Iran therefore return to Ghana with a Shi’i orientation which they, in him, propagate in the Ghanaian Muslim community. The Islamic University of Ghana which was established by the Iranian government in April 2002 also enhances the relations between Ghanaian Muslims and Iran. The mere naming of the university ‘Islamic’ implies that it was established to promote the interest of Islam and 119 that of the Muslim communities in Ghana. This predisposition without doubt indicates the extent to which the Iranian Government is promoting relations with Ghanaian Muslims through education. Of all the Muslim diplomatic missions in Ghana, it is the Islamic Republic of Iran which has been able to establish an Islamic university for brilliant but needy Ghanaian Muslims. The university grants scholarships to students who are to pursue courses at the university. This is done by assessing the financial capabilities of students who are brilliant but needy. This naturally endears the beneficiaries to the benefactors. The Red Crescent of Iran is at the forefront of the Iranian Health Project in Ghana. So far the Iranian Government has established three (3) clinics in Ghana which augment Ghana’s health institutions. The leadership of the Muslim communities in Ghana, in providing free medical services for the needy and poor, are often relied upon to recommend to the clinics people who are in dire need of medical treatment. This enhances the bond of friendship between Iranian authorities in Ghana and the Ghanaian Muslim communities. Ghana-Iran relations in the economic and agricultural sectors are promoted mainly by the Agriculture and Rural Development (ARD). The beneficiaries of the ARD’s projects tend to appreciate the role of the Iranian Government in assisting them, thereby also fostering relations between Ghanaian Muslims and Iran. Even though Ghana-Libya relations pre-date the September 1969 Al-Fateh Revolution, the Revolution was nevertheless very significant since the post-1969 period framed the nature of most of the relations between Ghana and Libya as exist currently. The historical trend of Ghana-Libya diplomatic relations is the focus of the next section of the study. 120 3.10 GHANA-LIBYA DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS 3.10.1 The Historical and Bilateral Background of Ghana-Libya Relations The major motives influencing Ghana's establishing diplomatic relations with Libya were economic and Pan-African considerations. Historically, Ghana first established diplomatic relations with Libya in 1961 but in 1968 closed down its offices because of financial constraints. Relations between the two countries however improved after the June military takeover in Ghana (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). The Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) further strengthened relations m 1979 following the 4 Juno military takeover when Libya expressed solidarity with Ghana and responded positively to Ghana’s request for crude oil supplies. Ghana reciprocated by approving Libya’s request to establish a resident diplomatic mission in Accra in September 1979 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). The civilian administration headed by the then President of Ghana, the late Hila Limann, initially maintained relations with Libya to the extent that a goodwill mission paid a visit to Libya to express Ghana’s appreciation to the Libyan Government for the emergency supply of crude oil. The outcome of that visit resulted in the signing of a 1979 agreement between the two countries to set up a Ghana-Libya Permanent Joint Commission for Co-operation. However, in the following year 1980, the Ghana Government ordered the closure of the Libya mission in Ghana, due to a suspicion that Libyan diplomatic staff interfered in the internal politics of Ghana (St John, 1988:131). As a way of mending the diplomatic relations, Libya was the first African country in the aftermath of the 31 December 1981 Revolution led by the People’s National Defense Committee (PNDC) to airlift food aid to Ghana and expressed solidarity with and support to 121 the new regime. Consequently, high-level governmental delegations from the two countries exchanged visits to strengthen bilateral relations in economic and political issues. The relations between the two countries were maintained and deepened when the military regime of the (PNDC) transformed itself into civilian regime under the umbrella of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) in 1992 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). One area that witnessed a significant improvement and deepened relations between the two countries from the outset was when Libya was suspcctcd by Western govcriu/.cr.ts of involvement in the Lockerbie bombing. Ghana played a significant role in attempting to resolve the diplomatic crisis between Libya and the Western world. Ghana initially sent the then Foreign Affairs Minister, Obed Yao Asamoah, to Libya in 1995 in order to obtain first hand information from the Libya side and subsequently reporting on this to the United Nations with a view to breaking the impasse between Libya and the West (Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 2004). In the latter period of the National Democratic Congress’s administration, Ghana took a step in attempting to solidify diplomatic relations between the two countries. Ghana participated in the 30th anniversary of the Al-Fateh Revolution, which also coincided with the Extraordinary Summit of the OAU hosted by Libya in Sirte in September 1999. In the year 2000 which also falls within the later part of NDC government rule, relations between the two countries soured as a result of Libyan security forces alleged harassment of Ghanaian citizens resident in Libya. Consequently, this situation made it necessary for the Libyan leader, Muammar al-Gadhafi, to organize a session for the Ghanaian residents to air the problems they encountered in Libya. In the process, the Ghanaians also expressed their support for the Libyan leader’s initiative for the creation of an African union and pan- 122 African parliament. He emphasized his determination to establish a new Ministry for African Affairs to address the concerns and the needs of the African community (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2004). Within the same year (2000), Gadhafi who was on his way by road to the OAU summit at Lome in Togo made a stopover in Ghana. He was decorated with an award of the Order of the Volta by the then President of Ghana, Jerry John Rawlings. While on his way to Togo through Kumasi to Accra, he and his entourage performed the Friday prayers at Suhum in the Eastern region of Ghana. He heeded to the request of the Muslim leadership there to help construct an ultramodern Islamic secondary school for girls. The school was commissioned in 2002 for the Muslim community in Suhum (Imoro, interview, 18th February, 2005). However, within the same year the Libyan leader’s intention of improving relations with his African friends and brothers suffered a big blow in the hand of the Libyan people who attacked black immigrants, especially West Africans. This resulted in the death of many, including some Ghanaians. The attack was in reaction to the Libyan’s disagreement with their leader’s proclamation of an ‘Africa without borders’ policy. Consequently, the then President of Ghana, Jerry Rawlings, flew to Libya in October 2000 to bring home 238 Ghanaians out of the estimated 5000. It must, however, be acknowledged that the airlifting of Ghanaians was financed by the Libyan government (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2004). Since the assumption of office by President John Agyekum Kuffour in 2000, the two countries have been doing their best to improve the deteriorating diplomatic relations between the two countries, with the Libyan sending a delegation led by Abdul Salem Al 123 Treiki, Secretary of the General People’s Committee for the African Union, to attend Kuffour’s inauguration. This was later followed by the delivery of a Mercedes Benz to the President as a sign of improving cordial relations between the two countries (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2004). Beneath the Libyan intention to extend diplomatic ties to Ghana was the need to introduce into the country Libyan political ideology and religious institutions based on Libyan orientation. For instance, the Ghana-Libya Permanent Joint Commission for Cooperation facilitated the establishment of a Libya Cultural Centre in Accra. Through this cultural ccuUc some of the Libyan political and religious ideologies managed to infiltrate into Ghana, especially those contained in The Green Book (otherwise known as the Third Universal Theory), which provide political direction to the Libyan people. Furthermore, the World Islamic Call Society, founded by the Libyan Revolution, also found its way into the country. 3.10.2 The Role of Ghanaian Muslims in Ghana-Libya Relations Ghana-Libya relations were entrenched in the Muslim communities with the granting of scholarships to Ghanaian Muslims to study in Libya. The tendency of granting scholarships to Ghanaian Muslims has been interpreted by the Libyans as assistance to Ghanaian Muslims aimed at shaping the nature of Islam in Ghana. The first Muslim scholar trained in Libya was Muhammad Muniru, now resident in the Kadjebi in the Volta region of Ghana. His role in promoting Ghana-Libya relations was not visibly seen nor heard in the Ghanaian Muslim communities. However, his graduation from Libya and his subsequent settling in Ghana might have introduced Libyan religious dynamics in the Islamic and Muslim Da'wa terrain in Ghana. This Islamic dynamic is related to the type of Islamic orientation with its socialist dimension that he acquired in 124 Libya. The subsequent recruitment to Libya of Ghanaian Muslims for Islamic studies then set in place a Libyan Islamic ‘constituency’ in the Muslim communities of Ghana. This constituency eventually mediated between Ghanaian Muslims and Libya in the political, social and economic arenas One Muslim personality who promoted Ghana-Libya relations was Abdullah Alhassan, a former Member of Parliament of the Popular Front Party (PFP) for the Gushegu constituency in Ghana’s Northern region. The first role that he played to promote relations between Ghanaian Muslims and Libya was as a mediator between Libyan-trained Ulama and the Government of Ghana. This was when the Ghanaians refused to send the national football team to Libya for the Africa Cup of Nations in 1982. Alhassan heeded the plea of the Libyan-trained Ulama to intervene in the matter by organizing a press conference to appeal to the Government to send the national team to participate in the tournament. The second political role that Abdullah Alhassan played in fostering relations between Ghana and Libya was his willingness to accept an invitation from the Libyan Government to lead the activities contained in The Green Book in Ghana. The Libyan authorities might have been motivated by the courage that Abdullah Alhassan exhibited in appealing to Ghana to allow the national team to participate in the Africa Cup of Nations. They might have therefore thought that an astute politician of such bravery and courage as well as being a Muslim might be the right person to promote their interest in Ghana. The role of Abdullah Alhassan in the promotion of the activities of The Green Book shows how a Muslim politician in Ghana attaches importance to the interests of Muslims in other countries. This tendency on his part portrays the extent to which he promoted the relations between Ghanaian Muslims and the Libyan authorities. 125 The Libyan Arab Cultural Centre is the key government agency in Accra which fosters political relations between Ghanaian Muslims and Libya. The centre was originally established to promote cultural relations between Libya and Ghana. However, it extended most of its activities to the Muslim communities of Ghana. The Centre’s activities included organizing symposia, seminars and Islamic activities for the Muslim communities of Ghana, including women and children’s forums on issues pertaining to Muslim leadership in Ghana. In recent times the Centre has also promoted closer relations through free special classes in Arabic, computer studies and vocational training. Majority of the bcncficinries of these programmes are Muslim students and youth. The beneficiaries of these projects at the Libya Arab Cultural Centre tend to be the ‘focus for building relations between Ghanaian Muslims and Libya. 3.103 Conclusion The purpose of this chapter is to show that various reasons propelled Ghana to establish diplomatic relations with the selected Muslim countries. These reasons include Pan-African unity, and non-alignment policies which necessitated Ghana’s relations with Egypt, Libya, and Iran. A common revolutionary philosophy, as experienced and shared by Libya in 1969 as well as Ghana in 1981 and Iran in 1979, contributed immensely to reinforcing their diplomatic relations. The high regard accorded to Saudi Arabia in the Muslim world for being the birthplace of the Prophet of Islam and the location of the Ka'bah and the mosque of the Prophet, as well as its abundant supply of oil, compelled many countries to share diplomatic relations with her, Ghana being no exception here. It has been noted that the role of Ghanaian Muslims in promoting relations with Muslim countries vary from country to country and can also be applied to individual Muslims, NGOs and the affiliate offices of diplomatic missions. 126 From the previous discussion, it can be seen that the role of these transnational Muslim political and religious institutions in the political and socio-economic development of Ghanaian Muslims and of Islam in Ghana have not yet been explored. The next chapter will attempt to explore that further by focusing on the North African factor on Muslim development in Ghana. 127 CHAPTER FOUR NORTH AFRICAN TRANSNATIONAL MUSLIM BODIES (TMBs) AND MUSLIMS IN GHANA 4.0 INTRODUCTION This chapter explores the nature of development projects facilitated by the Muslim diplomatic missions (embassies) in Ghana and their affiliate organizations for Ghanaian Muslims from the time of the establishment of such missions till 2006. The primary focus of the chapter is the North African influence on Ghanaian Muslims. It considers the influu.ce of Egypt and Libya as a case of North Africa in the development of Ghanaian Muslims. Ghanaian Muslims’ transnational contacts with the Muslim world in the post-independence period have been progressive and systematic, and differ from the pre-colonial and colonial periods. As observed in the previous chapter, the Muslims in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast transnational relations with the Muslim world during the pre-colonial and colonial periods was limited mainly to the Sub-region of West Africa, except their interaction with the Lebanese. The post-independence encounter of the Muslims in Ghana with the Muslim world took a different dimension as direct links were established with the North Africa. The initial encounter of Muslims in Ghana with the North African countries was as a response to Kwame Nkrumah’s (post-independence leader of Ghana) diplomatic ambition and strategy' for relationship with the Arab and Muslim countries. In the perspective of Nkrumah, North Africa has been the catalyst and the gateway to the larger Muslim world. Nkrumah's decolonization and Pan-African unity agenda were two of his policies which endeared North African leaders to him. While he was making considerable impact on these countries through his political policies, conversely these countries were to make impact on the Ghanaians in the cultural and religious spheres. These were achieved through the various 128 development interventions that they offered to Ghanaians which were tied to the varied expressions of Islam pertaining to those countries or tied to certain religious vision of some specific political regimes. This was so because upon Ghana’s establishment of her diplomatic relations with these countries; they did not limit their role at the governmental level with Ghana but played unique role in die socio-economic development of Ghanaians. It was in the main through these developmental aids that Ghanaian Muslims became religiously imbued with the respective ideological disposition of each country. We will locus on the role of Egypt and Libya in education, health, Islamic centre; (mosques), agriculture, doctrinal/ideological orientation, and if any women’s empowerment. Aspects of the diplomatic missions’ contributions to the development of Islam and Muslims in Ghana were through non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and quasi-state institutions. As these institutions naturally had strong affiliations to their countries and promote the same religious and ideological agenda of their governments, the contributions of the NGOs and the quasi institutions will also be discussed if any. As elsewhere in other African countries, the origin of Muslim humanitarian activities via NGOs in Ghana is a post-independence phenomenon. Holger Weiss rather links these Muslim humanitarian activities to Muslim students who had gone to study in the North Africa and the Middle East made contacts with philanthropists and Islamic NGOs (Weiss 2004:3). This analysis ignores the role of state centric institutions in promoting these humanitarian concepts in other parts of the world, which were tied to their Islamic agenda. Studies have shown that the major objectives underlining the activities of Islamic NGOs rest on three principles which are humanitarian relief (Ighatha), Islamic call (Da 'wa) and armed support of Islamic cause (Jihad) (Kaag 2007:85). Most studies on Islamic humanitarian 129 activities, however, tend to ignore the role of Muslim diplomatic missions and their affiliate institutions in stimulating such discourse. As indicated above, this section intends to identify the role of Muslim diplomatic missions in their quest towards addressing socio­ economic needs of Ghanaian Muslims by using the Egyptian and the Libyan Embassies as the case study of North African factor on Islamic influence in Ghana. The case for Egypt in particular is interesting as it was the major conduit through which Nkrumah dealt with the larger Arab and Muslim countries. Significantly, it also hosts the oldest Islamic university in die world. Libyan influence on ihe Ghanaian socio-political milieu is very unique as if was largely linked to the al-Gadhafi’s 1969 Al-Fateh Revolution which gave birth to the Third Universal Theory (TUT) otherwise called the Green Book. 4.1 THE ROLE OF THE EGYPTIAN GOVERNMENT TOWARDS THE DEVELOPMENT OF GHANAIAN MUSLIMS Generally Egypt is not well endowed with resources (as compared to other countries within the parameters of the study) to offer much for Muslims in Ghana. This has curtailed Ghanaians or Ghanaian Muslims trained in Egypt to create non-governmental organizations (NGOs) with a view to attracting developmental projects to Ghana as a result of shortage of NGOs opportunities in Egypt. This is not to say, however, that there were no areas in which Egypt was able to contribute to Ghana’s development. Egypt developmental contribution to Ghanaian Muslims could be categorized into education and support with Islamic missionaries, and health. However, there is little to talk about Egyptian ideological or theological penetration in Ghana. 4.1.1 Education Much of the Egyptian contributions were in the provision of human resources in various spheres. The Egyptian embassy was the first Muslim mission to pioneer assistance to 130 jhana’s Government, with many teachers being seconded to various institutions of learning n Ghana, especially in the area of the sciences, the Arabic language, and Islamic studies, rhe majority of these experts constitute part of Ghana-Egypt Technical Cooperation. Ahmed El-Thakabi is one of such resource persons seconded by Egyptian government to Ghana. He is currently lecturing at the Department of Modem Languages, Arabic Unit, at the University of Ghana, Legon. Many of the Egyptian experts in Ghana are into education. Some of them have been posted to the branches of institutes of languages in the Greater Accra, the Ashanti, nnd the Northern regions as Arabic instructors, while others ‘: 3 nr; at post at Mfantsipim Senior Secondary School in the Central region as mathematics and physics tutors (El-Thakaby, interview, 20th March 2006). There are others who are on secondment as Arabic and Islamic instructors to some of the Islamic schools such as Anbariyya Islamic School and Nuriyya Islamic School, both at Tamale and the Muhammad Abyad Islamic School at Bole all in the Northern region. Some of the Islamic and Arabic instructors are at the Islamic Secondary School at Wa in the Upper West region and Umar bn Khatab Islamic School at Koforidua in the Eastern region (Jajah, interview, 25th May 2006). The overall objective of sending Arabic and Islamic missionaries to Ghana and for that matter other countries is to preserve Arab-Islamic culture and further re-strengthen her foreign policy agenda (Chanfi 2001:374). The requests for these experts are forwarded to the Al-Azhar Islamic Council which then decides who to send to Ghana. However, the salaries and other emoluments for the Arabic tutors and missionaries are borne by the Egyptian government, while the beneficiary institutions are responsible for their accommodation (Baba, interview, 25,h May 2006). 131 However it has been discovered that, Ghanaian Muslims do not show much interest to request Islamic missionaries from Egypt. This might be partly due to their unsuitability in respect of the Ghanaian Muslim’s religious background, as their understanding of the cultural background of Muslims in Ghana and the dynamics of the larger Ghanaian society partly account for this. Lastly, the language barrier has been another factor in explaining Ghanaian Muslims lack of interest in these Egyptian missionaries. This is because when the foreign Muslim missionaries mounted religious platforms they require interpreters to enable the audience to understand then messages (Baba, interview, 25,h May 2006). An aspect of Egyptian contributions to Ghana’s education is the granting of scholarship to Ghanaian Muslim students to study in Egypt. These scholarships are in the disciplines of Islamic Studies, translation, medical technology, and medicines. However, it must be admitted that the Islamic Studies represents about 80% of the total number of scholarships that Egyptian government offer to Ghanaian Muslims (Baba, interview, 25th May 2006). The Egyptian Government also assists Ghana’s Government through the University of Ghana with five (5) scholarships. This allows the students to stay in Egypt for one academic year’s studies in Arabic at Al-Azhar or Ain Shamsh Universities. The major Egyptian institution which assists Ghanaian Muslim students with scholarship is the Al-Azhar Educational Scholarship Scheme. According to Baba Ahmed Yakub, the Coordinator of the Scheme, the scholarship scheme was established in 1959 as part of the Ghana-Egypt Technical Cooperation Agreement. Though by 1977, there were only two (2) Ghanaian Muslims at Al-Azhar pursuing education, their specific disciplines were not known (Chanfi 2001:372). Currently, the Government of Egypt awards at least 15 scholarships annually to Ghanaian students for studies in Egypt in various disciplines. Baba 132 also indicated that, the total number of Ghanaian students pursuing courses in Egypt as at 2006 is 124 (Baba, interview, 25°' May 2006). 4.12 Health In respect of health, the Egyptian Government assists Ghana’s Government with medical staff with specialist backgrounds. This is to augment the Government’s policy to discharge its responsibility on health delivery. For instance, one Egyptian dentist has posted to the Koile-Bu Teaching Hospital, a pediatrician to Saint Marie Louis Children Hospital all in the Greater Accra region (El-Thakaby, interview, 20th March 2006). In addition, there are three (3) surgeons sent by the government of Egypt who are working at the Tamale Teaching Hospital in the Northern region. The Islamic Guidance Society Clinic (Jam iyatul Hidaya Islamiyya) at Wa in the Upper West region is also benefiting from the Egyptian Government’s medical assistance. Moreover, there is the Egyptian Medical Corps at the Sunyani regional Hospital in the Brong Ahafo region (El-Thakaby, interview, 20* March 2006) Lastly, the outcome of the research also shows that some of the students who were trained in medicine in Egypt have established their own medical centres in the country. This is with a view to augment in the Government’s role in health service delivery in the country. One of these medical centres is known as the Al-Azhar Clinic at Wa in the Upper West region, reminiscent of the graduates’ alma malar (Baba, interview). Another one is located at Nima in the Greater Accra region, and the other one at Aboabo in the Ashanti region (Baba, interview). 133 4.1.3 Ideological Contribution Egypt has an open society to all forms of Islamic ideologies, even though it is predominantly a Sunni country. Consequently, the flourishing of radical religious groups such as, the Islamic Brotherhood (Ikhwan Muslimeen) and Al-Jihad Islamic Organization was the natural outcome of openness of the Egyptian society. More importantly, the curricula in the Egyptian higher educational institutions do not restrict the interpretation of Islam to one Islamic school of thought. In otW words, students within the higher institutions of learning are given options to choose the kind of school of thought they wish to pursue for their education (Baba, interview, 18lh February, 2005). Interestingly, students from Ghana always prefer to be tutored along the Maliki School of Thought. This is as a result of the Maliki School of jurisprudence being the dominant Islamic expression of Muslims in West Africa, including Ghana. The acquisition of academic qualifications by the students along the Maliki School of jurisprudence made them suitable for the Ghanaian Muslims’ religious background. Consequently, the open nature of the Egyptian society and the opportunity for diversity in Islamic expression, coupled with the permissibility of tutoring students on specific doctrinal line they desired, makes Egypt a Muslim country with no stronghold on specific Islamic theological disposition. It shows the extent of flexibility of Egyptian institutions on Islamic education in respect of theological issues. This situation thus underscores the fact that the contribution of Egyptian graduates in Ghana to any unique sectarian Islamic expression in Ghana is not quite exceptional. This is because; most often, they arc associated with the Tijaniyya Sufi order. For instance, some leading graduates of Al-Azhar University in Ghana like Said Sinare, Abdulai Maikano, Jamal Baba and Abdul Razaq Tahir form the vanguard 134 of the Tijaniyya movement in the country. Perhaps, Ghanaian scholars have been exposed to the folk Islamic norms of Sufi orders practice in Egypt pertaining to Maulid celebration, group Dhikr and the visitation of shrines of the saints (Schielke, 2006:236). We now turn to the second North African country which wields influence on Muslims in Ghana as a result of the post independence history of Ghana. The Popular Socialist Arab Libyan Jamahiriyya presents us with this scenario of their contributions towards the development of Muslims and ideological penetration in Ghana. 4.2 THE ROLE OF LIBYAN GOVERNMENT IN DEVELOPMENT OF MUSLIMS IN GHANA The major organizations of the Libyan Mission in Ghana which contribute to the Ghanaian Muslims and Ghanaians in general are the Libyan Arab Cultural Centre and the World Islamic Call Society. This was as a result of the outcome of bilateral and cultural agreements between the two countries. The Libyan Arab Cultural Centre was established in 1993 to serve as a cultural bridge between Libya and Ghanaians and Muslims (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2004). On the other hand, the World Islamic Call Society was also established by the Libyan Government to serve as the hub for the dissemination of Libyan brand of Islam in the world. The society also provides emergency relief aid to other countries in times of needs. It also helps in the management of mosques built by the Government of Libya (Joffe’ 1988:49) 4.2.1 Education The Libyan Cultural Consulate established a computer studies centre to provide employable skills to Ghanaians in general and Ghanaian Muslims in particular. According to the Secretary of the Libya Cultural Centre, Zakaria Mohammed, the students are trained up to 135 hardware programs. Opportunities are granted to the employees of government departments and institutions for free tuition on computer literacy training. About 1500 of such government employees have benefited from computer training. In addition, the centre organizes free Arabic studies for Ghanaians and Ghanaian Muslims. The rationale behind the Arabic studies programme is to open up employment opportunities for Ghanaians wishing to work in diplomatic missions as bilingual secretaries, interpreters, and translators. Oihcr Muslims also attend the classes to cnhancc their ability to read the Holy Qur‘an (Zakaria, interview, 2nd November 2004). Graduates from the Arabic studies at the centre are awarded certificates. The centre also operates a free library facility for Ghanaians and Ghanaian Muslim students (Zakaria, interview, 2nd November 2004). Another important organization of the Libyan Embassy which provides various services to the Muslim community is the World Islamic Call Society, established in Libya in 1972 and extended its activities to Ghana in 1989. The head of the World Islamic Call Society is Yunus Abdul Nabi; who indicated that his organization has concentrated its activities in the areas of education, health, and agriculture (Abdul Nabi, interview, 17°' March 2005). The organization has put up many educational infrastructures for Ghanaian Muslims in almost every part of the country. Some of these include a senior secondary school for the Muslim community at Asem Kumasi in 2003 and a primary school with a mosque attached to it at Takoradi in the Eastern region. This offers education for Muslim children who aspire higher with a view to succeeding through education. Another primary school with a mosque attached to it was built by the Libyan government through the World Call Society at Wale Wale, a thousand kilometer from Tamale in the Northern region (Kamal, interview, 17th 136 March 2005). The organization has also assisted in the building of a secondary school at Wa in the Upper West region. Again, some of the schools were also assisted with funds to expand their infrastructure and to purchase furniture like Darul-Hijra Islamic School at Mamobi in Accra. In 1989, the Libyan government through the World Islamic Call Society donated a double-decker Nissan pick-up to the headquarters of the Islamic Education Unit at Tamale in the Northern region. Subsequcat assistance to the Islamic Education Unit by the T.iby?i Government I090 ind 1990 was in the form of the cost for running the Unit. The organization also donated to the Islamic Education Unit of the Ghana Education Service textbooks which the Unit has recommended for use in all Islamic schools under its jurisdiction. Again in 1988, the World Islamic Call Society supported the completion of the Ansar- al-Islam school at Kumasi in the Ashanti region. Muslim students who were unable to pay their fees while undertaking their studies at Islamabad in Pakistan were assisted by the Libyan authorities (Islamic Call Society 2002:386). Among some of the Libyan Government’s contribution to education in 1988 included financial assistance to the Islamic School for Culture and Education, the Ansar-al- Islam Scientific Institute, and the Nasr Islamic School even though the specific location of these schools were not indicated. Moreover, the Islamic Call Society constructed an ultramodern office complex in 1999, situated at East Legon in Accra, and with educational and vocational training centres attached to it to train the Muslim youth in various fields. The office complex has four departments, comprising computer studies, Arabic and Qur'an studies, vocational studies and a clinic. Kamal intimated that so far not less than 150 students have been trained by the organization since 2006 (Kamal, interview, 17,h March 2005). The Suhum Girls Higher 137 School which was funded by Muammar al-Gadhafi, the Libyan leader during his trip to Ghana in 2000, is being assisted by the Islamic Call Society in various ways, including the donation of computers. The Islamic Call Society has also been sponsoring some of the Islamic scholars’ monthly allowances, especially the Libyan-trained Ulama who are in the field of propagation and teaching (Kamal, interview, 17lh March 2005). Aspects of the Islamic Call Society’s contributions to Ghanaian Muslims pertain to assisting the Muslim students who are pursuing higher education within the tertiary institutions in Ghana, though, the specific numbers of the students February 2004). Muhammad Kamil, the regional Imam of the group in the Ashanti region, also provided another dimension to the origin of Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah. He indicated that originally all the Wahhabi trained Ulama in Ghana were under one umbrella organization, namely the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs and Research. He argues that at one time some of them ielt that die leadership of the Supreme Council was not doing enough to projcct the unique identity of the Ahlus-Sunnah group in Ghana. Among some of these personalities were the late Taufiq Bakr of the Ashanti region, Anas of Brong Ahafo region, Kamil in the Ashanti region, and Bashir Yendu of Accra (Kamil, interview,). As a result, some of them embarked upon coordinated and aggressive Da 'wa within their respective regions with a view to enlightening their followers on the uniqueness of the movement as against the perceived adulterated and superstitious nature of the Tijaniyya sect in Ghana. He emphasized that this strategy resulted in divisions within the ranks of the Supreme Council of which they were all members. He admitted that it was as a result of their Da 'wa strategies that the doctrinal conflicts emerged in the Brong Ahafo and Ashanti regions between their followers and the Tijaniyya sect, especially the radical elements among them. This situation required the leadership of the Supreme Council to summarily dismiss some of them who held executive positions within the organization. The leadership of the Supreme Council also dissociated itself from the conflicts (Kamil, interview, 14* January 2007). According to Kamil, the outcome of the conflict was very regrettable and catastrophic because it resulted in the loss of lives, properties and the imprisonment of some, because of the role that they played. 227 However, this situation did not deter or discourage them from their Da ‘wa propagation. Rather, they intensified this by moving from one region to the other. Their Da ‘wa outreach programmes spread from the Brong Ahafo, Ashanti and Western regions until they finally converged at the Greater Accra region. He confirmed that the nature of their outreach programs further escalated the doctrinal differences and eventually the conflicts between the Tijaniyya and Ahlus-Sunnah group of which he was a member. It was during that period that they realized the helpless situation that they were in, in terms of lack of a centralized, effective, recognized leadership. This was because in most of the arbitration and litigation they tended to be at the receiving end. This is not withstanding the fact that the National Chief Imam, as the father of all Muslims in Ghana, is also a Tijaniyya by doctrinal orientation whose evidence tends to override any evidence that the Ahlus-Sunnah followers will give. This was partly due to the fact that the government at that time acknowledges the National Chief Imam as the sole leader of Muslims in Ghana, and partly as a result of a lack of effective and recognized sectarian Ahlus-Sunnah leadership (Kamil, interview, M* January 2007). Consequently, they immediately resolved to establish structures throughout the entire country. This background therefore explained the actual differences between the Ahlus- Sunnah Wal-Jama’a, which represents a puritanical and less accommodative movement, as against the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs and Research, which represents a moderate group among the Wahhabi divisions in Ghana. This historical background on the origin of Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah therefore marked the differences in the nature and approaches between the ASWAJ and the Supreme Council. 228 Two issues are therefore discemable and worth stressing as to the nature of the Wahhabiyya Movement in Ghana. It would be realized that: 1 The Wahhabiyya group lacks a coherent and united leadership front in Ghana. This could be observed in the diametric leadership structures of the movement as in the nature of ASWAJ, the SCICR and the Anbariyya group. The Anbariyya group is being led by the disciples of the late Yussif Ajura in the Northern region (known as the Sakasaka Road Wahhabiyya or the Anbariyya Wahhabiyya).2 This was as a result of their marginalization in the national leadership structure of the ASWAJ. 2. Philosophically and ideologically, however, they all uphold their Wahhabi Islamic identity and propagate the same brand of Wahhabism in Ghana. Among some of the factors which consolidated the strong foundation for the early Wahhabi leadership in Ghana and for that matter Accra in particular were: 1. The early pilgrims who have been exposed to Umar Ibrahim in Saudi Arabia while he was studying. They became his first supporters in Ghana before his arrival. This was due to the fact that these early pilgrims were convinced that Arabian Islam is the original and standard Islam. 2. The support base created by some of the youth in Nima and his mentor, Hamza Abdul Salam, was another factor. This was because of the great popularity he used to enjoy among the youth and the extent of popularity of his mentor in the community. J'yrphic' .^ue3<^ay 26 June, 2007: 23. This publication captured news about the election ofSaeed u akar Zakana as the spiritual leader of the Al-Sunni Muslims in the country. This indicates that they are not parto the larger neither ASWAJ nor SCICR leaderships' respectively in Ghana and exist independently. 229 3 Because Umar emerged as the most learned person in the Islamic sciences at that time in Accra, this also gave him the upper hand in the community (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). 6.6 BIOGRAPHY OF THE FOUNDER OF AHLUS-SUNNAH WAL-JAMA’A IN GHANA The brain behind the formation of Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama’ah and Wahhabism in Ghana was Umar Ibrahim Imam, the current Imam of the organization. He happened to be first Ghanaian to have been enrolled at and graduated from the Islamic University in Medina, Saudi Arabia. He was bom in 1932 at Ankuma in the Eastern region of Ghana to a farmer, Ibrahim Abdullah, a native of Basila from the Republic of Benin (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). He received his first Islamic education at his father’s feet. The father later handed him over to Bunyaminu Alhassan to be educated. He settled at Koforidua and then at Nima in 1945 with his Mallam. The Mallam, a professional tailor trained Umar as a tailor. He married in 1957 (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). When his Mallam passed away in 1956 he decided to continue his academic pursuits beyond Ghana’s borders. He made his first trip to Sudan in 1958, with a view to studying at Al-Azhar University in Egypt, which did not materialize. In the Sudan he joined the pilgrims traveling to Saudi Arabia in 1959 with the intention of performing the annual Hajj and seeking educational opportunities. Fortunately, after the performance of the Hajj in that year, he sat at the feet of an array of Wahhabi scholars in the Grand Holy Mosque in Makkah. He later continued his secondary Islamic education at Darul-Hadith in Mecca until 1962 when the Islamic University of Medina was established (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). He became a pioneer student of the University and was the first Ghanaian to enroll in Saudi University (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). He indicated in 230 respect of his education in Saudi Arabia that the major books of Ibn Abdul Wahhab, the founder of Wahhabiyya, such as Kitab al-Tauhid, Kashful-Shub’hat, as well as the Hanbali literature of Islamic jurisprudence were extensively used in their studies (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). He returned in 1964, home for summer holidays, where according to him, he discovered the deteriorating moral and spiritual laxity of Ghanaian Muslims. This reaffirmed his resolve to correct this distorted understanding of Islam. For instance, according to him, people used not to pray and fast in certain communities in Accra on the grounds that they have reached the highest point of Tijaniyya Tarbiyya. These categories of Muslims claim that Allah has taken away the burden of prayers in their life. Some even claim that they can see Allah with their naked eyes. This situation necessitated the emergence of Abubakar Abdullah Maula, popularly known as Mallam Maibolala (the Mallam who whips or canes in the Hausa language) with his strict enforcement of Islamic principles by insisting that women should be strictly veiled (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). The prevailing religious condition of the Ghanaian Muslims at that time also brought about the late Yussif Ajura’s active Da ‘wa propagation to the southern part of Ghana, especially Accra, in 1964. He then teamed up with Hamza Abdul Salam, the mentor of Umar Ibrahim, and Umar himself who was on a short vacation from Saudi Arabia to wage a crusade against the perceived prevailing religious condition of the Muslim Ummah. He intimated that it was normal to see Ghanaian Muslims involved in what he termed ‘superstitious beliefs’, like the belief in the powers of the dead, or what some people called saints, the use of talismans and amulets, and the veneration of saints, among others (Umar,interview, 20th February 2005). Umar might have been influenced by his new interpretation of Islam from his 231 Wahhabi tutors whose Islamic orientation was ultimately coloured by Muhammad b. Abdul Wahhab’s ideology of Islam. 