University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
NEGOTIATING MULTILINGUALISM AT ANUM, 
ASAMANKESE. 
 
 
BY 
 
ASARE POAKWA 
 
10703676 
 
 
 
 
THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF 
GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE 
REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF 
PHILOSOPHY DEGREE IN LINGUISTICS 
 
 
 
 
APRIL 2022 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
DECLARATION 
I Asare Poakwa declare that apart from references to works duly cited and 
acknowledged, this thesis is the result of my original research under the supervision 
of Dr. Grace Diabah and Dr. Seth Antwi Ofori of the Department of Linguistics, 
University of Ghana, Legon. I certify that this dissertation has not been submitted 
in part or whole for the award of any degree elsewhere. 
 
i 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
DEDICATION 
This thesis is dedicated to the Glory of God 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
ii 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 
I am very grateful to Almighty God for His protection and direction for the duration 
of my studies at Legon. I would also like to thank my supervisors, Dr. Grace Diabah 
and Dr. Seth Antwi Ofori, for their guidance and assistance in the writing of this 
thesis. Dr. Diabah has not been just a supervisor, but a mother who welcomed me at 
all times and reminded me of my timelines. Dr. Diabah, may God reward you with 
greatness on every side. To Dr. Seth Antwi Ofori who doubled as my father in the 
Lord, I am grateful for the hope you had in me and all the efforts aimed at making 
the outcome of this thesis successful. You were there for me from the selection of 
the topic to the completion of the thesis. God bless you for all the sacrifices and for 
being there for me always.  
I would also like to appreciate all the lecturers of the Department of Linguistics at 
Legon for their support also throughout my studies. Special recognition goes to Prof. 
Evershed Amuzu (who because of his great insight in sociolinguistics matters was 
one of the first lecturers in my department to learn about this topic), Prof. Nana Aba 
A. Amfo (under whose able leadership as Dean of School of Languages, I qualified 
to receive a grant for this project), Dr. Paul Agbedor (for his constant advice on my 
work whenever I contacted him),  Dr. Reginald A. Duah (who constantly reminded 
me of the need to finish this work on time), Prof. E. K. Osam, Dr. James Saanchi, 
Dr. Yvonne Agbetsoamedo, Dr. Mercy Bubuafo, Dr. Clement I. Appah, Dr Akua 
Asantewaa Campbell and Dr. Dorothy Agyapong. I am very thankful to you all for 
your support and encouragement in the series of presentations I made in our 
iii 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
department to bring this research to its current level. You indeed played positive 
roles in my academic life at Legon. 
I would also like to thank all persons from whom data were gathered for this work. 
I am especially thankful to the following research consultants: Nana Debrah 
Kantanka, Rev. Emmanuel Gyan, Mr. Kwafo Lawrence. God bless all my 
consultants for their time in the conduct of this research. I would like to appreciate 
my Father, Mr. Poakwa Sampson; my mum, Madam Charity Sey, my siblings: 
Oscar, Arhin, Isaac, Patience, Bernard, Deborah, Abigail, Lawrence and Jerry for 
their moral and spiritual support throughout my studies. 
I am very indebted to my uncle, Mr. Charles O. Bonney; my uncle’s dear wife 
Madam Diana Amankwaa; and, my mum Sarah Amponsah, for their financial 
assistance throughout my study. I am also thankful to Uncle Solomon Banson Afful 
for his timely counsel during my study. I appreciate the support of Chris, Mavis, 
Akyereh, Salomey, Mildred, Benjamin, Francis, Anokye, and everyone in the group. 
I am also very thankful to Pastor Frederick Kotey Broohm(my district Pastor) and 
his wife for their prayers of strength and guidance for me. I would also want to thank 
Pastor Ato Amuakwa-Nkansah, Pastor Emmanuel Love Teye, Pastor Emmanuel 
Agyei Kwafo, Pastor Ebenezer Agyapong, Isaac Owusu Asante, Albort Ofori, 
Frimpong Martinson, Emmanuel Asante, Philip Adjei, Noble Gyimah, Godson 
Ahedor, Adjei Emmanuel, Brown, Dorcas, Florence, Cynthia, Cecilia, Martin, 
Jones, Kezia, Kittoe, also for their prayers. I say God bless you all. To members of 
PAFEM, Shabhadizek, Zion Assembly; P.O.G Ministries, and Staff of YAPS 
Kingdom Kids’ School, I say may God bless you all.  
iv 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
To my M.Phil. colleagues; David, Eunice, Etornam and Maurice, I say Ayekoo to 
you all. I would like to specially thank Mr. Okrah Oppong for his brotherly advice 
at all times during my period of study. I also want to say a big thank you to my 
seniors Victoria, Enyonam, Belinda, Dautey and Anastasia for always being there 
for me. I appreciate M.Phil year one students for their love. I also want to thank the 
non-teaching staff at the Department of Linguistics for making my stay at the 
department enjoyable. I am appreciative of Elder Dr. Obed Broohm for mentoring 
me and proofreading portions of my work sometimes at a short notice. I appreciate 
your inputs Elder. God richly bless you. 
Data collection for this study would not have been possible without the support of 
the University of Ghana and the School of Languages Andrew W. Mellon 
Foundation. I say a big thank you for funding the data collection expenses for this 
thesis and the opportunity to partake in the thesis writeshop organized by the 
Foundation. I also thank Prof. Nana Aba Amfo (the former project lead), and Prof. 
Dzahene Quarshie (the current project lead) for their support. I thank Dr. Jemima 
Anderson, Dr. Elizabeth Erfson-Offei, Dr. Abduolaye Immoro, Dennis, Nana Akua 
Amanfu and Prince, all members of Cohort II of the Mellon funded-projects for their 
encouragement. God bless you all. 
 
 
 
 
v 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
ABSTRACT 
This study examines language roles, language choices and the motivations thereof 
among Gua native-speakers at Anum, Asamankese, and language vitality under the 
title ‘Negotiating Multilingualism at Anum, Asamankese’. Data were elicited 
through non-participant observation and unstructured interviews with 80 
respondents who are/were mostly speakers of Gua. Questions were formulated and 
asked purposely to understand these respondents, as a microcosm of the bigger 
Anum Asamankese community. Data were elicited from native Gua speakers at 
homes, schools, hospitals, markets and workplaces in Asamankese. The Markedness 
(Myers-Scotton 1993) and the Triglossic structure (Batibo 2005) models were 
employed in analysing data.  The study identified English, Gua and Twi as the three 
major languages among respondents. In terms of language roles, English was 
associated with high functions as the preferred language among the educated and 
official domains. Gua was in use in non-formal (primary) domains. Twi straddles 
the official and non-official domains and it has a high function (and is marked) in 
these domains. In non-official domains and functions, however, Twi serves a high 
function over Gua, and also as the language of wider communication. On vitality, 
there are no known negative attitudes towards the use of Gua in the bigger 
Asamankese community. Additionally, Gua is vital in the home because of the 
positive attitude of speakers and intergenerational transfer on the part of parents 
even though there is an encroachment on Gua by Twi. So functionally, Gua is not 
in any way threatened; however, formally, very little documentation has been 
carried on Gua.  
vi 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
DECLARATION ............................................................................................................. i 
DEDICATION ............................................................................................................... ii 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................... iii 
ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................. vi 
LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................... xi 
LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................... xii 
LIST OF MAPS .......................................................................................................... xiii 
LIST OF APPENDIXES ............................................................................................. xiv 
ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................................................... xv 
CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................. 1 
GENERAL INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... 1 
1.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1 
1.2 Background of the study ....................................................................................... 2 
1.3 The Ethno-linguistic background of Anum Asamankese ..................................... 3 
1.4 Problem Statement .............................................................................................. 10 
1.5 Objectives of the study ........................................................................................ 11 
1.6 Research questions .............................................................................................. 12 
1.7 Significance of the study ..................................................................................... 13 
vii 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
1.8 Overview of chapters .......................................................................................... 13 
CHAPTER TWO .......................................................................................................... 15 
LITERATURE REVIEW, THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK, AND 
METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................. 15 
2.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 15 
2.2 Literature Review ................................................................................................ 15 
2.3 Language choice in multilingual settings ........................................................... 16 
2.3.1 Factors that influence Language choice ....................................................... 26 
2.4 Ethno linguistic vitality ....................................................................................... 36 
2.5 Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................... 38 
2.5.1 The Markedness Model ................................................................................ 38 
2.5.2 The Triglossic Structure Model .................................................................... 43 
2.5.3 Justification for the choice of Theoretical Frameworks........................... 48 
2.6 Methodology ....................................................................................................... 49 
2.6.1 Research Site ................................................................................................ 49 
2.6.2 Research design ............................................................................................ 50 
2.6.3 Sample size and Sampling procedure ........................................................... 51 
2.6.4 Technique for data collection ....................................................................... 52 
2.6.7 Selection and transcription of data ............................................................... 53 
2.7 Chapter summary ................................................................................................ 53 
viii 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
CHAPTER THREE ...................................................................................................... 55 
LANGUAGE USE AT ANUM ASAMANKESE ........................................................ 55 
3.0 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 55 
3.1 Biographical data of Respondents ...................................................................... 55 
3.2 Individual linguistic repertoire ............................................................................ 57 
3.3 Domains of Language use ................................................................................... 59 
3.3.1 Language use in the home ............................................................................ 59 
3.3.2 Language use in the school .......................................................................... 62 
3.3.3 Language use at the Hospital ....................................................................... 65 
3.3.4 Language use at the Office ........................................................................... 67 
3.3.5 Language use at the Market ......................................................................... 70 
    3.4 Comparison of Domains of language use ........................................................ 72 
    3.5 Motivations for Language choice .................................................................... 75 
3.5.1 Language ability ........................................................................................... 75 
3.5.2 Language use in a social environment ......................................................... 76 
3.5.3 Language use and personal background ....................................................... 77 
3.6 Functional allocation of Gua at Anum Asamankese ........................................... 78 
3.7 Summary of Chapter ........................................................................................... 78 
CHAPTER FOUR ........................................................................................................ 81 
THE ETHNOLINGUISTIC VITALITY OF GUA AT ANUM ASAMANKESE ...... 81 
ix 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
4.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 81 
4.2 Ethnolinguistic variables. .................................................................................... 81 
4.2.1 The demographic position of Gua Speakers ................................................ 82 
4.2.2 Population and distribution of Gua speakers ................................................ 83 
4.2.3 Status of Gua ................................................................................................ 86 
4.2.4 Attitude of speakers towards Gua ................................................................ 87 
4.2.5 Intergenerational transfer of Gua ................................................................. 90 
4.2.6 Response of Gua to new domains ................................................................ 92 
4.2.7 Economic capital of Gua .............................................................................. 94 
4.2.9 Institutional support and policies ................................................................. 95 
4.3 Summary of Chapter ........................................................................................... 97 
CHAPTER FIVE .......................................................................................................... 99 
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................ 99 
5.0 Introduction ......................................................................................................... 99 
5.1 Summary of the Study ...................................................................................... 100 
5.2 Summary of Key findings ................................................................................. 102 
5.3 Contribution to Knowledge ............................................................................... 104 
5.4 Recommendations ............................................................................................. 105 
REFERENCE ............................................................................................................. 106 
 
x 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
LIST OF TABLES 
Table 1 Biographical representation of respondents .................................................... 56 
Table 2: Individual Linguistic Repertoire .................................................................... 58 
Table 3 language use in the home ................................................................................ 60 
Table 4 showing Language use in the School .............................................................. 63 
Table 5 Language use at the Hospital ........................................................................... 66 
Table 6 language use at the office, and by drivers and farmers ................................... 68 
Table 7 Language use at the Market ............................................................................. 70 
Table 8 Attitude of speakers towards Gua .................................................................... 88 
 
  
xi 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
LIST OF FIGURES 
Figure 1. The genetic affiliation of the Gua. .................................................................. 6 
Figure 2: Triglossic structure model ............................................................................. 44 
Figure 3. Anum Asamankese community .................................................................... 50 
  
xii 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
LIST OF MAPS 
Map 1: The language map of Ghana......................................................................... 8 
  
xiii 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
LIST OF APPENDIXES 
APPENDIX I......................................................................................................................... 114 
  
xiv 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
ABBREVIATIONS 
H    High Language (In terms of usage) 
L    Low Language (In terms of usage) 
L1     First Language 
P.T.A.     Parent-Teacher Association 
RO    Rights and Obligations 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
xv 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
CHAPTER ONE 
GENERAL INTRODUCTION 
1.1 Introduction 
This thesis focuses on language use in Anum, a suburb of Asamankese, hence the 
use of the term “Anum, Asamankese” in the thesis title. Asamankese is a multi-
ethnic town in the West Akim Municipal area in the Eastern region of Ghana. Anum 
Asamankese is a community inhabited by early Guan migrants and is now exposed 
to several linguistic groupings. The ethnic language of the Anum people in 
Asamankese is Gua.  This study is an investigation of the linguistic repertoire, and 
language use among Gua speakers at Anum and in Asamankese. It probes the 
motivations for the choice of language in some domains (of language use) among 
speakers of Gua at Anum and in Asamankese; and also delves into an assessment of 
the vitality of the Gua language at Anum and in Asamankese. The present chapter 
is the general introduction to the study, and it is organized as follows; section (1.2) 
presents the background to the study, followed by the ethnolinguistic situation at 
Anum Asamankese in section (1.3). The statement of the problem is presented in 
section (1.4), with the research questions presented in section (1.6). In section (1.7) 
is the significance of this study.  The chapter ends with an overview of the thesis 
chapters in section (1.8). 
 
1 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
1.2 Background of the study 
Every country possesses its unique social-linguistic ecosystem depending on its 
history and its practice of language use (Dakubu 1988). Africans speak a good 
number of languages not because they are linguistically gifted; rather, they are often 
exposed to many languages through colonization (Batibo 2005). It is extremely rare 
to find community monolingualism, as individuals are often exposed to 
neighbouring languages apart from their mother tongues. This brings about 
complexities in language use in some domains of language use. It is worth noting 
that most countries in Africa have the language of their colonial masters as their 
official language. The presence of foreign languages together with indigenous 
languages, and the competition of these languages for roles, is a state of 
“multilingualism” in Africa today. The complexities in the use of language in 
several African countries have given rise to various language policies in those 
countries and have spearheaded countless research on language use in multilingual 
communities in Africa among linguists (Myers-Scotton 1993; Batibo 2005; Josep 
2014). 
According to Josep (2014:1) “multilingualism is the capacity of humans to 
communicate in different languages”. Multilingualism presents the existence of 
several varieties of a language in a geographical area (Josep 2014).  Josep further 
explains that Multilingualism is the practice of using more than two languages in a 
particular context of language. However, Ofori (2020) asserts that to understand 
2 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
multilingualism, there should be an understanding of the language contact situation 
that has contributed to shaping it, and this requires an understanding of the patterns 
of human interactions in the past. A society is considered multilingual when there 
is the presence of different languages, and these languages are functional in domains 
of language use. Individuals become multilingual with the ability to use several 
languages aside from their mother tongue based on their social circumstances. These 
circumstances present individuals in the community with the opportunity to learn 
other languages to their advantage.  According to Amuzu (2012:18), “such 
opportunities may show up in the course of the individual's geographical and/or 
social mobility, or through marriage, or some other exposure to another language". 
Individuals are then faced with the need to effectively communicate in the speech 
community in their everyday life. This has necessitated my aim in the current study 
to understand the use that is, the functional roles of languages at Anum, 
Asamankese. 
 
1.3 The Ethno-linguistic background of Anum Asamankese 
Anum is a suburb of Asamankese where the Anum people in Asamankese live. 
Asamankese is a multi-ethnic town in the West Akim Municipal area in the Eastern 
region of Ghana. According to Asihene (2010), oral tradition has it that the Anum 
people in Asamankese migrated to their present location in Asamankese from Anum 
3 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
in the Asuogyaman District. The Anum group that moved to Asamankese lived in 
Krabo and Mamedede in the present-day Asuogyaman District before the migration 
of the Akwamu people to Nyanawaso in this district.  It was a misunderstanding 
between the two ethnic groups (Akwamu and the Anum) that forced a section of the 
Anum group (the group known as Amoanda) to sever ties with their ancestral homes 
in Krabo and Mamedede in the Asuogyaman District. They sought refuge near the 
Mid-Volta Basin under the leadership of Nene Kwasi Anyane in 1923 and Nene 
Kolihue in 1928 where they shared a border with the Fiaga of Peki, who were led 
by Kojo Dei I. A dispute between the Amoanda then led by Afari Akwasi and the 
Fiaga of Peki over land led to the death of Afari Akwasi and subsequently the 
departure of Amoanda to a place called Totomento near Mangoase. They finally 
moved to the Asamankese area at Asuokaw after a warm reception by Chief Kwaku 
Amoa I of Asuokow. Their settlement at Asuokaw was formerly occupied by 
Otomfo Asare but was deserted because of its swampy nature. With time, they 
moved to settle at a low-lying area called Korobete which was not suitable for 
settlement and therefore moved to their present hillock abode closer to their 
farmlands and villages like Amoanda, Kyekyewere, Konakohwe, Asuokow, 
Damasi, Asiyie, Adiembra, and Obotwene (Asihene 2010) all in the Asamankese 
and Asuokaw plains in the West Akim Municipal area. It was from these villages 
that individuals moved to build their houses in the present day Anum suburb of 
Asamankese. 
4 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Gua (Anum) is a Guan language that is spoken by the people of Anum, Asamankese. 
According to Painter (1967a, 1967b), it is described as belonging to the Tano group 
of the Volta-Comoe in the Kwa language family. Painter (1967a) classifies Guan 
languages spoken in Ghana into four broad groups namely, North Guan, Nkonya 
Guan, Hill Guan, and the Coastal Guan. The North Guan language group comprises 
Gonja, Choruba, Ndompo, Yeji, Prang, Nawuri, Achode, Anyanga, Nchimburu, and 
Krachi with Nkonya Guan having only Nkonya as part of the group. While Hill 
Guan has Anum (Gua/Anum-Boso), Coastal Guan has Awutu and Efutu (Painter 
1967a: 75). Painter (1967b) categorizes Gua as a “Hill Guan” language. 
A language family tree with Gua as the focus from the Volta Comoe language family 
is shown below; 
 
 
 
 
 
 
5 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
      Figure 1. The genetic affiliation of the Gua. 
 
Volta-Comoe 
 
Guan 
 
 
       North Guan       Nkonya Guan       Coastal Guan 
Hill Guan 
 
 
      Anum(Gua/Boso) 
          Larteh(lɛtɛ ) Ɔkere 
 
     
Anum/Gua          Boso 
  
                           A modified language tree from Obiri-Yeboah (2013:6).                                                                                             
According to Ampene (2003), Guan is the name of the indigenous occupants of 
Ghana and the name of the language they speak as well. Even so, Ampene opines 
that “due to the various places where these people lived after disintegration there are 
many variants of the name: GWA, GUAN, GOUN” (Ampene 2003:6). Gua has 
about 156,200 speakers in Ghana with a pocket of them in the Ewe area (Dakubu 
1988).  Dakubu (1988) further asserts that Anum-Boso, known to its speakers as 
6 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Gua, lies on the Volta to the southeast of Ho. Anu(m), Boso, Tosen, Dodi, Nanyɔ, 
Nkwakubew, Anum Apapam, Asamankese Anum, partially at Asikuma and Sankɔre 
are some places where Gua is spoken in Ghana in the report of Obiri-Yeboah (2013). 
Gua (herein referred to as Anum) is the language and the name of the speakers as 
well (Obiri-Yeboah 2013). He further asserts that Anum speakers accept this 
reference largely.  
Lewis et al. (2013) also present the family lineage of Anum as, “Niger-Congo, 
Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Comoe, Kwa, Nyo, Potou-Tano, Tano, Guan, South Guan, 
Gua where Gua contextually refers to Anum and Boso dialects”.  
         Below is a map indicating where Anum is spoken in Ghana: 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
7 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Map 1: The language map of Ghana 
 
  
Number 52 shows where Anum is spoken. 
   Source: Lewis et al. (2013:13). 
 
8 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
The linguistic situation of Anum Asamankese is such that the people are at least 
bilingual in Gua and other languages. A document on the budget of the West Akyem 
Municipal reveals that, Akyem and/or Anum are the major languages used besides 
English which is the lingua franca even though Ewe, Hausa, Ga, and other minority 
languages are spoken in the community. Anum is largely used in informal settings 
in the community. 
In Anum Asamankese, the major economic activity is Agriculture. Farmers in the 
community produce food crops like cassava, plantain, oil palm, and maize. Women 
trade in these food crops on market days in the community. Some people in the 
community are into animal farming like sheep, goats, domestic fowl, and pigs, 
which is a source of livelihood for some residents.  
In education, Anum L/A (Local Authority) Junior High School and Anum 
Presbyterian Junior High School are the two basic schools at Anum Asamankese. 
Even though some of the youth are making it to second cycle institutions outside the 
community, the literacy level in English is relatively low. This is because over the 
years a few of the older population have been able to access formal education in the 
Asamankese locality. 
“Odweegyi” is the festival of the people of Anum, Asamankese. This festival is 
celebrated as ‘Odwira’ in some other areas. Odweegyi is derived from two Gua 
words; Odwe ‘a type of yam’ and gyi ‘eat or celebrate’ (Obiri-Yeboah 2013). 
9 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
According to their oral tradition, it is a time when yam is to be uprooted and eaten 
for the first time in the year on the traditional calendar. This festival is celebrated in 
September and is celebrated to mark the end and beginning of their traditional 
calendar. The celebration of ‘Odweegyi’ arouses the communal spirit that engenders 
solidarity. This season is accompanied by merriment and fun-filled events among 
the people.  
 