6.7 THE DISTINCTIVE TEACHINGS OF AHLUS-SUNNAH (WAHABISM) IN GHANA The orientation of the Wahhabiyya movement in Ghana in terms of their beliefs and practices are not different from any other Wahhabiyya anywhere. Nevertheless, socio­ cultural factors and people indigenous practices vary, from community to another. Therefore, the tendency on the part of some people to get involved in some acts which amount to infidelity according to the Ahlus-Sunnah leader is high. For instance, consulting a soothsayer and believing in him/her will amount to a person forfeiting his faith. In addition, the use of talisman and amulets and drinking of Quranic erasures mixed concoctions are among the topmost issues preached against by the Ahlus-Sunnah in Ghana (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). The Ahlus-Sunnah could also be distinguished from other religious sects in the Muslim community in Ghana, through what they claim to be their standard points of reference: 1. They claim to be strict adherents to the teachings of the Prophet, and what the Prophet approves through the practice of the companions. Perhaps that is why they are referred to Ahlus-Sunnah, that is, those who follow the teachings and the practices of the Prophet. 2. The major books of reference used by the Ahlus-Sunnah are the Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet. In the estimation of the Ahlus-Sunnah, the reliability of any source cannot match that of the Quran and the Sunnah on matters of Islam and must be rejected outright (Umar, interview, 20th February 2005). 232 The Ahlus-Sunnah group in Ghana could also be distinguished from other Muslim sects by their mode of dress. For instance, a typical Ahlus-Sunnah likes putting on a long dress known as Jalbab for men and a pair of short trousers ending just after the ankle. They could also be distinguished from other Muslims with long beards, which they claim is in conformity with the Prophet’s way of life. In conclusion, the expression of the Islamic resurgence within the Wahhabi movements in Ghana varies. This Wahhabi expression of the Islamic resurgence could be discerned from the activities of the aforementioned organizations and educational institutions in Ghana. The outcome of the research within this section shows that the Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah organization facilitates the popular expression of the Wahhabi brand of Islamic resurgence in Ghana through mass and grassroot mobilization of members with its radical outlook and approach. On the other hand, the Supreme Council for Islamic Call and Research also facilitates the expression of the Wahhabi brand of Islamic resurgence through the individual efforts of their members and because it is moderate and receptive to the Tijaniyya sect. This diametric approach might represent different notions of Da ‘wa within the two organizations. It was also found that, despite the fact that the two organizations have different approaches to Da’wa, none of them abdicate their Wahhabi identity in Ghana. In short, Wahhabism is progressively and increasingly gaining root in the Muslim community in Ghana through the conversion of some Tijaniyya members to the new sect or ideology. Umar s embrace of the Ahlus-Sunnah or the Wahhabi orientation was a matter of coincidence, since it was not the Wahhabiyya teaching which ultimately endeared him to 233 seek an education in Saudi Arabia. It must, however, be added that the wave of Wahhabiyya Islamic resurgence was already on the way and was to affect Ghanaian Muslims through globalization with the establishment of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s diplomatic relations with Ghana and of the Arabian Gulf states in Ghana. In short, Wahhabism manifested itself in Ghana through two major means, one being individual Muslim’s efforts in seeking academic laurels, as in the case of Umar. Secondly, the establishment of Saudi Mission in Ghana propelled the extent of the Wahhabi Islamic resurgence through granting of scholarships and incentives to the adherents of the movement. As indicated earlier the Wahhabiyya Movement in Ghana is to some extent fragmented. The origin of Shi‘ism in Ghana in the context of the Islamic resurgence will be discussed in the next section of the study. 6.8 SHTISM AND THE GHANAIAN MUSLIMS 6.8.1 The Origin of Shi‘ism (Historical Overview) Shi‘ism is a religious doctrine and sect in Islam. Its origin could be traced back to the death of the Prophet. It is said that immediately after his death, a dispute broke out at the Saqiffa Assembly over the choice of his successor to the leadership of the Ummah. The dispute over the leadership was between the Madinan people (Ansar) on the one hand, the Makkans (Muhajiruri) on the other, and some cross section of the Sahabah or Companions of the Prophet camped at his residence mourning with Fatima, the only surviving daughter of the prophet, and her husband, Ali. On the face of it, this dispute was based on the issue of personalities yet it also created a deeper and more immediate factor for the emergence of doctrinal and political views, all with almost divergent positions (Jafri 1989:27). The result of this incident gave birth to 234 Shi'ism in the remote sense as a religious and political doctrine in Islam. Even though argument has been raised as to any serious study on Shi'ism must of necessity take into account the nature and the composition of the Muslim community which emerged in Madina. This community was neither homogenous in its cultural outlook and traditions nor in its politico-social institutions. This is because; the new community was the result of a unification of different people of divergent cultural backgrounds (Jafri 1989:27). However, this assumption does not eliminate the deep-rooted values and traditions of the people with regard to the position occupied by the Banu Hashim in the pre-Islamic Arabian Peninsula. Consequently, the inclination of some of the Companions to support Ali as the leader at Saqiffa was a natural consequence of the already existing situation among the Arabs. The immediate factor which gave rise to Shi'ism as an organized religious and political institution in Islam was the Battle of Siffin and the resulting arbitration between Ali, the fourth Caliph, and Mua'wiya, the Governor of Syria at that time, by a committee of eminent companions from both parties. Shi'ism was not the only doctrine that emerged at Siffin. The battle also gave birth to Kharijites, as a group of Muslims who stood on the fence between Shi'at Ah (Ah’s party) and Mua'wiya supporters, and declared the two parties as unbelievers. Originally, those who expressed special devotion and loyalty to Ali in the face of the Battle of Shiffin between Ali and Mua'wiya were known as Shi'at Ali, which simply means Ali's faction or party. However, in the course of time they changed their position from a political allegiance to a religious doctrine. They were therefore known in short as Shi ah. Gradually, over a period of three centuries, they formed a splinter group within the Muslim community with a separate religious creed and doctrines. For instance, the Zaidiyya are found mainly in 235 the Yemen, whereas Isma‘iliyya are found within East Africa and India. The Immamiyya, being the largest segment of Shi 'ah in the world, is mostly found in Iran, southern regions of Iraq and Lebanon, they are also scattered in the Gulf States, Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan (Waines 1995:157). The Imamiyya brand of Shi'ism is the prevailing Shi’i orientation in Ghana. Therefore, the major focus of this research will be the Imamiyya Shi ‘ah, which is the prevailing Shi’i orientation in Ghana. The next section of this research will focus on the Shi‘ah Imamiyya doctrine. 6.8.2 The Shi’i Doctrine (The Imamate Doctrine) It is important to note that the Shi ‘ah, as is the case with any other religious groups, have divisions and sub-sects with different doctrines and beliefs such as Ismailiyya, Zaidiyya, and Imamiyya. The first doctrine of the Shi ‘ah Imamiya is the concept of Imamate or religious leadership. It is the belief of the Imamiya that, Allah bestows the prerogative of the Muslim leadership upon a chosen person from the family of the Prophet, who before his death and with the guidance of Allah, transfers the Imamate to another by explicit designation or text (Nass) (Jafri 1989:156). By this doctrine, Imamate is exclusively the preserve of a particular family within the Muslim Ummah, which according to the Shi ‘ah is traceable from the Prophet to Ali (his son-in-law), from Ali to Hasan, from Hasan to Hussein up to Ja'far. That is the legacy of the chosen family. The Shi'ah are of the view that the number of the Imams is twelve, beginning from Ali b. Abi Talib, the fourth caliph (601-661 A.D) and ending with Muhammad b. Hasan (256-/870) who is known as Al-Mahdi (Rida 1999:32). Mahdi simply 236 means the guidance and the reformer. To the Shi'ah the son of Imam Hasan al-Askari was called the Mahdi, because he has disappeared and will reappear later to reform the world from injustice, corruption and oppression. Inherent in the doctrine of ‘special knowledge’ (Nass) is the scope of the applicability of the term Sacred House (Ahlul-Bayt). This was due to the fact that the larger family of the Banu Hashim was claiming ownership of the title, because they are all descendants of one great ancestor, whereas the Shi'ah argue that the title is exclusively restricted to the family of Ali and his wife Fatima and their children (Jafri 1989: 290). This is because, to the Shi'ah, the leadership of the Muslim Ummah would be meaningless unless it is traceable to the person of Ali. The second important doctrine of Shi‘ism is the doctrine of knowledge (Jim). This doctrine holds that the Imam is a divinely inspired possessor of a special sum of knowledge of the religion. This type of knowledge is transferable before his death to the next Imam. This in a way makes the Imam an exclusively authoritative source of religious knowledge. It is through him that the masses draw their guidance. This special type of knowledge includes both external (Zahir) and the esoteric (Batin) meanings of the Qur'an (Jafri 1989: 290). Another distinguishing doctrine of Shi‘ism is the concept of Taqiya, which has been translated to mean dissimulation that is a believer can conceal his true religious identity when faced with danger. This concept, according to the Shi ah, allows the believer to protect himself and his religion from the enemies in a situation where there is fear of being humiliated, killed, captured or abused. Also, the Shi 'ah pays much reverence to the shrines of the Imams. It is recommended that every Shi’i adherent should make at least a visit 237 (Ziyara) in his/her life time to the shrines of the Imams. The essence of the visitation is to show fidelity and loyalty to the Imams (Muzaffar Rida 1999:32). In the light of this history of the doctrine, it is appropriate to survey the background of Shi'ism in Ghana and the nature of its orientation. 6.9 SHI‘AH IN THE GHANAIAN MUSLIM COMMUNITY 6.9.1 The Expression of Shi‘ism through Shi’i Organisations in Ghana In Ghana, those who adhere to the teachings of Shi'ism are known as the Shi'ah. Their leader is Abdul Salam Abdul Hamid Bansi, the first Ghanaian to be educated in Iran as a Shi'ah. The expression of Shi'ism in Ghana could be discerned from the activities of organizations with strong attachment to Shi’i orientation or organizations founded by Ghanaian Muslims with that orientation. Shi’i expression and orientation take place in the Shi'ah Community Mosque, which is located at Mamobi in the Greater Accra region, where they observe and carry out their religious activities. Within this mosque, religious and seminary education takes place for the Muslim youth interested in studying Islam along the Shi ‘ah perspective. In addition, Fatima bintu Zahra Vocational Training Centre is located within this mosque. This centre provides vocational training and Islamic studies to Muslim women in Accra. Educational orientation along the Shi’i line is an integral part of the vocational training at the mosque. 6.9.2 The World Ahlui-Bayt Assembly The key Shi'ah organization in Ghana is the World Ahlul-Bayt Assembly located at Mamobi in Accra. This is the umbrella organization for Shi 'ah Ulama in Ghana. Through this organization Da ‘wa activities are carried out in the Muslim community. In addition, 238 monthly allowances to the Ulama are paid through this organization. It was established that the religious activities of this organization are barely visible in the Muslim community in flhana ft has, however, been realized that most of its activities are limited to the Shi'ah community of believers in Ghana. It was also observed that membership to this organization is mainly made up of comparatively people aged 28 to 37. The educational background of the majority of the members’ shows that they are graduates of Islamic senior secondary. This might have therefore affected their ability to embark upon aggressive Da ‘wa to other non-Shi‘ah Muslims as they lack experience. In all, the operations of this organisation arc limited to the welfare of its members. Nevertheless, it embarks on some Da ’wa activities in the community. Lastly, what might have partly discouraged members from aggressive Da’wa is the lack of an audience of the majority of Muslims to listen to their message as a result of the fact that the larger Muslim community has already been assimilated into the Tijaniyya and the Ahlus-Sunnah blocs. 6.93 The Imam Hussein Islamic Foundation The Imam Hussein Islamic Foundation is another organization of the Shi ‘ah community in Ghana. Abdul Salam Bansi established it in 1989. The aim of this organization is to distribute Islamic literature of Shi ‘ah orientation to interested Muslims in the community. It also provides other services in the area of students’ welfare, especially students’ allowances and scholarship within the community. In recent times, the Foundation has played a limited role in the Muslim community, partly as a result of the establishment of the Iranian Cultural Centre in Ghana which has taken over part of its role. For instance, programmes related to the distribution of Shi 'ah literature and the granting of scholarship to Muslim students is no longer the role of the Imam Hussein 239 Foundation. The Foundation, however, is still instrumental in organizing seminary education for Shi’i students in the Shi'ah Central Mosque at Mamobi. In short, the role of the Imam Hussein Foundation is not presently very noticeable in Ghana’s Muslim community except within the Shi’i circle and is further limited to Accra. 6.9.4 The Ghana Muslim Shi'ah Society The Ghana Muslim Shi 'ah Society was founded in 2003. This organization is distinct from other Shi 'all groups because it projects Shi'ism in the media by using the English language. Abubakar Ahmed Kamaldeen is a founding member. He indicated that the educational background of the founders of most Shi'ah organizations in Ghana is from Shi’i seminary and they lack a Western educational background. According to him this makes their contribution to the Muslim community not in tune with current times, since their participation is limited to the traditional Islamic approach to Da ‘wa in the vernacular. The Ghana Muslim Shi ‘ah Society’s members are the exception to this pattern, as they have a secular orientation. This, therefore, makes their participation in the Muslim community very relevant They rely on modem and sophisticated approaches to Da ‘wa. For instance, they make use of radio and television in their propagation. As they are graduates from tertiary institutions in Ghana they are able to use English as a medium of expression in their Da'wa. This enables them to attract a large audience consisting of Muslims and non- Muslims alike. The history of this organization suggests that it originated when some young Shi i wished to present a different kind of image of Shi‘ism in Ghana. This was necessary as the youth feel marginalized in the existing Shi’i leadership structure. Members of this new organization, for the moment, play a minimal role in the entire structure of the Shi’i movement in Ghana. 240 6 9.5 The League of Ahlui-Bayt Islamic Organisations The League of Ahlul-Bayt Islamic Organization is another organization within a section the Shi'ah. Its function is similar to that of the World Ahlul-Bayt Assembly. Abdul Hamid Abdul Salam Bansi is the leader of Shi'ism in Ghana. He was bom in 1956 at Tula in Burkina Faso. He received his primary education from his mother who was a learned person on Islam and later studied under his father, who was a religious leader at Tula (Bansi, interview, 13th February 2005). His quest for knowledge led him to travel at the age of 12 years in 1971 to Bawku in the Upper East region of Ghana. There he studied under Mohammed Amin, a physically challenged person. Bansi for at least two years served his Mallam (a religious teacher in Hausa) from morning to evening while he completed a thorough recitation of the Qur'an. He then left Amin to seek further Islamic knowledge. This search for knowledge made him travel to Nima in Accra in 1974. There he enrolled at the Ansaru-deen Islamic School at Accra New Town for his primary education. In 1977 he enrolled at the Institute of Islamic Studies, the foremost theological institute of the Wahhabiyya Movement in Accra for his advanced Islamic studies (Bansi, interview, 13th February 2005). His desire to secure a scholarship to pursue further Islamic studies in the Muslim World after completion from the Institute of Islamic Studies was delayed in 1983, due to a backlog of a considerable number of students who had already completed the studies at the institute. He was therefore engaged as a tutor and an assistant typist to Umar Ibrahim Imam, the present leader of the Wahhabi Movement in Ghana. After waiting for some time to secure a scholarship, which was not forthcoming, he decided to embark upon a trip to further his studies outside the country. He made his way through Togo to Benin to Nigeria and then to Niger. He taught for a while at Agades before making his way to Algeria and then to Libya in pursuit of further academic laurels. 241 In Libya his hopes of being enrolled at the World Islamic Call Society’s College were dashed as he could not produce his passport and other relevant documents that were required. He made his way to Egypt with the hope of being admitted to the Al-Azhar University, but to no avail (Bansi, interview, 13th February 2005). Finally, he traveled to Syria where, when he saw some Shi’i Ulama preaching publicly he developed an interest in their preaching. Previously he was made to understand through his training at the Wahhabiyya Institute at Nima in Accra, that the Shi 'ah has separate a Qur‘an and a different prophet. Nevertheless, after listening to what they had to say he changed his views about them. According to him, he realized that they were not different from other Muslims he had met in his life, other than the fact that they always emphasize the importance of the family and household of the Prophet (Bansi, interview, 13th February 2005). A Saudi philanthropist in Syria assisted him to study in Iran. He initially settled at Qum, a foremost Shi'ah religious learning centre. Interestingly, due to his earlier Wahhabiyya orientation he used to argue a great deal with the scholars during the course of his studies. In most cases he was referred to the major sources of Sunni books to disprove his own arguments. According to him, he stayed in Iran for five years until he thoroughly understood what Shi'ism is all about, without being coerced to convert to Shi’ism. He then decided to become a Shi 'ah on his own volition (Bansi, interview, 13,h February 2005). Quite apart from being thoroughly educated in Shi'ism, he also read a lot about philosophy, logic, jurisprudence, and grammar, that in a way broadened his perceptions of and relationship with other religious groups. He intimated that before his trip to Iran he used to regard other Muslims who are not Ahlus- Sunnah (Wahhabiyya) as not proper Muslims who must not be tolerated. Nevertheless, 242 following the education he acquired in Iran he realized that his notion about Islam was wrong. To Abdul Salam there are certain general principles of Islam that every true Muslims must practice, such as the performance of prayers, fasting, performance of Hajj, but beyond that there are minor areas of difference which to him do not make such people non-Muslims (Bansi, interview, 13th February 2005). He claims that upon his return to Ghana in 1988 he became a strange person within the community, because he was the only Ghanaian Muslim Shi 'ah at that time. In other words, his own family, virtually ex-communicated him, and the larger Muslim community rejected him. Nevertheless, this did not deter him from making his way and proclaiming Shi‘ism in the community. He established the first Shi 'ah Islamic non-governmental organization in the community known as the Imam Hussein Islamic Foundation at Nima, in Accra. Through this organization much Islamic literature of Shi’i orientation were distributed before he embarked upon open propagation. The proprietor or the landlord of the building in which the Foundation was established later on sacked him due to pressure put on him by some Wahhabiyya Ulama on the grounds that he was harbouring an infidel (Kafir), and anybody doing that is a sinner. Nevertheless, the timely intervention of Kamaldeen Ahmed, the present National Deputy Chief Imam of Ghana who is a Tijaniyya by background saved Bansi’s organization from collapse by offering his residence to be used as an office for it and the Shi'ah community (Bansi, interview, 13th February 2005). At present, the Shi'ah community is growing gradually to the extent that Shi’ites are spread in all parts of Ghana. 610 DISTINCTIVE TEACHINGS OF SHI'AH IN GHANA It must be emphasized that the Shi ‘ah community in Ghana is not necessary different from the Shi'ah in Iran, the homeland and place of origin of the Ghanaian Shi'ah, in terms of 243 their emphasis on what the leadership deems to be significant and important. It is also an acceptable fact that the Ghanaian Shi'ah might be operating from a different socio-cultural level as opposed to any Shi 'ah group in other countries. There are yet some specific areas that Ghanaian Shi ah might be emphasizing in their teachings. Some of the areas that Ghanaian Shi ah put emphasis on are: 1. The first difference found in the Shi 'ah community as against other groups in Ghana deals with the interpretation of the Quran and the traditions of the Prophet. This is because members sometimes question the authenticity of the interpretation of certain Quranic verses and the traditions of the Prophet. At some point they emphasize certain Qur‘anic verses and traditions and reject others they deem unnecessary or which fall below their standards. 2. They also emphasize the reverence of the household of the Prophet (Ahlul Bayht). Emanating from this is the fact that they perceive the household of the Prophet as the best role model for every Muslim. Prominent among the household of the Prophet are the 12 Imams, starting from Ali to Muhammad b. Bakr. 3. They also prefer placing their forehead on bare sand or on a special stone on the ground when praying in case the spot is cemented or decorated inappropriately. 4. They insist on interpreting the true meaning of the concept of predestination. To the Shi 'ah predestination does not necessary mean that Allah has predestined what will happen to everybody, but has to do with Allah’s giving every human the free choice to do whatever he/she desires without being impeded. Therefore everybody would be judged according to his choice of action (Bansi, interview, 13th February 2005). In conclusion, the Islamic resurgence of Shi'ism as backed by the Iranian Government did not make any considerable impact on the life of the Muslims in Ghana as it could be said 244 was the case with the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Tijaniyya sects in Ghana. This is attributable to their late coming to the Ghanaian Muslim religious terrain. This might also well be due to the nature of the membership of the Shi’i sect in Ghana which is mainly made up of young people. This shows that the members have not matured religiously, as compared to the Tijaniyya and Ahlus-Sunnah followers, to engage in any serious D"wa activities. The inactivity of the organization was as a result of the centralization of Shi’i religious and political activities within the Iranian Cultural Consulate in Ghana, where most religious and political activities are being conducted under the aegis of the Cultural Centre. It can also be seen that Abdul Salam Bansi’s embrace of the Shi’i was coincidental, as it was not Shi‘ism which ultimately endeared him to study in Iran as further study was his aim, not necessarily the adoption of Shi‘ism. This is evident from the fact that he made visits to Algeria, Libya, Egypt and finally to Syria where he was assisted by a Muslim philanthropist to study in Iran. 6.11 THE THIRD UNIVERSAL THEORY OF THE GREEN BOOK AND GHANAIAN MUSLIMS The Libyan leader Muammar al-Gadhafi who came to power in 1969 put forward the ideas contained in The Green Book, which was first published in 1975. The revolution which he led toppled King Idriss, a descendant of the founder of the Sanusiyya sect in Islam. It is known as the Al-Fateh September Revolution, which literally means the ‘opener’ or conqueror. To Al-Gadhafi, the revolution signified the opening or ushering in of a new era. By implication, it means the conquering of backwardness, ignorance, national impotence and poverty (Ayoub 1987: 17). The Al-Fateh Libyan Revolution emphasized religious freedom and the moral values as contained in the Quran, and a promise to defend and 245 uphold the religious values of the Libyan and Muslim Ummah as a whole ( Ayoub 1987: Al-Gadhafi’s political theory, the Third Universal Theory (TUT), is disseminated in The Green Book. This new socio-political theory of the Libyan Government was enunciated to give a new direction to the nation. The content of The Green Book is a revolutionary. This philosophy is known as the Third Universal Theory because it attempts to provide solutions to the world’s myriad socio-political and economic problems following the alleged failure of previous theories such as the Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’s Communist Manifesto and the envisaged failure of Capitalism. The book is divided into three important chapters, namely, political, economic, and social. It is necessary to highlight some essential principles of the Third Universal Theory in order to better understand its teachings. 6.11.1 Teachings of The Green Book The book identifies the instruments of government as being among the major problems confronting humankind. The book further contends that all political systems in the world today are products of the struggle for power between the different instruments of government. The struggle may be peaceful or armed as evidenced among classes, sects, tribes, parties or individuals. It therefore concludes that The Green Book presents the ultimate solution to the contemporary problems that humankind is facing (Gadhafi: 1980:5). The political perspective of the book is premised on the popular participation of the citizenry on matters affecting them as against the representation system. It therefore argues that ‘the party is the rule of a part over the whole’ (Gadhafi: 1980:5). Therefore, it contends 246 that the party system creates division in the society and as a means of creating opportunities for party cronies at the expense of the larger members of the society. It also argues against the parliamentary system of government regarding it as a ‘misrepresentation of the people’ (Gadhafi: 1980: 17). The book further calls for the direct participation of all citizens in political matters affecting them (Gadhafi: 1980:9). It emphatically stresses that ‘no representation in lieu of the people, that representation is a falsification of democracy and the party system aborts democracy’ (Gadhafi: 1980: 5). On the economy and the production system, it regards both the Marxist and the Capitalist models as being exploitative of workers. The book therefore proposes a new form of society in which the resources of the nation are shared equitably, with a view to ensuring justice and fairness in the society. This, it believes, will free humanity from all forms of bondage and servitude. The central argument of the book in respect of an economic system is that the TUT is a theory of liberation of needs in order to emancipate the masses. It contends that: those who produce, consume, are wage earners (however improved their wages may be) are all slaves of a kind with a view to improving the lot of impoverished workers it calls for the abolition of the wage-system and the reversion to principles of the natural. In addition, the book emphasizes that natural socialism is a product of natural rules. It insisted that the terms ‘workers’, ‘labourers’and ‘toilers’ in reference to those who carry out production at the workplace are deceptive and obsolete. They could however be replaced by the term ‘producers’, because workers, etc are undergoing qualitative and quantitative changes because of technological advancement. 247 It identifies the major problem inhibiting human liberation, which is lacking. That is people’s needs must not be controlled by others since this can eventually lead to enslavement, thereby creating opportunities for exploitation. It emphasizes that an income is an imperative need for man. It argues that this should not be in the form of wages or charity from any person. The book also addresses the issue of transportation. It argued that it should not be in the hand of private persons for renting to others or to be able to control the needs of others (Gadhafi: 1980: 15). Housing as an essential need of humans and problems associated with it has also been recognized. In line with its philosophy it advocates the provision of housing facilities for the citizenry. The book also deals with the problem of domestic servants, which it rejects and regards its perpetuation as a form of modem day slavery. The book heralds the emancipation of people from the fetters of injustice, despotism, exploitation and economic and political hegemony in order to establish a true society free from all forms of discrimination and exploitation. It therefore calls for the households to be serviced by their inhabitants in order to eliminate the need for domestic servants (Gadhafi: 1980: 17). The social basis of the TUT is intertwined with the national factor which constitutes "the dynamic force of human history’. The book further sees the relationship between heroes who have struggled and sacrificed for the sake of others and the relationship they maintained with those people who are ‘the others’. It therefore establishes relationships between social and national causes. The religious basis of the Third Universal Theory was explained in terms of the social factor. It argues that the religious factor is a rival to the social factor in influencing the unity 248 of one group. It may divide the national group or unite groups with different nationalism. It further acknowledges that the social factor would eventually triumph as has been the nature of humankind throughout the ages (Gadhafi: 1980: 18). The book identifies religion as an inevitable and natural factor in mankind’s endeavor in life and stresses that originally and historically each nation had a religion which was harmonious. The book posited a logical framework for humankind’s religious foundation and emphasizes that the sound rule was that each nation should have a religion. For it to be otherwise is abnormal. Such an abnormality creates an unsound situation, which becomes a real cause for disputes within one national group (Gadhafi: 1980: 18). It further sees the link between mankind’s religiosity and its conformity with the natural law which is an homogenous one, ’that is each nation has one religion1. It therefore concludes that, when the social factor is compatible with the religious factor, harmony prevails and the life of communities becomes stable and strong and develops soundly. The emphasis of the family in The Green Book distinguishes it from other political theories, since it acknowledges the family as the cradle, the origin of mankind, and the social umbrella. It calls for the proper protection of family lineage and values which it regarded as the basis of human society due to its ripple effect on the nation as a whole. Perhaps, the area that The Green Book excelled itself in its teaching is its concern for women and matters relating to them. It is the contention of the book that man and woman are both human beings with the same needs, desires, and behavioural tendencies. Therefore, discrimination against either one of them is flagrant act of oppression without any basis. It identifies “the natural role that women play in terms of motherhood in the society and thus 249 calls for the need for children to be raised by their mothers in a family, where the true principles of motherhood, fatherhood, and fraternity prevail ” (Gadhafi: 1980: 106). In the estimation of the book, raising children in a nursery is unnatural and affront to the natural practice of bringing up a child in the society. This in a way deprives the children of the true family and societal values that they deserve. It however makes exceptions in respect of the upbringing of orphans and destitute children. In this regard, the book calls for the societal leadership to give protection and guardianship to the underprivileged by establishing nurseries and related institutions. 6.11.2 The Shari’ah and The Green Book Principles The compatibility of the TUT with aspect of the Shari’ah principles cannot be underestimated. This is because in the general understanding of many scholars of the (TUT) most of the TUT principles are compatible and in harmony with the Shari’ah teachings. It must, however, be acknowledged that the book did not lay any claim as to the superiority of any one particular religion over another. It rather espouses general principles that could be found in almost every religion, Islam being no exception. For instance, the fact that it acknowledges the pivotal role of religion in eradicating vices and curbing the materialistic tendencies of mankind indicates the intention of the author of The Green Book to propose a different political concept with a blend of religion, with humanistic values underpinning it. This approach of the book therefore falls in line with the Shari’ah’s teachings and values, which call for social responsibility and fellow feeling, irrespective of religious affiliation or political, racial and geographical boundaries or on tribal or ethnic grounds. It was in the line with this that Abdullah Z. Abu Muammar argued 250 that the Libyan people’s revolution, which gave birth to the Third Universal Theory, had three distinct aims in mind (a) to bring about the basis of Qur'anic principles in the Libyan people s life, (b) to put into practice the Quranic teachings as enshrined in The Green Book aimed at bringing happiness to humankind both on this earth and in the hereafter, and lastly (c) to bring about equality among humankind (Abu Zaidan 1984: 9). Importantly, it has further been argued that the ethos of the Green Book was defined by commitment to Islamically based socialist program (Voll, 1994:287). The basis of the Third Universal Theory on Shari’ah principles could be categorized into political, economic, and social. 6.11.3 Political Basis of the TUT in the Shari’ah Politically, Mustafa A. Mahmoud argued that al-Gadhafi has always insisted that his Third Universal Theory is a common-sense interpretation of Islam (Ayoub: 1987:27). This is because the first part of The Green Book is an interpretation of one single verse of the Holy Quran ‘and their affairs are decided through consultation (Shura) among themselves. The concept of Shura has occupied a special place in every Islamic political discourse. Consequently, it was given a practical meaning in the nature and content of the Third Universal Theory through the Libyan Muslim life. Therefore, the concept was interpreted through its direct bearing on the citizenry’s participation in political issues affecting them. This direct participation is in contrast to the situation in a representative democracy. Therefore, according to the philosophic basis of the TUT, representation has never been an effective means of obtaining the best feedback from the people. 251 It must nevertheless be acknowledged that the concept of Shura provides a variety of interpretations within the Islamic political discourse. It could be the direct involvement of the citizenry in the deliberation of issues affecting them as is the case in Libya. On the other hand, in certain places such as Iran its interpretation could be seen in an indirect approach through delegated authority by the citizenry to their representatives and ‘the Mullahs’. Perhaps, al-Gadhafi has been motivated to propound his political theory of Shura by his religious conviction that man is the vicegerent of God on earth. This gives him/her an unquestioning privilege and access to approach his Maker without any intersession or intermediary. The corollary of this, therefore, is the argument that a citizen should be given a similar chance and opportunity to determine issues that have a direct bearing on his/her life on this earth. This is in line with the prophetic model and teachings in which the Prophet dealt with all without recourse to intermediaries. The putting into practice of the Shura concept manifested itself in the life of Libyan people through the direct participation of the citizenry in governance through people’s congresses and committees. This subsequently gives the leader the popular authority and the political will to champion the aspirations of the masses as reflected in their wishes and recommendations. 6.11.4 The Economic Basis of the TUT in the Shari’ah One aspect of the economic teachings of The Green Book that is relevant to the Shari'a is the employee-employer relationship. Perhaps the author of The Green Book was motivated by his religious conviction to advocate for an equitable and a fair system of remuneration and reward at the workplace. As a starting point, the concept of workers as wage earners 252 created the perception that workers are slaves in the workplace, which Islam unreservedly condemns. In addressing this shortfall at workplaces, al-Gadhafi insists that workers should be recognized as partners at workplaces, since their role is indispensable. This recognition of workers as partners is in conformity with the Shari’ah, which emphasizes an equality of every human being and expects fair treatment of everybody whether in the workplace or anywhere else. This philosophy emancipates workers who were under the bondage of their employers. It also helps in doing away with the emergence of classes in the workplaces with its concomitant negative effects on the larger society. This is in total conformity with the Shari’ah principle of natural justice and the equal treatment of all people. The distribution of workplace output was another principle of The Green Book’s which conforms to the Shari’ah. Here the author looks at the factors determining economic production, which he argues consists of the raw materials, the means of production, and the producer. The author therefore insisted that the natural rule of equality requires that each of these components receive a fair share of the output. This means that each group within the components of production must receives an equal share based on their input. The significant of this principle to the Shari’a is embedded on the fact that it eliminates any attempt of exploitation and cheating on the part of the employer and also results in higher productivity on the part of the workers since they are motivated to achieve their best for the higher return. This principle of the TUT could well be explained under the Islamic Shari'ah concept of partnership between capital and labour. It is argued that the Shari’a lays down the condition that in such a partnership, which is called al-mudariba or al-qirad, two or three parties are entitled to sharethe profits and loss, if any (Qaradawi 1994: 273). With this economic basis 253 of the Third Universal Theory in mind, the Shari’ah principles have been well conceptualized in The Green Book. 6.11.5 The Social Basis of the TUT in the Shari’ah The social basis of the TUT identifies the family, the tribe, the nation, women, minorities, black people and education as its major components. It lays emphasis on upholding and defending their interests in the society. Largely, these teachings have their basis in the Shari’ah rules. For instance, the book’s position on family holds that the flourishing society is one in which the individual grows naturally within the family and the family grows correspondingly in the society. The book therefore advocates the family as the central focus in the upbringing of children in order to give the society the best in human development. This principle has its basis in the Shari’ah, which calls for responsibility within the family. The responsibility for the proper upbringing of the family according to the Shari’ah rests with the head of the family, the father. Islam argues that the nature of the family’s upbringing would determine the extent of success of the entire family. It was with regard to this that the Prophet for ever said that, everybody is accountable for his stewardship and the head of the family is a shepherd and shall account for his stewardship. Islam therefore tied the success of the family in the mundane world to success in the hereafter. Again, the philosophic basis of the tribe in the TUT which is relevant to the Shari’ah principle is reflected on the need to maximize human values such as unity, intimacy, and love. The bases of these values in the Shari’ah have to do with the fact that they bind the social structure of the human race and give true meaning to being a human, which Islam advocates. Even though Islam discourages Muslims to abandon their tribal and family ties as a result of differences in religious affiliations, it also condemns ethnocentric and 254 tribalistic tendencies. This is evident in Allah’s proclamation that He has created mankind in tribes and nations as a mark of distinction among humankind. The TUT understands the nation as a social structure whose bond is nationalism. The basis of this argument stems from the fact that the unity of the nation is strengthened by patriotism. This view is not far from the Islamic position as to the ingredient of building a nation which derives its strength on the extent of unity among the citizens within a particular state. It was on the basis of this that the Prophet declared that ‘the love of a nation is a constituent of a believer’s faith in Islam. It is therefore expected that a believer demonstrates the extent of his commitment to his nation through nationalism and patriotism, which promotes social and political unity. The Shari’ah also expects that a citizen upholds the values which underpins the nation’s advancement as also expounded by the TUT. The philosophic basis of the TUT on women is manifold since it identifies the unique identity of women. For instance, it begins by positing a logical argument on the necessity for women in society. It argues that the rationale behind the creation of two opposite sexes in the society is underscored by the uniquely different roles that each sex plays.. It therefore argues that the role of women in society is indispensable and irreplaceable. In other words, the book stresses the unique role of women in the society, one which men cannot play. These roles pertain to the biological and maternal uniqueness of women. This makes women the basis and the foundation of human society. It therefore emphasizes that, the woman as a mother is one of her greatest roles in the society. This view has as its basis the Shan ah where the Prophet is reported to have said that the gate of heaven or paradise is under the feet of mothers and people must seek the entrance of paradise through their mothers. Consequently, the Prophet identified serving the parents as one of the greatest 255 forms of Jihad. This is partly because of the importance of the parental role in the rearing of a child. The book’s social perspective on the rearing of children and their welfare emphasizes that they should be raised by their mothers in a family. It also argues that true and natural motherhood, fatherhood, and fraternity prevail in a familial setting. This basis certainly creates the natural environment for the proper upbringing of the child and links the child to its maternal and paternal origin. On the other hand, as explained earlier, the book also made provision for societal guardian for children who do not have parents. These provisions have their basis in the Islamic Shari’ah of social responsibility and solidarity and perhaps also from the Islamic concept of child adoption. Accordingly, the Prophet once said ‘I and the one, who raises an orphan, will be like these two in the Garden’. The concern over the rights of minorities in a society was addressed by the TUT. It argues that the rights of the minority as to political and economic problems could be addressed in any society with well-entrenched values enforced by the masses in the political setting. Islamically, the concept of Dhimmi in reference to any minority within an Islamic state provides the best basis for this scenario. The Dhimmi enjoys every right and responsibility like any ordinary person within an Islamic political setting. They are therefore citizens of an Islamic state like anybody else, despite their minority status. It was in the light of this that the Prophet emphasized the need for the protection of the Dhimmi within the Islamic state. He said ‘Whoever hurts a Dhimmi, I am his adversary, and I shall be an adversary for him on the day of resurrection’. 256 In conclusion, the major social components of the TUT are in line with the general principles of human development in society. These principles could also be contextualized according to the basis of the Shari’ah principles and teachings. The Green Book from being a transnational politico-religious concept of the Libyan leader’s remedy to the myriad problems of the Third World was embraced by the political and religious environment of Ghana. The next section of this study will attempt to explain how and why this happened and identify the mechanism that was used to spread the TUT ideas in Ghana and the principal personalities involved in this. 6.12 THE GREEN BOOK AND THE GHANAIAN COMMUNITY The Third Universal Theory as contained in The Green Book made its way into Ghanaian society in 1982 through Abdulai Alhassan, a former Member of Parliament during the Third Republic of Ghana for the Popular Front Party (PFP) from the Gushegu constituency in the Northern region. According to him, the refusal of Ghanaian authorities to allow the national football team the Black Stars to participate in the African Cup of Nation tournament in Libya in 1982 initially provided the conduit through which he interacted with Libyan authorities (Abdulai, interview, 25th March 2005). The refusal by the Ghanaian authorities to participate in the Cup of Nation Tournament was due to Ghana’s suspicion that Libya was involved in internal political issues in Ghana (St John 1988:131) Consequently, some Ghanaian Du al who had been trained in Libya requested Abdulai Alhassan to use his influence in Parliament to convince the Government to participate in the tournament. Several examples of Libyan involvement in the developments of African Muslim communities in various fields such as education, health, and agriculture were cited 257 by these scholars. They farther argued that Ghana’s refusal to participate in the competition would affect the development of the Muslim community in Ghana as the Libyan-assisted development projects could be cancelled (Abdulai, Interview, 25th March 2005). Alhassan indicated that he was moved by the concerns expressed by the Muslim scholars. He was also aware that Libya, as a Muslim country, must be supported by other Muslims in this kind of situation. He addressed a press conference at the then Parliament House, urging the Government to send the national team to Libya for the tournament. Immediately after the press conference there were discussions on the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation’s .television and radio stations. These were, however, not broadcast since the press conference statement did not agree with the Government’s position (Abdulai, Interview, 25th March 2005). In the end, the government was pressurized by the public as a result of the press conference into agreeing to the national team’s participation in the tournament. The Black Stars of course, won the tournament that year. Alhassan indicated that during the revolution of 31 December 1982, he went into a self- imposed exile to Togo for his own personal security. By early 1983 the Libyan Bureau or Embassy was reopened in Ghana. Consequently, the Libyan Ambassador was asked by the Libyan Government to look for him. He returned to Ghana in August 1983 through the influence of the Libyan Government (Abdulai, Interview, 25th March 2005). When he met the Ambassador, he was informed that the Libyan Government wanted to open a centre in Ghana for the study of The Green Book. He agreed to assist in establishing the study centre. He was later assisted by the late Abdullah Botchwey, Ibrahim Adai, among others (Abdulai, Interview, 25* March 2005). 258 6.12.1 Activities Related to the Green Book in Ghana After being thoroughly briefed by the Libyan Ambassador Alhassan embarked upon grassroots mobilization of members, including the academics to join the study centre. In the process, workshops and seminars were organized to educate people in the Ghanaian community on the relevance of the Third Universal Theory. Alhassan’s involvement in the propagation of the Third Universal Theory (TUT) in Ghana attracted some people in the academia who developed a keen interest in the ideas and the practicability of the principles of the (TUT) as contained in the Green Book. It is of interest to note that not less than twenty-two (22) intellectuals and scholars of diverse religious, political, and social background were involved. The majority of these intellectuals were fiom academic institutions, especially the University of Ghana and the Cape Coast University. Their meetings were held at either one of the two universities. Through these meetings the principles contained in The Green Book resulted in the writing and compilation of twenty-seven articles in a 278 pages book addressed which various topics and subjects, including political, economic and educational issues. The editors of the book were G.K Nukunya and Tom Kumekpor. Nukunya, for instance, indicated in his conclusion in an article on ‘The Third Universal Theory and the Vision of a Just Well Ordered Society’ ‘that some issues raised in The Green Book relating to the instrument of governing, housing, wages and transportation gave proof of a sound and desirable basis on the practicality of implementation of The Green Book in the society (Nukunya 1990:45). Another Ghanaian scholar who studied the book thoroughly and dissected its usefulness to the society regardless of its race, color, and geographic boundaries was Kwakuvi Azasu, a lecturer at the University of Education, 259 Winneba. He is currently the Director of Research, Documentation, and Doctrines of Africana Mission in Ghana. He indicated that he was motivated to write a commentary on the principles of The Green Book because he was bom during the time of Nkrumah who pursued one of the most socialist-friendly policies in Africa. Some of them were educated, thanks to the socialist policies of Nkrumah and are now making meaningful and positive contributions to the nation in various fields. Azasu felt, after a thorough examination of its principles, that he was morally bound, to see a similar policy to Libya’s being pursued everywhere. He came to the conclusion that al- Gadhafi’s (TUT) was almost a replica of the socialist policies that Nkrumah pursued while he was in power. He felt that without these policies some Ghanaians would not have achieved what they have today. According to him it is Nkrumah who pursued one of the best socialist policies in Africa and now al-Gadhafi who is following a similar path. This can be seen in the fact that, unlimited chances and opportunities have been created for Libyans (Azasu, interview, 6th January 2005). The other motivating factor, which influenced Azasu to write about The Green Book, was Gaddhafi’s concern for social values in society. In the book, Gaddhafi emphasizes the need for the maintenance of religious values in every society. Azasu commented that the book calls for a respect of traditional and religious values and that it is this that makes it unique and distinct from other political theories. Therefore, the point of convergence between Azasu and Qaddhafi is the view that everyone should practice his/her religion based on his ancestral and cultural background, which, as stipulated in the book, is the basis of natural law (Azasu interview, 6,h January 2005). He emphasized that the ideals and the practicability of The Green Book s principles are timeless and have no, geographic or racial 260 boundary. Azasu therefore recommends the book to the Western politicians so that they can compare its policies with the political, social and economic values of the West in order to determine the values that are best for mankind in general. As to the relevance of the book to contemporary society he indicated that the book calls for selflessness and the concern for all. In other words, it represents the true picture of human face because it calls for social responsibility for all (Azasu, interview, 6th January 2005). Another figure who has been religiously influenced by the values of The Green Book is Yushau Tahiiu Kuta. He travelled to Libya in 1972. He was enrolled initially at the Institute of Islamic Research and then at Qar Yunus University in Benghazi where he read law for four years. After the completion of his university studies he practiced law for some time and then practiced as a teacher in the employment of the the World Islamic Call Society. As part of his teaching assignment with the World Call Islamic Society he was sent to Tanzania for six years as a principal of the Kibruhihi Islamic School. He returned to Ghana in 1993 and was employed as a tutor by the Libyan Arab Cultural Centre for the Libyan students in Ghana. At this Centre, he taught sociology and civic education, as well as the tenets outlined in The Green Book for eleven years (Yushau, interview, 13th March 2005). According to Yushau, The Green Book is taught at Libyan universities and colleges. As part of the process of making the teaching of the book in Libya relevant, it is made compulsory in all tertiary institutions in Libya. In addition, during the teaching process there are practical demonstrations as to the relevance of the book in students’ life. During these students are divided into committees based on the principles contained in The Green Book According to him this is done in order to provide the students with a practical insight before they complete their studies and are faced with real life situations. 261 Every examination paper is written within the universities’ and colleges’ premises except for the subject dealing with The Green Book which are written in the army barracks, with the army commanders supervising the practical demonstration of the teachings contained in it. Yushau intimated that this is done to instill a high sense of commitment and discipline among the students. In addition, the method of dispatching students to the barracks is not limited to the Libyan students alone but includes the foreign students who are studying in Libya. The implication of this procedure is that it has a ripple effect on the outside world, because on completion of these foreign students’ studies at Libyan tertiary educational institutions they would have been imbued with the ideas and principles of The Green Book. Upon their return to their countries it is possible for them to make a considerable impact on their home countries as a result of the training they acquired on the values contained in the book (Yushau, interview, 13th March 2005). He expressed his personal view on the practicality of implementing in Libya the principles of The Green Book. For instance, he claims that everybody in Libya has the right to participate in discussions on issues affecting them whether political, social or economic through the concept of the People Assembly. Of particular significance to him during his stay in Libya was the impact of the book on economic life there. He categorized some of the areas that the teachings contained in the book have influenced people's life in Libya. To begin with, the economic values as enshrined in The Green Book have prohibited cheating, exploitation, and extortion among other economic crimes. Workers get paid, according to a calculation based on their input every month. As to the book’s impact on the lives of women, Yushau intimated that hitherto it used to be the men who controlled market activities in Libya but with the introduction of The Green 262 Book the situation changed. This resulted in the women competing with the men in the market. A similar situation has arisen in respect of the involvement of women in almost ever sphere of the Libyan economy. Perhaps the area in which The Green Book really affected the life of Libyans is those which affect women. To Yushau, the book’s principles as enunciated on women have brought about a total liberation of women in various ways. He gave examples of women holding key positions in the army, the police, and the prison services etc, these instances being the first of their kind in the Arab world (Yushau, interview, 13th March 2005). According to Yushau, Qaddhafi used to tell Libyan women that ‘when you were not given military training, the Italians came, killed your husbands, maimed, and raped you’. As regards The Green Book’s impact on Islam, it is interesting to note that problems regarding religious leadership in Libya as they existed before the introduction of The Green Book has been eliminated due to the fact that it is Qaddhafi’s conviction that to allow some people to interpret Islam on behalf of others is tantamount to allowing them to impose their personal view on others. This to him is highly unfair (Yushau, interview, 13th March 2005). Qaddhafi’s understanding is that everybody has the right to discuss and speak on every issue affecting him/her and, further, that Islam is not the exclusive prerogative of any chosen people. This would therefore make every Muslim to leam the religion and understand it properly. He further identified certain social vices that are not in conformity with Islam addressed by the Libyan authorities. Issues such gambling, intoxication and prostitution were all forbidden by them. This view is also supported by other studies, which argued that by banning intoxication beverages, gambling, and night clubs it shows how the Libyan regime was fundamentlist with its insistence of Quranic rules (Voll 1994: 289). 263 What has been the impact of The Green Book on Ghanaian Muslims? Which sphere of Ghanaian life is it that the book has mostly impacted? The next section of this study will attempt to answer that. 6.13 THE IMPACT OF THE GREEN BOOK ON GHANAIANS The impact of The Green Book on the Ghanaian society could be viewed in diverse ways; particularly in the domain of politics. For instance, Nukunya indicated that he was motivated into active participation in the activities of The Green Book because of its lofty political teachings. Consequently, he and other colleagues in the academia made a trip to Libya to understudy the practical application of the Green Book. Upon their return to Ghana, they promoted in public debate on aspects of The Green Book. The fruit of this debate resulted in the adoption in the Ghanaian political democratic dispensation of the unit committees and district assembly concept. The then military government of Rawlings adopted the principles of The Green Book under the People Defense Committees (PDC), which allows for mass participation of the citizenry in governance. These have been given different names in the current constitutional dispensation namely the Unit Committees, and the District Assembly. The promotion and facilitation of debate on the TUT was without any opposition from some sections of the public. Generally, the major argument was that the TUT was an Islamically motivated political theory devised by the Libyan leader to spread Islam in disguise. Therefore, to accept aspects of its teachings in the Ghanaian political landscape is to tolerate the infusion of Islamic culture into Ghana (Nukunya, interviw). Nevertheless, such a view did not deter the facilitators of the TUT to push further for debate on its relevance. 264 One other way of viewing the impact of The Green Book on Ghanaian politicians is by reviewing what happened in the early days of the revolution. This could be seen in the officials who adopted the socialist policies in the early part of the revolutionary years. Hunwick argued that what endeared TUT to Rawlings and Thomas Sankara was its revolutionary or socialist orientated nature as contained in the book (Hunwick 1996:41). Further evidence as to the influence of The Green Book on Ghanaian Muslims can be seen among the Ulama who have studied in Libya. These Ulama are Sunni by religious orientation; however, politically they are socialist. This is manifested in the way they interact with others in the Muslim community in Ghana. Also, the socialist orientation of these Ulama can be seen in the way they teach their students in Islamic institutions of Ghana. This research reveals that the Islamic resurgence as championed and supported by the Libyan Government through the Third Universal Theory (TUT) mostly affected Ghanaians politically. This view is evident in the nature of participation in The Green Book's activities in Ghana which was limited to the academia. Perhaps the nature of the teachings of the book has necessitated such approach. This situation, therefore, resulted in the influence of The Green Book on the larger Muslim community being minimal. It was also found that the resources of many politicians, academics and the Muslim Ulama were used to spread the TUT values in Ghana. This is contrary to the outcome of other studies that, the impact of Libya’s foreign policies through the TUT in Sub-Saharan Africa has not persuaded other progressive regimes and government to adopt its principles (Joffe’ 1988:50). This view is based on generalization and lacks country-specific dissection of the impact of Libya’s foreign policy as in the case of Ghana. The Al-Fateh Revolution gave Gadhafi a religious 265 mandate as he presented himself as both Libya’s political and religious leader and eventually proclaimed himself Muslim world leader (Thaa 'ir Muslim). This was done purely to project himself in the Muslim world. Nevertheless, the activities of the World Islamic Call Society in Ghana also fostered and facilitated the religious interplay between r.hanaian Muslims and the Libyan Government in championing the Islamic resurgence in the Muslim communities of Ghana through seminars and international conferences. This Libyan organization epitomized the teachings of the TUT for and projected them at the Ghanaian Muslim community. 6.14 THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN MUSLIM SECTS IN GHANA ‘Interplay’ is used in this section to refer to the factors fostering positive relations and friction among Muslim sects and groups in Ghana. These factors range from theological, ideological, social, to the political conditions. The main aim of this section is to identify how Ghanaian Muslims’ transnational relations with the outside Islamic world promote positive relations among Muslim sects or otherwise. The known Islamic sects and groups in Ghana are the Tijaniyya, the Ahlus-Sunnah (Wahhabiyya), the Shi ‘ah, the Ahmadiyya, and the orthodox1 Muslims. The focus of this study will, however, be limited to the Tijaniyya, Ahlus-Sunnah, and Shi 'ah, since they fall within the purview of the thesis. The theological and ideological, social and global political effects of these sects will be examined. In respect of the origin of these Islamic orientations, it is worth noting that the Tijaniyya and the Ahlus-Sunnah fall within the Sunni School of Thought. Even though the Tijaniyya Orthodox in this section is used to denote Muslims who are non-sectarians but rather regard themselves as belonging to the mainstream Islam. 266 mysticism could be traced to mainstream Sufism, the orientation of the founder of the sect, Ahmad Tijani, has a direct connection with the Maliki School of Thought. Similarly, the Ahlus-Sunnah also derives its Islamic exposition from the Hanbali Islamic persuasion of the Sunni School of Thought. On the other hand, the Shi’i sect represents a different Islamic persuasion in relation to the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Tijaniyya, since it falls outside the purview of the Sunni School of Thought. Theologically, both the Tijaniyya and the Shi'ah hold similar doctrinal notions. This in the end promotes affinity and a ground of convergence of doctrinal debate in Ghana between the Tijaniyya and the Shi'ah on one hand and the Ahlus-Sunnah on the other. These similarities in doctrinal orientation between the Tijaniyya and the Shi ‘ah include the concept of intercession of the Prophet, in which both sects believe that the Prophet, despite his death, could intercede on behalf of those who seek divine intervention through him (Tijani n.d:137). Other areas of doctrinal convergence between the Tijaniyya and the Shi 'ah include high regard for saints and some religious personalities, as well as reverence to the descendants of religious figures (Tijani n.d: 137). The two sects also believe that the Prophet and the saints are infallible. Seeking blessing through sacrifice is another tradition practiced by both sects. In one sense, the similarities in doctrinal values foster positive sectarian relations between the two sects in Ghana and at the same time pit them against any sect which attacks any of these commonly held values. An aspect of the social concord between Shi‘ism and the Tijaniyya sects was partly facilitated by the Iranian establishments in Ghana. The Iranian Cultural Consulate has facilitated good relations between the two sects by highlighting the major commonalities between them. Among some of the activities of the Cultural Consulate which promote 267 hannonious relations with the Tijaniyya sect in Ghana include the celebrations of the Maulid of Imam Ali, Fatima Zahra, Imam Rida, Jaffar Sadeq, and the anniversary of the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as the Ashura (the martyrdom of Imam Hussein). The Consulate also organizes refresher courses for the Tijaniyya Ulama on their roles as Imams. The activities of the Cultural Consulate in Ghana have been largely patronized by the larger Tijaniyya Ulama and the Muslims chiefs who are invariably Tijaniyya by orientation. This, therefore, shows the role of transnational Muslim institutions in promoting positive relations among a section of Muslims in Ghana. Notwithstanding these doctrinal commonalities between the Tijaniyya and the Shi 'ah sects, the most contentious issue that sometimes drives the Tijaniyya away from the Shi ah, however, is the Shi ‘ah's frequent attacks on the integrity of the first three caliphs of Islam, namely Abubakar, Umar, and Uthman. This attack by the Shi ‘ah group manifests itself in the total vilification and repudiation of the legitimacy of these three Caliphs to the Islamic leadership (Enayat: 1986:32). The argument adduced by the Shi’ites is that the first three Caliphs have usurped the Muslim leadership from the Household of the Prophet. This attitude of the Shi’ites is visible on different platforms such as during doctrinal discourse, public preaching etc. In all, despite these inherent differences between the Tijaniyya and the Shi'ah, the two sects have more in common in terms of a broader and wider Islamic perspective and philosophy than any of the other Muslim sects in Ghana. Again, the positive interplay between the Tijaniyya and the Shi 'ah in Ghana could be viewed also from the observance of certain Muslim social activities. This is mostly reflected in the performance of weekly, monthly, or annual funeral rites (adua in Hausa) and the celebration of the birthday of the Prophet (Maulid nabi). The Shi 'ah believes in the 268 anniversary and the 40th day celebration of Imam Hussein and identifies its relevance in the Muslim social sphere. On the other hand, the Tijaniyya sect believes in the relevance of funeral rites for any Muslim and in the annual celebration of the birthday of the Prophet. Though the Shi’ites, except the Shi'ah Imams do not organize any forum for the celebration of the birthday of the Prophet, they most often join the Tijaniyya in the celebration. Though the Tijaniyya and the Ahlus-Sunnah sects are all the offshoot of Sunni Islam, doctrinally many areas of tension exist between the two sects. This could be viewed from the Ahlus-Sunnah sect constant vilification and total censure of Tijaniyya beliefs such as divination, the manufacture of charms and amulets, Maulid nabi, funeral rites and the exorcism of witchcraft, spirits, etc. This therefore partly explains the fact that the contemporary sectarian conflicts have been mostly perpetrated between the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Tijaniyya sects over doctrinal differences. Similarly, to a large extent, the Ahlus- Sunnah and the Shi'ah do not have much doctrinal connection and each see the other’s values as corrupt Islamic expressions. It is, however, worth observing that the major converging ground for the larger Muslim sects in Ghana is mosdy in the social realm, on issues pertaining to cross inter marriages, participation in wedding and naming ceremonies, paying condolences to the bereaved families regardless of his/her doctrinal orientations, as well as matters relating to societal development. It means that the role of the social factor in cultivating and enhancing positive relations among Muslim sects in Ghana cannot be underrated. This therefore suggests that the social factor overrides transnational influences among Muslim sects in Ghana. 269 One area that always pits the Tijaniyya against the other Muslim sects in Ghana is the competition over religious space. This is reflected in the call by the other sects for a reconstitution of the Muslim leadership at the national level to reflect the reality of Muslim leadership in Ghana. This is so because these other sects and groups find themselves at the periphery of decision-making on Muslim matters at the national level which to a great extent gets its doctrinal colouration from the Tijaniyya sect. This is as a result of the domination of the sect at the national Muslim office. Perhaps, the larger Tijaniyya leadership is struggling to maintain the status quo as a result of the historical antecedents of the sect’s role in the national Muslim leadership in Ghana. The sect has always provided successive Muslim leaders in the Volta Basin, the Gold Coast, and present day Ghana. More importantly, one cannot downplay the leverages associated with the national leadership which influences the sect to torpedo the reconstitution of the office which would then reflect the aspiration of the newly emerged Muslim sects in post-independence Ghana. The result of this tendency on the part of the Tijaniyya leadership has been the strong agitation from the Ahlus-Sunnah, the Shi'ah and the Western trained scholars that the national leadership has been doctrinally skewed in favor of the Tijaniyya sect. Currently, an acknowledgement of the need to have an umbrella organization to serve as the mouthpiece of all Muslims in Ghana is not being given enthusiastic support by some Muslim sects. This is partly because,the National Chief Imam, a Tijani by sectarian orientation, is not willing to share part of the good-will that he has established with the political establishment in Ghana. Nevertheless, one major point of interaction for Muslim sects in Ghana has been at the adhoc committees’ level. These adhoc committees include the National Hilal Committee of the Ramadan Conference, the National Hajj Council, and Inter-faith Waste Management Committees. 270 The role of traditional leadership in the Muslim social sphere in Ghana also determines the nature of the relationship among Muslim sects in Ghana. This, however, varies in respect of the particular sect and the cultural orientation of a particular community. At one level, the Ahlus-Sunnah sect does not give recognition to traditional leadership in their structures and social functions. Apparently, the sect feels that religious issues are the exclusive domain of the Ulama who must therefore be empowered to perform their religious role in the society. Perhaps the origin of this ideological worldview of the sect dictates this scenario which historically delineated a separate political leadership from religious ones in Arabia. This is in sharp contrast to the relations between the Tijaniyya sect, on the one hand, and traditional leadership on the other. This could be viewed from the fact that the Tijaniyya sect gives due recognition to traditional leadership or tribal heads in the southern Ghana’s Muslim community. This always manifests itself in Muslim social programmes in respect of outdooring, wedding and funeral ceremonies, where the Tijaniyya custom within the south demands that the presiding Imam seeks permission from the Muslim chiefs and tribal heads present before initiating any religious service at such social functions. The major reason normally adduced for this state of affairs is that, traditionally and historically, the Ulama have been installed by the Muslim chiefs and consequently they derive their authority from the traditional leadership. However, the overriding reason might be that the Muslim chiefs and tribal heads might want to re-assert their authority in the cosmopolitan cities of the south, where they do not wield any considerable and significant influence over their subjects on religious issues. This tendency is always found in the southern part of Ghana especially the Zongos. This is in contrast to what obtains in the northern part of Ghana, where there is clear delineation between what are purely traditional and Islamic functions 271 Part of the nature of the relationship among Muslim sects in Ghana is being determined by the nature of global politics in the Muslim world. This scenario is mostly applicable to states which are at loggerheads. This is when a particular government’s political relations are not the best with another government. The effect of this friction between two Muslim states with different Islamic ideologies eventually filters into the nature of relations between Muslims in Ghana with different doctrinal and theological allegiance to each of the state. In putting this into historical perspective, one could cite the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war. This war created a cold war between the Ahlus-sunnah and Shi’iah sects in Ghana, as it was interpreted as a full war between members of the Shi ‘ah and the Ahlus-Sunnah in Ghana. Lastly, it is worth noting that the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq also pitted the Iraqi leadership against the larger Wahhabi Ulama in Ghana. Even though the invasion was a purely political issue, the Wahhabi scholars in the Gulf encouraged a negative perception against the Iraqi leadership among their counterparts in Ghana. The bottom line of the Wahhabi Ulama's resentment of the Iraqi leadership’s invasion of Kuwait has to do with the economic power that they obtain from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait which the Iraqi invasion would have halted. Lastly, the tendency on the part of the highest Ulama in the Muslim world to proclaim other Muslim leaders as infidels (Takfir) also has an effect on Ghanaian Muslim Ulama who hold a doctrinal inclination towards the opposing countries (Madawi 2007: 41).Typical examples are Saudi Ulama proclaiming Takfir against other Muslim leaders such as Khomeini, Qaddhafi and Saddam Hussein. Although, the issues might have political undertone they tend to be displayed as religious matters and manifested among Muslims group with different doctrinal inclinations towards the different Islamic states. Adherents of foreign Islamic sects in Ghana also play the role of advocacy, thereby influencing the direction of public opinion on foreign policies of the respective governments 272 that represented these sects. In this regard, one could cite the 1988 Ayatollah Khomeini Fatwa on Salman Rushdie’s Satanic Verses and the role of the Shi'ah Muslims in mobilizing Ghanaian Muslims for protest and demonstration in that regard. Secondly, pressure put on Ghana’s Government by the Libyan-trained Ulama in Ghana to rescind its decision not to participate in the 1982 African Cup of Nations in Libya was another instance of Muslim’s Ulama with allegiance to some Islamic countries who wield influence on Ghana’s foreign policies direction. Lastly, the Libyan Ulama in Ghana became the first agents who were assigned by the Libyan Government to bcef-up the support base for Muammar Qadhafi’s proposed continental African Union government at the 9lh Ordinary Session of the AU’s Summit in Accra in 2007. The role that they played was in the area of mobilizing the masses to give popular support to Qadhafi during the Summit.2 Moreover, Muslim states or governments which propagate anti-imperialism and anti- Westemism perceive states in the Muslim world with opposing philosophies as rival states. This therefore justifies their tagging such states in negative religious terms. This mostly reflects on the nature of relations between the Libyan and Iranian Governments on one hand, the Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia and Kuwait on the other in respect of the latter’s relations with the United States and the West which Libya and Iran always interprets as a form of neo-colonialism and neo-imperialism (Madawi 2007:41). In short, the effect of such inter-states’ hostility between different Islamic governments finds its manifestation in the relations among Ghanaian Muslim Ulama trained in each of these different Islamic countries. Yushau Kuta interviewed 2 July 2007.Yushau informed the researcher that, prior to the AU's Summit in Accra, jW the Libyan -rained Ulama in Ghana were invited to Libya by Gadhafi from 1 2 1 8 June 2007. They were oughly briefed as to the Libyan leader's agenda at the impending Summit. As a result of that they returned bana to mobilize the ordinary Ghanaian Muslims to show support for Gadhafi’s African Union government concept during the Summit 273 Diversity as shown in the nature of Wahhabism, Shi'ism and Islamic Socialism which is found in different states in the Muslim world is also exploited by states with opposing Islamic perspectives or which do not share similar theological and ideological convictions. This is done by tagging the rival state with negative labels so as to make it appear that they do not belong to the right Islamic perspective. This tendency is displayed by Saudi Arabia against Iran and vice versa as they are struggling to win the hearts of many Muslims to their religious groups (Madawi 2007: 105). The higher institutions of Islamic learning of the various Muslim states facilitate this tendency. This situation in a way also reflects relations among Muslim sects in Ghana, which have strong allegiances to such states. 6.15 CONCLUSION Generally, it could be discerned from this study that two types of Islamic resurgence were introduced in Ghana. Namely; the mainstream worldwide Islamic resurgence based on Islamic doctrinal beliefs such as the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Shi'ah. The second type of the Islamic resurgence introduced into Ghana was political in nature as in the nature of the Third Universal Theory (TUT). For instance, the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Shi 'ah represented worldwide Islamic ideologies with monotheistic (Tawhid) and the household (Ahlul-Bait) concepts and teachings of Islam in Ghana respectively. The interplay between these two worldwide Islamic ideologies is mainly limited to the Muslim Ummah alone. On the other hand, the Third Universal Theory represented a new political movement in the world. The distinctive nature of this movement rests mainly on the fact that the Third Universal Theory claims to represent a political universal remedy to Third World countries. It must, however, be acknowledged that it has wider global ramifications beyond the Muslim Ummah since it interacts with others with religious persuasions other than Islam. 274 The study also found that this political movement was individually inspired and motivated by Gadhafi. Even though all the Muslim missions’ religious and political ideologies introduced in Ghana impacted on the orientation of Ghanaian Muslims, the intensity of their impact varies. For instance, the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Shi’iah, having their ideological and philosophical bases in Islam, attract more Muslims to the observation of their rules and tenets. Significantly, the two sects also give clearer distinctions in respect of labeling their adherents as being Ahlus- Sunnah Muslim and Shi 'ah Muslim. This could not, however, be said about the adherents of the Third Universal Theory in that outsiders do not label their followers. It could therefore be argued that the hypothesis that Muslim diplomatic missions facilitated the classification of Ghanaian Muslims on doctrinal lines has not been fully established and founded. This is because such an hypothesis is mostly applicable to the impact of the Ahlus- Sunnah and the Shi ‘ah which give clearer identification to their adherents and followers. The latent dimension of the hypothesis, on the other hand, could be that the home base and cultural orientation of all the Islamic ideologies introduced in Ghana impacted on their adherents in Ghana. For instance, the Ahlus-Sunnah or the Wahabiya orientated some sections of Ghanaian Muslims culturally towards Arabian Gulf values. Likewise, Shi'ism orientated some sections of Ghanaian Muslims towards an Iranian cultural background. The Third Universal Theory orientated some Ghanaian Muslims towards Berber cultural values. This view is evident in the mode of dress of the adherents of these sects in Ghana and other social interactions. 275 It has also been found that the ideological foundations of the Ahus-Sunnah and the Shi 'ah sects are such that they could endure through many centurics and therefore the opportunity to attract more Muslims to these sects is high. This is in contrast to the ideological foundation of the TUT which is politically oriented and dependent on the ability of a particular political regime to survive. Again, the study reveals that the interplay between the adherents of these sects and their ideology in Ghana in respect of their home base governments is not overtly observed. This could be seen in the lack of apparent collaboration between the Ghanaian adherents of the sects and ideologies and the home base governments. The research also reveals that all the institutions which facilitate Islamic resurgence in Ghana exclude Muslim women from the leadership structures. Economically, Wahhabiyya, Shi ah, and the Libyan-trained Ulama in Ghana rely on their respective governments to carry out the activities of the Islamic resurgence in Ghana. The nature of the economic assistance given to the Ulama trained in these countries relate to monthly stipends and some developmental projects. This situation therefore underscores the role of the home base governments in propelling the activities of the Islamic resurgence in Ghana through economic assistance. Lastly, it has been found that the origin of some of the institutions which facilitate the diversity of Islamic resurgence in the respective Muslim sects in Ghana were externally motivated and not the brainchild of Ghanaian Muslims. For instance, one could cite the origin of the Supreme Council for Islamic Call and Research, the West African Ahlus- Sunnah and the origin of the Center for Study of the Green Book in Ghana. This shows the 276 extent of influence of foreign governments’ political and religious values on Ghanaian Muslims. The next section deals with Ghanaian Muslims relations with the United States in the post 9/11. It will eventually unravel the unique dimension of Muslims relations with the West. It further explores the major shapes that it assumes in Ghana. 