1.4 Problem Statement 
The research that was carried out for the current study revealed that Gua is one of 
the least-researched and consequently least documented of the Guan 
languages/dialects both formally and sociolinguistically. The language received 
mention in Dakubu (1988) where properties of the language are scantly mentioned 
and discussed in her typology of Guan languages. Next to this is a basic description 
of aspects of its phonology recently by Obiri-Yeboah (2013). The presence of Akan 
(the native language of the majority of people), and other indigenous Ghanaian 
languages and English, is one major factor that has undermined the interest, research 
and documentation of Gua. This poses a threat to the use of Gua in some domains 
of language use. Also, Gua in this speech community is geographically isolated from 
other Guan-speaking groups, for this reason, it lacks the numerical strength to 
compete with the rest of the languages in the Asamankese speech community.  
10 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 Similarly, Akan (Akuapem Twi) which is a documented language is studied in 
schools and most students can read and write the language relegating Gua to the 
background. Gua has restricted usage in the classroom and is employed when the 
need for clarity arises during lesson delivery. The home then becomes an avenue for 
the use and preservation of Gua. However, Krauss (1992) asserts that most of the 
6,000 languages in the world are spoken by adults and might not teach these 
languages to the succeeding generation. This language contact situation poses a 
threat to the survival of Gua in the speech community, and this is likely to cause 
language shift or possible language death. This language contact phenomenon has 
necessitated the need for a sociolinguistic study on the situation at Anum 
Asamankese. 
 
1.5 Objectives of the study 
This research concentrates on language use among Anum speakers in Asamankese, 
as there is an ongoing project on the grammar of Anum. This will help us know the 
actual state of Gua that is spoken in Asamankese. The study examines the linguistic 
repertoire of native Gua speakers in Anum, Asamankese; how Gua fares in 
competition for usage with other languages in the native speakers’ community. To 
understand the linguistic repertoire in the Asamankese speech community and the 
11 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
vitality of the Gua language among native speakers at Anum and in Asamankese. 
Therefore the following are the objectives for this research 
a) To identify the linguistic repertoire of Native Gua Speakers in Anum, 
Asamankese.  
b) To understand the functional allocation of this community’s 
linguistic repertoire. 
c) To assess the vitality of Gua at Anum, Asamankese at both the 
institutional and individual levels in the Asamankese speech 
community. 
 
1.6 Research questions 
The following research questions guide this study. 
 a)  What is the linguistic repertoire of native Gua Speakers in 
Asamankese? 
 b) What is the functional allocation of language in the Linguistic 
 repertoire? 
 c) What is the vitality of Gua at both institutional and individual levels 
  in the speech community? 
12 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
1.7 Significance of the study 
This study gives an in-depth understanding of language use in a multilingual speech 
community like Asamankese. It adds up to the efforts aimed at documenting the 
sociolinguistics of the Anum language. Linguists, traditional rulers, and the 
government would be informed about the state of the Anum language (a minority 
language) and its vitality in a highly multilingual setting. The study will serve as a 
starting point for further research on the sociolinguistics of the Anum, Asamankese 
dialect. 
 
1.8 Overview of chapters  
In this section, I present the organization of the thesis. The study is made up of five 
chapters. Chapter one is a general introduction, serving as a springboard for the rest 
of the study. It captures the general background of the study, the objectives, and 
research questions guiding this research, the significance of the study, and the 
organization of chapters. Chapter two presents a review of related literature, 
methodology, and theoretical framework in which the current study is situated. 
Chapter three focuses on some domains of Language use in the Anum community. 
Chapter four presents the vitality of Gua in the community. Chapter five presents a 
13 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
summary of the study. Key findings and recommendations for further research on 
multilingualism in Guan languages are presented in this chapter.  
14 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
CHAPTER TWO 
LITERATURE REVIEW, THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK, 
AND METHODOLOGY 
2.1 Introduction 
This chapter gives an account of previous works which are related to this study. The 
chapter presents a synopsis of language choice in multilingual settings and ways of 
negotiating multilingualism in some domains of language use. The chapter further 
reviews work on the ethnolinguistic vitality of some languages. It also discusses the 
Markedness Model by Myers-Scotton (1993) and the Triglossic structure model by 
Batibo (2005), which are the two frameworks for the analysis of the data. The last 
section discusses the methodology employed in this study. This includes research 
sites, research instruments, participants, sampling methods, and data collection 
procedures. 
 
2.2 Literature Review 
The focus of this review is on scholarly works pertinent to the study. This is carried 
out by looking at the following headings: language choice; and ethnolinguistic 
vitality of some languages. Given this, this section presents a survey of language 
15 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
use as a backdrop to the analysis of language use and negotiation strategies used at 
Anum Asamankese and the vitality of Gua in some domains of language use. 
Thus, this section gives a general overview and background to the analysis of how 
language is negotiated and used in some domains of language use. 
 