277 CHAPTER SEVEN THE POST 9/11 FACTOR: GHANAIAN MUSLIMS’ RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 7 0 BACKGROUND TO THE AMERICAN EMBASSY’S ENGAGEMENT WITH THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN GHANA 7.1 INTRODUCTION As we observed in section II, which discussed the engagement of Ghanaian Muslims with the Arab/Muslim world, the present section will deal with their relations with the Western world, especially the United States of America, in the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 attacks. In this chapter, we discuss the various levels of interactions and acts of rapprochement that have taken place between the United States through the American Embassy and the Muslim community in Ghana as a result of her global anti-terror campaign in the Muslim communities. This history of the United States’ engagement with the Muslims in Ghana can be divided into two periods namely, pre-11 September, 2001 and post-11 September The pre-11-September period was largely characterized by an apparent lack of attention on the part of the American Embassy in designing and implementing programmes, specifically targeted at the Muslim community in Ghana. As a result, whatever American programmes and projects that Muslims benefited from during this period were incidental, and could be seen as part of a number of programmes for the larger Ghanaian community. The effect of this apparent lack of attention displayed by the United States and the Western countries for Ghanaian Muslims in the provision of development projects made them tend to have a negative, even hostile, attitude towards them. Even though during the pre-9/11 period Ghanaian Muslims interacted with the Western world and the United States through the 278 Nation of Islam, such interaction did not result in any significant changc in this perception. Lastly, this hostile attitude of Muslims towards the United States was reinforced by the source of funding of Muslim development projects in Ghana during the pre-9/11 period, which was largely from the Arab/Muslim world. This trend therefore reinforced the religious solidarity and affinity of Ghanaian Muslims with the Arab world. In post-11 September, however, the United States Embassy consciously designed and implemented programmes specifically meant for the Muslim communities in Ghana. This has resulted in a positive change of attitude as regards the United States among Ghanaian Muslims. This chapter will concentrate on what it was post 9/11 which caused a mark of improvement in the United States-Muslims relations in Ghana. Since the American adventurous relations with Muslims in Ghana in the post 9/11 were related to her anti-terror campaign and education in the Muslim communities, this chapter further discusses aspects of Muslims views on terrorism. U HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE POST 9/11 UNITED STATES’ ENGAGEMENT IN GHANA In putting this section into historical perspective interviews were conducted with several Muslim leaders who had, in diverse ways, facilitated, the engagement of Ghanaian Muslims with the United States of America since the 11 September 2001 attacks against the United States. Among such personalities was Armiyau Shuiab, the General Secretary of Friends Against Global Terrorism (FAGLAT), one of the organizations through which the American Embassy relates with the Muslim community in Ghana. Armiyau indicated that the American Embassy’s interest in the Ghanaian Muslim community took a new turn in the aftermath of the 11 September 2001 attacks on America which sent 279 shockwave around the world. According to him, the initiative towards this new engagement came from the Americans themselves. Eric Sillah, an official of the American Embassy, initiated the engagement. He conducted research in the Muslim community on the reaction of Ghanaian Muslims to the 11 September event and their feelings about the United States in general. Cross-sections of the Muslim leaders in Accra were interviewed. Later, there was an informal meeting organized by the American Embassy with a section of these Muslim leaders, especially those who were interviewed in November 2001. The essence of this meeting was to ascertain the concerns of Ghanaian Muslims about the United States. Armiyau thought that, presumably, there was a wave of anti-American sentiments all over the Muslim world (Shuiab, interview, 13th March 2005). The American Embassy sought to ascertain the basis of such sentiments and address to them. Some of the individuals who participated in the initial informal meeting, such as Umar Ahmed Sanda, Armiyau Shuaib, and Hamidu Chodi, then decided to extend the new engagement a little further. They did this by examining acceptable Islamic methods of addressing issues especially matters relating to political differences, conflicts and violence. They also questioned the basis of using terror and violence as a tool to protest against disagreeable issues. Lastly, one issue that they discussed was who was to lead the Muslim Ummah in addressing whatever concerns they might have about the United States and other countries in the world (Shuiab, interview, 13th March 2005). In the course of their deliberations, they conceived of an idea to form an organization to address and educate Muslims on matters relating to the use of terror and violence. They therefore formed Friends Against Global Terrorism (FAGLAT), to serve as a platform and an instrument for examining the relationship between Ghanaian Muslims, America and the West 280 (Shuiab, interview, 13th March 2005). It can be realized, therefore, that the 11 September gftndrs created a basis for a new relationship with and engagement between Ghanaian Muslims and the United States. 73 THE UNITED STATES’ PERSPECTIVE ON THE ENGAGEMENT The perspective of the United States on their rapprochement towards Ghanaian Muslims was corroborated by David Queen a counselor at the United States’ Department of Public Affairs in the Embassy. He claimed that what necessitated the engagement was the fact that in the past no attention had been paid by the Embassy to the Muslim community in Ghana. The Embassy also realized that many Ghanaian Muslims were not aware of the United States’ development programmes in Ghana, especially programmes pertaining to primary education and public health, which benefited all Ghanaians, including Muslims (David, Interview, 10th March 2005) David emphasized that the basis of the United States’ rapprochement towards the Muslim community is borne out of the United States’ broad policy and out of her desire to help the underprivileged Muslim communities in Ghana in general. Through this initiative some projects relating to education were commissioned in the Northern part of Ghana (David, Interview, 10Ih March 2005). Specifically, a branch of the United States Embassy’s reference library was commissioned, and a satellite internet facility established. These facilities could be accessed by the students and staff of the University for Development Studies (UDS), in Tamale due to their proximity to the campus. All these were done with a view to assisting the Ghanaian Muslim community in the Northern region in particular (David, Interview, lO^March 2005). 281 The United States also made efforts to link up with the Muslim community in the southern part of Ghana. However, such efforts were limited to one particular office, that of the National Chief Imam and a sect, the Tijaniyya sect in particular. Gradually, the Ahlus- Sunnah group and other Muslim leaders were brought in (David, Interview, 10th March 2005). David indicated that though the purpose of their relations with Muslims is to see how best the United States Government officials through its embassy would be able to direct good proposals from Muslim organizations. He identified another benefit of the engagement that being the fostering of a better understanding and the promotion of matters of mutual interest between the two groups in various disciplines (David, interview, 10th March 2005). Among some of the projects of the engagement are special meetings, round table discussions, public lectures to explain United States programmes and policies. Also included was the participation of the United States officials in Muslim religious holidays and ceremonies, particularly the celebration of Eid-Fitr and Eid-Adha (David, interview, 10th March 2005). Initially, Iftar during the month of Ramadan was organized for some selected Muslim leaders in Accra. Due to the keen interest generated from this interaction with the Muslim leadership, a public forum was also organized to educate the staff of the Embassy about Islam and the social conditions of the Ghanaian Muslim community in particular. These ventures were undertaken to ascertain the possible interventions intended to be made by the United States’ development agencies interested in Muslim development in Ghana (David, interview, 10th March 2005). 282 The outcome of these forums was the development intervention initiated by the United States Peace Corps to help the Muslim community in particular. The Peace Corps had already been actively involved in assisting the Ghanaian community in general. Out of this initiative the Ahlus-Sunnah group is being assisted to construct an ultra modem office centre at Nima in Accra. Initially, enough was not done to extend this initiative to Muslims outside Greater Accra. However, now the activities of the United States cover virtually the entire country. As part of this initiative some American Muslims were invited to interact with their Ghanaian counterparts. Notable among them was Imam Hendi, a chaplain at the Georgetown University in the United States. He was taken to almost all Muslim institutions and organizations in Accra and Kumasi (David, interview, 10th March 2005). In addition, he was given the opportunity to interact with the Muslim students at the University of Ghana, Legon and the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi. In order to further reach out to Ghanaian Muslims nationwide, the United States officials organized television talk shows for Imam Hendi with Ghanaian Muslims. The climax of these was a dinner for some selected Muslim leaders in Accra at David Queen’s residence (David, interview, 10th March 2005). Lastly, the United States also organized exchange programmes to the United States for Ghanaian Muslim leaders, Ulama, Imams and other important dignitaries. David opined that, with this assistance in mind, the expectation of the United States regarding the Muslim community is that prejudices, biased perceptions, and attitudes towards the United States should be done away with (David, interview, 10th March 2005). He indicated that there would not be any significant change in the mode of the engagement. 283 Depending upon the budget available there could be more exchanges for, for example, Ghanaian Muslim students who wish to study in the United States. David did not think any problems had arisen during this engagement. He emphasized that, generally, Ghanaian Muslims are very open and friendly, even when they disagree with some of the policies of the United States. He observed that some young men and students had been loudly critical but he did not consider that a problem, as everybody should have the opportunity to speak openly. Among some of the minor problems they identified in the process of engagement were: (a) lack of understanding of the United States’ policies. (b) incorrect information about the United States. (c) too much reliance on the mass media for information about the United States. (d) the lack of assertiveness on the part of Ghanaian Muslims to make their needs known to the government (David, interview, 10th March 2005). He was of the view that the only motivation to continue with this policy is for people to make informed judgments based on an understanding of all viewpoints. In this regard, the United States officials would want their views to be heard and understood. He gave an assurance that the United States Government has good intentions regarding Muslims globally (David, interview, 10,h March 2005). 7-4 THE BROADER POLICY OF THE ENGAGEMENT The broader policy of the United States Government, which calls for a need for the engagement, is to create a platform for dialogue with Muslims world-wide. It is specifically 284 the anti-terrorism policy of the United States, which requires this engagement (David, interview, 10th March 2005). According to him, the erroneous perception by some Muslims is that Islam has been branded as a religion of terrorism which is not so. The other problem was the assumption that the United States is not committed to resolving the problems of the Middle-East. He however, expressed the view that, the U.S. is committed to solving the problem in the near future. David indicated that the effects of the engagements have been generally positive. He argued that many Ghanaian Muslims had never met Americans and, as a result, some Muslims had distorted views about the United States. The United States’ attitude is that even if they do not always agree people should respect each other’s views and try to understand where they come from (David, interview, 10th March 2005). An outcome of this new policy was, as mentioned above, the formation of a pro-U.S. Muslim group in Ghana, known as Friends Against Global Terrorism (FAGLAT). The initiative of FAGLAT was however a difficult one. For instance, Armiyau indicated that there was a feeling in the Ghanaian Muslim community that America was against Islam and Muslims. So there was an outcry against any Muslim pioneering such a dialogue. Some Muslims labeled the founders of FAGLAT as agents of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) (Shuiab, interview, 3rd January 2005). Armiyau indicated that they were however vindicated, when some leading Muslims also joined the American-Muslims dialogue in Ghana. These personalities included Umar Ibrahim and Shuaib Abubakar, two of the founding fathers of the Ahlus-Sunnah (Wahhabism) in Ghana (Shuiab, interview, 3rd January 2005). The next section will therefore focus on the objectives of FAGLAT. 285 75 THE OBJECTIVES OF FRIENDS AGAINST GLOBAL TERRORISM (FAGLAT) Formed in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks on the United States of America, FAGLAT is a non-religious and non-political movement, which aims at uniting all peace-loving Ghanaians. Among some of the concerns it intends to address are: 1. the unity of all nations and peoples of the world to fight for an internationally acceptable definition of terrorism and the formulation, adoption and implementation of a convention on global terrorism. 2. the combating by all means necessary, of threats to international peace and security, terrorist acts committed by govemment(s) or movement(s) operating in their own country of origin or in a foreign country against citizens and property in a third country as well as individuals and groups (including psychopaths, who seem to exhibit less restraint in senseless acts of terrorism at diplomatic missions, mass transportation systems, sporting events, hotels/tourist sites). 3. the provision of education through lectures, seminars, symposia, research (studies and reports) or other forms of knowledge to the international community by relentlessly drawing attention to changing threats and challenges posed by terrorism especially bio- terrorism, use of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons as well as the proliferation of other forms of weapons of mass destruction. Cyber terrorism-hackers who use hi-tech methods to attack web sites and or viruses which eat up or freeze computers [information network]. Eco-terrorism, arsons, bombings, and sabotage in the name of saving the environment, disrupting logging, recreational use of the wilderness and or animals for food and for research. 286 4 working in close collaboration with governments, agencies and other organizations in fanning freedom, dignity, justice and human values and to promote world peace, co­ operation and understanding by eliminating hatred [bigotry and ignorance], oppression and injustice [frustration with seemingly intractable political, social and economic forces], as some of the factors that induce violent acts or tenor. The First Executive Council members were: (i) Nii Adjei Larbie, former Member of Parliament for Tema East. (ii) Hamidu Chodi, a journalist and the Acting Director of Administration Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) (iii) Umar Sanda Ahmed, a Muslim Military Chaplain, Ghana Armed Forces. (iv) Aimiyau Shauib, an educationist, and the Accra Regional Director of the Islamic Education Unit, Ghana Education Service. And (v) Hudu Mogtari, a pharmacist with the pharmaceutical company, Rees and Co. 7.6 THE NATURE OF FAGLAT ACTIVITIES IN GHANA Some of the activities that are organized by FAGLAT include the following: 1. Iftar programmes (food for Muslims to break the fast during the month of Ramadan): Initially, the venue for the Iftar programmes was Nima Police Park. It has however been extended to other parts of Accra, to cover places such as Shukura, Sabon Zongo, Ashaiman and Tema all in the Greater Accra region. Iftar has also been extended to other regions namely; Ashanti, Northern, Upper East, Western, Upper West, and Western. The Iftar programme has so far been extended to virtually all regions in Ghana. 287 During the Iftar programme, a section of the Muslim leaders are invited, especially, the Imams led by the National Chief Imam or his representative, the Ulama, the Council of Muslim Chiefs and a cross section of the women folk. Within this programme, some quantities of food are distributed to needy Muslims during the Month of Ramadan to help ease the breaking of their fast. The essence of the organization of Iftar for the Muslim community by the United States Embassy is to show its solidarity with the Muslim Ummah during the Ramadan season. The Public Affairs Section of the United States Embassy sponsors the Iftar, and the FAGLAT facilitates and organizes the function for the Muslim community. The Ambassador’s Iftar programme for Muslim leaders in Ghana is another such occasion. This provides an opportunity for interaction with the Ghanaian Muslim community and fosters relationship between them and the Embassy during the month of Ramadan. This programme is specifically and exclusively meant for top Muslim leaders in the country and those in responsible positions within the Muslim community. The United States Embassy through FAGLAT also organizes quiz competitions for Muslim students in the tertiary and pre-tertiary institutions in the country. In recent times, such competitions are broadcast live on national television and some radio stations for the benefit of all Ghanaians. Prizes and awards are given to the winners. In recent times, the winners are given guidance as to some of the educational opportunities in the United States for those who wish to pursue higher education in the States. 288 3 Another new dimension to the activities of the United States Embassy in Ghana is their attention to women’s groups in the Muslim community. Recently, the women’s wing of FAGLAT, MIRAJ1, was formed with the aim of educating Muslim women, through workshops on reproductive issues, women’s empowerment and entrepreneurial and vocational training. 4. Open forums, lectures, and roundtable discussions with Muslim leaders in Ghana are aimed at providing a platform for learning more about Islam and Muslims generally in Ghana. It also seeks to highlight some of the problems of the Muslim community. Some agencies within the United States Embassy, through this programme, will then make informed decisions to help Muslims in specific areas. 5. A football competition for Muslim youth is organized during the Eidul-Fitr season. The aim of this programme is to provide useful entertainment for young Muslim men in the community. This then provides a productive activity and entertainment for the youth rather than enabling them to engage in certain nefarious activities during the Eidul-Fitr festivities. Participating teams are drawn from almost all parts of the regions in Ghana Greater Accra, Central, Ashanti regions, Northern, Upper West, and Upper East. Trophies and other incentives are awarded to deserving teams. 7.7 THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF FAGLAT One of the areas in which FAGLAT has excelled in recent times is in its ability to create opportunities for the Muslim Ulama and Imams to visit the United States. This opportunity hitherto 9/11 was not available. Consequently, some of the staunchest critics of the United heaven meaDS ascending to the seventh heaven. This is in reference to the Prophet’s ascendance to the 289 States and her foreign policy tend to change their attitude upon their return to Ghana. This is because the common perception of some of the Ulama and the Imams was that there were no Muslims in the United States. Some of them think that the United States is anti-Islam and not Muslim friendly. However, upon visiting the United States and observing, for example, that Muslims are performing valuable services in the cause of Islam, they change these perceptions. Thanks to this programme, numerous Ghanaian Muslims have changed their attitudes towards the United States. A typical example of one of them is the National Imam of the Ahlus-Sunnah, Wal-Jama’ah. According to him, his perception about America was mostly coloured by his understanding of her foreign policies. However, his trip to the United States made him lose this negative stereotype about America. He often quotes a prominent Muslim scholar, Muhammad Abduh who once said “in Europe I found Islam but not Muslims. Here in the East I find Muslims but not Islam” (Soage 2008:14). Umar predicted that the future of Islamic civilization would come from the direction of the Western world, where the Muslim Ummah is capable of expressing their views and creating new dimensions to Islam (Umar, interview, 20* February 2005). Equally important is the International Visitors Program (I.V.P), which some Ghanaian Muslims have benefited from. This programme is geared towards having some Ghanaians to visit the United States where they will leam, among other things; how the U.S. is governed. It also includes cultural and educational exchanges between the Ghanaian Muslims and the United States citizens. 290 Irrinm Hendi Yahaya, a chaplain of Georgetown University, visited Ghana in 2005 as part of the United States’ rapprochement towards Ghanaian Muslims. As said earlier his interaction took him to almost all the Muslim institutions in Accra. He also interacted with the leadership of the Federation of Muslim Women’s Association of Ghana (FOMWAG) which is the umbrella organization of Muslim women’s groups in Ghana, and with Muslim students. Part of FAGLAT’s achievement has been that it has exposed Ghanaian Muslim students to educational opportunities in the United States through access to the facilities of the Martin Luther King Library in Accra to enhance their chances of being admitted to higher educational institutions in the United States. Perhaps, the most remarkable achievement of this engagement was the allocation of money to construct a regional secretariat of the Islamic Education Unit for the Muslim community in Accra in 2005. Also, the construction of National Secretariat of the Ahlus-Sunnah group in the Greater Accra region was an achievement made by FAGLAT. Another achievement was the construction of a health unit at Aboabo in Kumasi in 2006 for the Muslim community. 7.8 FINDINGS ON GHANAIAN MUSLIMS’ PERCEPTIONS OF THE UNITED STATES As indicated earlier, the outcome of 9/11 prompted the interest of the United States in the Muslim community in Ghana. The United States, in designing her broader policy for her engagement in Ghana, took into consideration the diversity of the Muslim community because of the different doctrinal groups that Ghanaian Muslims belong to, as well as differences in occupations, age and gender. 291 In order to obtain information from the respondents in the field about the activities of the United States in the Muslim communities, this very diversity was utilized. Questionnaires were designed, and administered in the field; to obtain information about the perception of Ghanaian Muslims on the recent interest of the United States had shown in them. Among some of the broader questions and issues that we ascertained were,: we sought the respondents’ appraisal of the United States in the Muslim community, we explore avenues for cooperation between the U.S. and Ghanaian Muslims, the perception of Ghanaian Muslims about the U.S. before and after 9/11, avenues for constructive cultural dialogue and the compatibility of Islamic values with Western values. Since the post 9/11 American interest among Muslims is to educate them about terrorism, we sought Muslims understanding of the causes of terrorism its impact on Ghanaian Muslims and eradication. We further identified the role of the Ulama in Dawa on terrorism and factors affecting them. Where necessary, the research analysis will focus on the gender, occupation, and doctrinal background of the respondents in respect of each question. 7-8.1 The Appraisal of the United States’ Engagement in the Muslim Community As a starting point of assessing Muslims understanding of the American interest in their community, the survey obtains from the respondents their evaluation of the United States’ engagement in the Muslim community. This was with a view to finding out from them whether they appreciate the U.S. efforts or not. Secondly, the results of the survey identified •he specific problems that the respondents associate with the nature of the engagement. Muslim women the Imams, public servants and the Ahlus-Sunnah sect members were those who most positively appraised the United States’ interest in the Muslim community in Ghana. 292 Though, the gender dimension of the participants in the United States activities in the Muslim community in Ghana shows that it was skewed towards the interest of the men, this has not however completely changed their negative perceptions of the United States. The major factor accounting for this is the critical posture that they have adopted towards the United States foreign policies in the Middle-East and other parts of the world, which to some of them is highly unfavourable to the Muslims. The Imams and businessmen generally appreciated the essence of the United States programmes because of their participation in it. This thus enabled them to fairly appraise the nature of the engagement and its benefit to Muslim communities in Ghana. Doctrinally, Ahlus-Sunnah members mostly appreciated the value of the engagement more than other sects. This is partly due to the fruit of the concentration of the engagement of the United States’ officials with the sect. Secondly, the members of the sect have enjoyed abundant advantages as against other sects during the engagement. For instance, an ultra­ modern Islamic centre has been established by the United States’ Embassy in Ghana for the sect at Nima in the Greater Accra region. The Embassy has also put up a multi-million Cedis clinic with all accessories for the members of the sect in the Ashanti region. Moreover, access to a U.S. Visa has been made easier to the members of the sect to visit the States, and some were even made to apply for the Visa. Lastly, officials of the United States frequently participate in the religious activities of the ASWAJ. All these interventions have done much to change the minds of the members of the sect about the nature of the engagement. These, and many other factors, have influenced the respondents' positive appraisal of the engagement. rB 1- Doctrinal background of the respondents and their evaluation of the worth of the United States interest in the Muslim communities in Ghana; 50 [Source: survey data 2005| An attempt was made to identify the specific reasons which influenced the respondents’ views for or against the United States’ rapprochement towards the Ghanaian Muslims. Consequently, respondents were asked for reasons for either their positive or negative response to the engagement. Generally, three (3) major reasons which could be categorized into positive or negative were provided by the respondents. One view was identified as representing the extent to which the responses were negative. For example, about 35 percent of the respondents indicated that the United States has a hidden agenda for initiating the rapprochement. This negative perception was mostly found among the males, students, and non-sectarian Muslims. The reason given by these respondents for the position they expressed was that prior to Ml, the United States had not shown any keen interest in having any programme with the Muslim communities. Importantly, some of the respondents cited as a reason for their negative attitude the nature of the United States’ foreign policies in some Muslim countries, 294 which they considered unfavourable to the Muslims. Perhaps, it will be prudent to return to the reactions of a section of Muslims in Ghana which was opposed to United States’ interest in the Muslim communities to support the point.2 The problems raised by these Muslims include: 1. The abuse of prisoners by the Coalition Forces led by the United States in Iraq. These respondents raised this to show the double standards of the United States towards Muslims generally. 2. Non-Muslims constructing religious centres for Muslims. These respondents feel that the Qur'an forbids Muslims to allow non-Muslims to construct Islamic centres for them. Part of the respondents’ problem with the United States’ interest in the Muslim communities in Ghana, emanates from their perceived double-standards exhibited by their Ulama towards the U.S, foreign policies. These include: 1. The ASWAJ Ulama had earlier organized prayer sessions to seek victory for the Iraqis against the Coalition Forces led by the United States. In the course of time, the ASWAJ is seen campaigning for, and having harmonious relations with the American Embassy, and 2. Some of the ASWAJ Ulama have changed their attitudes towards the United States' assisted Iftar programmes in the Muslim communities which they had earlier condemned. This was a recorded audio-visual material of the ASWAJ outreach programme on the eradication of terrorism solicit the members support on their engagement with US officials in Ghana, organized at Islamic search and Reformation Center, Nima, Accra 24 August, 2004. 295 They were therefore of the view that the United States did not have the interests of the Muslim world at heart. This was further aggravated by the attitude of their Ulama. On the other hand, the findings also reveal that the Imams (42%) and the public servants (41%), respectively, identified positively with the United States’ interest in the Muslim immunities in Ghana. The views of these respondents are encapsulated on the beneficial outcome of the engagement to Muslims, namely : 1. The dialogue will create the basis for an understanding between Ghanaian Muslims and the United States (27.6%). 2. The rapprochement will enable Ghanaian Muslims to tap the expertise of the United States (25.9%). 3. Those who did not respond to the question represented 12.1%. It is worth stating that the Imams mostly identified with the view that the dialogue or engagement will create a platform for understanding between the United States and the Ghanaian Muslims. This has been necessitated partly because; it is they who are mostly involved in inter-faith dialogue. Part of the Imams’ positive appraisal of the United States was because substantial benefits flowing from the rapprochement towards Muslims in Ghana was channeled to them. The public servants were of the view that engagement will result in acquiring expertise from the United States for the benefit of Ghanaian Muslims. Their view must have been influenced by their professional acquaintance with factors promoting inter-state relations. 296 Also in view of the intensive involvement of the Ahlus-Sunnah sect in almost all facets of the United States programmes in the Muslim communities in Ghana, their appraisal of the benefits of engagement was positive. This could be discerned from the fact that about 39 percent of the ASWAJ members, who represented the majority, were of the view that the rapprochement will create a basis for understanding between Ghanaian Muslims and the United States. This, therefore, means that prejudices against each other will be discarded depending upon the extent of the interaction between people with different backgrounds. This finding is in agreement with the inter-group contact hypothesis, which suggests that if two people of different racial or religious backgrounds could be brought together the hostility, antagonism, and prejudice expressed by each of them would be eroded, and eventually a positive attitude would develop (Deaux Wrightmann, 1981i370). Although it is acknowledged that mere contacts or interactions could not erase prejudices and biases, they have the potential of improving people’s attitudes towards others positively. The next section explores some avenues through which respondents believe that Ghanaian Muslims can cooperate with the United States in the interests of Islam and Muslims. It subsequently identifies the specific type of the issues for cooperation between the two groups in Ghana. 7-8.2 Avenues for Cooperation between the United States and Ghanaian Muslims The purpose of the United States engagement is to identify the possible avenues of interest with Muslims in Ghana for cooperation (David, interview, 10th March 2005). Such avenues for cooperation must also be underpinned by their general appeal to the Ghanaian Muslims leadership. 297 The findings reveal that an overwhelming 84 percent of the respondents believe that the United States and Ghanaian Muslims could cooperate in the interests of Islam and Muslims in Ghana in the following areas: (i) Education (62.6). (ii) Health (10.9%). (iii) Assisting Muslims to break the fast during the month of Ramadan (6.9%). (iv) Fighting HIV/AIDS in the Muslim community (5.7%). (v) Fighting terrorism (3.4%). Fig. 2: The areas of cooperation between Ghanaian Muslims and the United States? [Source: Survey Data 2005| Areas of cooperation between Ghanaian Muslims and the United States selected by the respondents vary. For instance, the men (100%), students and Ahlus-Sunnah (67) identified fighting terrorism and promoting cultural exchanges between Ghanaian Muslims and their Western counterparts as the major avenues of cooperation. This is in contrast to the issues of interest of the Imams, the non-sectarian respondents and the Muslim females who think that the focus of cooperation should be on educating Ghanaian Muslims on HIV/AIDS and providing health facilities. 298 The results show the diversity of interests in the areas of cooperation between Ghanaian Muslims and the United States. It shows the importance that the men, the Ahlus-Sunnah and the students’ group attach to fighting terrorism and to distinguish their religiosity from the position of terrorism. It further shows their interest to interact with their counterparts Western Muslims as a result of the opportunity afforded by this new transnational engagement. It implies that these respondents are interested in issues of peace and security of Ghanaians and the sharing of ideas through interaction between the two groups so as to ensure stability and ridding the world of biases and prejudices. This will eventually improve relations between Ghanaian Muslims and the American officials in Ghana. On the other hand, the well-being of Ghanaian Muslims was the concern of the Imams, as well as the non-sectarian Muslims and the female respondents. This is encapsulated in the need to fighting HIV/AIDS and to providing health facilities for Muslims. These areas of cooperation between Ghanaian Muslims and the United States which have been identified are in line with the broader policy of the United States’ programmes for Ghanaian Muslims. This is because though the overall objective of the engagement is to educate the Muslim Ummah globally on the menace of terrorism. It has also been realized that terrorism could be countered by providing development projects and basic amenities for deprived communities (Makinda, 2002: 27). This is partly so because terrorism can thrive among the destitute and the impoverished. This means that the fight against terrorism also involves a trade-off development for better relations between the United States and Ghanaian Muslims and a more positive attitude of the one for the other. The interest of the United States to facilitate Ghanaian Muslims’ interaction with their Western counterparts has dwindled in recent times. This was due to alleged exploitation by 299 Visa fraudsters and the intransigent postures adopted by the youth and the Muslim students towards the US sponsored scholars to Ghana. 7.83. Perception about the United States before and after 9/11 In view of the intensive nature of American engagement in the Muslim communities in Ghana in the aftermath of the 9/11, the research sought from the respondents their perception about the United States before and after the 9/11 incidents. This was necessary in order to ascertain whether the image of the United States is improving or not in the Muslim communities of Ghana because of the interaction. In order to avoid ambiguity as to the purpose of the research, specific variables were used to ensure precision and measure the perception of the respondents about the United States. For instance, respondents were asked about their perceptions of the United States before and after 9/11 on the following variables: 1. United States is a friend of Islam and Muslims. 2. United States is interested in developing the Muslim communities. 3. United States has nothing in common with the Muslim communities. And 4. The United States is anti-Islam and anti-Muslims. The respondents’ perceptions about the United States were tested on these views ‘before and after’ and comparative assessment was made. The result shows an improved positive perception about the United States after 9/11 as against before the 9/11 events. The variables which recorded positive improvements in the respondents’ perception about the United States after 9/11 include, ‘the United States is interested in developing the Muslim communities’ and that ‘the United States has nothing in common with Muslims’. The view of these 300 respondents is based on the apparent accessibility of the United States assisted development projects in the Muslim community in Ghana in the post 9/11. On the other hand, the results show a growth in the respondents’ perception of the United States after 9/11, as reflected in the views that ‘the United States is anti-Islam and Muslims’ and ‘the United States is a friend of Islam and Muslims’. The possible reason necessitating this view was the aggressive nature of the United States’ military operations in some Muslim countries after 9/11 as seen in her war on terrorism. Fig. 3: Respondents perception about the United States before and after 9/11 □ Before 9/11 ■ After 9/11 [Source: Survey Data 2005| A cross comparative assessment of the respondents’ perception of the United States before and after 9/11 of respondents reveals mixed results, dependant on their gender. For instance, view as expressed after 9/11 that the United States is interested in developing the Muslim ^communities improved positively from 9.2% recorded before 9/11 and 12.1% recorded after. Also, the negative view was that ‘the United States has nothing in common with the Muslim communities’ recorded 23.6% before 9/11, and improved significantly down to 19.5% after ^11. The positive improvement as shown in these views is as a result of the engagement of "he United States with the Muslim communities in Ghana. 301 For example, the view that the United States is interested in the development of Muslim communities recorded an improvement after 9/11 partly because it was during the post- 9/11 period that the United States initiated specific projects to assist the Muslim communities and address issues in them. These included projects with respect to educational infrastructure for the Islamic Education Unit at Kawokudi and an ultra-modern office complex for the ASWAJ at Nima, both in the Greater Accra region. Also, significant was the provision of Iftar for Muslims from all walks of life. The United States also constructed a health unit for the Kumasi Muslim community in the Ashanti region. Also, a sizeable number of Muslim Ulama was invited by the US Embassy in Ghana to visit the United States for the first time. All such programmes have, in one way or the other, positively changed the perception of the respondents about the United States’ interest in developing the Muslim communities. This was also reiterated by the National Chief Imam during a farewell visit paid to him by David Queen. The National Chief Imam was quoted as saying that he would never forget the tremendous help America and her embassy rendered to Ghanaian Muslims and Ghana in general. He emphasized that there have been various embassies in Ghana, but the American Embassy has proven to be exceptional as far as Muslims in Ghana are concerned (National democrat, 1, 2005/ Again, the view that ‘the United States has nothing in common with Muslims’ saw significant improvement after the 9/11 incidents. This is because 23.6% of the respondents recorded this view before 9/11, whereas this figure dropped down to 19.5%. The major contributory factor is that, for the first time, the United States initiated development projects for the Muslim communities. That, in itself is considered a proof of the U.S’s common interest with the Muslims in Ghana. This has, therefore made the respondents appreciate such initiatives which eventually are reflected in the favourable positive upsurge of this view after 9/11. 302 Conversely, the view which was expressed negatively after 9/11 was that ‘the United States is anti-Islam and Muslims’. This is discernible from the fact that whereas 40.2% of the respondents expressed this view before 9/11, the response was 44.8% in post 9/11. Similarly, 17.8% of the respondents before 9/11 felt that ‘the United States is a friend of Islam and Muslims’. The percentage of this, however, was reduced to 14.4% in post 9/11. This situation therefore points to the fact that anti-American feeling and sentiment in the Muslim communities rose after 9/11. The reason for this negativity is that in the aftermath of 9/11 the United States intensified her military operations against terrorism in some Muslim countries. Consequently, Ghanaian Muslims perceived the United States as anti-Islam and anti-Muslims. This view is epitomized in some of the respondents’ constant reference to the United States military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan in the course of the fieldwork. Again, the United States’ support for Israel rather than the Palestinian people is a typical concern raised by the respondents to justify this view. Other studies also support the view that anti- American and anti-Western sentiments are being fueled by specific events which affect common Muslim identity especially in periods of confrontation with non-Muslims (Fuller 2003:18). This therefore underscores the appropriateness of the United States officials’ engagement on anti-terror campaign with Muslim leaders in Ghana. The outcome of research thus shows that, the success of FAGLAT in its anti-tenor campaign has been a mixed one. While some of the respondents have appreciated the interest of the United States to develop the Muslim communities some also view her as anti-Islam and Muslim unfriendly. Despite that some of the United States officials’ during their outreach to Muslim communities do emphasize that ‘the United States is not against Islam’ this has not completely changed Muslims attitudes towards her. An official of the United States in one of the outreach programmes in the Muslim community at Larabanga in the Northern region emphasized that 303 ‘the United States is not against Islam as [is] being misconstrued by some Muslims’. He farther reiterated that ‘the United States is fighting a war against global terrorism and not a war against Islam’ and that, ‘We know that Islam is a religion of peace and the large majority ofMuslims have joined the United States to oppose terrorism’ (The independent 31 October, 2005: 4). In another instance, the National Chief Imam in one of his roles to mitigate the anti-American sentiment in the Muslim community also said that ‘President George Bush is not out to antagonize Islam but rather to see that the world is free from terror’. Thus the view is that the United States is practicing what it preaches (National Democrat, 2005:1). The major factor which influenced Ghanaian Muslims to judge the US negatively has been partly due to the Islamic brotherhood factor. Islamic brotherhood has served as a filter for Muslims to perceive the direction and the impact of United States’ foreign policy in the Muslim world. While Ghanaian Muslims appreciate the United States interest in developing Muslim communities in Ghana, they also criticize aspects of her foreign policy which have devastating effects on some Muslims elsewhere. Esposito also located the source of this Islamic brotherhood or Ummatic factor in the context of globalization. He said that: Globalization of communications, technology, and travel has heightened a new consciousness of the transnational identity and the interconnectedness of the Islamic community (Ummah) that follows events across the Muslim world on a daily and even on hourly basis. They reinforce a sense of solidarity and identification. Regardless of national and cultural identities, most Muslims are not secular; they do self-consciously identify themselves as Muslims. They celebrate or bemoan successes and failures of Muslim struggles for self-determination, freedom from oppression .. .as well as militant Jihad holy and unholy wars. (Esposito, 2003: 158.) In all, the respondents’ perception about the United States could be categorized into two perspectives. In the first, it could be argued that Ghanaian Muslims appreciated certain conunonalities binding them and the United States after 9/11 in regard to the United States’ 304 interest in developing their communities. In assisting Muslims with development projects the United States can be seen to have something in common with Ghanaian Muslims. Notwithstanding this, the United States’ war on terror made the respondents think that she is anti-Islam and Muslim un-friendly. Looking at the gender perspective in totality, the men tend to hold views that are more negative about the United States both before and after 9/11 as against the more positive outlook of the female respondents. This has partly arisen because the men invariably dominate in the facilitation of transnational Islamic interaction and connection with the Muslim and the Arab world. The consequence of this is the intense religious solidarity held by the male respondents with the Muslim and Arab world. This, therefore, serves as a mirror forjudging others especially the United States. Occupationally, the teachers and the businessmen within the sampled population hold a sentiment that is more anti-American. This shows that the teachers’ perception of the United States remained constant and was representative of people with the highest score holding anti-American feeling as against other occupational groups, with about 51 percent for before and after 9/11. Moreover, the perception of the businessmen about the United States before 9/11 was about 22.0%, rising to about 44% for after 9/11, which means that their perception about the United States increased negatively from 22 percent to 44 percent. Again, their perception about the United States as a friend of Islam and Muslims generally dropped from about 33 percent before 9/11 to about 11 percent after. This means that anti-American sentiment among the businessmen rose higher after the 9/11, partly as a result of their perception of the United States’ war on terrorism which they saw was targeting Muslim countries predominantly. 305 It points to the fact that, the anti-American sentiment in the Muslim community is real, with potential devastating effects on the United States’ interests globally. It also shows the appropriateness and the relevance of the United States’ rapprochement towards Muslims, since it will diffuse the negative perception about the United States among Muslims generally. The other noticeable trend seen in the research was that it was the Imams who had positive perceptions of the United States. For instance, about 42 percent of the Imams indicated that the United States before 9/11 was anti-Islam and anti-Muslim. However, the finding showed that after 9/11 there was a decrease in the scoring for the same variable, with about 25 % of the Imams indicating anti-American sentiments. This shows a significant improvement in the Imams’ perception of the United States after 9/11. This could be because in her official projects around the engagement with Ghanaian Muslims, the United States has focused on the Imams in particular. Perhaps, it will be instructive to survey the religious conviction of one of the prominent Imams and Alim (a Muslim scholar) to illustrate widely held notions about and perceptions of the United States among the Muslim Ulama and Imams in Ghana before 9/11,3 This is a verbatim transcription of the late Taufiq’s commentary on the Holy Qur'an following the 9/11 incidents against the United States. Within this translation he argued that the 9/11 incidents had been already predicted in the Qur'an for over 1500 years. Basically, he relied on numerals in the Quran in his commentary rather than a specific text which identified the events. Below is his statement on the commentary. 3Taufiq was the Ashanti Regional Imam of ASWAJ and a leading figure of the sect. 306 ‘God destroy infidelity and infidels’ (3) ‘God raise Islam and Muslims’ (3) Interpretation of the verse in the Quran, chapter; 9; verse; 108-109 The verse said; ‘Which is the best? He who laid his foundation on the piety to God and His pleasure? - Or he that laid his foundation on an undermined sand-cliff ready to crumble to pieces? And it does crumble to pieces with him and into the hell fire. And God guide not people that do wrong.’ (Yusuf Ali’s translation of the verse page 473). However, Taufiq interpreted the verse in this way: (verbatim statement) ‘He who built a foundation on the fear of Allah and his pleasure it is the best. He who built a foundation on a deep hole and this hole threw the person into the hell fire.’ He further added that, ‘I would want to call your attention to this important verse in the Qur‘an. It is in Suratul Taubat, which is Juz’u 11, coincidentally; the event in the United States occurred on September 11th. Again, Suratul Taubat is the 9* chapter in the Qur'an. If you count the number of words in this chapter, you will obtain 2001 words from the beginning of the verse to that verse. What I am trying to say is that to sum up everything in this chapter one gets 11,9,2001. The 11 represents the day of the event, which corresponds with the division of Qur‘an to the 11th number. The 9 represents the month of the event, which was September and corresponds with the number of the chapter in the Quran. And the 2001 represents the number of the words in the chaptcr this corresponds with the year of the event.’ Taufiq added, (in reference to the Twin Towers), ‘Therefore, who demolished the building?’ Moreover, one of the buildings’ room numbers is written 108 and the other 109. This also corresponds to the actual verse, which occurred in the Qur'an. My simple answer is that it was God who demolished it. Even if they build a new one, it will come down.’ 307 He then quoted a verse in the Quran: ‘are they not making sense from the Quran, if it were from any source other than Allah they would have found many contradictions.’ He added that ‘the Quran was revealed when the father of George Bush was not bom’. He then concluded that ‘the 9/11 was therefore a divine fulfillment’. A farther illustration of the meaning of this verse is needed. Taufiq added the 108 and 109 were the actual verses that talk about the event in the chapter. This also corresponds with the specific floors which were mostly affected by the attack. The year that the event occurred was 2001, which was the number of words that occurred in the chapter from the beginning to 109. The chapter falls within the Juz’u 1 l^of the Qur'an, which corresponds with the day of the event. Taufiq concluded that since the beginning of creation, Allah foretold the occurrence of this event, which will happen in the reign of George Bush, the Great Infidel. Surprisingly, after Taufiq Bakr‘s trip to the United States and his subsequent return to Ghana in August 2003, he became an anti-terror campaigner and pro-American activist in the Muslim communities. A specimen of his last radio programme on 14 July 2004 on Zuria FM in the Ashanti region sheds light on the sudden change in his attitude towards the United State, before his untimely death four days later on 18 July, 2004. Below is the 308 conversation with the audience on the radio about his perception of America and her foreign Question; People regard America as an enemy of Islam, what is your position about this view? Taufiq: before my trip to America, I was holding such a negative view. My negative perception about America was coloured by the American foreign policies, which invariably affect Muslim countries, such as the American invasion of Iraq, Afghanistan and the problem of Palestinians. However, upon my few days stay in the United States I gathered a contrary view altogether about America. For example, there are sizeable numbers of Muslims who are in the States but are not being harassed or persecuted. Question; It has been alleged that you have been bought by the American government, because you used to be a staunch critic of the United States’ foreign policies, what accounts for your change of attitude? Taufiq; I have been hearing these utterances before my trip and when I came from the States it worsened people’s perception about me. It is rather an unfortunate perception; I will advise that people always think well about others and do away with rumours. You know that it is a fact that somebody like me cannot be employed by the United States, because of my religious stance and principles. My earlier view about the United States’ foreign policies has never changed so why should people be accusing me that I have changed from my critical stance against United States. Granted we realize that Muslims are being given a raw deal and persecuted everywhere. I will launch a campaign against such a country or the people involved in the practice. What then is the problem? I do not think it is even necessary to be reacting to rumours. I have even heard that I have been given unique standing to the United States President. This is strange, I will have wished so, so that I will tell him the truth and demand the right of every Muslim in the world. I am proud that it was through me that some of the Ulama in Kumasi have had the chance to travel to America. Question; is there any difference between the practices of Islam in America and that of Ghana? Taufiq; There are vast differences. The major difference is that in Africa, the understanding of Islam is mixed and coloured with our cultural practices and in reality; most African cultural practices 309 are negative which outweighed the actual Islamic practices. On the other hand, most Muslims in the United States do not have strong attachment to their traditional and cultural practices, thereby giving them the opportunity to be imbued with the real and strict Islamic principles. Perhaps the other contributory factor is the strict enforcement of the rule of law in America. For instance, when I was in Detroit as if I was in Makkah, because I have not seen any Muslim woman without a veil, it is only her face that could be seen. You can even see men dressed as though they are in Makkah. In another area known as Manhattan, the Muslim woman could only be identified by her dress. It can therefore be observed that in targeting for dialogue of Imams and Ulama the American officials eventually brought about a substantial decrease in anti-American sentiment in Ghana. This changed perception of the United States has become the major position of the majority of the Ulama and Imams in Ghana. It shows that Ulama interaction with the West and the United States in the post 9/11 is yielding positive results in terms of an altered perception of the West on the part of the Muslim communities. It further suggests that these Ulama have had much insight into the progressive nature of the American Islam which could be replicated in Ghana. Though the late Taufiq’s sudden change in attitude, from being anti-American to pro- American after his trip to the United States was due to his earlier ignorance as to the extent of liberty and freedom that Muslims enjoy in the United States, it has also been opportunistic, for his own convenience. This is because the very conditions of Muslims on which his criticism of the United States’ foreign policies depended on prior to his trip to the United States have not changed for the better. They have rather worsened specifically, the United States’ invasion of Iraq following its invasion of Afghanistan. Moreover, Taufiq’s altered positive attitude towards the United States was partly a trade-off for development 310 projects. This is evident from the fact that United States built a health unit and a vocational training centre for the ASWAJ members in Kumasi, who were led by the late Taufiq. Finally, he was favourably treated by the American Embassy in Ghana, in that; some of his colleagues were recruited to visit the United States through him. In all, the stance taking by the late Taufiq shows the realism and pragmatism a Muslim scholar can adopt towards global issues, by taking into account the immediate interest of his community and moving away from being an ignorant critic to an objective analyst. It can thus be seen that the Ghanaian Muslims’ perception of the United States is being dictated by two factors, namely internal and external. The internal factors influenced the respondents to perceive the United States in a positive way, whereas the external factors influenced them to perceive the United States in a negative way. The internal factor in this context could be that the extension of the United States’ development projects to Ghanaian Muslims is greatly changing their perceptions of the United States. This is manifested in the respondents’ altered view of the United States, namely, that it is interested in developing Muslim communities in Ghana, and their realization that these communities have something in common with the United States. The external factors influencing the respondents’ negative perception of the United States could be her military operations in some Muslim countries as part of her war on terrorism. It is clear that despite the fact that the United States has established a good rapport with the leadership of the Ghanaian Muslim and their organizations, their perception of the United States as a friend of Islam and Muslims remains negative. In short, the United States’ foreign policies in the Middle-East and her war on terrorism are affecting Ghanaian’s perceptions of her negatively and she is seen as being anti-Islam and anti-Muslims. This 311 finding is in conformity with the United States National Intelligence Estimate which is based on an analysis of all 16 of America’s intelligence agencies. This has established that the United State’s war in Iraq is fueling anti-American sentiment world-wide (Daily graphic, 25 September, 2006). 7.8.4 Compatibility between Islamic and Western Values The other major issue that the research dwelt on was the cultural compatibility between Islamic and Western values. This was with a view to ascertaining from the respondents whether Islamic values and Western culture converge. It was also part of the broad objective of the research to identify from them a point of convergence on which Ghanaian Muslims, the West, and more specifically, the United States could cooperate. The result reveals that about 56 percent of the respondents think that Islam is in a perpetual conflict with the West in terms of values, whereas 19 percent of the respondents indicated that Islamic and Western values are in harmony. About 25 percent of the respondents indicated that they had no views to express on this issue. As to whether Islam is in a perpetual conflict with the Western world in terms of values, as far as the gender of the respondents is concerned, about 60 percent of the male respondents as against 40 percent of the female think that Islamic and Western cultures do not correspond. On the other hand, about 27 percent of the female respondents as against about 17 percent of the male argue that Islamic and Western cultures are in harmony. The finding therefore shows two distinct views and perspectives on the convergence or otherwise of Islamic and Western cultures, based on the gender of the respondents. Although it is men who generally shape the minds of Muslims in Ghana on religious issues, coincidentally, the research result shows that they hold negative perceptions of the congruity of Western 312 culture with Islamic values. However, women who invariably depend on men for religious education hold a different view of this congruity of Western and Islamic values. While much is not known about the reasons for the women’s view, it does suggest that they are more receptive and more open in their opinions about Islamic and Western cultures. It could, therefore, be concluded that Muslim women tend to look at the commonalities which bring the Western and Islamic or Muslim values together. The Muslim males, on the other hand, concentrate on the major differences between the two values before arriving at this Again, the results show that about 43 and 18 percent of the students and the Imams believe that Islamic and Western values are incongruous. The Imams who represent the nucleus for the interpretation of Islam have a variant perspective as to the differences between Islamic and Western cultures. The major argument offered by some of the Imams is that Islamic culture and values impose some extent of limitation on Muslim behaviour and activities, in contrast with the nature of Western culture which is, to a larger extent, too permissive as to behaviours and activities. That this view emanates from the Imams implies that, since it is they who are responsible for moulding Muslim character and culture they impart such irreconcilable religious orientation on the ordinary Muslims. In other words, they make the ordinary Muslims accept the view that Islamic values and the Western culture are incongruous. The origin of this cultural incompatibility between Islamic and Western values among the Imams could be partly attributed to in the vast difference between the centers of education and orientation where the Ghanaian Ulama and Imams in Ghana were trained. The fact is that Muslim Vlma and Imams invariably receive their professional training from the Arab world which 313 is culturally and homogenously Islamic and devoid of any Western cultural influence. Thus, there is a greater tendency on their part to conclude that Islamic values are more congruous with Arabian culture than that of the West as a result of their lack of exposure to the Western world. The students’ position could also be that the Islamic resurgence supported by the Ghana Muslim Students Association (GMSA) in the higher educational institutions has created awareness among the student groups of the fact that their cultural values differ from those of the West One cannot also underestimate the influence of the transnational Muslim organizations in Ghana among the Muslim students such as Al-Muntada Al-Islami, Huda Islami, and the Revival Islamic Heritage Society. These transnational Muslim organizations serve as the largest source of funding for students’ activities and programmes in organizing forums, religious camps and workshops geared towards orienting Muslim students in Ghana along a particular Islamic perspective. The congruity of Islamic values or otherwise with the West is sometimes shaky. Studies suggest that it is much related to historical episodes as it sometimes overlaps and diverges at different time. For instance, Ali Mazrui argues that relations between Islamic and Western values suggest a complex account of convergences and divergences in the 20th and 21st centuries. The specific area in which both values were congruous in the first half of the 20* century, were in the areas of sexual behavior, gender roles, alcohol consumption and the death penalty (Mazrui 2007: 793). However, in the second half of 20th century, the relationship between Euro-American values and traditional Islamic values diverged in as far as sex, alcohol and drugs are concerned. In the 21"' century the relationship between Euro- American and Islamic values still continue to diverge as American social norms become too 314 permissive with the idea of same sex marriages, and intolerant tendencies between the two cultures continue to flourish (Ibid). Lastly, this century is also witnessing a deeper democratization of the Muslim world as there is recognition of the impotence of political structures in it (Mazrui 2007:793). In my opinion, it is significant to state that Islamic values throughout its historical encounter with the West have remained largely stable and exceptionally consistent. It is rather Western values which sometimes converge with Islam or otherwise. This cultural incongruity as shown by these Ghanaian respondents is also being partially influenced by the transnational Muslim Ulama in the West African sub-region who visit Ghana. The network created by the Ahlus-Sunnah sect in Ghana with other sister organizations in the Sub-region of West Africa provides such forum. The annual convention of the Ahlus-Sunnah movement is one of these forums which attract like-minded scholars from the Sub-region. Kabir H.Gombe, a member of the Yan Izala in Nigeria and a well respected scholar in Ghana holds the notion of cultural incongruity between the Islamic and the Western values. In one of his presentation at the annual convention of ASWAJ on 28 September 2006, he linked Western values as being too steep in immorality. He argued that Western conspiracy makes the Muslim youth to believe that it is fashionable to be immoral. He identified the Western-driven technology as the major instruments through which the West corrupts the Muslim youth. The mobile phone is one of such instrument, as it is used to promote immorality in diverse ways (Gombe presentation, 28 September 2006). From the onset, to activate the Nokia handset, for example, a man extends a hand to a woman is seen; and this, in a way, promotes immorality, Gombecontended. Secondly, he continued, Muslim youth 315 have now been taught how to down-load immoral materials on their handsets which are accessible anywhere and any time Further reasons were cited by Gombe as to the incongruity of Islamic and Western values. For instance, in his estimation, it is rare to meet a virgin in the United States older than 15. The adage that ‘a person’s problem is like somebody who has been assigned to identify a virgin lady in the United States’ is a common saying used to describe how difficult it is to come by something one needs. Also at Oklahoma University in the United States it is quite usual for someone to have sex with any woman one wants (Gombe presentation, 28 September 2006). Also, same sex marriages are permissible in the West by two states of the United States. He indicated that it has reached a point that a husband can put an advertisement inviting people to have sex with his wife on a commercial basis. This he concludes that the Western propaganda targets the youth with a view to diluting the Islamic values in the world. (Gombe presentation, 28th September 2006) However, it has been argued that to assume that Islam is incompatible with Western values and civilization is to ignore past and present exchanges and cross-fertilizations. It also implies that civilizations are mutually exclusive and diametrically opposed (Esposito, 2002:123). This tendency therefore encourages prejudices and a sense of exclusivity of one group above the other, with potential for breeding conflicts and misunderstandings in the world. Notwithstanding this, some respondents also believe that Islamic and Western values are compatible. This view was mostly seen in respondents in the teaching profession (33%), non-sectarian Muslims (39%), and public servants (15%). The background of these 316 respondents suggests that the nature of their professions entails interacting with people of diverse background and religious orientations. This therefore made them to appreciate the common values binding them to others. Thus, it could be concluded that a person’s occupation which makes him/her interact with others with different religious backgrounds will infuse a sense of commonality with the people concerned rather than identifying the differences with the group. In conclusion, it has been observed that Islamic and Western values have expcricnccd some level of flexibility during the course of history. However, various factors have influenced the views of the respondents as to the compatibility between Islamic and Western values. For instance, the Imams, men and the students’ hold the view that Islamic and Western values do not converge due to the role that they play in the society and the relationships they have or maintain with the Muslim world and the role of transnational Muslim bodies in Ghana. Further, it has also been established that those who believe that Islamic and Western values are compatible were influenced by the nature of their occupation which exposes them to people of different religious orientations. 7.8.5 Avenues for Constructive Cultural Dialogue As shown earlier, the majority of the respondents think that Islamic and Western values are not congruous. They, however, suggested possible areas of cultural dialogue which could improve constructive engagement between the West and the Muslim Ummah globally. Such constructive cultural engagement will dispel and demystify the widely held notion in the Muslim communities that the Western world is basically biased towards Christianity whereas the Arab world is biased towards Islam. This tendency will eventually promote harmonious and shared transnational relations in Ghana. 317 Generally, the result reveals that a fair representation of Islamic and Muslim issues in the Western media (52.9%) emerged as the topmost, followed by inter-faith dialogue (26.4%), assistance in the form of development projects (12.1 %), among many other issues. As to the gender of the respondent, the survey reveals that men mostly identified issues that reflect their profession or related to their domain, such as inter-faith dialogue and the participation of Western Muslims in the cultural dialogue. In fact, about 29 percent of the men, as against 19 percent of the women identified inter-faith dialogue as a possible area for improving constructive cultural dialogue between the West and the Muslims globally. The other characteristic drawn from the survey’s findings is that the men identified with the participation of Western Muslims in improving cultural dialogue as against the women who did not identify with this view. This, therefore, means that the views of the men have been dictated by the direct benefit of such programmes to them. On the other hand, the result also shows that about 22 percent of the female respondents as against 10 percent of the men dominated in the view that cultural dialogue could improve constructive engagement between the West and Muslim Ummah through assistance in the form of development projects. It could therefore be observed that the women focus on those issues which have direct benefit to the larger society rather than to themselves. Fig. 4: Gender perspective as to whether Islam is in a perpetual conflict with the Western world in terms of values 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Yea No No Idea ISource: Survey Data 2005) 318 Fj 5. Gender perspective and avenues of cultural dialogue to improving constructive engagement between the West and Muslim Ummah globally Avenues for Constructive Engagement [Source: Survey Data 2005| The result also shows that the students (46%), the Tijaniyya (27%), and the Ahlus-Sunnah sect members (26%) in that order, proposed that the best platform for creating cultural dialogue between the West and the Muslim Ummah globally is through inter-faith dialogue. Hie nature of the respondents’ proposal suggests that they believe that contemporary global problems originate from religious differences between Muslims and non-Muslims. Even though inter-faith dialogue has not generated much interest in the relations between Muslims and non-Muslims in Ghana, lack of it has caused some religious skirmishes between Muslims and non-Muslims in recent times (Samwini, 2003: 200-208.). The respondents identified the fair representation of Islam and Muslim issues in the Western media as the best possible avenue for improving cultural dialogue for constructive ®gagement. The result shows that non-sectarian Muslims (33%) and those in the teaching profession (28%) were associated with this view. This implies that the nature of the Portrayal of Islamic and Muslim issues has been the major source of concern of people w*thin this group. The obvious deduction from this negative portrayal of Muslim issues and toe images of Islam in the Western media is its effect on the identity of Muslims globally. 319 This tendency has therefore compelled the respondents to suggest the need for corrective measures to remedy the situation. The outcome of the research therefore shows that two distinct positions were suggested by foe respondents for constructive cultural dialogue initiatives to bridge the cultural gap between the Muslim Ummah and the West. The first proposition for cultural dialogue between the West and the Muslim Ummah is through inter-faith dialogue. The second view is the need for fair representation of Islamic and Muslim issues in the Western media. Each view has its advantages. For instance, one cannot underestimate the role of inter-religious dialogue in fostering understanding and accommodation of each other's faith, gaining respect, and promoting unity in shared endeavo“urs (Ramadan, 2004:200). However, one major contradiction in the respondents’ view on the inter-religious dialogue is the concern attached to dialogue with non-Muslims in the West at the expense of Ghanaian non- Muslims. The reason that some of the respondents is that the Western world tends to misinform the non-Muslims in the Third World about Islam and Muslim issues through the media and governmental policies. % 6: Occupational perspectives and the view that Islam is in perpetual conflict with the Western world in terms of values ISource: Survey Data 2005) 320 ftp. 7: Occupational perspectives and avenues for cultural dialogue to improving constructive engagement between the West and Muslim Ummah globally □ Students ■ Imams □ Businessmen f ^ □ Public Servants ^5^ ^ 'Tp ■ Teaching Avenues of Constructive Engagement [Source: Survey Data 2005| As the American rapprochement to Muslims in Ghana was linked to her interest to educate Muslims globally on the menace of terrorism, the next section further explores that. It will do that by examining Muslims understanding of the causes of terrorism and how it has impacted on them. 7.9 CONCLUSION The post 11 September 2001 incidents ushered in the third phase of Ghanaian Muslims’ transnational relations with the West, especially the United States. The significance of Muslim relations with the United States in the post 9/11 period is that it offers an opportunity to narrow the cultural gap existing between Ghanaian Muslims and the United States. This, in the end, has helped to dilute Ghanaian Muslims’ propensity to anti-Western ®d anti-American sentiment. While Ghanaian Muslims’ relations with the Arab world were championed by Islamic seminary trained Ulama, the United States rapprochement to Ghanaian Muslims was purely propelled by Western educated Muslims. This shows the wtent to which acquisition of a particular education can predispose people to certain regimes interest. 321 The result shows that the initial stage of this new rapprochement shown by the United States towards Muslims in Ghana was difficult for the facilitators (FAGLAT). Despite this, Ghanaian Muslims suggested the focus of their relationship with the West and United States to be in the realms of providing educational opportunities, health facilities, HIV/AIDS education etc. This is partly to maximize the benefits of their transnational relations with the United States. The value of the United States’ dialogue with Ghanaian Muslims is shown in the fact that majority of them think that the United States has a hidden agenda for initiating this rapprochement. Others, however, also believe that it will promote understanding and result in opportunities to tap the expertise of the United States. The perception of Ghanaian Muslims about the United States before and after 9/11 provides a mixed response. This is evident in their appreciation that the United States has something in common with Ghanaian Muslims and she is interested in developing Muslim communities in Ghana. They, nevertheless, argue that the United States is anti-Islam and not Muslims friendly. In view of the fact that the United States relations with Muslims was a novel one in Muslim history in Ghana, some respondents believe that Islamic and Western values are incongruous. However, the research explores from these respondents new avenues that cultural congrouity between the Islamic and the Western world could be established. In the estimation of these respondents, cultural congruity between them and the United States can he constructed on the following areas; fair representation of Islam in the Western media, inter-faith dialogue, and the participation of Western Muslims to improve cultural dialogue 322 between Muslims and the West. In all, it shows that Muslims in Ghana attach much concern about their religious identity. This exploratory background captures Muslims new relations with the United States. However one important issue which is not addressed is what has been the overriding interest of this new rapprochement towards Muslims in Ghana? The next section identifies issues arising from that which is tied to the United States policy of educating Muslims on terrorism. 323 CHAPTER EIGHT go TERRORISM: THE THRUST OF UNITED STATES ENGAGEMENT IN THE MUSLIM COMMUMITY 8.1 INTRODUCTION In this chapter, the attitude of Ghanaian Muslims towards terrorism is discussed in the light of the United States’ movement towards rapprochement with the Muslim world. As observed in our introduction to chapter eight which deals with Ghanaian Muslims relations with the United States in the post-9/11, the present chapter deals with the motive behind the interest of the United States in the Muslim communities, that being the need to educate Muslims on the causes and the possible solutions to terrorism. Such discussion is necessary because of the interconnectedness of Ghanaian Muslims with the wider Muslim world. Fundamentally, Muslim world has been described by the West and the United States as those states which fan trans-Islamic terrorism throughout the world. Transnational Muslim extremism directed at the West and the United States drove their interest in the Muslim communities globally. This interest is aimed at mitigating anti- Western and anti-American sentiments, as well as to bridge the perceived cultural gap between the Muslim Ummah and the West. Generally, the post 9/11 period provides a unique opportunity to narrow the extreme gap between an understanding of the causes of and solutions to terrorism. That this understanding is conflicted can be seen in the fact that Muslims refer to the conditions which give rise to terrorism, while the West is concerned about the appropriate means of seeking redress to issues. Another concern of the Western world is the need on the part of Muslims to separate political grievances from religious motives. 324 g3 BACKGROUND TO TERRORISM The word ‘terrorism’ was first used in a political context in the latter part of the 18th century during the French Revolution especially in (1789-1799). The harsh rule of the Committee of Public Safety (1793-1795) led by Maximilien Robespierre was known as the Reign of Terror, during which time thousands were guillotined. The term continues to be used, although now it refers to the targeting of civilians and institutions through mass destruction and aimed at achieving political, religious, ethnic, or other goals. So far, there is no universal and acceptable definition for the term terrorism among the international community. As a result, this has been restricted to an individual nation-state’s understanding of the term. The lack of international consensus on what terrorism is, resulted in its definition being based on what it constitutes. However, it can be argued that, terrorism could be recognized on the basis of the following criteria: violence, target, objective, motive, perpetrator, and legitimacy or legality of the act. For instance, it is unanimously agreed that, terrorism involves acts of violence or threats of violence. Nevertheless, violence alone does not constitute an act of terrorism. In addition, the act of terrorism involves deliberate targeting of civilians. The objective of terrorism involves an attempt to put fear and intimidation in the civilian population, government functionaries, and society. Again, terrorism could also be understood in terms of its motive. This could be to achieve political, religious, and ethnic goals through the spread of fear and mayhem. Perpetrators of acts of terrorism could include a government, as the case of state- sponsored terrorism, organizations, and individuals. 325 Despite that there is no unanimous definition of terrorism, Alex P. Schmid after a comprehensive review and consultations with other academics proposed that, an act of terrorism is the ‘peacetime equivalent of a war crime’ (Quoted by P.Heymann 2004:4). Similarly, the United States Defense Department defines terrorism as ‘the calculated use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political, religious, or ideological.’ Also, Ghana’s Anti-Terrorism Act defines terrorism as an ‘act or threat of action in or outside the Republic which constitutes an offence within the scope of an international counterterrorism convention to which the Republic is a party’ (Ghana Anti- Terrorism Act, 2005). The international community, realizing the potential threat of terrorism, has taken several measures to address this menace. These originate from international organizations or continental, sub-regional or national level. Some of the international conventions enacted by the international community to address the menace of terrorism were the 1963 Tokyo Convention on Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft; the 1970 Hague Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft; and the 1971 Montreal Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Act against the Safety of Civil Aviation. Significantly, in the wake of terrorist attacks on the United States of America, in 2001 the United Nations under the mandate of its Security Council adopted resolution 1373, which obliges member countries to deny safe haven to those who finance, plan, support, or commit terrorist acts. Also, the Commonwealth Plan of Action on Terrorism enjoins member states to implement the United Nations Resolution 1373. In respect of the African continent, there 326 is the Algiers Convention on the Prevention and Combat of Terrorism known as the 1999 OAU Convention. Ghana, being a signatory to these international conventions, drafted an Anti-Terrorism Act to address the menace of terrorism within its territorial boundaries. Religious terrorism is one of the main threats to international peace and civilization. Religious extremism is embodied in the use of violence in furtherance of a perceived divinely commanded purpose. This religious extremism is not exclusive to one religion but permeates all. In the case of Islam, the perception of Islamic organizations which represent the focal point of Islamic Resurgence is a mixed one, depending upon the perceiver. For instance, they are perceived by the West and others as embodying the Islamic threat to the world. It is argued that Islamic organizations are destabilizing forces in the world that will use any tactics to gain power and achieve their aim. For others, however, they represent an authentic alternative to corrupt, exhausted, and ineffectual regimes (Esposito, 1992: 119). The destabilizing nature of some Islamic organizations in the contemporary times emanate from the manner and the method that they employ to achieve their goals. This is largely through violence. Also, they utilize Islamic symbols and images in respect of their political agenda and identities to achieve their goals. Examples of these organizations’ include; the Party of God (jHizbullah), Holy War (Jihad), Army of God (Jundullah), and Salvation from Hell (Takfir Wa Hijra). These names, therefore, conjure up among non-Muslims images of religious fanaticism and extremism with their devastating consequences on mankind. The causes of religious terrorism in the Muslim world could be sought through the origin of Islamic reform and renewal embedded in the Islamic concept of Tajdid (revival) and Islah (reform). In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries revivalist leadership sprang up across 327 the Islamic world with the aim of bettering the lot of the Ummah. For instance, in the Sudan, the Mahdi (1848-85), emerged, whereas in Libya the Sanusi arose from 1787-1859. In Saudi Arabia, the Wahhabi, with their puritanical and Unitarian ideology, appeared in 1703-92. The West African version of Islamic revival emanated from the modem day Nigeria led by the Fulani leaders from 1754-1817 (Esposito, 1992: 119). There were similar movements in other parts of the world to meet the challenges confronted by the Muslim Ummah. The origin and the causes of Islamic revivalism were internally motivated, because they responded to decline in the various Islamic States. Muslim leaders in the eighteenth century responded to economic and socio-moral decline, military defeats, and political division within the imperial sultanates. Muslim leaders at that time argued that the causes of Muslim decline were due to the departure from true Islamic values (Esposito, 1992:55). Though, the struggles that these Muslim leaders embarked upon to bring about socio-moral reform in their respective societies were not necessarily intended to create mayhem, their actions were embodied in violence. However, terrorism in recent times has taken on a transnational dimension, particularly targeting the interest of the West and the United States. The position of the Ghanaian Muslims must be seen, not in isolation, but in the context of the West African sub-region in which they live, since they interrelate with neighboring West African Muslims religiously, ethnically and culturally. Ghana is surrounded by Cote d Ivoire, Burkina Faso, and Togo. None of these states, however, wields any strong Islamic influence on Ghanaian Muslims, like its other neighbour, Nigeria. This can be discerned in an examination of the role played by transnational and itinerant Nigerian scholars in the Muslim communities in Ghana. David Dickson supports the view that the Nigerian Islamic 328 Resurgence, which was encouraged by the long-standing transnational connections of West African Muslims to Middle Eastern centres of learning, could result in the spread of the Nigerian brand of puritanical Islam to West African sub-region (Dickson, 2004). This is also supported by African security analyst’s assessment of Nigeria in that recent events in the north-east Nigeria, particularly in Bomo and Yobe, point to evidence of a connection between a militant youth group of Ahlus-Sunnah Wal-Jama‘ah and the Taliban of Afghanistan. The group has been involved in attacks on police stations, government offices and civilians. The likelihood of the group exporting their brand of Islam to and recruiting others in the sub-region of West Africa is high (Obi, 2007: 25). The fact that the Hausa language has its origins in Nigeria, being the dominant lingua franca in the southern and northern Muslim part of Ghana, and is used in the exposition of Islam in Ghana further attests to the fact the Nigerian Hausa Ulama still wield influence on Ghanaian Muslims. The recent conviction of a Ghanaian Muslim, Sumaila Abubakari (who used the fake name Manfo Kwaku Asiedu) in London over the failed 2005 London bombings suggests that acts of terrorism could also be perpetrated by Ghanaian nationals both inside and outside the territorial borders of Ghana (Daily Graphic, November 21, 2007: 24). The long-standing transnational connections of post-independence Ghanaian Muslims with the Middle-Eastern centers of Islamic learning which have been variously blamed as the source of transnational terrorism in the world, reinforces the potential threat of terrorism in Ghana (Rabasa et al, 2004:81). While the interest of Ghanaian Muslims in the Arab/Islamic world is primarily dictated by two major factors, namely to seek religious direction and acquire funding for Islamic activities and development projects, it in effect exposes them to potential external manipulation and influences with their concomitant terrorist undertone. 