2.3 Language choice in multilingual settings 
People who speak two or more languages usually make language decisions on which 
language to be used in a particular context or domain. This is fuelled by many factors 
which address the following namely; the who (participants), what (topic), where 
(context), and how (medium) of a conversation (Qawar & Dweik 2015). Given this, 
Fasold (1990) asserts that multilingualism becomes a tool of interaction for the 
multilingual speaker in the home, school, commerce and trade and other domains. 
On language choice, in multilingual communities in Europe, Qawar & Dweik 
(2015) studied language choice among Arabs of Quebec in Canada. The study 
investigated factors that necessitated language choice concerning the attitude of 
Arabs towards Arabic, French, and English. Qawar & Dweik (2015) assert that, 
Quebec which is a multicultural province as a result of immigration use side by side, 
the dominant official language of the host country and the ethnic language. The 
16 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
study objectives were to look at factors that determine language choices and 
attitudes of Canadian Arabs toward Arabic English and French. 
 One hundred (100) participants were sampled for the study based on 
demographic variables like age, gender, and place of birth, marriage, occupation, 
marriage status, and religion. Data for the study was gathered through a 
questionnaire. 
The study revealed that the Canadian Arabs of Quebec, who lived in this 
multilingual community chose language based on the situation they found 
themselves in. Their choice of language is triggered by factors such as purpose, 
topic, and preference. Members of the Quebec community have a positive attitude 
towards Arabic, English, and French. Their attitudes toward Arabic are from the 
prestige attached to their ethnic language since they are free to talk about their inner 
feelings and express themselves better in the language. This confirms Dweik’s 
(1986) study that revealed that positive attitudes towards mother tongue stemmed 
from pride and culture.  The attitude towards English and French stems from their 
Canadian identity across some domains of language use in the province which 
facilitates opportunities and access to formal and educational interactions. This also 
is in line with Sadanand’s (1993) study that showed that, attitudes towards the use 
of different languages are motivated by the Speaker's perception of the role of each 
language and the functions they perform with each other. 
17 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 Similarly, Hon (2007) investigated language use among Chinese adolescents 
in Miri, Sarawak on the usage of Mandarin, English, and Malay in some domains of 
language use. The study centred on domains of language use like family, 
transactional, government department, social media, and school.  One hundred (100) 
respondents were selected from a conforming school in Miri, Sarawak. Data were 
elicited through observation, interview, and questionnaire methods.  
The study revealed that priority was given to Mandarin by Chinese 
adolescents in the school, family, and transactional domains. However, English 
dominated the social media domain. English and Mandarin received positive 
attitudes but the attitude towards Malay was negative. Even though the respondents 
had an emotional attachment to their ethnic languages, they saw English as the 
highest as compared to other languages. Lack of motivation, lack of interest, and 
low proficiency in Malay made people not choose Malay as a prioritized language 
in some domains of language use as the official language. The Chinese adolescents’ 
language attitude is closely connected to their backgrounds, their language ability, 
and language use in the social environment. However, the study did not take into 
account similarities and differences in terms of language use and factors that affect 
language choice and attitude. Given this, the current study will take into account 
similarities in language choice among individuals in the speech community, in the 
light of the dominant language which is Akan. 
18 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Also, Wiya (2017) investigated language choice among teenage ethnic Sasak 
of Mataram (capital of the Indonesian province of West Nusa Tenggara). The 
linguistic situation at Mataram is such that, the speakers are at least bilingual in 
Sasak and other languages. 
His study identified some language choice factors among teens of Sasak in 
speech events in education, family, friends, and religious domains. A qualitative 
method was employed in the study and data was gathered through interviews, 
observation, and recordings. The sample used in this study were 70 teens of Sasak 
between 18 and 24 who reside in Mataram city and are students. 
The study revealed that Setting, Participant, and topic affect the language of 
speakers in social interactions. Students speak Sasak which is their mother tongue 
with people who they had close relations with. This makes the regeneration of the 
Sasak language aroused. Also, they prefer to speak Sasak with the older neighbours 
but alternate between Bahasa and Sasak when speaking to the younger people in the 
neighbourhood. Sasak usage was dominant in religious settings by 37% as compared 
to Bahasa. However, Sasak speakers chose to speak Bahasa all the time in formal 
settings because they consider it to be more appropriate. 
 Essizewa (2006) has also examined the sociolinguistic aspects of 
contact between two languages that belong to the Niger-Congo languages in Togo. 
These two languages are Kabiye and Ewe which are used in the speech community 
19 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
constantly. The objectives of her study were to investigate the patterns and domains 
of language utilization and to determine the social and linguistic factors that 
constrain language usage in the Kabiye community. 
 To Essizewa (2006), the use of Ewe in the marketplace reflects the historical 
and socio-economic status of the language in their everyday communication (see 
also Calvet 1992). Ewe is considered a dominant language in Togo as a result of the 
demographic size of the speakers and the prominence attached to it.  Essizewa 
(2006:37) asserts that, “[t]here a million people (more than 65% of Togo’s 
population) use Ewe as a second language.” Ewe came into contact with Europeans 
early due to its location and was perceived as a language of “modernity” and elitism 
in Togo. This made Ewe the preferred language of wider communication between 
ethnic groups, and this elevated the status of Ewe in Togo.  
On the other hand, Kabiye a northern ethnic group is demographically 
smaller in size as compared to Ewe. Language contact between Kabiye and 
Europeans was shorter and was limited by decrees that restricted missionary works 
to the south of the country (see Lange 1984 as cited in Essizewa 2006). 
Essizewa chose 30 respondents from Kara, Pudԑ and Agoe which are all suburbs of 
Lome where Kabiye speakers were lived. Observations, interviews, questionnaires, 
and recordings were the methods employed for data collection even though the 
framework used was not mentioned. These hypotheses were devised; 
20 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
1. The degree of exposure to Kabiye and Ewe, sex and age, and attitude 
  towards language depended on the usage and proficiency of the  
  language. 
2. Kabiye multilingualism is on the ascendancy in the country and Ewe 
  in the urban communities.  
The results showed that in the usage of Kabiye and Ewe code-switching, the 
instances of Kabiye only and Ewe only were subjected to the exposure of the two 
languages. The data showed the usage of Ewe only in Lome, which is the capital 
city where Ewe is a dominant language. Kara follows as an urban centre with a high 
concentration of Kabiye speakers. Pudɛ which is the smallest community out of the 
three, showed the use of Ewe only, Ewe and Kabiye code-switch, in Kabiye which 
is a village in Northern Togo.   
Comparably, the current study examines the connection that exists in the use of 
language in some domains and factors influencing language choices relevant to this 
study. The current study analyzes the motivations for the choice of codes among 
Gua speakers, and what has helped to maintain their language in some domains of 
language usage. Just like speakers of Kabiye in Togo, Gua speakers in Asamankese 
are gradually incorporating some aspects of the Akan culture into their culture.  
21 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Mensah (2008) has looked at the choices of two languages (Efutu and Fante) in the 
Winneba Speech community. In her work, she describes Efutu as an indigenous 
language that is spoken in Winneba in the central region of Ghana and surrounded 
by Fante which is a dialect of Akan. 
According to Mensah (2008), the linguistic situation at Winneba is such that the 
members of the Efutu community are bilingual in Fante and Efutu. However, the 
domains in which Fante is used outweigh those of Efutu. Fante is used at the market, 
school, public places, and as a medium of instruction in schools. Using Batibo's 
"marked bilingualism" framework, data collected through interviews, 
questionnaires, and observation were analyzed. Mensah (2008) observed that factors 
such as exogamy, demographic size, the attitude of speakers, urbanization, dominant 
languages, and institutional support are some of the factors that account for language 
shift and choices. She opines that demographic size, lack of institutional support, 
prestige, and attitude of speakers are variables that result in language shift in the 
Winneba speech community. 
Nevertheless, Mensah (2008) did not tackle the role of English as an official 
language among the choices speakers have to make in a communicative situation. 
This does not reflect the true picture of a cosmopolitan settlement with massive 
economic and trade activities like Winneba. For instance, the socio-economic 
activities coupled with diverse ethnolinguistic diversity call for the need for 
22 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
common language use in certain domains (education and trade). However, the role 
of English cannot be overlooked in this situation. Given this, this study seeks to 
investigate the impact of English as the official language of Ghana and Akan as a 
dominant first language on Gua in the linguistic repertoire in Asamankese in a 
different context. 
Additionally, Agyakwa (2018) has investigated language choice in Ɔkere, a 
minority speech community in the Eastern region of Ghana. Her work looked at the 
implications of the presence of dominant languages like English and Akan on Ɔkere 
and the social motivations that trigger language choice in the Ɔkere speech 
community. 
According to Agyakwa (2018), the majority of the members of the Ɔkere 
community are multilingual using English, Twi, and Ɔkere as languages for 
communication. The usage of Ɔkere is confined to primary domains (home, 
neighbourhood) while English is assigned to formal domains (classroom and 
functions). Twi is used in public functions like group meetings, churches, markets, 
and Hospitals.  
Thirty (30) participants were sampled from four communities (Adukurom, 
Awukugua, Abiriw, and Ɔkere) to answer a twenty-four-item questionnaire in 
addition to interviews and observation. These research sites were chosen based on 
their geographical location.  
23 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
The analysis of data was done in the light of Batibo's (2005) “triglossic structure 
model” and the sociolinguistic variationist approach to examine the implications of 
the presence of dominant languages such as English and Akan to Ɔkere. 
Her study revealed that demographic size, education, migration, and attitude 
towards speakers are factors that necessitated language choice in Ɔkere. She further 
asserts that the presence of English and Twi in the Ɔkere speech community does 
not pose a threat to Ɔkere, but rather influences the alternation of the choices 
between the three languages. Thus, English, Twi, and Ɔkere are assigned to domains 
based on their prestige, status, and functions in the speech community. This, she 
notes is a strategy to maintain the heritage language which is Ɔkere. The current 
study looks at Gua, which is another minority language in Ghana and discusses how 
speakers maintain their heritage language amidst English and Twi. 
Similarly, Torto (2014) also investigated language choice among first-year 
students of the University of Cape Coast in the Central region of Ghana. The 
University of Cape Coast is a multilingual setting made up of students and workers 
from heterogeneous language groupings in Ghana. The linguistic repertoire in Cape 
Coast is such that, members of the community are multi-lingual (speaking more than 
one language across some domains of language use).  
24 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Data for this study was gathered through observation and questionnaires. 
The observation was done in a social context for empirical data and a questionnaire 
for both demographic and sociolinguistic data. 
Among the factors which informed the choices members of the community make 
include; lack of certain registers in local languages, lack of proficiency in English, 
attitude towards language, and demographic size.  Members in the community 
switch from one language to another or mix two or more languages in a 
communicative situation. There are diverse choices in the speech community: 
unmixed Ghanaian language or English, mixed Ghanaian language and English, or 
vice versa. English enjoys more privileges because of its dominance over the 
indigenous languages. 
Nonetheless, the current study seeks to examine language use across some 
domains like market, hospitals, etc and the age range of respondents which Torto 
(2014) provided little or no information about. And this does not paint a clear picture 
of the linguistic situation. Anum Asamankese is a heterogenous speech community 
with language choices across several domains of language use. This current study 
seeks to investigate the functional allocation of Anum in the linguistic repertoire of 
Anum Asamankese. 
 
25 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
2.3.1 Factors that influence Language choice 
This section discusses the possible factors that necessitate language shift in a 
heterogeneous speech community. 
2.3.1.1 Social Factors 
The literature on language choice suggests that social factors can influence the 
choice of one language over another. According to Kilbirk (1991), ignoring the way 
of life and tradition and adopting modern ways of doing things will influence 
linguistic choices. The more groups keep their traditional manner of life, the 
stronger their language communication will be. Most of the customs, beliefs, and 
traditions are embedded in their linguistic communication, and as we transmit these 
to the younger generation the language grows more potent. Contact with other 
languages and cultures tends to affect a language. This is because there is always 
exchange between these languages and cultures which breeds grounds for borrowing 
and could eventually adulterate the language (Bello 2013). 
Marriage is a social factor that has a significant impact on language choices. 
Marrying from the same group helps to preserve languages especially when both 
parents speak the same language. Children born to such parents may not face many 
difficulties in acquiring their mother tongue (Agyakwa 2018). However, Children 
have a high potential of learning the language of their mother neglecting that of the 
father. 
26 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
As such, Kibrik (1991) affirms that intermarriage does not always pose a 
threat to language. He exemplifies this by saying that marriages between the Kija 
and Jaru people of Kimberley in Western Australia did not threaten any of the two 
languages. 
 
2.3.1.2 Demographic Factors 
According to Batibo (2005), demographic causes of language shifts are made up of 
demographic and geographic factors. He further opines that, linguistic overlap, 
competition, and conflict may be the consequence of the concentration of languages 
in an area. The stronger language in terms of its number will dominate the others in 
terms of its predominance. The linguistic minority and scattered groups will then be 
swallowed by the majority ones. This is attributed to the fact that, the more a 
language group is isolated, the less its language contact. Therefore, the presence of 
a stronger language may induce assimilation (Bello 2013). 
Rural-urban migration is a possible factor for language shift in a speech 
community. If a speech community is surrounded by urban centres, there is a high 
possibility of language change. On another note, the isolation of a speech 
community can either maintain a language or otherwise when they are in contact 
with a majority language (Fishman 1964).  In a community where an 
intergenerational transfer is encouraged and a minority language is used in several 
27 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
domains with no language contact with an isolated language, then, the language will 
be maintained. One thing that fuels the process of language loss is geography 
(Edwards 1992). He further asserts that, when a language shares a border with a 
dominant language, nearness can facilitate the process of language loss. The usage 
of the dominant language across several domains will sweep over the minority 
language if there is no resistance by the former.  
In this vein, Batibo (2005) asserts that the main cause of language shift and 
death is the pressure that the weaker language experiences from a more powerful or 
prestigious language. Batibo (2005) attributes this pressure to factors such as 
demographic superiority, socio-economic attractions, political predominance, or 
cultural forces. In demographic superiority, Batibo (2005) explains that this occurs 
when a language with a greater number of speakers comes into contact with a 
language with a lesser number of speakers. The issue here is, the minority language 
speakers would like to associate with the linguistic majority group. He further adds 
that the linguistic minority in their quest to identify with the larger group abandon 
their culture and language to enhance their status and secure their livelihood.  Hausa 
in West Africa, Kiswahili in Eastern Africa, and Setswana in Southern Africa have 
appealed to a lot of linguistic minority languages because of their demographic 
superiority over minority languages. 
28 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
2.3.1.3 Domains of Language use  
Fishman (1972:442) defines a domain as "a sociocultural construct abstracted from 
topics of communication, relationships between communicators, and locales of 
communication, in accord with the institutions of a society and the spheres of a 
speech community".  Domains of language use are couched from the relationship 
between the topic, participants, the relationship between interlocutors and the norms 
of the society. Given this, the kind of language used in domains available in a speech 
community is very significant for the upkeep of a language according to UNESCO 
(2003b). A language is dominant when it is used in several domains in the speech 
community. 
 According to Austin (2004) "domains and function of use" can facilitate the 
loss of language in certain contexts and situations. He further asserts that a dominant 
language is used in the home and a minority language is restricted for usage in the 
family domain and inter-personal communication among relatives. In such a case, 
other languages are used in a wide range of contexts including education, religion, 
trade and business, and government (Bello 2013). The encroaching of the minority 
languages by the majority languages will eventually lead to the movement of the 
people to the language of wider communication. 
 
29 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
2.3.1.4 Size of language speakers 
Dense populations of speakers have a better chance of maintaining their 
language (Fishman, 1972; Edwards, 1992). A minority language can shift to a 
dominant language when there is a reduction in the number of speakers of that 
language. This is because when speakers of a language are scattered with little or no 
contact, language shift or decline sets in. The proportion of speakers of a particular 
language to those of other languages can contribute to language decline (Brenzinger, 
1997). If a language with a larger number of speakers comes into contact with one 
that has fewer speakers, the chance of the former assimilating to the latter is low.    
The occurrence of natural disasters like floods, earthquakes, famine, and 
several others can cause a decrease in population for a language to lose its speakers. 
Diseases such as STDs, smallpox, measles, influenza, leprosy can also kill a lot of 
speakers of a language thereby reducing or even wiping out an entire population 
(Hudson and McConnel 1984). For instance, European conquests of North America 
led to the decline of Native Americans' languages where Smallpox was deliberately 
and accidentally transmitted to wipe Native Americans totally (Bello 2013) 
 
 
 
30 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
2.3.1.5 Historical factors  
One key thing that contributes to the vitality of a language is the history of the 
people. Whether migrants or indigenes, the ethnolinguistic lives of the people can 
be linked to their history of migration which is connected to the fight against 
oppression or in search of recognition in the speech community (Bello 2013). 
Factors like colonization, conquest and disputes are some of the factors that 
contribute to language endangerment in a speech community. For example, the Arab 
invasion of Northern Africa where indigenous languages were used was replaced by 
Arabic (Batibo 2005).  Among other factors, colonialism is seen to have killed more 
minority languages across the world (Bello 2013). Bello further asserts that native 
American languages were killed through politics and tactics by the Europeans. 
Through genocide, diseases, and forceful resettlement, most of the Native American 
languages were wiped out and English became their mother tongue (Brenzinger, 
1997). The rise of a dominant language over a minority language over border 
disputes and political domination poses a threat to the survival of the minority 
language. 
 
 
 
31 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
2.3.1.6 Attitude of Speakers 
According to Baker (1992:10) language attitude is "a feeling, reaction, or emotional 
disposition towards an idea, concept, or a phenomenon. Attitudes people have 
towards a language can be positive, negative or indifferent and they become 
pronounced when speakers become bilingual or speak several languages (Dryer 
2004). He further asserts that the attitude of speakers towards the language depends 
on the degree of symbolic or socio-economic value manifested by each language. 
According to Austin (2004), the attitudes and language ideology of a community 
and its neighbouring community is a very important factor that contributes to 
language maintenance/loss. A community‘s attitudes and ideology that value 
multilingualism and variety are less probable to contribute to language loss than one 
that sees monolingualism as normal and multilingualism as a menace to their local 
or internal social and political position (Bello 2013). Communities that are 
emotionally attached to their language and view it as an expression of their culture 
and mode of identification will find it difficult to give up on their language for 
another. They do not deem it necessary to learn what is considered an out-group 
language or context.  
Language stigmatization decreases the vitality of a language in a speech 
community (Dorian 1986). Dorian further adds that, situations where dominant 
languages look down upon speakers of minority languages and talk ill about them, 
32 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
breed grounds for language loss. For instance, the ‘inferiority’ attached to speakers 
of Irish as against English in Ireland prevented people from speaking the Irish 
language, and this eventually led to the loss of Irish (Cahill, 2007:11). 
According to Bello (2013), the association of some attributes like poverty, 
illiteracy, hardship, and ill-behaviour to that of development and affluence, poses a 
threat to the survival of minority languages. Crystal (2003) affirms this by asserting 
that the use of a particular language can lead to an attitude that considers other 
languages to be unnecessary. The respect that is not accorded linguistic minority 
groups will compel the minority language speakers to abandon their language for 
the linguistic majority one. 
 
2.3.1.7 Sociolinguistic factors 
The conditions in which language is used in the lives of people in a 
community determine the vitality of the language in the speech community. The 
unequal usage of a language in a community will favour one language at the expense 
of the other in a community. The dominant language is favoured and the minority 
language is marginalized. When the usage of a language becomes popular in almost 
all domains of language use, it will curtail the development of other languages which 
co-exist in the community. Twi, a dominant language in Ghana, is used even in 
official functions in schools making it a convention to either speak Twi or English. 
33 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Crystal (2000) asserts that sociolinguistic factors may play a role in language 
death if the structures laid down by the said society do not favour all languages. He 
further opines that some languages in the community are used in personal 
communication among relations thereby restricting its domain to the family. The 
patterns of language use outside the home may project some languages to the 
detriment of others due to their unequal usage in some domains in the community. 
Crystal (2000) further added that cultural values, norms, and customs, among others, 
can preserve and even promote a minority language.  
2.3.1.8 Socio-Economic Factors  
On socio-economic factors that cause language shift, Batibo (2005) argues 
that socio-economic pressure arises when a language that is frequently used in daily 
activities (such as economic and social) comes into contact with a language with 
little or no socio-economic power. Usually, languages of national or regional status 
that are used as inter-ethnic media of communication; (for example, Akan of Ghana, 
for trade, education, administration, mass media) attract speakers of other languages 
(Batibo 2005). Batibo further added that, migration into other communities will 
cause dependence economically on the host community as the migrants have to 
adjust to their new environment for identification, trust, and effective 
communication. 
34 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Socio-economic factors like inter-ethnic trade force some speakers to 
acquire the language of trade to transact business with their customers (Blench 
1998). Some employees hire people based on their linguistic background. This helps 
to facilitate the buying and selling process. Fluency in Kiswahili is important in 
obtaining some jobs but English is the indispensable language for ‘high-level jobs’ 
(Batibo 2007).  
2.3.1.9 Globalization/Modernization and Urbanization 
Improved communication and mass media in dominant languages tend to 
disenfranchise minority languages. The language of wider communication becomes 
important in the mass media for effective communication. Modern cultures with 
new technologies are encroaching on once-isolated people or minority peoples with 
drastic effects on their way of life (Wilson 1992).  One thing that intimidates 
minority languages is the imposition of western values on some indigenous groups. 
The profit maximization motive of these institutions coupled with gaining an 
effective channel of communication leads them to the acquisition of the best 
medium to gain access to the target population. Traditional pastimes such as 
storytelling, puberty rites, and several others that were transmitted by the elders in 
the society have been replaced by the media (Crawford 1995). 
The rapid development of cities and the need for one language for economic 
activities put pressure on migrants to shift to the dominant language. Employment 
35 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
opportunities and economic activities draw speakers to the dominant language. 
Some people find their spouses among people of different languages. This 
necessitates the need for a common language of communication among couples.   
 
2.4 Ethno-linguistic vitality 
One of the issues in the language contact phenomenon in multi-ethnic 
/multilingual communities is the vitality of the language. This notion was introduced 
by Giles et al (1977) who defined language vitality as, “that which makes a group 
likely to behave as a distinctive and active collective entity in intergroup situations”. 
Some motivations allow a group to survive in a larger community with their ethnic 
behaviour and skills in the language. This is manifested in their attitude and the 
learning of a second language.  
On the vitality of language, Essegbey (2007) has worked on assessing the 
ethnolinguistic vitality of Ga in Accra using the three variables postulated by Giles 
et al. (1997), that is, status, demography, and institutional support. Ethno linguistic 
vitality is that which makes a group likely to behave as a distinctive and collective 
entity Giles et al (1997). He drew a sample from 40 participants from Ga, Akan, 
Ewe Dagbani, and Moore (from Burkina Faso living in Ghana) using a survey. 
36 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
His study reveals that Ga is not going to die soon looking at the population 
of its speakers. The use of Ga is restricted to the home and the culture is vibrant 
which shows the presence of the language for some time even though they have 
become a linguistic minority in their land. Most immigrants prefer to learn Akan 
rather than Ga to fit into and have their way in the city. This has forced Ga's in a 
position to learn Akan to use daily, therefore, acquiring it as a second language. 
However, businesses promoting the use of Akan in the city are not as extremely 
implausible as they might have been some decades ago. The vitality of Gua in this 
study helps to understand the role of language in the lives of the inhabitants of the 
community. 
Works on the vitality of a language are not restricted to communities and 
societies alone. One of such works is Paolo (2020) who investigates the vitality of 
the heritage language vitality among university students in Malaysia.  It looks at the 
extent to which the family heritage language has been displaced in the university. 
This was determined by a sociolinguistic survey on language use and attitude among 
189 students from the faculty of languages and linguistics at the University of 
Malaya. Despite the diversity of 130 languages spoken in Malaysia, Malay is the 
official language with English and Mandarin widespread in the area and has taken 
over the ethnic languages. The study revealed that over one-third of students have 
lost their heritage language (Mandarin) with some able to comprehend within a 
specific context. According to Paolo (2020) reasons which accounted for this 
37 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
include; the lack of written form of some indigenous languages; their heritage 
languages do not provide any direct cultural and economic advantage to the 
speakers. The study further revealed that the chances for the survival of some 
indigenous languages in Malaysia are very slim looking at the trends of 
globalization that favour English.  
 
2.5 Theoretical Framework  
This section discusses the theoretical frameworks through which data gathered will 
be analysed. In this regard, the ‘Markedness model’ by Myers Scotton (1993) and 
Batibo’s (2005) ‘triglossic structure model’ will be discussed in this section. 
 