329 The thrust of this study is the United States’ rapprochement with Ghanaian Muslims, with her anti-terror campaign, and education projects in the Muslim communities of Ghana. This thesis will ascertain how Ghanaian Muslims balance their interconnection with their ethnic, cultural and religious counterparts among the Muslims in the West African sub-region and their co-religionists in the Middle-East on the one hand and their objective perspectives on the causes and solutions to terrorism in the world on the other hand. Questionnaires were administered in the field. These were targeted at the various strata in the Muslim communities of Ghana and the respondents’ responses were analyzed. Specifically, the research targeted the Muslims’ gender as well as age, occupation, and adherence to a particular doctrine in the Muslim communities, among other factors. The major issues that we ascertained from the respondents were the causes of terrorism, the impact of terrorism on Ghanaian Muslims and its eradication. Other issues also included Ulama in Da 'wa against terrorism as well as the factors affecting their role. 8.3 CAUSES OF TERRORISM The respondents expressed their views as to the causes of terrorism. It must be emphasized that the causes of terrorism are complex and therefore cannot be discussed exhaustively in this study. Thus, the opinions of the scholars who study terrorism have also been varied. In this regard, the causes of international terrorism are normally seen by others as reflecting chronic moral and conscious crises experienced by the international political system (Hageel, 2002: 81). This is because these crises are results of contradictions between the ideal objectives of the international system and certain actions perpetrated by the super Powers. The significance of identifying the causes of terrorism in the world has been 330 supported by Mazrui. In order to reinforce the significance and the adequate diagnosis of the causes of terrorism, he compares the role of detectives who identify the anonymous murderer to someone identifying the causes of terrorism. He argues that in investigating a simple murder, the detectives seek clues from the victim of the homicide, asking for instance, why this person was the target? They then try to identify the motive for the murder, that is, which issue precipitated the crime? The detectives try to fathom what kind of person would have committed such a crime, that is, the profile of the killer (Mazrui, 2005:16). The Higher Committee for Fighting Terrorism of the United Nations (UN) has in a report issued on 29/2 /1979, identified the causes of terrorism as ranging from political, economic and social conditions. The political conditions could be discerned from the reports as emanating from hegemony of one country, racism, use of force against weak states and countries. Others include, complete or partial foreign occupation, interference in the affairs of other countries etc (Hageel 2002:81). The economic factors have to do with lack of balance in the international economic system and foreign exploitation of natural resources of others. The social conditions include violation of human rights, deprivation,s tarvation, misery and illiteracy. Aspects of the research findings also corroborate the UN’s perspective on the causes of terrorism in the world. Among the causes of terrorism as identified by the respondents from the survey was: 1. injustice, unfairness, and oppression of others (52.3), 2. denial of people of their rights (19.2%), 3. interference in internal affairs of other nation (14.5%), 331 4. unlawful occupation of the lands of other states (11.9%), and 5. Governments’ harassment and oppression of religious leaders (2.1 %). Thus, the causes of terrorism identified by the United Nations are accidentally similar to the perception of terrorism identified by Ghanaian Muslims. The majority of the respondents identified injustice, unfairness, and oppression as the leading causes of terrorism in the world. The following were identified by the respondents as secondary causes of terrorism, namely, the denial of people’s rights, followed by the interference in the internal affairs of other nations and, finally, the unlawful occupation of the lands of other states. As shown above, government harassment and oppression of religious leaders was the least significant cause of terrorism as identified by some respondents. Chart 1, below, indicates the causes of terrorism. Fig. 8: Causes of terrorism 60 [Source: Survey Data 2006) With this background in mind, the survey result will critically assess the views of respondents ® relation to the causes of world terrorism while taking into consideration their demographic characteristics. 332 The male group representing (79%), Ahlus-Sunnah sect (53%), and the Imams (24%) were those who mostly identified injustice, unfairness, and oppression of others as probable causes of terrorism. On the other hand, 50% of both the students and the teachers also believe that harassment and oppression of religious leaders by the government give an impetus to world terrorism. Lastly, the view that terrorism is precipitated by the unlawful occupation of others lands was largely that of the students, the Ahlus-Sunnah, and the non-sectarian Muslims. The possible reasons accounting for the respondents’ identification of these diverse views as to the causes of terrorism emanates from their unique demographic background. Generally, the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Imams are associated with the view that terrorism is being caused by injustice, unfairness, and oppression of other people, means that these groups prefer to identify certain attributes and values which describe the action or inaction of others. This could be gleaned from the fact that injustice and unfairness are values connoting undesirable and unacceptable behaviour towards other people. The partial reason for this view of the Imams is that their role in the society which is to give religious direction has enabled than to pass judgment in respect of people’s conduct and behaviour. This is because they preside over and adjudicate cases on religious and social matters. This can, of course, suggest that these respondents pass value judgment on certain political events. These events serve as a catalyst for the breeding and perpetuation of terrorism. The danger that terrorism can thrive on injustice and unfairness has also been stressed. It has been argued that terrorism attacks a perceived injustice by imposing an indiscriminate message of fear. It does not distinguish between the guilty or innocent and destroys all without regard to culpability or individual responsibility (El Fadl, 2001: 118). 333 In Islam, justice (Adi) and fairness (Hakim) are the attributes of Allah. Muslims are expected to emulate these qualities in order to attain and achieve the highest divine favour. Islam also expects that humankind treats one another with the sense of fairness regardless of the other person’s religious, political, and or ethnic persuasions. This view is amply demonstrated in the Quran, which states: '0 you who believe stand out firmly, as witnesses to fair dealing, and let not the hatred of others to you make you swer\’e to wrong and depart from justice. Be just: that is next to piety: and fear God, for God is well acquainted with all that you do'. The foundation of the respondents’ argument is therefore well-based on Islamic values and the application of these values is universal to all humankind irrespective of a person’s background. It therefore means that justice and fairness are values with which everybody deserves to be treated, regardless of the background of either party. Nevertheless, it is difficult to measure what actually constitutes these values justice and fairness since they can be subjective sometimes. This makes it difficult to address issues of justice and fairness from an objective and universal perspective. The religious dimension of the causes of terrorism is based on the premise that terrorism is brought about by the harassment of religious leaders by governments. This explains why some governments see a link between religious leaders and the causes of terrorism. There are several matters that have influenced the views of the respondents as to the relationship between religion and terrorism. First, these respondents tend to observe the religious symbols and concepts that terrorists associate with their cause, such as Jihad (Holy war), Shahid (martyrdom), war against infidels, etc. Not much could be derived from the background of the teachers and the students and their having any transnational contact with 334 the Muslim world. It could, however, be said that they have relied upon mass media to corroborate this view. Because when the view of these respondents was further examined, some of them were referring to events leading to political unrest in Algeria, Saudi Arabia and Egypt as a result of the Islamists making strong in-roads into the politics of those countries. Some instances of the religious harassment and persecution of Ulama in the Muslim world are evident when Saudi dissidents’ seizure of the Grand Mosque and accusing the Saudi royal family of compromising their Wahhabiyya faith. This resulted in brutal reprisals at the hands of the government against the group, without calling for dialogue to resolve the problem (Esposito, 2002:48). Again, in the 1990s and the aftermath of the Gulf War, the Saudi Government had to move forcefully to arrest and silence independent civilian Ulama in Mecca, Medina and Riyadh who were calling for greater political participation and accountability, and denouncing religious deviance and corruption. The same could be said about the Egyptian and Algerian governments’ relations with Islamists in their respective countries (Esposito, 2002:48). All these add to the respondents’ perception that the harassment of religious leaders in the Muslim world by government precipitates terrorism. It is, however, worth stating that, the Islamists’ approach to political issues in the Muslim world partly contributes to this tendency. In Egypt, for example, Muslim dissidents in a desperate attempt to coerce the government to implement Islamic law, attacked Coptic Chnstian churches, and destroyed Christian’s shops and properties: bars and nightclubs, cinemas and video stores. All symbols of Western influence and immorality, were burned or bombed (Esposito, 1995: 98) Again, in the aftermath of the implementation of the Shari‘ah 335 in Northern Nigeria, similar negative pictures were painted by the Islamists, where they closed non-Muslim drinking bars, cinemas and other entertainment centres. In addition, the view that terrorism is caused by the unlawful occupation of the lands of another nation was shared by some respondents. This view is as a result of the respondents’ observation of the problems in Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan. Islam is the predominant religious affiliation of the citizens of these states. Also, conditions that cause terrorism can be found in these countries, thereby suggesting that in recent times they have contributed most to the causes of terrorism. This view is supported by the statement of the would-be London bomber, Usman Hussain, that he and two of his colleagues were motivated by the invasion of Iraq by the Coalition Forces led by the United States with the resultant killing of children and innocent people. He added that one Said Mukhtar showed them a DVD with images of children and women killed by American and British soldiers. Hussain concluded that films showing the atrocities committed by the coalition’s occupation forces in Iraq helped to foster the group’s political conviction to target Western interests (The Muslim searchlight, 2005: 5). Perhaps, the understanding of these would-be terrorists might have arisen from their misinterpretation of the religious stance of some Muslim Ulama on how to deal with Western super-powers’ occupation of Muslim lands, Yusuf Al-Qaradawi being one of them. He argues that fighting against the occupation of the Coalition Forces led by the United States in Iraq and other occupied Muslim countries is a legitimate form of resistance (Muslim searchlight, 2004: 9). He added that, fighting the Western invaders in Iraq is an obligation, which is endorsed by heavenly religions and international agreements. He, 336 however, distinguished between Western civilians whom Islam strictly forbids to be attacked in this sense as against the invading soldiers who could be legitimately targeted. In short, various causes of terrorism were identified by the respondents. These include injustice and unfairness, government harassment of religious leaders, denial of other people of their rights and the unlawful occupation of another nation. 8.4 THE IMPACT OF TERRORISM ON GHANAIAN MUSLIMS The impact of global terrorism on humankind has no geographic boundaries. This is due to the intertwined and interdependent nature of our lives with people of other continents. The Ghanaian Muslims’ relationship with the wider world is no exception. More importantly, the post-independence period has significantly reinforced Ghanaian Muslims relations with the Arab and Islamic world, making the Ummah factor in Muslim life more prominent. Part of the positive relations between Ghanaian Muslims and the Muslim world (as observed in chapters’ four and five) has been reinforced by the constant flow of resources and funding from the Muslim world for developmental projects and Islamic activities in Ghana However, the consequences of war on terrorism have had its manifold effects on Ghanaian Muslims/Arab world relations. This is because aspects of the broader policy of the war against terrorism put emphasis on scrutinizing Islamic Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) and institutions which provide developments to Muslims globally and Ghanaian Muslims are no exception. The Islamic NGOs have been variously labeled by the United States and the West as a haven for terrorists because; they lack effective governmental supervision (Benthall, 2007:6). It was against this background that the assessment of the impact of terrorism on Ghanaian Muslims was necessary in order to reveal its unique nature. 337 Although about 53 percent of the respondents could not indicate the impact of terrorism on them or on the Ghanaian Muslim society, six (6) areas of concern were identified by 47 percent of the other respondents. The following are the general findings on the impact of terrorism on Ghanaian Muslims in descending order: 1. it has affected the smooth flow of resources to Islamic NGOs (16.6%), 2. refusal of job opportunities to Muslims (15.0%), 3. it has affected the reputation and the image of Ghanaian Muslims (8.3%), 4. the effect of terrorism in the Dagbon traditional area (3.6%). 5. Muslims are labeled terrorists when they are involved in any act of violence (3.1%), and. 6. Islam is not attractive to enlightened non-Muslims (.5%). Fig. 9: Areas that terrorism has impacted on Ghanaian Muslims 60 [Source: Survey Data 2006) The background of the respondents shows that the male (85%), teachers (44%) and the Ahhis-Sunnah (38%) respondents, in that order, believe that terrorism has affected the ■roage and reputation of Ghanaian Muslims. This means that the actions of a minority of Muslims do affect the larger Muslim Ummah. This also implies that the larger Muslim 338 Ummah is made to cany the burden of some Muslims who have not been mandated by them to carry out acts of terrorism. Part of the effect on the Muslim image and identity could also be the stereotypical tendency on the part of others to question the moral probity of the Islamic tradition and that of the larger Muslim Ummah‘s culture. This is because in every religious category, there are people whose actions and behaviour cannot be taken as truly representative of the larger group. This situation has therefore found its expression among the respondents who believe that the action of a minority of Muslims has affected their integrity and image as Muslims. The Imams (33%) and the Ahlus-Sunnah members (72%) respectively raised the issue of the impact of terrorism on the smooth flow of resources to Ghanaian Muslims from the Arab and the Muslim world. The dominance of the Imams and the Ahlus-Sunnah members in respect of this view implies that the operation of Islamic NGOs is mostly being spearheaded by the Ulama and Ahlus-Sunnah members. This is shown in the ownership of such Islamic organizations in Ghana such as Al-Huda Islamic Society, Al-Muntada, Al- Hudaibiya, and Al-Furqan Islamic Society among other groups. These organizations have saved as the focal points for attracting developmental projects from the Muslim world to Ghana. This view, therefore, shows the interconnected background of the Ghanaian Muslim Imams with the Muslim world regarding religious activities in Ghana. It also identifies the virtual dependence of the Ghanaian Muslim religious leaders on the Muslim world for funding of developmental projects. The specific impact of terrorism on the Islamic NGOs in Ghana was further elucidated through interviews with the proprietors and some directors of the NGOs in Ghana to help 339 shed more light on the issue: For instance, one Director lamented that the worldwide promulgation of laws against global terrorism outlawed generous donations to the Islamic NGOs, from individual philanthropists without similarly outlawing such donations from the government recognized charitable institutions in certain Arab countries (Muzu, interview, , 9th May 2005). The net result was that, because these philanthropists do not trust the government charitable organizations to serve as the channel to disburse their resources to their desired beneficiaries they halted their assistance to the Islamic NGOs on account of this legislation. This was in spite of the fact that these legislations were promulgated by governments from the Muslim world. This situation eventually affected the operation of some fbreign-affiliated Islamic NGOs in Ghana. It must, however, be emphasized that although the impact of the global war against terrorism affected the operation of NGOs in Ghana it did not completely halt the activities of most of the NGOs. Ghanaian Muslim NGOs were also affected by the global war on terrorism in another area, but then only for a short while. An operator of an Islamic NGO indicated that the effect of the global fight against terrorism with the resultant promulgation of anti-terrorism laws affected his organization for a short while (Mustapha, interview, 2nd April 2006). This was when remittances for projects were cut short for a year. The explanation given was that most Islamic governments’ halted donation to beneficiary communities until they initiated laws and restructured the operation of humanitarian organizations in their countries (Mustapha, interview, 2nd April 2006) It was also established that the fight against global terrorism resulted in the local banks applying due diligence in their dealing with foreign-affiliated Islamic NGOs. This is known 38 Customer Due Diligence (CDD) process. Hitherto, the CDD’s processes were applicable 'y a r\ only to customers who contracted loans from the banks. It has however been broadened in the post 9/11 to cover Muslim NGOs with foreign affiliations. For instance, an Operations Manager of one NGO (on the basis of anonymity) said that the banks in the aftermath of fight against terrorism at a point in time demanded certain legal documentations before confirming to offer their services to Islamic NGOs with foreign affiliation (anonymity, interview, 7th March 2007). Some of the legal documents that the banks demanded were a Certificate of Commencement of Business from the Registrar General and a Certificate of NGOs or a Social Welfare Certificate. The banks further demanded passport pictures of the signatories to the NGOs’ accounts (anonymity, interview 7th March 207). Again, they demanded utility bills for the residence of the operators of the NGOs. This was with the view to ascertaining the domiciles of the operators. Lastly, the banks also demanded a record of expenditures and the location of the projects in the country, which an Operator of an NGO argued that such role does not fall under the mandate of the banks (anonymity, interview, 7th March 207). Lastly, the blacklisting of certain Muslim regimes by the United States as countries harboring terrorism also has it repercussion on some Muslim NGOs in Ghana. Notably, certain international banks such as the Barclays Banks and the Standard Chartered Bank refrained from having transactions with the Iranian NGOs, organizations and individuals (Daud, interview, 2nd January 2007). The findings also reveal that about 24 percent of both teachers and public servants feel some Muslims were denied job opportunities and visas to certain countries as a result of the impact of terrorism on Ghana. This suggests that they have experienced discrimination when seeking jobs. This is because, as Muslims, they were unfairly considered as potential terrorists. 341 flms research shows that there are internal and external impacts of terrorism on Ghanaian Muslims. The internal impact of terrorism could be identified as the Western and the United States’ embassies refusal to grant Muslims visas and travel opportunities, some corporate bodies denied them job opportunities. The external impact involves the source of funding for the Ghanaian Islamic NGOs which largely dependent on the Arab and the Muslim world for developmental projects. It could be said that the impact of terrorism on Ghanaian Muslims is multi-faceted, since it affects people of different backgrounds. 85 ERADICATION OF TERRORISM It has been argued that the causes of terrorism are influenced by variation in time and place of instances (Hageel, 2002: 87). This view thus implies that the eradication of terrorism is also influenced by the variation in time and circumstances. It therefore means that contemporary factors which trigger terrorism must be properly understood as these will enable us identify the appropriate means of eradicating it world-wide. It is in this light that an understanding of Ghanaian Muslims’ perspective on the eradication of terrorism is necessary, since it will contribute towards the global solution to terrorism. Generally, the findings reveal the following: 1. terrorism could be eradicated through justice and fair treatment of all manner of people (40.4%), 2. education of the public on the negative consequences of terrorism (30.1 %),. 3. fair understanding of Islam and Muslims by the West and the United States (11.4%), 4. terrorism could be eradicated if the United States and the West stop imposing their views on others (9.8%, and. 5. The need for a unified definition of terrorism (8.3%). 342 pig. 10: Avenues to eradicating terrorism AS -i——------------------------------------------------—-------------------------------------------------- AO 35 30 25 20 15 10 ' ' / / / / s Source: Survey Data 2006 The background of the respondents is reflected in the diverse responses that they offered on he eradication of terrorism in the world. For instance, the male (90%), the students (42%), and the Ahlus-Sunnah members (32%), in that order, believe that terrorism could be eradicated if the United States and the West stopped imposing their ideas and powers on other nations. The Americans and the Western powers project their cultures into the world and nations are being compelled to accept them or be mercilessly opposed, fought and cast as pariahs and outlaws (El-Fadl, 2001 :l 18). International bodies such as the United Nations (UN) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) have been the major tool for peddling Western hegemonic tendencies. Huntington (1996:184), for instance, argued that decisions ®ade at the UN or in the IMF reflect the interests of the West and are presented to the world as the desires of the world community. The effects of this are the high levels of dissatisfaction and disenchantment from the overwhelming majority of the citizens of the Iks developed countries and the Muslim world alike. This view is further buttressed by El- Fadl, that hegemony manifests itself in the supremacy over the production and control of "Mges that transmit value and culture in the world (El-Fadl 2001:118). It also manipulates •he symbolic values by which we understand the good, the bad, the ugly and beautiful (El- 343 Fadl 2001:118). Consequently, this establishes the relationship between hegemony and terrorism. The outcome of this tendency manifest in conflicts, wars, and terrorist activities we experience presently. Inherent in halting the hegemonic tendencies which trigger terrorism is the need to ensure that justice and fair treatment of all people prevail. This was the view expressed by Ahlus- Sunnah sect (50.0%). The unfairness of the West emanates from the double-standards of Western policies which have the potential to trigger terrorism. These Western double­ standard policies manifest in the way that democracy is promoted-as long as it does not bring Islamic fundamentalists to power. Similarly non-proliferation of nuclear arms is preached for Iran and Iraq, but not for Israel. Human rights are an issue in China but not with Saudi Arabia. Finally, aggression against oil-owning Kuwaitis but not against non-oil owning Bosnians, Sudan Dafurians and other war-torn African countries is repulsive (Huntington, 1996: 128). Thus, it has been established that terrorism could be eradicated if the twin evil concepts of hegemony and unfairness or lack of justice could be done away with. The view of these respondents on the eradication of terrorism suggests that its causes have some political undertones, since they identify unaddressed grievances emanating from the lack of justice and fair treatment of others as being responsible for it The view expressed by these respondents indicates that they have observed the frustration and desperation that some people go through in the course of struggling for their rights and for self-determination while the international community is unconcerned about their plight. His position is similar to the view expressed by Hageel who argued that terrorism did not emerge as an aimless, crazy violence, but as a resounding cry of protest against the previous internationally agreed and accepted values of an humanitarian ideal (Hageel, 2002: 81). 344 Furthermore, the view held by the students and the Tijaniyya sect members was that terrorism could be eradicated through fair understanding of Muslims and Islam. This implies that the identity of the larger Muslims have come under the onslaught of the West and their major propagandist tools. These respondents have been bombarded by the negative perceptions of Islam and Muslims. The anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim sentiment in the West could be traced to three main sources: some Western academics, the Western media, and some Western evangelists. Samuel P. Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations. ..and Bernard Lewis’s The Root of Muslim Rage, respectively, provide typical examples of how some Western academics fan anti- Islamic and anti-Muslim sentiments. For instance, Huntington characterizes Islam and the West as age-old enemies and that conflict along the fault lines between Western and Islamic civilization has been going on for over 300 years (Huntington, 1996:252). He further argued that ‘the underlying problem for the West is not Islamic fundamentalism, but rather it is Islam, a different civilization whose people is convinced of the superiority of their culture and is obsessed with the inferiority of their power’ (1996:217). John Esposito, however, argues that this view implies that civilizations are mutually exclusive and diametrically opposed to each other. It also does not take into account the past and present cross-fertilizations of global culture (Esposito, 2002:127). Western media is the other agent that peddles such anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim sentiments. This is seen in the images of self-seeking Muslims who do not have the mandate of the larger Muslim Ummah and who perpetrate acts of terrorism are given the prominence in the media, thus implying that their actions are approved by Islam or they draw their mandate and authority from the Muslim Ummah. These negative images and perceptions presented in 345 the Western media are reflected in the reaction of the respondents who articulate the need for a fair understanding of Islam and Muslims by the West and the United States. Western evangelists’ failure to understand Islam and Muslims fairly sometimes tends to exacerbate and create tensions between Muslims and non-Muslims. For example, Christian evangelistic leader Franklin Graham, Billy Graham’s son, declared in November 2001 in the aftermath of 9/11 incidents that’ the God of Islam is not the same God of the Christians. He is not the son of the Christian or Judeo-Christian faith. It is a different God, and I believe it is a very evil and wicked religion’ (Fuller, 2003 : 148). The Western media has therefore been identified by the respondents as the major means of demonization of the Muslim image and Islamic religion. A careful analysis of the ownership of contemporary media in the world shows that about 80% of the news disseminated in the media emanates from the West and the United States, examples being Cable News Network (CNN), Star Television, Reuters, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Deutsche Welle TV, Voice of America (VOA), Radio France International etc. The philosophic foundations that guide the nature of these Western media are capitalism and the interest of the state and government they represent. In other words, they are the major instruments for promoting the values of these countries policies world-wide. This view was amply demonstrated in the words of the then head of External Services of the BBC, John Tusa, who once said that ‘we are Britain’s greatest cultural export and we are effective because we are listened to and we are believed’ (Quoted in Harun, 1993: 300). This trend, therefore, has a far-reaching implication for the image of Islam and that of Muslims which also represent a different ideological bloc. This is so because the Muslim Ummah and developing countries’ interests which do not find favours with the Western world are demonized. Regrettably these 346 countries and the Muslim Ummah have not been able to build similar global media empires to champion their aspirations and could release the type of information that is desirable for the consumption of the Ummah. In most cases, the information released by the Western media tends to affect the image of Muslims and Islam. The outcome of the research, therefore, shows the diversity of the solutions to the causes of terrorism in the world which include fair representation of Islam. In conclusion, an anecdote for eradicating terrorism has been given by Mazrui and this involves a holistic dissection of its causes. For instance, he gave as an example detectives’ role in identifying a crime. He argued that, in investigating an unsolved murder, the detectives seek clues from the victim of the homicide to establish why such a person was the target. Then, they try to identify the real motive for the murder for instance, what was the issue which precipitated the crime. Finally, they try to establish what kind of person committed such a crime (Mazrui, 2004: 2). 8.6 ULAMA INVOLVEMENT CM DA‘WA ON TERRORISM The role of the Ulama in Da'wa (religious propagation) on terrorism is a recent phenomenon in Ghana. It was stimulated and promoted by the American Embassy officials during their engagement with the Ulama in Ghana in the aftermath of 9/11. It thus marked as a shift from lack of Dawa on terrorism to preaching against it. The fruit of 11 September incidents was that it brought about an appreciable level of Muslim understanding regarding the unlawful and irreligious nature of terrorism. This could be largely credited to the active role that Ulama have played in educating Muslims on terrorism. The role of the Ulama on the eradication of terrorism has been further reinforced by the terrorists’ tendency to link toeir motive to Islamic symbols and images in order to win the sympathy of the larger 347 Muslim Ummah (HAMAS Charter: 127). It was in this regard that the respondents’ appraisal was sought on the role of Ulama in Da ‘wa against terrorism. The general trend of the survey’s findings reveals that about 77 percent of the respondents within the sampled population indicated in the affirmative their awareness of the Ulama involvement in Da'wa against terrorism. The result shows that the rating of Ulama involvement in Da'wa against terrorism could be categorized into positive and negative rating: The respondents’ positive ratings include: (a) very effective 23.2%, and (b) effective 30.1%, On the other hand, the negative ratings of the respondents were: (a) not effective 17.6%, (b) poor 4.7%, and (c) very poor 3.6%., The respondents’ responses differed dependent upon their gender. It suggests that men were more aware of Ulama in Dawa against terrorism than women. This is partly because of the dominance of and the leading role being played by men in Muslim religious activities. This therefore has made them well informed as to the role of Ulama in Da wa on terrorism. Men also hold a more positive view of the role of Ulama in Da mo against terrorism than women. About 83 percent of the male respondents scored the effectiveness of the Ulama role in Da ‘wa very highly, in contrast to the perception of the female who think that Ulama were not effective in Da ‘wa against terrorism. 348 The study shows that about 58 and 33 percent of the Imams and the Ahlus-Sunnah sect respectively rated the Ulama in Da 'wa on terrorism as very effective or effective. The identification of this view with the Imams is attributable to their own self-assessment as to the extent to which that they handle religious issues in respect of terrorism. On the other hand, the students (57%), non-sectarian Muslims (56%), and the Shi 'ah sect members (43%) rated Ulama involvement in Da 'wa on terrorism as very poor and poor in that order. The fact that it was largely the students and the non-sectarian Muslims that identified with this view suggests that they were not satisfied with the Ulama approach on the propagation on terrorism. On the other hand, the association of this view with the Shi'ah respondents means that the Shi'ah leadership in Ghana was not originally included by the anti-terror campaigners in Da'wa on terrorism in the community. This, therefore, is reflected in their rating of the Ulama as very poor. Thus, any Da'wa by the Shi'ah leadership on terrorism could be a coincidence and not necessary mean that they were targeted by the activities of the anti-terror campaigners in the Muslim community. 8.7 FACTORS AFFECTING ULAMA IN DA‘WA AGAINST TERRORISM The research also identified the major factors affecting Ulama in Da ’wa on terrorism. This was with the view to ascertain the specific problems that the Ulama encounter during Da ’wa on terrorism. Although the results show that 57.5% of the respondents could not identify any specific problems that the Ulama encounter, four (4) main factors and problems were identified by some of the respondents as affecting Ulama in Dawa on terrorism. These factors include: terrorism has been construed as the American and the Western label used against 349 Muslims -19.7%, 2 lack of education of Ulama on the effect of terrorism - 8.3%, 3, inadequate understanding of ten-orism by the Ulama - 7.8%, and 4, lack of sincerity of Ulama on terrorism- 6.7% The result shows that while the male respondents assert that the major handicap of Ulama in Da’wa in respect of terrorism is due to their lack of proper perspective on the effect of terrorism, the women think that Ulama lack the sincerity of purpose in the dissemination of their views on terrorism. This view has been raised against the backdrop of the fact that the anti-terror campaigners did not organize special workshops and seminars to educate the larger Ulama in Ghana on the effects of terrorism. They rather concentrated on the distribution of food to ordinary Muslims, gala competitions for the youth, and special forums for few selected Ulama in Accra through which education on terrorism was disseminated. On the other hand, the women were also concerned about the double standards displayed by some of the Ulama in Da 'wa on terrorism. The basis of this view suggests that some of the Ulama previously seemed to give approval to acts of terrorism through their preachings but later became anti-terror campaigners. This led to the women becoming disenchanted with the Ulama who were in Da 'wa on terrorism in Ghana. The study also reveals that 53 and 32 percent of the Ahlus-Sunnah and the students' respondents, respectively, were concerned about the propensity of the Western world and the United States at labeling Muslims as potential terrorists. Even though the tagging of Muslims as potential terrorists refers to just a minority of Muslims it has hampered the smooth Da 'wa of the Ulama. This view was well articulated by an Ahlus-Sunnah member in the Greater Accra region when he said: 350 Some of us (Ulama) sometimes encounter problems in the course of Da 'wa on terrorism. This is when you raise an argument from the Quran against terrorism, only to be asked by your audience “what is die Islamic ruling on the perception that some non-Muslims regard your religion as inciting terrorism and therefore being a Muslim you are a potential terrorist, meanwhile the reality suggests contrary”?( Sualah, interview). This illustrates the effect of external prejudices and biases by non-Muslims on the Da ’wa on terrorism led by the Ulama. Again, the seemingly double standards articulated by some in Da \va on terrorism can be seen in the view of non-sectarian Muslims that Ulama lack sincerity of purpose in Da 'wa on terrorism. The respondents who are identified with this view are generally neutral Muslims as far as their doctrinal affiliation in the community is concerned. It is important that this argument is illustrated with evidence from the Ahlus-Sunnah on their role in educating their members on the menace of terrorism. The education forum took place in September 2004 at the Islamic Research and Reformation Centre, Nima, in Accra. The effect of the type of orientation handed down to the larger Wahhabi members and the students by the Ulama has reflected in their attitude towards an understanding of terrorism is discussed. After the key note address on the menace of terrorism given by the National Imam of the sect, Umar Ibrahim Imam, the open forum provided an opportunity for questions and answers. Excerpts given below are questions from the audience and the answers from the National toaro and his executives. Question; Some of your Ulama claim that, it is forbidden (Haram) for any Muslim to participate in any IJlar program organized by the United States officials for Muslim communities, how is that 351 one different from the assistance that the ASWAJ is enjoying through the construction of the National Headquarters of the sect in Ghana? Answer: In the first place, I was not in the country during the first period, so I did not know what really happened. Question: Imam, we were at an outreach programme with you where you gave a pledge to all that you will always go by the consensus of your people. However, you seem to be contradicting yourself by engaging the Americans at the ASWAJ site at the displeasure of your people? Answer: Yes, I still stand by the popular position of my people, provided it is realistic, and lead to the future progress of the group. Question: According to Imam Bukhari and Imam Muslim, the prophet is noted to have said that “ I shall sack the Jews and the Christians in the Arabian Gulf. ” Again, he also said that “sack the Jews and the Christians in the Arabian Gulf... ,”What is your explanation to these traditions in respect of your relation with Americans? Answer: people need to know the background of such statements from the prophet in order to put things in perspective. This was when some of the Jews and the Christians betrayed the Prophet and formed alliance with the Makkans against the Prophet. This therefore necessitated such statements from the Prophet. One Suallah Abubakar intervened and replied that; The prophet was noted upon all these statements transacted businesses with Jews to the extent that he was indebted to a Jew before his death. Question: The Qur‘an says “never take Jews and Christians as friends let alone to accept their religion”. What is your understanding of this verse in relation to the American assistance to ASWAJ? Answer: The consensus of the Ulama is that Muslims can benefit from non-Muslims, provided there are no conditions and restrictions attached to the project These seemingly irreconcilable perspectives between the ASWAJ leadership, on the one hand, and the ordinary members perception on terrorism on the other were partly due to the type of earlier orientation handed down to the members by the leadership in Ghana. It suggests that a larger number of ordinary Muslims passed a vote of no-confidence on the 352 Ulama who engaged in Da ‘wa on terrorism. This is no doubt due to the perceived double standards employed by some of the Ulama. Specifically, the ordinary members of ASWAJ do not trust the position of the leadership on terrorism due to their seeming approval of it through Da'wa before. The study however shows the pragmatic tendency of the Ulama to readjust their role to meet the accepted international standard in respect of eradication of terrorism in the world. It also shows how critical the respondents were in respect of their understanding of the problems affecting the Ulama on terrorism. This position also emanated from the contradictory and opposing Fatwa on terrorism given by the Ulama. This view is not strange, since previously the majorities of the Ulama in the Muslims communities were invariably pro-terror and regarded the terrorist as freedom fighters even before their engagement with the West and the United States. Yet the Ulama later came to realize that the approach of some Muslims in relation to their legitimate cause was wrongly misdirected and hence not in conformity with Islamic values. This necessitated a leading figure of ASWAJ in the Ashanti region, the late Taufiq Bakr, to declare on 14 July 2004 at Zuria FM, a local radio progrmme in the Ashanti region that: Islamic scholars in Ghana are fond of issuing hasty religious Verdicts (Fatwa), which later they tend to regret, by that time they have misled many people. This view is amply reflected in the respondents’ perception that the Ulama lack sincerity of purpose. 