2.5.1 The Markedness Model 
According to Myers-Scotton (1993:75), “speakers have a sense of Markedness 
regarding available linguistic codes for any interaction, but choose their codes based 
on the persona and/or relation with others which they wish to have in place". As 
speakers find themselves in various communicative settings, not only are they aware 
of the codes that are considered as the 'norm' that operates within that speech 
community (known as the unmarked) but they are also mindful of the codes that are 
not considered as the norm (known as the marked). 
38 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
One core element that makes up the Markedness model is the Rights-and-
obligations sets. The choice of codes by speakers indexes the rights-and-obligation 
sets (RO sets) between interlocutors in a given interaction setting. This indicates 
what codes speakers expect in a discourse. Interlocutors are aware of the RO sets 
and thus make use of it based on the situational features that are salient for any 
speech community. Myers-Scotton (1993:88) further asserts that “speakers develop 
a sense of indexicality of code choices for these RO sets when they become 
cognizant of the different RO sets in their community”.  
 Myers-Scotton (1998) presents the Markedness model as a Rational Actor 
(RA) model by presenting a clear description of how social behaviours arise. 
According to the model, speakers are faced with the option to make choices based 
on what they seem to achieve with these particular codes. She further explains that 
the Markedness model investigates how context and cognition explain and predict 
the language behaviour of participants. She further explains that the model provides 
an explanation that gives the socio-psychological motivations when speakers 
alternate between languages in their conversations. Thus, motivations for the choice 
of codes combine both social and psychological factors at the expense of the 
individual in a particular domain of language use.   
The ‘negotiation principle’ with the three maxims that this principle project 
is central in this model. According to Myers-Scotton (1993:113), the negotiation 
39 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
principle states that, “choose the form of your conversation such that it indexes the 
set of rights and obligations which you wish to be in force between the speaker and 
addressee for current exchange”. She further notes that explanations can be given to 
the choice of code one makes based on the speakers’ motivations for the choice of 
code in a given interaction. 
Myers Scotton (1998:26) presents five Maxims under the Markedness model as 
follows, “ 
1. The unmarked choice maxim by (Myers-Scotton 1993:114) states that, “make your 
code choice the unmarked index of the unmarked rights and obligation set in talk 
exchanges when you wish to establish or affirm that right and obligation set”. This 
means the kind of language that is expected to be used in a particular context or 
domain of language use becomes the code choice. 
2. The Marked Choice Maxim: under this maxim Myers-Scotton (1993:131) states 
that, “make a marked choice which is not the unmarked index of the unmarked rights 
and obligations set in an interaction when you wish to establish new rights and 
obligations set as unmarked for the current exchange”. In this situation, speakers 
make use of an unexpected code choice to negotiate for the Rights and Obligation 
set to replace the expected code.  
40 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
3. The Exploratory Choice Maxim: when an unmarked choice is not clear, use 
switching between two speech varieties to make alternate exploratory choices as 
(alternate) candidates for the unmarked choice and thereby as an index of rights and 
obligations set which you favour” (Myers-Scotton 1993:142). 
4. Deference Maxim: speakers switch to a code that expresses deference to others 
when special respect is called for by the circumstances. Here, speakers make use of 
respectful submission to their addressees owing to the respect for that person. 
5. Virtuosity Maxim according to Myers-Scotton (1998) asserts that speakers switch 
to whatever code is necessary to carry on the conversation/accommodate the 
participation of all speakers present. They do so to accommodate other linguistic 
groupings in the particular setting. 
The unmarked-choice maxim makes use of a variety of a language within an 
interaction which indexes the Right and obligations set which can be compared with 
the possible use of other varieties Myers-Scotton (1993) explains. This results in 
what she terms sequential Code-switching (which is unmarked) where the unmarked 
choice is preferred due to contextual preferences.  
According to Myers-Scotton (1993:142), “the marked choice is used to 
‘negotiate a change in the expected social distance holding between participants, 
either increasing or decreasing it”. The effect of this choice of code could be either 
41 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
positive or negative relative to the context of use through narrowing or broadening 
the social gap between the participants.  
  Under the exploratory choice maxim, speakers are not certain about the 
particular choice of code which will help them achieve their communicative 
purpose. Speakers alternate between codes until they are certain of a particular code 
that will help satisfy their communication needs. Amuzu (2012:5 as cited in 
Nuworsu 2015) opines that, “this results in code-switching which may occur in 
exchanges between strangers as well as exchanges between acquaintances who meet 
in unconventional or unfamiliar settings”. Thus, the choice of code could occur in 
places that are irregular or uncommon in the community. However, the Rights and 
Obligation sets may vary depending on the society and the norms of communication 
which depends on the participants and the setting Myers-Scotton opines. 
 On the Deference Maxim, Myers-Scotton argues that the need to be accepted 
by a particular person or group calls for communicative measures which show 
respect. Respect is given to the addressee by the addresser based on the role of 
cultural values which brings about solidarity among interlocutors. This means that 
speakers make code choices to express their formal ability to their addressees. 
Myers-Scotton is of the view that, a speaker makes use of the virtuosity 
maxim to assess the solidarity of a particular group of persons in a given 
42 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
communicative situation. The choice of code accommodates all participants in a 
given discourse to achieve a specific purpose. 
 
2.5.2 The Triglossic Structure Model 
Batibo (2005) summarizes language use in a multilingual setting in his 
‘triglossic structure model’. According to Batibo (2005), colonization and the 
heterogeneous nature of the African continent are determinants of patterns of 
language use. He further asserts that domains of language use in multilingual 
settings are powered by factors such as status, prestige, and the functional allocation 
of the language in the linguistic repertoire. Batibo (2005) assigns codes to the use 
of language based on the determinants as; High (H) and Low (L) according to their 
functional allocation. He adds that the relationship among the patterns of language 
use in a multilingual speech community is binary where a language could be 
considered as High (H) or Low (L) depending on its context.  The High code is the 
language of prestige in a particular domain that occupies the topmost position and 
the Low code is the language with less dominance and prestige in a domain 
occupying the low position. 
According to Batibo (2005:16), “the triglossic structure model is a structure 
that can be looked at as a doubly overlapping diglossic structure, involving a 
relationship of two languages”. The swift development of indigenous languages in 
43 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Africa makes them the High (H) code in comparison to other minority languages. 
They are however considered as a low (L) code to the ex-colonial languages. This 
is illustrated as; 
Figure 2: Triglossic structure model 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Triglossic structure model by Batibo (2005) 
2.5.2.1 Official and technical medium (Ex colonial language) 
Batibo (2005) terms the ex-colonial languages as exoglossic languages 
which include languages such as English, French, Portuguese, German, Spanish, 
and Italian. These languages were adopted by Africans as their official languages 
since they were the language of their colonial masters. The focus of Batibo was 
mainly on the language of these three countries (Britain, France, and Germany). 
44 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
According to Batibo (2005), these powers introduced their language to help 
facilitate their administration in their colonies. These languages which became 
prestigious were affiliated with modern lifestyle, education, and paid jobs. The 
indirect rule system adopted by the British favoured the use of dominant indigenous 
languages in administration and socio-economic life. The French and Portuguese, 
however, adopted an assimilation policy in their administration at all levels 
(education and socio-economic life).  
Batibo (2005:21) avers that "the prestige of ex-colonial languages, particularly 
English has increased in recent years due to their association with modernity, 
technological advancement, information flow, and internationality". Batibo (2005) 
further explains that most African countries consider their ex-colonial languages as 
principal to both the economic and technological development in their country. Most 
parents would prefer fluency in the ex-colonial language at the expense of the 
mother tongue. In some instances, some equate mastery of the ex-colonial languages 
with intelligence. Batibo (2005) further added that ex-colonial languages are often 
linked with better employment and higher-socio economic status in the African 
countries in question. This makes them occupy the topmost position on the model; 
thus, the High (H) code is used in official and secondary domains.  
English is considered to occupy the topmost position as the official language in 
Ghana. There are high prestige and status attached to the language not even in Ghana 
45 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
alone but in the world at large. Dzameshie (2012) as cited in Agyakwa (2018) asserts 
that English is used in Ghana as the official language in government, administration, 
and official communication.  
2.5.2.2 The Dominant Languages 
Dominant indigenous languages occupy the middle level of the triglossic 
structure model. According to Batibo (2005), the extensive use of the indigenous 
languages makes them the preferred choice for communication between ethnic 
groups.  
 Batibo (2005:21) describes this language as “…. not only demographically 
superior but also economically prestigious”. This makes the preference for this 
language at the area, national, and regional levels at the expense of other languages 
in their country high (Batibo 2005). He further asserts that prestige and status are 
dependent on the language policies of the country in question. Batibo (2005) avers 
that languages are given national and regional functions based on their functional 
allocation in the country. Languages that are assigned national roles are known as 
national dominant languages, those assigned regional roles as regional dominant 
languages and languages confined to specific demographic locations as areal 
dominant languages. 
Adika (2012:15) affirms Batibo’s assertion on the status of the indigenous 
languages as having supremacy as, “[t]hese indigenous dominant languages are 
46 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
mostly learned by speakers of other languages as a second language as a result of its 
economic importance". 
Given this, Twi can be considered to occupy the dominant indigenous 
language slot on the triglossic structure model postulated by Batibo (2005). Akan 
which belongs to the Kwa language group has the largest number of speakers in 
Asamankese Anum according to the fiscal policy for the West Akim Municipality 
(2017). Twi dominates a heterogeneous speech community like Asamankese since 
it is the language of mass communication and socio-economic life. The supremacy 
and status of Twi in Asamankese have relegated Anum to the background hence the 
need for Anum speakers to acquire Akan.  
2.5.2.3 Minority languages  
Batibo (2005:23) asserts that “minority languages have a smaller 
demographic size, and are confined to primary domains. These minority languages 
occupy the lowest on the triglossic structure model. Batibo (2005) further asserts 
that these languages are marginalized and are considered to be of no value to socio-
economic development. Speakers are then forced to learn the dominant indigenous 
language or the ex-colonial language to integrate into the larger community. They 
correspond to the Low (L) code as compared to the ex-colonial and dominant 
indigenous language. Anum is considered a minority language in this study 
occupying the lowest level on the triglossic structure followed by Akan and English. 
47 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
The functional allocation of Anum in the linguistic repertoire will be discussed in 
this study in the light of domains of language use in the speech community.  
 
2.5.3 Justification for the choice of Theoretical Frameworks 
The Markedness Model (Myers-Scotton 1998) and the triglossic structure 
model (Batibo 2005) are the two models within which analysis in this study is 
situated. These frameworks will supplement each other to investigate the choices 
speakers make in a communicative event. The triglossic structure by Batibo (2005) 
helps determine the functional allocation of Gua in some domains of language use 
in the light of English and Akan. The models present the ranking and status of 
languages in the domains of language use hence the need for this model to carry out 
the objectives of this study. 
The Markedness model by Myers-Scotton (1998) will complement the 
triglossic model, as it helps unravel the social motivations that influence language 
choice by speakers in the Anum community. This will help ascertain the marked 
and unmarked code choices in some domains of language use.  
48 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
2.6 Methodology 
This section discusses the methodology adopted in this study. Here, I discuss 
the research design, the research site, the research population, the sample size, and 
the source of data employed in this study. 
 
2.6.1 Research Site 
For the sake of collecting data, the current study was situated at Anum 
Asamankese in the Eastern region where the language is spoken in the community. 
The motivation for the choice of Anum is the increasing rate of urbanization 
attracting people from various linguistic backgrounds because of education, trade 
and inter-marriages. The indigenous language is Gua even though some ethnic 
groupings are present in the community.  
49 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Figure 3. Anum Asamankese community. 
 
                                                     
Adopted and modified from Glago (2019) 
The research site forms part of the Lower West Akim Municipal and some linguistic 
groupings are fairly represented (see section 3.1). For the basis of this study, priority 
was given to the use of Gua, Akan and English at Anum Asamankese. 
 
2.6.2 Research design 
Data for this study was qualitative. Cresswell (1998:15) defines qualitative research 
as “an enquiry process of understanding based on distinct methodological traditions 
of enquiry that explore a social or human problem. The researcher builds a complex, 
holistic picture, analyses words, reports detailed views of informants, and conducts 
50 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
the study in a natural setting.” This approach helps to study a naturally occurring 
phenomenon in their natural settings. Given this, making use of participant 
observation helps to understand the situation in the community and how the 
variables react in different interactions. Guy et al. (1987: 257), as cited in Akpakli 
(2019), affirms that; “qualitative research procedures help to produce descriptive 
data: people’s own written or spoken words and observations”, which is very 
important to this study. 
 
2.6.3 Sample size and Sampling procedure 
The speakers of Gua at Anum Asamankese were the population for this study. The 
participants included students, traders, teachers, health personnel, and traditional 
leaders who are indigenes of the community. Participants selected were at least 
bilingual in Gua and Akan or English.  In all, 80 respondents constituted the sample 
for this study. These included 12 students, 12 traders, 10 teachers, 10 civil servants, 
10 farmers, 8 drivers, 8 bankers and 10 health personnel. Data gathered from 
participants were at their place of work and their availability at the time of the data 
collection. Pseudonyms have been used for all participants cited. 
Non-probability sampling technique was employed in this study. Purposive 
and availability sampling techniques were pivotal in the drawing of samples.  In the 
purposive sampling method, Owu-Ewie (2012) notes that, participants are chosen 
51 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
based on the purpose of the study. The purposive sampling technique was needful 
in collecting data from specific people in the community like traditional leaders, 
students, traders and workers. One key advantage of purposive sampling is that, it 
helps researchers to study a subset of a population, and Anum Asamankese can be 
considered as such (See figure 2). In other words, the Anum Asamankese 
community in this situation can be considered as a subgroup of Gua speakers in the 
Municipal. 
 
2.6.4 Technique for data collection 
Primary data for this study is from recordings from semi-structured 
interviews from schools, homes, hospitals and markets. The interviews lasted for a 
period of three months (from January 2020 to March 2020). In all, 80 respondents 
were recorded with each session lasting approximately 30 minutes using the 
interview guide in appendix I. The information from respondents provided 
knowledge of their language ability. The interview aimed at probing into some 
factors which affect the language choices they make in the community. The 
interviews were conducted in either Akan (the language of wider communication) 
or English depending on the preference of the respondent. This was because the 
researcher could not speak Gua. Interviews questions were guided by questions from 
52 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Agyakwa (2015) in determining the language used in Anum and Bello (2013) on 
assessing the vitality of Gua.  
Non-participant observation was also employed by the researcher to 
complement semi-structured interviews in the course of the collection of data. I 
made a personal observation on some naturally occurring discourses which took 
place during my interview sessions with parents at home. This indicated some socio-
psychological factors which affected the choice of codes in the home.  
 
2.6.7 Selection and transcription of data 
Data from interviews that lasted for at least 30 minutes were recorded. Recordings 
are orthographically transcribed and purposively selected concerning their relevance 
to the current study. Portions of interviews pertinent to the current study were 
analysed in addressing the research objectives and questions.  
 
2.7 Chapter summary 
This chapter reviewed the literature on language choice, shift, and maintenance in 
some languages and the theoretical frameworks employed in this study. Factors that 
cause language shift like social, demographic, domains of language use, size of 
language speakers, historical factors, the attitude of speakers, sociolinguistic, socio-
53 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
economic, and globalization/modernization and urbanization were discussed in this 
section. The latter part of the chapter discussed the triglossic model by Batibo (2005) 
and the Markedness Model by Myers-Scotton as frameworks within which the study 
is situated. The methodology employed in this study was also discussed in this 
section. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
54 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
CHAPTER THREE 
LANGUAGE USE AT ANUM ASAMANKESE 
3.0 Introduction 
In this chapter, I present respondents’ use of language at home, school, hospital, 
market and work domains in an attempt to understand speakers’ linguistic choices 
and the roles language play in the Anum Asamankese community. The chapter also 
seeks to determine the personal and sociocultural factors that motivate or prevent, 
observed language use (patterns) in these domains, and factors that affect language 
choice in some domains.  
 
3.1 Biographical data of Respondents 
This section analyses the bio-data of respondents sampled for this study. This 
analysis is aimed at having background information on participants in this study. 
The tables below (1a, 1b and 1c) show the sex, age range, educational background 
and occupation of respondents. 
 
 
 
55 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
Table 1 Biographical representation of respondents 
Table (1a): Age-based Grouping (Total Respondents: 80; 35 males and 45 
females) 
Variables Total Gender 
(Frequency) Male Female 
Age 8-20 years 28 11 17 
21-40 years 18 8 10 
41-60 years 26 12 14 
61 and above 8 4 4 
 Total 80 Total Male=35 Total 
Female:45 
 
(Table (1b): Education-Based Grouping (Total Respondents: 80; 35 males and 
45 females) 
Variables Total Gender 
(Frequency) Male Female 
 None 9 4 5 
 Basic 24 10 14 
Education Secondary 19 9 10 
Tertiary 28 12 16 
 Total 80  Total 
Total Male=35 Female=45 
 
 
 
 
 
 
56 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
 
 
 
Table (1c): Occupation-Based Grouping (Total Respondents: 80; 35 males and 
45 females) 
Variables Total Gender 
(Frequency) Male Female 
     
Occupation Students 12 6 6 
Traders 12 4 8 
Teachers 10 4 6 
Civil Servants 10 4 6 
Farmers 10 6 4 
Drivers 8 4 4 
Bankers 8 3 5 
Health 10 4 6 
Personnel 
 Total 80 Total  Total 
Male =35 Female 
=45 
 
From table 1, 80 respondents were sampled for the study comprising 35 males and 
45 females. Respondents were subdivided into four groups: 8-20, 21-40, 41-60, and 
then 61 and above years to account for the generational gap in the use of Gua.  
 
3.2 Individual linguistic repertoire 
In this study, the data confirmed individual multilingualism in the community. The 
interviews considered respondents who mostly had Gua as their first language. The 
research considered the ability to speak Gua not affiliated with the ethnic 
57 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
1background but the ability to use Gua proficiently. The numbers in the table show 
people who mostly had Gua as their mother tongue.  
Table 2: Individual Linguistic Repertoire 
LANGUAGE                                    NUMBER OF SPEAKERS                                      
Gua only                                                            8 
Twi only                                                            9 
Gua and Twi only                                            25 
Gua, Twi, Engish                                             23 
Gua, Twi, English & others                             15 
The data in Table 2 shows the linguistic repertoire of individuals sampled for this 
study. The data revealed that most of the respondents are bilingual in Gua and 
another language.  A little over 79% of the respondents could use Gua and other 
languages. This is an indication of their exposure to other languages and the 
multilingual nature of the community. One thing worth revealing on the table is the 
presence of monolingual Twi speakers even though Gua is the indigenous language 
                                                          
1 It was expected that a typical Anum community should have only Gua 
speakers. However, data from table 2.0 confirmed that some respondents 
could only speak Twi and not Gua 
58 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
in the community. Nine (9) respondents who are monolinguals (see table 1) assert 
they have not had any form of formal education and were 61 years and above. 
 
3.3 Domains of Language use 
In a highly multilingual society like Anum Asamankese, speakers are faced with the 
challenges of language use in various domains of language use. Because of this, 
multilinguals use the available languages to satisfy their communicative needs as 
they alternate their choices Romaine (2000). According to Romaine, language 
choices may not be structured similarly all the time as language users alternate 
among varieties of language. 
3.3.1 Language use in the home 
This section presents language use at home from interviews of respondents at Anum 
Asamankese. Respondents were given a brief explanation of the objective of this 
study. Respondents who gave their consent were interviewed and observed for some 
time. Interviews in the home were accompanied by observations to ascertain the 
sincerity of the answers given by the respondents. Language use in the home is 
presented in the table below as; 
 
 
59 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
 
Table 3 language use in the home 
Language use at Home 
                       Gua            Twi       Gua & Twi     English      Others 
Between Parents           35                 19             24                     2                   -        
Among Siblings            37                  14             24                     2                    3 
Parent with Children     34                  21            22                      2                    1 
Friends        28                 24            25                       1                   2 
 
Table 3 shows language use at home in the Anum speech community. It can be seen 
from the data that, Gua is the language frequently used in the home by respondents. 
Nonetheless, some respondents preferred the use of Akan to that of Gua with their 
friends and siblings. This shows their contact with Akan and the sense of belonging 
they get in discourse.  
The usage of Gua at home recorded the highest figures among the category of 
respondents in table 3 above. This is an indication that Gua is largely used in the 
60 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
home by respondents and it remains the reserve for the language at Anum 
Asamankese. 
On the usage of Twi at home 19(24%) preferred using Twi to that of Gua among 
parents, 14(18%) among siblings, 21(26%) between parents and children and 
24(30%) with their friends. In like manner, Gua and Twi recorded 24(30%) use 
among siblings, 22(28%) usage with parents and children, and 25(31%) usage 
among children which shows that Twi and Gua were preferred to Gua and Twi.   
This reveals the rate at which code-mixing is present in discourse at home and the 
complementary roles each language plays.  
The data on language use reveals that, the unmarked code choice in the home is 
Gua. As the indigenous language of the community, the home is the place where 
family members can bond through the use of a common unifying language. Using 
Gua in this domain is expected and thus, unmarked. The ethnic solidarity of Gua 
speakers on the language makes Gua the reserve for the home to preserve the 
language. However, some respondents make use of the marked code choice to 
establish the rights and obligations set in the home. Some respondents make use of 
the unexpected code choice to replace the expected code choice. The use of English 
for instance becomes the marked code choice in the home and will lead to the 
establishment of the rights and obligations set to establish the right code for the 
discourse.  
61 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
From the perspective of Batibo’s triglossic model (see section 2.3), Gua is 
considered the Low code in comparison to Twi, which is a High code frequently 
used. Gua is the Low code in the home, and this affirms the assertion by Batibo 
(2005) on minority languages as the reserve for the home. 
3.3.2 Language use in the school 
The respondents in the school were arranged by the Headteachers in the school. 
They were from two different Government schools in the community which are 
Anum Asamankese Presbyterian Primary and Junior High and Anum M/A Junior 
High School. Form two students arranged for the interview were three males and 
three females. Also, 5 teachers each were interviewed from both schools. The 
respondents gave their consent for their participation in the interview for this study. 
The researcher assured respondents of the protection of their anonymity as data 
gathered is purely for academic purposes. Language use in the educational domain 
is presented in the table below as; 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
62 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Table 4 showing Language use in the School 
            Language use in the School 
                            Gua    Twi     Twi &English     English   Others   
School teachers              1            -                2                  7             - 
Students with friends     -            4                6                   2             - 
Teachers with Students  2     2  4        2            - 
 