8-8 CONCLUSION The primary interest of the United States in the Muslim communities was largely motivated to reach out to them with her anti-terror education. It was also meant to get closer to 353 Muslims for possible collaboration in various spheres in order to minimize and eradicate anti-Western and anti-American sentiment. However, many of the instability in the Muslim world were perceived by Muslims as being precipitated by American foreign policies interests. Thus, in the estimation of Ghanaian Muslims, terrorism is being instigated by injustice, unfairness and denial of others of their rights as well as interference in the affairs of other nation. The findings further corroborated the United Nations Higher Committee findings on Terrorism. As a consequence of this, they suggested justice and fairness, educating the public on the menace of terrorism, fair understanding of Islam as well as the West to stop imposing their hegemonic tendencies on other nations. As Ghanaian Muslims are also interconnected with the larger Muslims world through higher Islamic education and development projects, the impact of terrorism has its undercurrent effect on them. The research result shows that, Ghanaian Muslims were affected by the global war on terrorism in the domain of flow of resources from the Arab world to Muslims NGOs, the image of Muslims and that of Islam as well as refusal of job opportunities. The Muslim NGOs in particular were affected in various ways both as a result of measures taken within and outside Ghana. For instance, in the wake of global war on terrorism, the world wide promulgation of laws on terrorism also resulted in local banks stretching their legal regimes to include strict scrutiny of Muslims NGOs. Originally these legal regimes were not meant to target Muslims NGOs, such as the CDD as we mentioned in chapter eight 354 The external impact of the global war on terrorism was also identified as remittances to some Muslim NGOs were cut short for a while for some NGOs while others were affected by the promulgation of laws which outlawed generous donations from individual philanthropist to NGOs other than the governments designated institutions in the Muslim world. Notwithstanding this, Muslim Ulama were identified to have played a tremendous role in the education on the menace of terrorism and the respondents evaluated their role as fairly positive. However, their role in educating the masses on the menace of terrorism was without problem. The major problem that they confronted from the ordinary Muslims was the Weston label of Muslims as terrorists, lack of adequate understanding of the menace of terrorism by the Ulama themselves and double standards exhibited by some Ulama. The study thus shows the complex situation that Muslims have found themselves in regard to the United States rapprochement towards them. While the Americans were expecting Muslims to fairly appreciate and understand her foreign policies within the context of their new relations, her foreign policies in some Muslim countries contributed to Muslims negatively perceiving her. Nevertheless, for the first time Ghanaian Muslims have appreciated the need to denounce terrorism within the framework of the larger Muslims seeking to address their grievances regardless of their nature. In short, the fruit of the post 9/11 Muslim transnational contacts with the United States provided a window of feedback to Americans about Muslims grievances on the causes on terrorism and its eradication. At the same time, Muslims also appreciated the need to denounce terrorism as well as the need to resort to appropriate channels of seeking redress to other grievances. 355 CHAPTER NINE CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 90 CONCLUSIONS This research has sought to identify the origin of diverse manifestations of Islam in modem Ghana and how these have impacted on the identities of Ghanaian Muslims. This was done by establishing the nature of Ghanaian Muslims’ transnational relations with the Islamic world. These relations occurred in the various periods (including the pre-colonial, colonial, post-independence and the post 9/11) during which Ghanaian Muslims interacted with the Muslim world. The main research question which guided the study was ‘What brought about the introduction of different Islamic ideologies and identities in modem Ghana and the current interest of the United States in Muslim communities in Ghana?’ The thesis also aimed at identifying among other things, the type of Islamic and cultural orientation handed down to Ghanaian Muslims in each of these periods, to explore Ghana’s diplomatic relations with selected Muslim States and these states’ major contributions to Ghanaian Muslims; to examine the role of the Muslim diplomatic missions in the rise of Islamic Resurgence in Ghana with an emphasis on the type of doctrinal and religio-political ideologies introduced into Ghana; to examine the impact of Muslim diplomatic missions’ contributions to Ghanaian Muslims, to explore the nature of Ghanaian Muslims relationship with the United States; and, lastly, to identify the Ghanaian Muslims’ stance on terrorism. Having identified the origins of Islam as it is practiced in the modem Ghana and shown how it has shaped its adherents’ identity, the study reveals that the diversity of Islamic 356 expressions in Ghana was a result of Ghanaian Muslims’ transnational interactions with the different Muslim world. For instance, Volta Basin and the Gold Coast Muslims’ interaction within the West African sub-region during the pre-colonial and colonial periods introduced the practices of the Tijaniyya sect into Ghana. Again, Ghanaian Muslims’ interaction with the North Africa and the Middle East after independence facilitated the arrival in Ghana of the tenets of the Ahlus-Sunnah and Shi'ah sects, and the ideology of Libya’s the Green Book. Lastly, the tendency of religion-inspired terrorism stimulated the interest of the West in Muslim communities in the aftermath of the 11 September, 2001 incidents. This interest is at educating Muslims as to the menace of terrorism because some Muslim extremists’ manipulate Islamic symbols in order to execute acts of terrorism. The study shows that in each period there were different major players in the introduction and development of Islam and the Islamic way of life in Ghana. For instance, traders, itinerant Muslim scholars, the colonial master’s policy, the Hajj, and the Lebanese Muslim factor aided the spread of Islam in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast in the pre-colonial and colonial periods. Again, during the post-independence period Islam was spread in Ghana by the Muslim diplomatic missions and their affiliate institutions and NGOs. Lastly, the post 9/11 the United States promotes her agenda among Ghanaian Muslims through Western educated Muslims via FAGLAT. What is also shown is that, in these periods the professional background of the transmitters of Islam differs. The transmitters of Islam in the Gold Coast during the pre-colonial and colonial periods were individual Muslim traders. This is in contrast to the state-propelled Islamic activism in the post-independence period as a result of Ghana’s diplomatic relations with the Arab world. Lastly, Western educated and •rained Muslim leaders encourage Ghanaian Muslims’ relations with the West and, in particular, the United States in the post 9/11. 357 In all, Ghanaian Muslims’ transnational interactions with the different continents have ^ught about a profound transformation. This includes the adoption of the Hausa-Fulani cultures of West Africa, the Arabian Islamic culture from the Middle East, as well as the appreciation of Western values and concerns in the Volta Basin, the Gold Coast and the present day Ghana, in that order. This can be observed through the use of Arabic names, language, mode of dress and social manners among Muslims in Ghana, as well as the adoption of Hausa cultural values on Muslims social functions such as outdooring or naming ceremonies and marriage ceremonies, mode of dress, etc. The study therefore reveals the impact of globalization on Muslim identity in Ghana. This could be seen from the specific impact that each of the interaction made on Ghanaian Muslims identity. By facilitating cultural, doctrinal diversities and orientations in Ghana, these different Muslim worlds have linked Ghanaian Muslims with the larger Muslim Ummah. This, in a way gives an identity to Ghanaian Muslims as being part of the distinct Muslim world, including also a sectarian Ummah. Each of the Muslim worlds influenced and impacted on the Muslim Ummah in Ghana in different ways. For instance, the fact that the purveyors of Islam in Ghana in the pre­ colonial and colonial periods were Africans gave the religion an African identity. This they did by blending Islam with some indigenous African communal and social values thereby creating a Ghanaian Islamic tradition. This, therefore, makes the practices of the Tijaniyya an African form of Islam, more amenable to African values. The impact of the post-independence Islamic traditions on Ghanaian Muslims suggests that the North African and the Middle Eastern brand of Islam can be seen in the ethos of the the 358 Islamic socialism of Libya’s The Green Book, the puritanical Islam of Wahhabism, and the Prophet’s household brand of Islam of Shi'ism. The adherents of these post-independence Islamic traditions in Ghana formed cultural enclaves and constituencies which are considered ‘foreign’. Though, their emergences in Ghana have reinforced Ghanaian Muslims identity with the larger Muslim Ummah. Thus, the Muslim diplomatic missions maintained their influence on Ghanaian Muslims through these new Islamic expressions that they have facilitated in Ghana. He United States’ post 9/11 vision of Islam in respect of Ghanaian Muslims is evidenced in its emphasis on Ghana’s having an indigenous Islamic tradition devoid of external Arab world influences. It also calls for a national Muslim agenda and vision which takes into consideration the singularity and uniqueness of the Ghanaian Muslims’ socio-economic and political needs. These different periods in the introduction of Islam into Ghana also facilitated the growth of different forms of Islam in the present day Ghana. Although the Tijaniyya sect’s practices in Ghana are largely conservative, it has, however, represented the major medium through which Islamic tradition has been preserved and bequeathed from generation to generation during the pre-colonial and colonial periods. Furthermore, the Tijaniyya sect also promoted the growth of Islam in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast through education. It did this by establishing educational infrastructures, developing from within the residences of the tutors into modem educational infrastructures. It was also the major medium through which the early Ulama were recruited in the Volta Basin and the Gold Coast. Lastly, the sect also promoted the growth of Islam by providing spiritual services. These were not offered to Muslims alone as non-Muslims also benefited from them. The sect is, as it was then is 359 popular among non-Muslims, politicians, businessmen, and people seeking success in life. In effect, the sect gives Islam a sense of spiritualism and fostered strong social bond between Muslims and non-Muslims in the Gold Coast and Ghana. The post-independence state-propelled North African and Middle Eastern Islamic traditions in Ghana also promote growth in diverse ways. This could be seen in the areas of modem health facilities, educational infrastructures, agriculture, women empowerment, and construction of Islamic centres (mosques) as well as some monthly emoluments for some Muslim scholars. The type of growth that the Middle Eastern Islamic traditions attracted for flhanaian Muslims was in keeping with modem trends in development. This is in contrast to the type of growth facilitated by Muslims in the pre-colonial and colonial periods. Lastly, the post-9/11 Ghanaian Muslims’ engagement with the United States attracts growth in the areas of human resources development such as the construction of vocational centres and educational infrastructures. The uniqueness of the type of growth of Islam brought about by the United States for Ghanaian Muslims emphasizes the synthesis of the local Islamic tradition and secular values. This could be seen in the fact that the United States advocates for a better integration of Islamic and secular subjects in the mainstream Muslim educational system, the training of Arabic and Islamic teachers as well as infrastructural expansion and support for schools from the primary to JSS and SSS levels. This is quite distinct from the post-independence growth of Islam encouraged by Muslim diplomatic missions in Ghana. The different Islamic expressions which were introduced into Ghana from different continents also link Ghanaian Muslims with a variety of Muslim worlds in different ways. 360 For example, contemporary Ghanaian Muslims’ relations with the Muslims in the sub- region of West Africa are being promoted mainly by the Tijaniyya Sufiyya order. Secondly, as a result of some Ghanaian Muslims’ ethnic allegiance to the people of neighboring states, such as the Wangara, Fulani, Hausa, Zabarma, Moshi, Kotokoli, Dendi, Chamba, The findings reveal that this ethnic factor of Muslims with West African origin does not wield any considerable influence in the relations between Ghanaian Muslims and their co­ religionists in the sub-region of West Africa. This is because major events affecting Muslims in West Africa are not interpreted by Ghanaian Muslims along religious lines. In other words, the Islamic Ummatic factor, or religious solidarity, is not often manifested in relations between Ghanaian Muslims and other West African Muslims, such as those in Cote‘d Ivoire, etc. This could be seen from the fact that events affecting neighbouring countries with a largely Muslim population neither attracts special prayer sessions nor a strong public and media advocacy for their plight. This is in contrast to the intense religious solidarity that exists between Ghanaian Muslims and the Arab/Muslim world. Virtually every event is perceived by Ghanaian Muslims through religious lenses, such as their concern for the plight of Palestinians, their condemnation of the Israelis invasion of Lebanon in 2006, as well as their condemnation of the United-States led Coalition Forces’ invasion of Iraq. The continental doctrinal connection of Ghanaian Muslims with the Muslim world reveals that the Tijaniyya sect is more likely than most of the expressions to be coloured by an African connection. This could be viewed from the fact that the adherents of the Tijaniyya 361 sect in Ghana pay high regard to certain religious centres in Fez, Morocco and Koalakh, Senegal, the home towns of the founder of the sect, Ahmad Tijani and Ibrahim Nyass, the charismatic revivalist of the sect in West Africa, respectively. On the other hand, the Ghanaian adherents of the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Shi 'ah sects regard the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran, respectively, as the homes and centres of their doctrinal orientations. In effect it shows that, these various centers in the Muslim world wield influences over Ghanaian Muslims who adhere to their religious groups. The overall consequence is that it drives Muslims in Ghana apart on doctrinal lines from forming a common national and Islamic identity determined by the Ghanaian socio-cultural and political environment. Despite the fact that tensions exist among the different Muslim groups in Ghana in respect of internal Muslim politics, they are however able to reach consensus on both internal and external issues affecting Ghanaian Muslims and the Muslim Ummah globally. This, therefore, suggests that the evolution of a Ghanaian Islamic identity which is concerned about Ghanaian collective Islamic culture is gradually taking place, taking the socio­ political dynamics of their society into consideration. One could cite as examples of this, Ghanaian Muslims’ stance on the Population and Housing Census of 2001 and numerous press releases on the plight of Muslims in the Middle East. Moreover, Muslims relations with the Arab/Islamic world after 1957 were largely facilitated by the government of the newly independent nation-state. The study shows that various reasons propelled Ghana’s diplomatic relations with selected Muslim countries, these being Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Libya, and Iran. These reasons included, Pan-African unity, driven by Ghana’s newly elected President, Kwane Nkrumah, and her non-alignment policies. The common revolutionary philosophy experienced and shared by Ghana with Libya in 1969, as well as Iran in 1979 contributed immensely to reinforcing their diplomatic relations. Because Saudi Arabia is the birth place of the Prophet of Islam and the destination of millions of Muslims on the annual pilgrimage to the Ka'bah and the mosque of the Prophet, her status in the Muslim world is enormous. This, and the fact that she holds considerable oil reserves encourages many countries with Muslim citizens to share diplomatic relations with her, Ghana is no exception here. However, the role of Ghanaian Muslims in promoting relations with the Muslim countries varies according to whether these are individual Muslims, or those working in the Islamic NGOs and the affiliate offices of diplomatic missions’. Muslim diplomatic missions in the post-independence period also initiated developmental projects for Ghanaian Muslims. These development packages are focused on education, health, agriculture and women’s empowerment, as well as the building and endowment of Islamic centres (mosque). In addition, the influence of the aforementioned Muslim countries on Ghanaian Muslims varies, depending on the type of development projects they facilitated. Generally, the economic conditions in the country of origin dictated the extent of the diplomatic missions’ contributions to Ghana and the development of Ghanaian Muslims, in particular. This, too, had a bearing on the influence that the various countries exerted on Ghanaian Muslims. This could be discerned from the fact that the countries of Saudi Arabia, Iran and Libya, which are well-endowed with natural resources, exert a stronger Islamic influence on the Muslim community of Ghana, as opposed to a relatively poorer Egypt. These Muslim missions’ developmental contributions to Ghanaian Muslims in the post- mdependence period made possible the introduction of their countries’ Islamic religious, 363 cultural and political ideologies into Ghana. These ideologies were related to specific Islamic expressions such as Wahhabism, Shi'ism, and Islamic Socialism, as found in the various countries. These eventually resulted in the categorisation of Ghanaian Muslims on doctrinal lines in the post-independence Ghana. The diplomatic missions’ educational contributions to Ghanaian Muslims related to the granting of scholarships to students. These in effect, facilitated the indoctrination of number of the Ghanaian Muslim community with the prevailing sectarian ideologies found in the Muslim world. Wahhabism of Saudi Arabia, Shi‘ism from the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Third Universal Theory of the Libyan Government were then wholeheartedly absorbed by Ghanaian Muslims. The intensity of the Islamic orientation in respect of these ideologies varies, with Wahhabism (Ahlus-Sunnah) and Shi‘ism having a clearer sectarian categorisation and labeling of their adherents in Ghana. This was partly possible because of the type of foreign policies which dictated their relationship with Ghanaian Muslims. One could realize that globalization afforded these states to compete over the membership of Muslims to their ‘official’ religious expressions in the world. Notwithstanding the fact that the educational contributions of the Muslim diplomatic missions created opportunities for Ghanaian Muslims and consolidated their gains and fortunes in Ghana, scholarships granted to the Ghanaian students were purely motivated by the Islamic regimes’ desire to create their sectarian constituencies in Ghana. This view is supported by the fact that the scholarship packages were invariably restricted to the religious sciences. Regrettably, these scholarships ignored the need for developing the human resource potential of Ghanaian Muslims that would have enabled them to meet the competitive nature of the political and economic fortunes in their country. 364 The research reveals that the development projects facilitated by Muslim diplomatic missions have impacted on Ghanaian Muslims in diverse ways. In one sense, they have improved and enhanced the living standards and the status of the beneficiary communities. However, the socio-economic and the political landscape of Ghanaian society was not the major determining factor which influences the nature of the Muslim missions’ development projects. This could be seen from the virtual lack of support by Saudi Arabia and Egypt for Ghanaian Muslims in the area of agriculture and women’s empowerment. Despite the fact that those development projects in Ghana facilitated by the Muslim diplomatic missions had some shortcomings, such as lack of teacher training colleges, lack of incorporation of secular subjects in their educational curricula, etc., they still represent the major source of funding for development projects for Ghanaian Muslims. Moreover, the relevance of Muslim missions in Ghana lay in the dependence of the majority of the Ghanaian Ulama on the outside Arab/Muslim world for economic survival through the monthly emoluments earned by some Ulama. The research also identified two main objectives in respect of the role of foreign-based Islamic organizations in Ghana. The first role of some of the Islamic NGOs in the post­ independence period was sectarian Islamic proselytisation. The organizations which fall within these categories include the Islamic Research and Reformation Centre, Ahlus- Sunnah Wal-Jama’ah, the Supreme Council for Islamic Call and Research, the World Islamic Call Society and the League of Ahlul-Bayt. The second objective of Islamic organizations includes providing development projects. The organizations which provide development include Al-Muntada, Al-Huda Islamic Society, Al-Hudaibiyya, Islamic Development Bank, Agriculture, the Iranian Cultural Consulate and Rural Development. 365 This, therefore, suggests that Ghanaian Muslims in the post-independence period realized the potential that the Arab/Islamic NGOs held. This made them to harness their relations with the Arab/Islamic world for the development of Islam and Muslims in Ghana. The study reveals that the diversity of the Islamic Resurgence, in the form of doctrinal expressions such the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Shi ‘ah, introduced by the Muslim missions in Ghana in the post-independence period was in keeping with what existed in other parts of the Muslim world. For instance, the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Shi ‘ah sects found in Ghana are manifestations of worldwide Islamic ideologies with monotheistic (Tauhid) and the household (Ahlul-Bait) concepts of Islam, respectively. The interplay between these two worldwide Islamic ideologies is mainly limited to the Muslim Ummah or the Muslim communities alone. As a result of this, states which adopted these two Islamic groups exploited them as part of their foreign policy objectives to propagate their political interests globally through religion. This was achieved by harnessing the benefit of these Islamic doctrinal groups’ attractiveness and appeal in the Muslim world. In this sense, Juergenmeyer’s theory is proved. In the case of Ghana in particular, these state-propelled religious groups such as Ahlus-Sunnah (Wahhabism) and Shi'ah enjoy Saudi Arabia and Islamic Republic of Iran support to carry out their activities in Ghana, However, the Islamic Resurgence’s political ideology that was introduced into Ghana in the post-mdependence period was in the form of Libya’s the Third Universal Theory (TUT). The fundamental principles of this suggest that it can permeate the secular political structure and has political ramifications for a community wider than the Muslim Ummah. This has therefore necessitated the Libyans to exploit the Ghanaian political structures with the values of the Green Book. 366 In all, Ghanaian political and religious landscape became the battlefield for Muslim states with which Ghana established diplomatic relations with in the post independence period. Though, this could be an inevitable tendency, it however represents the impact of globalization on Muslims in Ghana. The study also reveals that the intensity of these Islamic ideologies varies. For instance, the Ahlus-Sunnah and the Shi’iah attract more Muslims to the observation of their rules and tenets. These two sects have adherents who clearly identify with them in contrast with the Third Universal Theory (TUT) that has not wielded the same sort of influence. Economically, Ghanaian Muslims relations with the Arab/Muslim world in the post- independence period created opportunities for the respective sectarian institutions in Ghana which depend on the outside Muslim world to carry out the activities of the Islamic Resurgence in Ghana. Lastly, it has been found that the origin of some of the institutions which facilitate the diversity of Islamic Resurgence in the respective Muslim sects in Ghana were externally propelled and motivated and not the brainchild of Ghanaian Muslims. One could cite as examples of this, in the origin of the Supreme Council for Islamic Call and Research, the West African Ahlus-Sunnah and of the Centre for Study of the Green Book in Ghana. Generally, the net effect of the interconnectedness of Ghanaian Muslims' relations with the Arab and the Muslim world in the post-independence period could be seen in development projects and an ideological affinity that fostered both religious and political solidarity between Ghanaian Muslims and the larger Muslim world. As a result the Ghanaian Muslims were not able to perceive global events affecting the Arab and the Muslim world from a 367 more religious view point, rather than as objective observers. Some of these global events include the 36 days Lebanon-lsrael war, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Coalition Forces’ invasion of Iraq. The consequence of this situation was the lack of distinction made in the understanding of the ordinary Ghanaian Muslims between an act of terror and being a liberation fighter. This therefore meant that 11 September 2001 attacks on the United States of America were viewed with approval. The nature of post 9/11 Ghanaian Muslims relations with the United States suggest that they woe largely framed and precipitated by the widespread anti-American sentiment felt in the Muslim world. United States’ relations with Ghanaian Muslims were to undergo a complete change, driven by the Western world’s concerns as to the dangers of transnational Muslim extremism and terrorism in the world. This change also exposed Ghanaian Muslims to the dynamics of multicultural nature of Western and, particularly, American society. Finally, the post 9/11 period serves as a springboard of Western and the United States sponsored development projects in the Muslim communities in Ghana. These development projects are in the area of the provision of educational infrastructure, health units, and vocational training centres. The research findings also reveal that even though some respondents think that the major propelling motive for the United States’ interaction with Muslims in Ghana was to improve her image globally, others think that the engagement will promote understanding and attract nited States funded development projects for Ghanaian Muslims. 368 Again, a cumulative comparison of respondents’ perceptions of the United States before and after 9/11 show that, though they appreciated the interest of the United States in the development of the Muslim communities after 9/11, they did not view the United States as a friend of Islam and Muslims. The result also shows an increase in the perception that after 9/11 the United States was anti-Islam and anti-Muslims. The findings also showed that although Islamic and the Western values are not culturally congruous, constructive cultural dialogue and engagement could take place between Muslim Ummah and the West through a fair representation of Islam and Muslims issues in the Western media, inter-faith dialogue, and Western facilitation of development projects in the Muslim communities. Because Ghanaian Muslims lag behind as far as secular education is concerned, majority of the respondents identified education as the paramount area in which the United States should assist Ghanaian Muslims. Because interest in the Muslim community globally on the part of the West and America was generated by the impact on them of transnational Muslim extremism, an appraisal of the views of Ghanaian Muslims on the causes and solutions to terrorism was sought. The result shows that, injustice, unfairness, and suppression of others emerged as the greatest causes of world terrorism. Arising from this, Ghanaian Muslims identified the need for justice and fairness, halting the Western hegemonic tendencies, fair understanding of Islam and Muslims, and a unified definition of terrorism in the world as solutions to the causes of terrorism, The respondents’ rating of the Ulama in Da'wa on terrorism reveals that these were appreciated. They nevertheless identified major problems militati : of the 369 Ulama in Da 'wa on terrorism, including the view that terrorism is a Western construct with the view to labelling Muslims negatively. The study also found that the global war on terrorism affected Ghanaian Muslims in three ways, namely; the flow of resources from the Arab and the Muslim world to Ghanaian Muslims, the refusal of visas and the denial of job opportunities. The demographic background of the respondents reveals the following: As far as gender is concerned it is males that mostly hold extreme and negative perceptions about the West and the United States in contrast to the women who are more likely to be favorably disposed towards the West. Furthermore, there is a contrast in attitude towards terrorism between men and women, with the men identifying themselves with and associating positive motives behind the extremists’ cause, while women inevitably will rather argue against terrorism because of its effects on mankind and societal development. The result shows that women most often adopt accepted societal and religious values as against the men whose views are most often anti-social. A study of the responses in terms of the occupation of the respondents indicates that the Imams are more in tune with their religious role and appreciate the need to engage with the West and the United States. This is in contrast with the viewpoint of the students who were less accommodative, and represented a radical position within the research population. The doctrinal background of the respondents generally reveals that the Ahlus-Sunnah sect, whose members the United States’ engagement efforts had targeted eventually have a positive outlook about the West and are playing a tremendous role in eradicating terrorism 370 in qh»na- Lastly, because the Ahlus-Sunnah sect has transnational relations with the Arab/Muslim world its members were affected more than any other sect by the war on terrorism in respect area of the distribution of resources to them from the Arab and Islamic world. In the pre-colonial and colonial periods, the Gold Coast Muslims’ relation with the Ummah was mainly in respect of Muslims in the West African sub-region with whom they shared an ethnic identity. Even though Muslims interacted with their colonial masters in that period they did not relate in any degree to the West. Ghana’s relations in the post-independence period with the Arab/Muslim world were manifested through diplomatic relations. This period brought about unequal manifestation of religious affinity and solidarity between Ghanaian Muslims and the Arab world. Muslims relations with the West in the post 9/11 period witnessed a complete change in global relations driven by the efforts of the United States of America. Muslim transnational relations with different continents were thus a result of the eventual facilitation of diverse Islamic and political orientations of the Ghanaian Muslims. The study therefore reveals the extent to which some states managed to influence Ghanaian Muslims with their respective ‘official’ religious ideas in the post-independence period and post 9/11. Though, it shows how the aforementioned states have appropriated the potency of these religious groups for their powers. However it also implicitly related to the profundity of globalization, inevitably Muslims in Ghana will have experienced these religious ideas in one way or the other. 371 9.1 RECOMMENDATIONS As observed earlier, the research explored the three-tiered nature of Ghanaian Muslims’ relations with the external Muslim worlds and the West. The recommendations which follow, therefore, focus on Muslims relations within each of the three periods, namely, pre­ colonial and colonial, post-independence, and the post 9/11, in that order: It is recommended that further research be done on the impact of transnational Da ‘wa being embarked on by Muslim leaders in the sub-region of West Africa, specifically in Ghana. This is with a view to unraveling the socio-cultural impact of Ghanaian Ulama on the sub- region and vice versa. Again, further research needs to be conducted on the extent of the ethnic impact of West African Muslims in fostering relations with Ghanaian Muslims. This will consequently determine the extent of ethnic influences on religious orientations in Ghana. In view of the fact that there are little academic resources for the indepth study of Islam in the pre-colonial and colonial period, it is recommended that researchers can depend on the Timbuctu Research Project being managed by the University of Cape Town in South Africa. This will help shed further light on the contours of Muslims in Africa relations with the Muslim world. As to the role of the Muslim diplomatic missions in the development of Ghanaian Muslims in the post-independence period, despite the fact that various developmental contributions were made by the Muslim missions in Ghana for Ghanaian Muslims, the respective Islamic ideologies and doctrinal orientations of the Muslim missions were mostly felt on Ghanaian 372 Muslims. More therefore needs to be accomplished in the area of human resource so that Ghanaian Muslims are able to meet head on the competitive nature of the Ghanaian political and economic landscape. It has also been observed that little attention was paid by the Islamic diplomatic missions to women’s development and agriculture. This situation therefore retarded the development of Muslim women and agriculture as a means of raising their economic fortunes of in Ghana. It is therefore recommended that the developmental contributions of diplomatic missions should take into consideration the needs of both Ghanaian Muslim women and men and the economic development. The study found out that Muslims perception about the West and more specifically the United States was negative and American perception about Muslims was negative. Thus, the only way of eradicating this negativity is through intensified education. 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Armiyau Jibril Salemdeen, interviewed, 22nd December 2006. Pig Farm, Accra. 21. Nuhu Abdallah, interviewed, 22nd December 2006. Pig Farm Accra. 381 22. Nuhu Abdallah, interviewed, 22nd December 2006. Pig Farm Accra 23. Ibrahim .Codjoe, Quaye, interviewed, 26th December 2005, Ministries, Accra. 24. Sadat.I, interviewed, 24th November 2005, Asylum Down, Accra. 25. Abass. M, interviewed, 15th January 2006. Kwame Nkrumah Circle, Accra. 26. Omid Kamara, interviewed, 14th April 2004, Asylum Down, Accra. 27. Alaru Ibrahim, interviewed, 22nd May 2004, Nima, Accra. 28. Mohammed Zakaria 2nd November 2004, Airport Residential Area, Accra. 29. Yunus Abdul Nabi, interviewed, 17th March 2005,East Legon 30. Kamal Yussif, interviewed, 17th March 2005, East Legon. 31. Armiyau Shaiub, interviewed, 3rd January 2005, New Achimota, Accra. 32. Aida Jibril, interviewed, 18th May 2005, Mamobi, Accra. 33. Salma Tahir, interviewed, 18th May 2005, Mamobi, Accra 34. Bansi Abdul Salam Abdul Hamid, interviewed, 13th February 2005. Nima, Accra 35. Alhassan Abdulai, interviewed, 25th March 2005, Tamale. 36. Kwakuvi Azasu, interviewed, University of Education, 6th January 2005, Winneba, Central region. 37. Yushau Kuta Tahiru, interviewed, 13th March 2005. Madina, Accra. 38. David Queen, interviewed, 10th March 2005, Accra. 39. Kamil Khalifa, interviewed, 10th March 2006, Kumasi, Ashanti region. 40. Basha Ibrahim Iddriss, interviewed, 8th December 2006, Tamale, Northern region 41. Armiyau Shuiab interviewed, 11th January 2007. Nima, Accra 42. Musah Abdul Qadir, interviewed 3rd February 2007. Nima, Accra 43. Kamil Muhammad Kamil, interviewed 14th January 2007, New Tafo, Kumasi, Ashanti region 44. Mustapha Ibrahim, interviewed, 2nd April 2006, Abavana Down, Accra 382 APPENDICES APPENDIX 1: (Questionnaires) DEPARTMENT FOR THE STUDY OF RELIGIONS UNIVERSITY OF GHANA CHAPTER EIGHT THE POST 9/11 FACTOR MUSLIMS’ RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES IN GHANA This questionnaire is meant to seek information on the relations between the Western world, particularly the United States of America and Ghanaian Muslims. All information given would be treated as confidential and for academic purposes only. TICK [ V ] APPROPRIATE 1. Sex: (a) Male [ ] (b) Female [ ] 2. Age: (a) 18-25 Years [ ] (b) 26-35 Years [ ] (c) 36-45 Years [ ] (d) Over 45 Years [ ] 3. Occupation.......................................................................... 4. Educational Background: (a) Islamic Education: (i) Early Makaranta [ ] (ii) Post Early Makaranta [ ] (iv) Tertiary Education [ ] (b) Secular Education (i) Primary Education [ ] (ii) Junior Secondary Education [ ] (iii) Senior Secondary Education [ ] (iv) Tertiary Education [ ] 5. Which doctrinal group do you belong to? (a) Tijaniyya [ ] (b) Ahlus-Sunnah [ ] (c) Shi’ah [ ] (d) Ahmadiyya [ j (e) Do not belong to any group [ ] (0 Other (Please Specify).................................................. Do the Qur’an and Sunnah permit Muslims to have relations with non-Muslims? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ ]' Do the Quran and the Sunnah permit Muslims to have relations with non-Muslim countries? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ J Do you think that good relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims should be encouraged? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ J Give reasons for your answer..................................................................................... If yes, in what areas should the relationship be cultivated? (Please specify your answer in order of preference) (a) Education [ ] (b) Health [ ] (c) Environmental issues [ ] (d) Promoting world peace and justice [ ] (e) Others.......................................... t ] Give reasons for the choice of your answer Are you aware of any engagement by the United States of America with the Muslim communities in Ghana? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] The UnitedS tates of America in recent time has developed keen interest in assisting the Muslim community in Ghana. Do you think it is worth encouraging? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] Give reasons for the choice of your answer.............................................................. Do you believe that Ghanaian Muslims and the United States can cooperate for the benefit of Islam and Muslims? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] If yes, which of the following areas below do you think they can cooperate? (Provide your answer in order of preference by ticking 1 as the most important follow by next as 2) (a) Education [ ] (b) Fighting against HIV/AIDS. [ ] (c) Assisting Muslims to break fasting in the month of Ramadan [ 1 (d) Health. [ ] (e) Fighting terrorism [ ] (f) Exposing GhanaianM uslims to Western Muslim counterparts [ ) (g) None of the above r i (h) All of the above r i (i) No idea. r i (j) Others 15. What do you think is the reason behind the United States of America’s engagement with the Ghanaian Muslim community? (a) To provide development to the Muslim community. [ ] (b) To strengthen the Muslim leadership in Ghana [ 1 (c) To improve the image of the United States of America [ ] (d) To fight terrorism ( 1 16. What was your perception of the United States of America before the September 11 attack on America? (a) Friends of Islam and Muslims [ 1 (b) Nothing in common with Muslims [ ] (c) Interested in developing the Muslim community [ ] (d) Anti-Islam and Muslims [ ] 17. What is your current perception of United States in the aftermath of September 11* attack? (a) Friends of Islam and Muslims. [ ] (b) Interested in developing the Muslim community [ ] (c) Nothing in common with Muslims [ ] (d) Anti-Islam and Muslim [ ] 18. Do you know the United States’ mode of engagement with the Ghanaian Muslims? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] 19. Do you appreciate the mode of the engagement? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] 20. If no, what are your suggestions for improving it? 21. Do you agree with the view that Islam is in perpetual conflict with the Western world in terms of values? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No (c) No idea [ ] 22. In what ways do you think cultural dialogue will improve constructive engagement between the West and the Muslim Ummah globally? (a) Inter-faith dialogue. [ ] (b) Assistance in the form of development projects. [ ] (c) A fair representation of Islam in the Western media [ ] (d) Others.................................................................................................. Any further comments on the relationship between the United States and Ghanaian Muslims................................................................................... TIIANK YOU 385 APPENDIX 2: (QUESTIONAIRE) DEPARTMENT FOR THE STUDY OF RELIGIONS UNIVERSITY OF GHANA CHAPTER NINE TERRORISM: THE THRUST OF THE UNITED STATES ENGAGEMENT IN THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY This questionnaire is meant to seek information on the Ghanaian Muslims and terrorism and its impacts on Islam and Muslims. All information given would be treated as confidential and for academic purposes only. TICK IV1 APPROPRIATE 1. Sex: (a) Male [ ] (b) Female [ ] 2. Age: (a) 18-25 Years [ ] (b) 26-35 Years [ ] (c) 36-45 Years [ ] (d) Over 45 Years [ ] 3. Occupation.......................................................................... 4. Educational Background: (a) Islamic Education: (i) Early Makaranta [ ] (ii) Post Early Makaranta [ j (iii) Tertiary Education [ ] (b) Secular Education (i) Primary Education [ ] (ii) Junior Secondary Education [ ] (iii) Senior Secondary Education [ ] (iv) Tertiary Education [ ] 5. Which doctrinal group do you belong to? (a) Tijaniyya [ ] (b) Ahlus-Sunnah [ ] (c) Shi’ah [ ] (d) Ahmadiyya [ ] (e) Do Not Belong to any Group [ ] (f) Others (Please Specify)................................................ Does the Qur’an condemn act(s) of terrorism? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ ] Docs prophctic tradition condcmn act(s) of terrorism? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea f 386 8. In your opinion, which act(s) constitute terrorism? 9. In your opinion, how has the term been used in recent times? 10. What do you think are the causes of terrorism? 11. Are some Muslims involved in act(s) of terrorism with Islamic slogan? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ ] 12. If yes, what do you think is their motive? 13. Are you familiar with the concepts of Darul Harb (abode of war) and Darul Islam (abode of Islam) (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ ] 14. Are the concepts of Darul Harb (the abode of war) and Darul Islam (abode of Islam) still relevant in modem times? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ ] 15. If yes, how should these concepts manifest themselves in the relations between Muslims and non-Muslims?....................................................................................... 16. How have these concepts affected the relations between Muslims and non-Muslims? 17. In your view, are acts of terrorism Islamically and morally justifiable? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ ] (b) Give reasons for answer................................................................................................ 18. In your estimation, has such approach improved or affected the image of Islam and Muslims generally? Choose any of the answers below: (a) Improve the image of Islam and Muslims. [ ] (b) Affected the image of Islam and Muslims [ ] 19. What will be the future of Islam and Muslims if terrorism is being perpetrated by some Muslims? (a) Perpetual suspicion of Muslims by non-Muslims. [ ] (b) Muslims would be well-respected and rccognizcd by non-Muslims. j j (a) It will curtail the development of Islam and Muslims [ ] (c) Muslims would not be acccpted by others in certain parts of the world r , 387 (d) Muslims would be regarded as anti-civilization. I •> 20. Certain countries including the United States and Europe have promulgated legislations to curb terrorism. Do you think such initiatives are worth encouraging (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ ] 21 Are there some difficulties with such pieces of legislations? (a) Yes [] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ J 22. If yes, can you identify some of the shortfalls of such laws? (a) The laws are culturally and religiously skewed against some people. [ ] (b) The laws impede the development of Islam and Muslims globally. [ ] (c) The laws represent ideological warfare initiated against Islam and Muslims by the West and the United States. [ ] (d) All the above [ ] (e) None of the above [ 1 (f) Others. Specify................................................................................. In your estimation, what images represent tacit support for terrorism? (a) Naming certain places after infamous terrorist networks [ ] (b) Putting on insignias named after terrorist organizations [ ] (c) Individuals nicknaming themselves after notorious terrorists I ] (d) All the above. [ ] (e) None of the above. [ J (f) Others. Specify.................................................................................. Do such images exist in the Ghanaian society? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ 25. Are these images available in the Ghanaian Muslim community? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ ] 26. Are these images traceable or associated with some people of a particular doctrinal background in Ghana? (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [] 27. Have you observed some Ghanaian Ulama involve in Da’wa against terrorism. (a) Yes [ ] (b) No [ ] (c) No idea [ ] 28. If yes, how effective are their efforts against terrorism through Da'wa? (a) Very effective. [ ] (b) Effective [ ] (c) Not effective [ ] (e) Very poor f 1 (f) Poor. [ ] 29. If no, what are some of the militating factors? (a) Lack of orientation of the Ulama about the effects of terrorism. [ ] (b) It has been construed to be the Western and United States label [ 1 against Islam and Muslims r i 388 (c) Lack of sincerity of purpose by the Ulama I j (d) Inadequate understanding of terrorism by the Ulama. [ J (e) Any other?.................................................................................................. 30. What do you think are the root causes of terrorism? 31. What is jihad? (a) Armed struggle or holy war against non-Muslims to convert them to Islam [ ] (b) Personal struggle against vices and other un-Islamic behaviors and practices [ ] (c) Intellectual struggle to promote or defend Islam ( ] (d) Financial and material support to promote and defend Islam 1 ] (e) Any other?....................................................................................... 32. What is the relationship between jihad and terrorism? 33. How can terrorism be eradicated?.............................................................................. 34. Can you identify some of the areas in which terrorism have impacted on Ghanaian Muslims.................................................................................................................... THANK YOU. 389 TTIEDAILY GUIDE WEDNESDAY MAV12TH2005 PACES libel he nlgbt onr, UilMAJrtf Hfwrfam# /*»//«. TSTB "tnjfttit; theTttqrtBrMlg—pKOifc* n*d auio.attottngot MiflD filed n motion oppotfngtfw ont*.__________________ . Virgo Augvil 2J-$e|*l21 Veep Honours David Queen Yem eta«b*otatHy trustiJrcprnmlwi made»younow,bo they huvnrxf or pesMoat'artd jmu’U be jott u idvnxnt (gyJtriaaJ«miyl AmVuudor. bad bctn to Ike hndih ccetiea. a community M noted Oiat Mr 9mb bad about k«pinj you own word Reaped-and reiponsibftity country, since 2002, and wa* eatna at Ntma. borvboks. as been loctnsaenat aawtOai r-f bt?scair TUB VICE proiiitnt, AlhaJI at the Castle to bid fuewellto wcQ « food dorwnon, during played acrifeiSrate in to •}-* ✓»\ Sq*» Lt-OrfTt A m ^Iahams.on MnndjQ^Vfry. Uir Vice President, after a du$rt tomdMfasiSng. •gainl Mi Mtf ibaat.need nsrecofflhetbe H hoo»nrn» D. vfJ Qujwn. ,ou in I'.too'way PrQeuierefne tmhan kCedl sth ue *V.icIe omrkx yivn trkfoctcv fri tftdmhriMf Tber*r» got > *mwM ion* onibeir fkec. andtbey'ire OMnsdMir nrru.t.wu«.. i ' - - • i?*' \mm 'Mhstir-. rvtuw^u.1 tart nwOooed tbat they want |rt talk to you. Don't wony. at fbeEmhasiy efthe Called •ere tnnconccpdora between ftteh one to the Muilim com- oleaer to i Nor aQ set tau eoneeraatloits mm out badly. Tbftt §oei State* of America, for Mfiap» (be Mtultm oomrmnitte* and hutfT double fordilaooe. pert far the gomronent, and theAmeflcana, benotMavhlt APa|IAIh»MAaatt.oBhla *n» t us Scorpio ft* V— Ocl 13-No* 21 ibc Mntlfm crnnmimfM**, In to hold round-table dlscvt* Mary Carft*Va>e« pledged# partiraUc, at (be Ctude, Omu •toos with d» Mcaftm «ona»> Cf hooattltarian^ewloo. US readloeaa to mi wi He ««t presented whb a cities, (hnwghoet the ccntry. rtreeatof that be bod pleytjJ a MstSm cnooooltu*, n fo* ThryVcg« a vt*y cenoui iocx on their tec; and they've jMst mccfioncd that they want to talk to you. Oon*» vrmry. certificate ofbonour, aaraocfc* to eoable them exchange iigniOcastraletntbcranlftr* create their aadetHandtng, eat, ftspectatly (he Moilim u> Not «j1 serious eoavemt'»on» tun out twfly. Util got* Fuguaod Katie* for Ufi wife. jnwrramme*. _;«diatAcpHpfe OVO double for thk one. D*rid Queen, who waaie- Mr Qaoen staled that Ms eompsnicd to the CwKle by J-yeat any in Oh*m,aaw-tb« >t af^instHlW heece.^wcwjQdoaOdieycio Satfttarfu* Nov 22-DecJI :»fUVicemto^ belp IntUsdkcealan .Mn Mary Carlin-Yartes, US eosntmctlon of project* at You're aeovf been oae to mince wofd*, bat ytn’rm r*po- ckDy unwilliog to waste time on small talk now. Anything odw than */u« (be fact *»m*’am.'will leave you cold—-ind MwbO tWtrtwtopirttn^rw^rrm-wnuwrflJdalbiJteJyfcicl that Capricorn Ore 2?-Jan 12 It’j tine to trice stock v. ».w« ^ vala*. That might n*»n d»ehccT(t>ook—never yowftvorfle paidr>e-~ orittrdgii lerpcr. ffithor way, give youraelf a IWe time to fit Jin 20-fcbtl f«t» Jf.Morr* 20 A (Hiod U aboet Hfirowjwl bow vriorbta — op, bow prfwini— fltay a/e. Wi4^ you J»rtflg to aafc. they'!) APPENDIX 3: NEWSPAPERS 24 Dally Graphic, Wednesday, November 21,2007. Ghanaian bomber mHI K last of five would-bcibera to target London JL on July 21,2005 wna ywrter- day jailed for 33 yenrs* nfter admitting conspiracy to cnum explosions. jailed 33 years Earlier this »i*r, n jury m unable to rvweh a verdict when Manfo Kwsku Aaiedu. whose rrn) name i* Sumaila Abubekori. went on trial, Browed of con­ said the public had waited for him to Atiedu then began attending a spiracy to murder THn! rhsrgv wn admit his pari in the attack* and tnoimoe Finchley, North Ionium,‘'explain hi* motivation far the ootnmw- which « ftejudee recommended Ihat Asiedu, «ion of such a dreadful crime". dant Ymtsin Omar 34. should he doportnri hnrklo Ghana 'You have effectively chosen net tn da In June 2005, after a fire in Ms flat, Feur et}\er nwn were jailed for Mb so,' he co id. he moved in with Omar at Curtis alter being convicted of ronspirocy to Tho judge added that Aaiedu not Haw in Mew Southgate murder over the foiled 2005 bombings. the chonoo, ha had dumpOd hi* ruck­ think* he Is. a unwmsn Mr Justice Calvert-Smlth told tti huwe sack containing exploeivee in n park nt dnwiver — only wawa 1 court Out Asiodu had lied on an ' Little Wormwood ficruhn In West t/m. •Further, he tank part in a caver^in that could go about fa Kale* about bis part in tho bomb dan. after the bomb* failed to explode, both md that ft was Nneoncci*»bU»* he Dut Nigel Sweeney, <)C, pnwaeutina, (hr his benefit and The benefit of his con- oot know the gnatf a motive*. said: "The defendant's principal ml* In Ms told Asiodu ho hod become the I he remplmcy wa* In the purchase of Having aririrvtveedd In the UK from ’central figure* in rtnatvhinir and <"13 lilrw <110 gallon*) of hydrogen per-C hans on a fb(Mlaiu panport ha adopted ng tho chemicals needed far ti oxide, which ‘ Mrr JJuusstitcine* C Colevlcvrcrrtr-t.-HSmitli (tombed the mein ohargttf tbo wploivu dovttaa menta belongliing tat previous lodger of Ssdedu as an 'aaonsBllshed_ ( In' and__ inquired tab* * ' ■ thatnafip. ,, Daily Graphic, lUt-’sday, Nnvciftbor ]* 2005. I - US embassy 'r. assists Muslims THE United Kliitm UrabaMv but U»l» >■««■ provided Sfln million in food aid «nd Injpla- mcutiiliftn or prugmmmfu geo red toward* vnvurlnK detaocrney. good aov*rn»n«. pri­ f vate amor economic tfro«tn and liatk vdu. rut fun in the country. The facility •-** pro­ p^jt3 vided through the United Stale* Agency for Intwnutii.nal Development. Additionnlly. the US novamiacnt aaupurlr aiu.noit jn'iqiki in Muslim aimmuaibc* in Ghana ■iiiimullv. »h ili Diriiiuiit 10 312tmlEao mty y f u r 'fir Jaliifioilnn Officer at ihr US Mr f'lirvttnjdirr 'IhcWwwnJt lu-» tn an in'c? >ly\\ rt.ll lh. JJ.I/A tB Tlml«Jr HU I Il'JI - ril»- tt\i* ilti I ft»**- |irt MrftlAtien 44 tin* • ;»».*< Mial (V»t f la vomit!* Mtibllfir v'Oin|1-«»ri U' ' -I Ut.iil Ait t! \\i%l tivuM PUlJKi *i3Ea i the Mfu»irrv onvrf.il the piovUion %& vLaicn *.- •••■it uuliion Miip-Iinji in toe US- Avr^rdiMp iu liiin, lh- l*S Kftbwt Um t*>jwr* ‘W^liur auin Mo Jin* in^man ij j*» «i*U'n‘»rilv Lhr fttarn&riun < 'i».t f.vf {,nrvban^A. AVnajt htuihtr- Ah«t u, B Uiflnkwl il>i* »Mikbn>*jj fin IIul' pt*>Ju'x t u t u t > * c*w l*Ji ^iv fi’nTltalnut‘* ua vmm tlit* nfikl u ivunnc^jrt. nallt rmArrfwrraettK iiiuu to iuqiiuv tr* ifc» *»Vv-.I cr sonts^efv^apoffB/ ftems, including AhTilnt?l lNuttJrlulutrtn sKV«f4TM .nf'lMl Mimlc taler Mr It vuf.it-' 'ucniiQn Ltinxuii; fourth fr&n right is jl slijuI ^Uv!|Ij t J ,i > It (i nrfly unii» t»uuiinvi.|iv <.i ». *|i| sv;lh Lciftiiilt . ml Ai U*. ' U„, *Jj~ . t. I ;•!».♦» Vr»ly iii jJn? JSkwtit UH bt \ d m-isK b% • 392 -.vW^ JljrC" Jwjb.fr President, Saudi Prince naugurate school at SIDBMT * *. Kaft«j «™i £• «H Mm. *1 VaM bln UiMJunMhutryw; «thr ianiunM a *300.000 4hmI farth* of hU In the Ayawiwo Sub* d AHWead wha2n b* I &K 3 ad ptdr*tn*a «!««*> 1 *"** ft-™-*? *’*_■!' p**p**fc Imu Ib tW Ayww Sci^wtim itbctiL toes Kabar and tho prwuttA «f d fiwgjn^B to toe with !he ratpnfc* , . * Pruiditt Kufuor (right) ftetr® milled by ttm Saudi Prince AI WaiamtJ bin Tat*______ kae«tod**d the tmd tia? la tha . tta ktaugwatioo of tha Mfawato commutOty hamlng oanttw at Nima h Accra fMtnHf. biqjbiy ctonbtnt and raaisly pofcaJ wdjifaiiiwlid b* tafet- male or (taude._if Chew children arr to the President gave ihc . tt&n tschnokfT achieve thoir full pmenual and enjoy fal- ganmuMm vault! provtdi • (f Had become • DuiriiNt Oil in* proCrxwaoJ and «mul lt*e* is ondarj school »FSS» wi Nlm«/Maam*b» He urged parent* la *ce th* aduation of pcpdallon of about }3W» ■w thaae JwhpawU. denying their ch_i_ld_r_e_n_ asa «rred duty aad per- . »>w Mininer of Edoalnnand Sporta. at^ , KradaiJ fbemal eduealion, fjtai it «Ufigdc MT-r- -Y--a--w-- -O--u--b---M--u--!-*-.- -u-p--n--o-d-- -t-h--e- -h--o--p-e Pnaa — Praaident Kuhwr thaahed Prince A) »tbbnntt ththee a aeehboocJo l« «<*n*mpip«U* *w woouuldld po • leaf app it Ma» or btr I* a Ur &T Limited Wal*«d for [ fooda for (he pro wav to irapac: rinufitnaly on um nt» an _ ___ Km.* hk painted ouL Mi, which wwikd to the Saudi trj\ development pracr** facilitate th 3 "‘lKc » oai;J wnvitiim that the premnstof fr can cm lancer dm to ocficct t &JT th«* peop}#, [hk »chopl J »plc* to (hr PBBntunfty «flD hiJM M-V , „„ etoe sf their children whether helptochanrr iha |wn»ptkpaf frait byfalwaiwiiiyai ">l Missing ,tol Ri af kr[| Sale Connie Anna* Obasanio arrives for tvvo-day visi ](. to reported mis» ,s Stanr'TflBM0»d KMi rabotft ) KtfAa Iwwiwwrib )PRFSfDKNT J 11U. «1». Axtyon* with infor- ObMonJii «( .N.cvr,. T~mk. *&?<£& km* MLeaon hut> ahmild Am** jr»*»erdnjf iMnliWfar • ff -TS2 Mart to the near* it IwoWy inbtrouil -Utt uv y ^ { W * a » t>Wu M» ■Kr atacon nr ta Mr huu«! Amu AkiJfo •to *» McMnpamtd fc#> th* ** * * af Hewn No. C O CnwmcuiOt *C. Sowwvumry o«f itfb» ifc or. f* &Wf Tw* tP A*Vf*t* C™OawK aa njt^o * (U->- t—h rfrmn rf H- --k tWfk*kMM«rM [ I 714. or call Svotf (ECOWLC^. ti. MrfnmoiH lW? *’^.*,TV •^JP4^ »•" * ** . telephone n umbci r HmQamiuiv a«a*M *Ml Praafcad* fW. fcmeat 0U*r» •* -am rI DZ>4IKU» Safe Connte Amu IV ~>ttv iw« «i mrwrt ot ih '!w^ TT*; •* ► **• W»j 393 THE DAILY GUIDE WEDNESDAY MAYI2TH 2005 PAGE 5 git* younSTfSn !SSS nns ^fiuBSKffS mre3T5t55T.7o?CI mi auured it will be the right one. iJOuhlrM Manlamt In Ptllet l'*nt,'Uicia«-nn ms—pnM««, and tfua.viAtuigora)» motion oppaingflio car*.__________ , Virgo August 23- Sept 22 You cm absolutely mist thejromises made to you now, be Veep Honours David Queen they business or personal,'and you'll be just u adamant Ambassador, had been hi the health centres, a community deufnoiod that Mr Queen had about keeping your own word. Res peel and responsibility [tty Sh cilia Sackey] country, since 2002, and was centre at Nima, boreholes, aa been Inatnimrntal. aa wdl as ere in Ihc air. a THE VICE President. Alhaji at the Castle tobidftrewellto well as food donation, during pkyedacridealntiefaMbefigfcl /j\yK S:pi M-Od?: A«iMahama,on Monday May. the Vice President, after a duty Ramadan Fasting.?■*. honour*. <> D.siJ Queen, the country. Queen thanked (he Vice “We need io n iou. fit President for inc l.u>.o»y dsnc rtk you have played tnbrittf- Tbey've got a very scnmis look on their facet and they've Counsellor lor r i.. i >* ftest.riz z, **• * ’**" r~ziz t? i~ M"»lin coTxrnuaitj :i just mentioned that they want to talk to you. Don't worry. at the Embassy of (be United were misconceptions between reach out to the Muslim com­ closer id locAnohah. Not all serious conversations turn out badly. Thai goes States of America, for his sup­ the Muslim communities and munities. baaay*". double for this ooe. port for the government, and (he Americans, hence his visit Alhaji Alio Maham^on his The US Ambassador. Scorpio Oct 23-Nov21 (he Muslim communities. In to hold round-table discus­ Mary Carfo-Yattspfcdged tie particular, at the Castle, Os a. sions with the Muslim commu­ (rif*humanitarian Service, US readiness to svork with He was presented with a nities. throughout the country, stressing (hat be had ptayef) ■ Mosfim commnnltica. to in­it a very serious toot on their face, and tbey've significant role in the nailer^ crease their mderstanding, u> just mentioned that they want to talk to you. Don't worry. certificate ofbonour, a smock. to enable them exchange Pugu and Kente, for his wife. eas, especially the Muslim adding, *heaM» and education all serious conversations rum out badly. That goea VO double for this one. David Queen, who was ac- Mr Queen stated that his commusltKS. are priority needs of fee people -b. companied to the Castle by 3-year stay in Ghana, saw the On the fight against HIV/ hence, ~WewiD do aDtbev can Sagittarius Nov 22-Dec21 AIDS pandemic, Ibe Vice IVcsi- to brlp m tins direction".Mrs Mary Cariin-Yartes, US construction of projects at You’ve never been one to miner wofds, but you’re e*po- ciaUy unwilling to waste time on small talk sow. Anything other dan yust the facts, ma'am,’will leave you cold — and whoever tries to put on* nw «i vmi will definitely feel that chill Capricorn Dee 22-Jan 12 It's time to take stock %/» RIMM ;OW value. That might mean balancing the checkbook—never your favorite pastime— or *t rmgbt go a bit deeper. Either way. give yourself a lfttlo time (o figure il out. Aquarius Jan 20-Ptb II You're nothinIn*# i fi fn noot tf afammoouuss f ofor rb beeiningg f rfereewwhheeeliln g, in ad categoric* W~ hy, however, you ma"y be1 thinkin"g f iint ot elremrnsI Don’t be seared. If you’ve found thetted*a o!ff . or the right person, go for it Fab 19-Mare* 20 V & A fVWurJ h dxni MjvvnJM how nkufatt — no, Im prkwinr o>ey am Wldmt ym fcmtng to uk, fhry't pnwfcle on. Muslim cnsni»«in«uc-f -t Li.aiiat'^u iii the Wi*hi (tQiijd District ifld at the Outrai and Anbany.’i mosque* in th* Tamale nairni^lih. A total of 1H0 bag* uf rice and 90 batc* ofaugar < were presented to the communities.. 4 I Mr Hodges observed that US intervention* :n i the country covered the provision of clinics ant 1 community centres in Muslim communities ; Ue stated that the “US is fighting is war *S agains*. global terror is in and not a war aga:n*t Islam". The information Officer observed that isLim i Hits a religion ui peace, adding that there we.*e t over seven million Muslims in toe US According to Inin, the L‘b Embasav had Ue«. privileged w join the Ghanaian Muslim i^n.mun’ ty lo celebrate the Ramadan The t.'hujfof Larabanga. Alhaji lhrt«lui > Abuiu. H thanked the embassy for the gesture but chilled i»n & the I’S government to assist the compnwitv tu rehabilitate the ancient mosque in tin urc.*. which s»-rve as a tourist attraction. } '.er some educational items, including The Northern Kegior.nl Minister. Mr SVuifatv •♦!JcaKion Directur; fourth from right is Ahiihakar Sad nutm. noted th.-ii Mu.*!"i * k nro/eci (GEPL ivnriincd ,t • Iih imIIv i/tuple and enin •{.- At««>mnoir.ity In i t - a t f'• MvijuCl Ik'ijlf'f:. ; Wit' *a:i> 1«* .iD|iriiVc then I he f>nU)oi.v Ar» hbl.-ho;> uf Tamale t»reg»*r Ii for U»! raUa-r rA iudur«l of oduca- Kpichav.i, urged Mu-lim* in pmy fur p4-.«o* i« ?n- Uir.f vail in Ilaglxm and far prosperity m the North HIK *• -Ufc pt . " ;3f* P- b<: :V*. 395 GHANA’S UKiCitSTlp^---------------------------------------- f, APRIL 9, >003. NO. 148794 PRICE: <1, ^Muslims 1 o pray for end to w ar in Iraq MUSLIMS throughout t a country are to observe special fnsting on Thursday. April 10, to seek Allah's intorveniio in the war in Iraq. Muslims .iiv nl.no Lo hold '•■ciiil j)!ny<:r.- “ii !‘r il:iy, Aprsi 11, m ask Allnl’ io ;;>» t fjUS.- try and Cthui troubled par's . lilC tlf A statement issued ir. Ac. 1 '-■> L i l t L 0J. i l ' ’C l : 1 M';s!;rc Organisations in C aru 1 • '< ar.d s.2Tiea by :ts President. Major rtcii Viho; •Voharr.rnea Kas&h. eaici M'.:#1 •:;s .'6*0 ."ir Mv cor. c* T.ed whenever pcatc in o; |MI’ in " i v : id .- - si-rood. It aairf. 'Wo detost. depart ma cur.cic.nr. J...U terrorism in all their fori - and runr.!f:r The tailed on ." JslilliH t(l , *1 ,s ‘;:16 Aid nrav fervently to ll • Almighty A: c.r.,v to halt the war in Ircc, b i also to end ,i LiitlV uni opprweiun ;n oil parts o: i\« world. ' It r.o:c-J it the r::jr'!’ • wa- ir. Iraf :s r. • brough; to 'ii, t-nu tirr-e',• !V{/CrcU.S5t : < Afl. affect the whe.e o'l”J'.:.airr. ;iari from the '>f innocent, dt fenceiess I-V civilians. t*sr i-hilc’-en and mathcrs and •. v • Tn:*sn rJesiri.>. • i »n si ll'1. couhtry. The - fitnluinenl calkf i\‘ Chi ! ants, lulai.iic scholars . ' nrr.ah lo r,- ke tlh:. the . « : J^on 'lolrJurr - nt prryors c” I M IV VV' yjjjcnce. terro * o vv i .y :t> V ^ry\ fMandint , l ' . ».:i nnni \ '■'l peatt'ful *kijitcnce in * 1 ’ U;Ol‘d . .-u.T.nisai ' #>?■■ 101 Muslim coalition calls for end of war THE Coalition of Mus­ should rather seek to pro­ lim Organisations, tect and preserve and not the name of justice to the Tbe Ghana (COMOG) has destroy the integrity and innocent Iraqi victim*.* it ing. should oat be made fc called on the United authqrity of the UN. saidThe statement States of America and adding that "bjr unilateral­ su&'s&siz the United Kingdom to ly launching this war. the expressed gratitude to all respect and heed the US has effectively under­ peace-loving people of the Kan > |«aii«! uunets world who boldly vowed tenee * k afawrad appeals of the vast mined the integrity and The nugority of the world authority of the UN and their disapproval of the war for an end to the war this has serious implk*- and tuged them, as well as against Iraq. uons fur the security and Muslim and Arabcounlnes. It said COMOG peace of the world' to continue to exert moral unequivocally deplores the ‘America should stop and other forms of pressure on the US and the l?K to maturity and ranam cjfc> ongoing rar and described this war in the name of God its repercussions as unfor­ in wltucn it trusts, in the ensure a speedy end to the and pnwrfd m Uw* &£ cull and Uving bom. tunate and an affront to the name of humanity and in war conscience of humanity This was contained in a press scnirmi-nt issued by COMOG in Accra yester­ day and jointly signed bv its Prxsoenr. Major trtd* Monammed blasah. and the Genera) Secretary, Alhaji Mohammed Batin Alhassan. It said as Muslims, they are saddened by the spate of killings, devastation and mayhem now being inflict ed on the innocent and defenceless people of Iraq, especially women, children and ti* aged. The statement noted that "while we of COMOG abhor terrorism in all its forms, w© Crown on the decision of the US to defy the United Nations CUN) and the overwhelming wortd opinion and wage the war against Iraq” It said as the wnrW« 398 \ <*wU .. NewspaperTĵs. QJL̂om̂Date: Muslims grateful to US embassy . ThTits.'. was w hI__e__ (9. ^# . THE National Chief n Mr . Ghanaians for working Imam, Alhaji Osmanu Queen and Mr Anthony closely with the embassy Nuhu Sharubutu, present­ Yowel, also of the embassy, and expressed the hope that ing a certificate of honour called oh the Chief Imam to it will continue to bring de­ to Mr Duvld Queen Coun­ say goodbye after their term velopment to the country. sellor for Public 4 ffairs of of office in Ghana, and also The Chief Imam said /*“ -■.. i> ress to introduce the in-coming the US should not see ■i the economic officer, Joseph muslims as enemies but .uuuice to the Ellis. rather as people fighting |'(lb*..,i, Community in Mr Queen, thanked the for a worthy cause. Ghana. Muslim Community and Picture: Stephen EJT»h 399 The Accra Daily Mail, Thursday, December 16,2004 LETTERS/IMEWS Terror has no place in Islam - Imam At&u lddraisu Hendi cited a Hadith in dialogue as I see hatred, war together in unity A Muslin chaplain at which Prophet Muhammcd and bloodshed when I look He said the US Government Georgetown Uoivcnily in said anyone who attacks around the world*. after the September 11 attack Washington D C Imam Jews and Christians attacks The world. Imam Hendi said. in 2001 has taken various Yahya Hcndi hat condemned him, and said h« saw no Is a small-integrated village measures to protect extremism and terrorism reason why a Muslim could in which people must American Muslims from any ■inrrihing both as ^avmc pUni a bomb at a Christian coordinate and work possible recist attacks. He no place is lstam*. 'imam place of worship for such together in peace for it to said more mosques were Yabjra who is on a week’s acts go coatraiy to the survive. He said Martin built in the US in the last four visit to nllwl iw lh# teachinp of the Prophet Luther King Jnr named the yean than it was done during oo National Chief bum Sheikh Allah, he said, ’challenged three enemies of the world as the last ten years. He said the Usmanu Nubu Siunibtmi. us in the Holy Koran to reach militarism, racism and US boasts of as many as The voices of extremism Mid out to one another, but not to poverty, but said all these 6,138 mosques, 447 Islamic uara ism, he said, "are not despise one another... I enemies could come lo an schools, and S colleges. Imam Hcndi (left,) and Imam Shanbutu voices of Islam*. !»»■■ believe in the need for end when people work Contd. on page 8 to a warm embrace We want more devt projects - Tema residents A number of residents In the Tema J. ^municipality, have called on President Kufuorto use his second tenn in office to initiate more development projects and. create jobs especially fof the youth In tho HnrbourClly ;> Random sampling of views by the Ohana News Agency APPENDIX 4: ARCHIVAL DOCUMENTS sssm m h'om I Oa.SiO, CSXKBATi MiCA.iL so i RBsroao unasrai, amjkhs. Ho it of Marsh 5th. 1313. Repeated to HSttBSra imaSTi.B, AXitt. (s«tln*) Volloving far yoar information. Kxottenant rad oonst«cnetlfln have been erased onrag the Labano Syrian oolory ahioh rubbers aaae 10,000 nesfeers In ft-ench Toat AlVloa owing to a rodetratiou notice Mhloh applies only to ths» and forelpiors ejuhoui nationality end uhloh they Interpret as a prslL~d nary no** to fadblllantic*. %rUm state that thin measure has not been taken Us Morocco, Algiers or my other Sarrltory, and oonsldor It as j rt another pibof of tbs hostility nhlah the local authorities hare samj tested tovardis then Atiing raeant years, ^hay a. «• ,r:. O' 5JC ■>'&' p (*) Ctrl' 41* TV m 401 d) Q7, Hv'vTt+* of beings posted to .Aflli_cen Platoons. 2. It is anticipated hat quite i number of Syrians in French Africa will apply to enter British Colonies in orde 1 to escape conscription. v v., 2.U.U3. cam SSIuNSR,SHE GOLD CC AST PCJLIC3. CO c_5_ (O Wl&'KHV't ( t p ** « £ > • (jUr © I CC*« tU^t S4U+‘ ^ //M4M0 . a . J Jta -+*!*■ ^'1 At/ 442r£«^«* /,/i, -Ut*.*#. //„; ft- ,L“* -K#r /•* " y' soovn Vs ON3KUN03 .SVOKH3AOD NYDIHJV tctu _ .‘Otnnoft. :ee*ISt y «lu • J tr* 402 uaao til o (toy orWtl&PTJOPS, between ,y- unwriD *L 1BLM ( horoinnrtor cnllca tjhc '■ucnoraotor" wnlcn ecpresnlot wnerc, tnc contoxt ao rojulnvo err muate lnciu/'.oi ltn rqproaaitstlvra, «colntc?.}xhA», the 2x1 Party, tho Bciiaa&ory uoectBilty agrees to worship, p*cy ana reoa q’ranic lc3eoncr In- taie Uoq-tuo as a coagrcsatton T7ithout any laterrcronco by any other 'boiy/berswns with the rnmnlug, management and supervision or the' Itoa-fic ty tie SHJOlntcxI HU4l. . '^.£ JPu .ftusiUUta t\ic Bcnefactor Ora.misatict tho 1‘s t Party continues . a a ■ to run, manage ana; supervise thCiMosouo,- the £c&cri clary Goaxunlty the 2na Party Trill assist ‘to m^iintnln tho aps.Tue Coop Id .-ad its surrounilncB to avoid filth mfl oth'er UAacsl vatic'ok thr ccf^jooid. , - I' f! *' ; . >< •. " NOS/ THiSBfOKtS it io licrohy mutually agrec^that^tho Parties •• heroin hcrcty nsreo. xaot tnc 1st'Party ir. clothed with the sole authority end rcrcgatlw to elect, appoint ,*,a lnstal an Hue ror the operation -nrt raa.in^ or the Uonnuc U9GI>ler eUoBlrt the need 11 arise. IH WITriaaS BEERSOr Tns PaktIjsS ttBKSV) ha'JZ nsjtUfc'iO SaT TKilK tsjffub Jllv SEALS i'H£ BH.a'D Y&flk K1HST AaOVn HjarXiSif. BXCtJfljj 8BJSLt:u <11D DULIVii_-!I.'D ay ] BUS Bll-tnH.WjWiU StlBjR «/UUSU - UJtSCHOK, A MJnTnU Alj-ISSLMIl j If I ‘JHa PHkbjsw Ci 0>‘s ] 4r. ./a 403 HIURbu tittALisu JNu UKLTvkK-,d £»* ) •jtUJSiWl'xnlH RM*u wKIlirt Wal? ) YJUCUJjU IflKANMN * VlUK UiAIHN«H tfilBitliJAL-aALA* A-*UjNTAl(A ’ 0? KlM voAK, tafr1** KUHA VjA TAKOKAjJL In. HtJS PBSHW OK OK* . X. ALI JJILLAM yt j ,2, ABlul KAM*J« oMfiiiJ /Kla. ali- yuj+uoAii ■ 7» ¥*&uBu J&flASSAN^Tj^ e. AKALA-hX ASA null/ JfJYA uiukbk/ ' ‘ '• 9. YaKD 1*J KHALI i 10. lonA-J ' AY/i -II, UOHJUiteSU tUKOJ ------------ . -X2-, mi^tjsh; ua(S u GUJ------------ 13. M. MOttAMBKu > tiAbiiilii a c * . J _^...5HKRIFAIU JTO3TAF AK 16. ABUILA'i <£ ^ 17. ILftTJ&U YAKURU •: i I : n- •■ ■: The contents of this; Agi'ce:vr.i J have"bit«h foadu over Interpreted ) and explainotl to the deponent ■. ) (the only illitrnto among the * )' ; t&gntitorl os) In the Hausa J Lancuago "by All Billnh of Effia- ) kuwavla.TakoradJ. . a n d he scc.cC •) perfectly to l*ive underr.tool. sac ) "before, niking his laark/thucb-print.) stotef ^ -Se.ic.0HfM • ‘ ' ras' ) £L0Tt+ DAT OfH^E^D.>E^2CC2 I BKi‘0 Re. tic TrUWBK O-CB or BHOPJf # ■ On tho ^jjv before ae by the Oath a" thr witnliw>o»ttl .1 .'MV.IAAtS— .to fcivc b^m ftuiy executed * within Rswod kHkTk SaEku. arv>H UftuKR MY H.AJ1/ #<1) OirKlLlAJj Bit MINUTES OF THE MEETING HELD BETWEEN THE jgQUQQ COMMUNITY AN.B / THE DIRECTOR OF ALMUNTADA SHEIK SASEP ANP HIS ASSISTANT • SHEIK MliZZU ON THE 21ST PF MARQH.jfigl The Community and the Almuntada directors meet at the Chiefs house immediately ^ *£ after the Jumu'a prayers. Opening prayer was said by the Imam Jibiril Alhassan The first to speak was Sheik Saeed. he thanked the Community, the chief and his eBers for coming to the meeting and called for Allah's guidance in the deliberation* He began his main speech by saying that, they had been made to understand that there is a serious misunderstand between the chief and Alhaji Ada mu Ali. Adding that if indeed that is the case, then it will certainly retard the progress of the community. It was pointed out to him that there is no misunderstanding between the two and that the misunderstanding is about the appointment of a new Imam for us by Almuntada and the ownership of the land on which the new Mosque is built In his reply Sheik Saeed said that, there should not be any misunderstanding what so ever about the appointment because they are not appointing an Imam for the community. What they are doing is appointing an Imam for the Mosque and by ther definition an Imam is a PREACHER and TEACHER He want on to say that the community should not become apprehensive about the person they are bringing and emphatically added that he is only coming to assist our Imam He also made the community to understand that, it has always been their police to have an Imam who is a native of the local community to be the Imam of their mosque, but pointed out that there are conditions attached The first condition is that he should be somebody who have at least a certificate in secondary education in Islamic and Arabic knowledge The second condition is he must have a good character background. The Sheik goes on to say that, if our Imam has those qualifications they were going to interview him and straight away appoint him as the Imam of the Mosque Baba Ali pointed out to the director that our Imam has no certificate because he has not attended any institution, since it is the practice in our part of the world for Islamic students to learn at the feet of learned Mallams and Sheiks who don't give •' certificates. The Sheik replied that he has taken note of the situation adding that . one of the main duties of the Imam they are bringing is to assist our Imam to reach the level they want After which they will take their Imam away 406 r' -2- On the issue of who will lead prayers at the mosque his reply is that the two Imams will decide for themselves who will lead what prayers and at what time On Jumu'a prayers he said one of them can read the sermon whilst the other lead the prayers. Alhaji Amadu asked them to give our Imam scholarship to study abroad but it was pointed out to him that, it will be difficult since he has no secondary education but they promised to help him get one by enrolling him in a school in Accra come September Sheik Saeed said that last year alone Almuntada gave thirty scholarships to young educated Moslems to study abroad and it is his wish that within the next year or two the community can also benefit, and that the community must encourage its young men to study hard so that it can get a number of educated young men who can easily take over from Ollie in his absence. On where their Imam will stay when he finally comes down, the Sheik said that they were going to rent a room for him in town so as not to depend on any body. The Zongo Chief demanded that copies of all documents covenng the mosque and the land on which it is built must be given to him, the Sheik promised to send it to him the moment he gets to Accra. The keys of the mosque was given to Sheik Sulleymana Muzza deputy director of Almuntada. The community was told that their Imam will come with an appointment and a pt> description letter. A committee was set up to run the mosque they are - 1. Sarkin Zabarma Chairman 3. Abdul Karim Treasurer 5. Mohammed Arko 7. Sulleyman Muzzu ^ JsXr The following people were at the meetino 1. Sarkin Zongo Alhaji Amadu 2. Sarkin Zabarma Tonko Gariba 3 Sarkin Tuba Tanko Mallam Umar i - C 4. Baba Giwa Abdul Karim Baba Mohamadu Mallam Issa 6. Ali Arzika Baba Tsalhatu 7- Ollie Arzika Oantani Alhaji Adamuali Mallam Amadu Agona Alhassan Jibiril flmarrrt 407 lu-saos •: !9T rn cos ca»«« Oear Sir. j , I have been directed by the Chief, the Mosque Committee and ihe enure Zengo community to inform you thai. they have 90: your letter end thv content* wet: noted Hwever thay have also directed me to inform you that, they totally obert to any attempt oy you end your organiso’ion to impose an imam on trve community I nave also been 3/ecicO to inform you that, you ore einer conscousty or unconsciously going against the letter ana tne spiot cf the agreement made between your organisation era ttie community on the 21 s; ol March 2003 The community have no problem with the coming ol the Imim in any way what . so ever. The problem lies with Ihe doles of tne tmsm you era bnnyrng 1 Per ir the lone of your letter is anything to go by than, what you inteno 10 00 is to relegates our imam 10 the background, this the community shall not accept Our siax: is informed by tne second paragraph of your latlar. ana 1 aooi^hi duty of incoming Imam is leading lha prayers Including Friday KutOah*’ This to us is a complete departure from tne ajreement -.vs haa *ith Site* Seeeo the former director and his assistan: Sheik Muau. . Sir. incrder lo avoid future misunoerstandmg and confrontations 1 have eooosed a ccpy of the minutes of th6 meeting the community had \vitn your directors Sheiks Saeed and Muzzu. For you to study carefully this we oelieve wai net you to appreciate the community sentiments and lo avoid taken urvatera: decisions in future Yours isfchUiy Baba Ttalhetu (Mosque Commlltoe Secretary) - 1 0 1 ( 0 I2005 408 cMSAomcx APPLICATION FOR JUSTICE Background 07/04/0-1 In January 2002 Mallam Eesa Zakariya, a native and resident of Itcena Kyitn, Tarkwa forwarded an application letter to Suleyman Ahmed Mozu , (he Deputy Director of the above mentioned organization and also a native of Tarkwa For a Mosque to be constructed for Muslims in Becnakyim - Tarkwa. With assistance and follow up from Mr Mozu the application was given a serious attention, hcnce a delegation was sent to Tarkwa to conduct a feasibility studies on the proposed site for the construction of the Mosque in Sept 2002. After critical studies on the site the delegation realized that the proposed site is on! suitable for the project sincc it is far from the residential houses of the beneficiaries. The organization therefore decided to shin the project from VViui Kiatc to any suitable location within the region. Mallam Kcsa sensing the organizations intention to relocate the project out side Tarkwa called the organization that he has spotted a ncn site as a result of an appeal from three people from the Zongo community namely : J.ibril Alhsasan . AIhIuI karim Musa and llamed Mohamed Tanko to bring in the Mosque to their community. ” Mallam ,Eesa in a good way explained to the team, the conditions of the organization if (hey arc ready to abide by. Conditions: (a) Al-Muntada Islami will demand a full transfer i (b) After the construction of the Mosque, Al-Muntada Islami will appoint its Imam to the mosque. In a response to those conditions Mallam Jibril Alhassan and his tram agreed to the conditions of Al-Muntada hlauii explained to them by Mallam F.csa. This prompted Madam Eesa to draw the attention of the olTice on the new site . A delegation from the organization visited the new site and met the chief and elders of /ongo community in Tarkwa in Oct 2002 with the accompany of Mallam ICassa . I he delegation explained again to the chief and his elders the conditions attached to llic project which they accepted, hence the organization decided tu relocate the project in /.ongo .Tarkwa. AGREEMENT: gmanaohtce At the beginning of the prnjcct the organization and the zongo community signed mi agreement to govern the relationship between the two and the chief signed on behalf of the community . 'I'lie project was executed and duly commissioned in February 2003 at the cost of 1X9,QUO,000.110 (one hundred and eighty nine million cedis). . ■ t IA tMlV I*-** AFTERMATH OF THE PROJECT * M'S'V V^^wS*- ^ When the project was completed Che organization appointed an Imam to the mnsquc in the person of Sliiekli Bashiru Yakubu , but the Chief and his assistants opposed to the Imam of the organization in contrary to the agreement and rather appointed their own Imam to the mosque in the person of Jibrill Alhassan , one of the above mentioned three people who appealed to Mallam Eassa to bring the project to zongo and accepted the conditions of the organization. Our Imam was sent to the community in November 2003, but has been classified as a 2”1 Deputy Imam for the mosque which is a breach of contract. Jf- i>k ^Ct C y f l l CC*V CONCLUSION: 1 Dear Nana We therefore appeal to your high office as the overall king of Wassa Kiase traditional area to come into the aid of my organization and help restore law and order to our mosque as agreed upon between the two parties. Oxagycfo Nana Kwamena Enimil VI Oiuanlicuc of Wassa Kiasc Traditional Area, Tarkwa. Yours faithfully Suleyman Almicd Mom Deputy Director & and native of Tarkwa I‘lease find attached: 1. Copy of the agreement. 2. The document of Hie mosque. 1 A report containing information about my organization and its activities. . I i. Ini yy4SS-f=^- LQ . d*\^c edMWs . a^£-p^ysXtfsL OJ^~ £) ■'TY'-'V' VssutC-5 =tcs^ ' ̂ -C>iSL^ Permit No)^|iC>T|ScC/i| PlANNINU AM* PERMIT TO DEVELOP LAND OR TO CONSTRUCT OR CARRY OUT WORK 11'ON * A BUILDING WITHIN A PLANNING AREA The r*. ‘_____________________________ Planning CommiUee, In pursuance of the |wn» itricgaiol lo it by the Minister responsible lor Town & Country Planning under Secuon. It (o) of the Town & Country Planning Ordinance, hereby grant] permission to: /vi.- N\.v.virr>vL^^. At. - T L & C _ _________________ VvJW - I (6i c~~,______ * (0) Develop the land indicated on the attached I/250* 1(2500* S.te phn for ig_____________________________________ purposes. and/or* (6) Construct a building indicated on the attached I/125* I/2500 site (dan for use as. Vv\c. «J>+V I ?______ asd/or* (a) Demolish (b) Alter (r) Extend (rf) Repair (<) Renew the building indicated on the attached I/I 250* I/2500 site plan subject to the following conditions:— ___ . I (/) Tlur tbe»ntk iscomptcled within .?. -----years/months from the date of issue. If development is not completed within the time application for renewal mutt be made lo the Planning Com­ mittee. fc\v_ Tc £•. T-& L> ^ s-t\G nO ygg. fe.Lc.-uc PusM r%tT^r-vn5JN -Rl " " M ' andin accordance with the attached plan. t Thu permit dots not relieve the applicant from the necessity of compliance with any building or planning regulations for the lime being in force in the Planning Area. 3. This permit does not imply or confirm the right of title of the applicant to the land or building comprised herein Dated this. _". L - . day of JiV ^ By Order of the Planning Commiltee 411 LAND RELEASE AGREEMENT / MEMORANDUM 01- UNDERSIANDfNG LAND RELEASE AGREEMENT / MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING is hereby entered this 31" day of October, 2002 BETWEEN the Chief and the Muslim Zongo Community, Tarkwa (hereinafter callal Ihc 'Lessor') on the one part AND Almuntada Al islami ol Accra (hereinafter called the 'Lessee) on the other pan I IT IS HEREBY AGREED THAT: (a) The Is party shall lease out Plot No.2 .Situate ami being at Xongo/Tnrkwn to llie 2 I’arn (b) The 2l,d Party shall be subject to pulling down the existing old mosque, its place of which has been earmarked for the construction of the new one. (c) The 2nd party shall construct a mosque on the said plot for the benefit of the Zongo Community. (.d) The 2"J party shall have the right to appoint an imam for the Mosque in line with the procedure of the Al-Muntada Islami, but priority will be given to ihe Community. 2 The Local Imam shall continue lo exercise his officiating right as the Deputy Imam during (a) funeral (b) outdooring and (cj marriage 3 All documents, covering the mosque or the leased out plot shall be in the custody of the 2,ul party. 4. That there shall be no interference in the culture of the Muslim Community. That the above terms ol this agreement are binding on both parties unless otherwise revoked . n 412 SEALED.SIGNED/MARKED by the ) representative of the Lessor ) (Salifu Azika) Chief of Zongo ) Community in the presence of: ) LESSOR (ISSAH ZAK.AR1A) SEALED, SIGNED/MARKED by the ) representative of the Lessee ) (ALHAJI YAHYA SHAFIK) in the ) presence of: ) S+i. (ABDUL MAJEED SUALAH) OATH OF PROOF On the J day of fHv, 2002 at^O 'clock in the noon this Instrument was proved before me by the parties herein to have been duly executed by them. GIVEN UNDER MY HAND ANQ OFFICIAL SEAL DEPUTY OPROT'ftmteTWifflRXmG H COURT - HIGH CC'JXT Ci'-ySTlCE T I — 11- <\X-C51>C2 413