Table 4 shows language use in the school which is key to this study. On the usage 
of language among teachers, 1(10%) were recorded using Gua, 2 (20%) were 
recorded using Twi and English, 7(70%) used English only in school. Similarly, 4 
(33%) students used Twi with their friends in school, 6(50%) used English and Twi 
and 2 representing (16.7%) used English only in school with their friends. The above 
data shows the diverse use of 2 languages by teachers and students. It can be seen 
that students in school use two languages: Twi, English, and a combination of 
English & Twi among students and teachers. And this is expected because that is 
the official language for communication in that domain. Gua saw the lowest 
patronage in school and this I attribute to the strict adherence to the language policy 
at school which favours the use of English and Twi. The use of an indigenous 
63 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
language is restricted to the study of the Ghanaian language which comes with 
restrictions. 
 Following the Markedness model by Myers-Scotton (see section 2.3.1), 
English is the Unmarked code in the school. English has the official recognition in 
the school as the medium of instruction, and its use becomes the norm in the school 
setting. In other words, the choice of English in the school setting, in the light of the 
language policy of education, makes it the preferred code choice, and thus 
unmarked. The use of Gua becomes a marked choice as it is not the expected code 
in academic discourse.  From my observation, teachers switch between codes during 
the delivery of some lessons in the classroom to help the students understand 
lessons. From the observation, teachers alternate between Gua and Twi to make use 
of the right code which will help them deliver the content in a lesson to the students. 
Another thing worth noting is the code choice during the Parent and Teachers 
Association meeting held in the school during the time of the interview. I observed 
that P.T.A executives and the teachers explored the virtuosity maxim. The 
Headmistress explained that parents at the meeting speak different languages so a 
common language needs to be adopted which will favour everyone present at the 
meeting. The language negotiation is done at the beginning of the P.T.A meeting: 
switching of codes between Gua, Twi and English. However, Twi was largely used 
by most speakers in their submissions.  
64 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Going by the assertion of Batibo (2005) as discussed in section (2.3.2) on 
the status of language, English is the High (H) code in the educational domain as 
compared to Twi. The same can be said of the pattern of language use in education 
which indicated strict adherence to the language policy of education. The prestige 
attached to English makes it a high code in education over the other languages 
existent in the school. Twi occupies the Low (L) code in the school occupying the 
low position. The school speech community makes the educational domain a 
diglossic one as a reserve for English and Twi.  
 
3.3.3 Language use at the Hospital 
As part of the objective of the current study, data was gathered from the Anum 
Asamankese Government hospital which is located at Roman down (an area in 
Asamankese). The location of the Hospital is about 1200meters from the Anum 
Asamankese community and it is open to residents in the community who are not 
necessarily Gua speakers. Below is a table on language use at the hospital among 
10 health personnel and respondents at the records department and consulting 
rooms.  
 
 
65 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Table 5 Language use at the Hospital 
                                            Language use at the Hospital 
                        Gua    Twi     Gua & Twi    English   Twi & English     Others 
Records              -         5                  1              1                    3                       -                    
department 
Doctor-Patient    -        2                   -              2                     6                      - 
 
Table 5 demonstrates language use at Anum Government Hospital. The variations 
in language use show how Gua speakers chose codes in a particular context. Twi 
only recorded 5(50%) which is the highest language choice in the records 
department. This is the first point of call at the Hospital. The use of Twi & English 
recorded the highest number 6(60%) for Doctor-patient discourse. Respondents who 
were Health Personnel at the Health Facility affirmed that the dominant language 
used at the Hospital was Twi. The motivation for the choice of Twi is because some 
health workers are comfortable explaining some details of their profession to their 
clients. I observed in my interview that, functionally, physicians communicate to 
their colleagues in English on technical issues in their line of duty at the facility. 
A critical look at the choice of language at the hospital from the data in table 5 
reveals that Twi is the unmarked code in the hospital. Because the hospital serves a 
66 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
variety of people with Twi, which is the language of wider communication used to 
serve that purpose. In instances where there is the need for clarity on the appropriate 
code choice, patients and practitioners make use of the Exploratory choice maxim 
by moving from one language to another to determine which code will be 
appropriate for their communicative needs. 
English is the High ‘H’ code at the hospital at Anum Asamankese because it is used 
officially as the technical medium of communication at the hospital. Twi which is 
largely in the community was shown as the 'Low' code in this domain. The use of 
Twi in this domain is because of its relevance to both health personnel and patients. 
 
3.3.4 Language use at the Office 
 This section discusses language use at workplaces in the Anum community. 
Language use for official functions in this section includes the banking hall and the 
educational sector. Other official domains of language use by some workers 
(teachers, health workers) have been discussed in sections (3.3.2, 3.3.3) 
respectively. For the unofficial use of language at Anum, respondents interviewed 
included drivers and farmers as traders have been discussed under section (3.3.5). 
Respondents were given notices in advance for their participation in the interviews. 
Interviews lasted between 30 and 45 minutes. See below table 6 for language use 
for official and unofficial purposes at the office and by drivers and farmers. 
67 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Table 6 language use at the office, and by drivers and farmers 
     language use at the workplace 
                              Gua     Twi    Gua & Twi     English    Twi & English      
Official functions              -          -                -                 37                   3                  
 Unofficial functions       5            8               7                 4                   16                
Drivers                            -            3                4                   -                   1 
Farmers                          6             1               3                   -                    - 
 
  A critical look at the table shows that English is the language mostly used in the 
office for official functions. However, some respondents use Gua only, English and 
Twi, and a combination of these languages for unofficial functions in the office and 
sometimes with friends.  
 Language use for respondents who were drivers revealed that, they use Gua 
and Twi in their line of work with passengers. They explained that the multilingual 
nature of the community influences their choice of language. However, respondents 
who were farmers used Gua largely on their farms. They explained that, hired hands 
who assist them on their farmlands are mostly Gua speakers and so that’s the 
language they use for communication. 
68 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
English is the unmarked code choice in the workplace for official purposes 
at the office for civil servants and bankers. Respondents, therefore, work with the 
status quo of ethics at their place of work. Nevertheless, they are privy to the 
language background of their colleagues and can use that for communication. In 
some instances, where there is the need for clarity of intent, the exploratory choice 
is explored. Making use of the exploratory choice is intended to favour the 
participants in the discourse.  
Gua is the unmarked code on the farm among farmers and hired hands. Thus, 
the use of Gua in this domain is expected and the use of Twi and or English will be 
marked (unexpected). However, the use of Gua only, Gua and Twi fall under the 
exploratory choice maxim for drivers with passengers at Anum. In the event of 
uncertainty, respondents resort to the choice that best suits their needs in that 
domain.  
Twi is considered as the Low ‘L’ code as compared to English as the 
language with a greater number of speakers. English is High under the language 
policy in Ghana, so even if few people use it in a particular domain, it is still High. 
This affirms the assertion by Batibo (2005) that, Twi is not only demographically 
superior but also economically prestigious. Gua, which is considered a minority 
language given the triglossic structure is the reserve for some farmers in the 
69 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
community. This presents a functional leakage in considering Gua to occupy the 
third level in the triglossic structure. 
3.3.5 Language use at the Market 
This table presents language use at the market in Anum Asamankese. The market is 
close to the Asamanketewa community. In an interview, Nana Kojo (pseudonym) 
narrates that the patronage of goods and services at the market has seen a decline in 
favour of the larger market at Asamankese on Mondays and Thursdays. Traders and 
farmers from the community and other adjourning communities come and sell their 
goods at the market. The table below presents language use at the Anum 
Asamankese Market. 
 
Table 7 Language use at the Market  
                Language use at the Market 
                                           Gua      Twi    Gua & Twi    Twi & English 
Among traders                      2          5             4                          1 
 Traders  and Buyers          16        27           32                       5 
 
70 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
The data indicates that 5(41.7%) traders reported using Twi, which is the frequently 
used code in this domain. Gua and  Twi 4(33%) depicted significant figures and was 
an indication of language alternation. English had the lowest usage of 1 (8.3%) in 
the Market, which shows that it is scarcely used in that domain. However, thirty-
two (32) respondents used Gua and Twi with traders in the market and the 
community. This is an indication of the economic importance attached to various 
languages in the linguistic repertoire of respondents in the speech community. The 
choice of a language in the market is aimed at boosting bargaining power since 
group identity plays a major role in the market (Agyakwa 2018). 
A critical look at the data shows Gua as the unmarked code at the market. Thus, Twi 
is frequently used in the market domain and plays economic importance in the 
community. Additionally, the data reveals that the use of English in the market will 
necessitate the need to explore the RO sets for the communicative event to suit the 
particular purpose. In other instances where the interlocutors are not so clear, they 
switch between codes until they agree on one which will help them achieve their 
communicative needs.  
Looking at the data, Twi and Gua is the most frequently used language in the market. 
Twi which occupies the middle as the ‘H’ code and the language of wider 
communication, is frequently used in this domain. The data further indicates the 
presence of Gua as the 'L' code in the market.  
71 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
3.4 Comparison of Domains of language use  
A relative comparison of tables on domains of language use depicts the patterns of 
language use at Anum Asamankese. Gua dominates as the language used in the 
homes of native speakers, looking at the numbers recorded for language use at home 
(See section 3.3.1). This buttresses the assertion by Fishman (1991) that, the home 
remains a stronghold for the maintenance of minority languages. The choice of 
language in the home is influenced by the participants and the function of the 
discourse in an environment. A father will speak to the daughter to run errands in 
the house with Gua. However, the language choice for television discussion will 
differ based on the topic under discussion. This affirms the assertion by Swee (2017) 
that topic is an important role in language use. 
However, the majority of the respondents assert that they use Gua with their 
parents at home. Nonetheless, language use with friends and siblings has seen a 
reduction in Gua in favour of Twi. This supports the point that the youth between 
the ages of 8-20 and 21-40 find Twi to be prestigious and innovative whiles the aged 
are conservatives (see table 3). Besides, the choice to use Twi gives them a wider 
audience of friends who are not native speakers of Gua due to education. 
On another note, the language policy which favours the use of English and Twi may 
have influenced the language choices of the youth. This can be attributed to the 
72 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Language policy of Ghana which stipulates the use of a mother tongue in the 
primary levels of education. The distribution of Gua teachers in the schools was 
minimal as compared to Akan. Because of this, few teachers were considered to be 
bilingual in Akan and English. Some teachers adopt the bilingual strategy in 
teaching through code-switching. According to Mr. Atakora (pseudonym), a primary 
4 teacher, the choice of code is determined by the objective he wants to achieve at 
the end of each lesson. Accordingly, responses given by students are linked to their 
ability to comprehend and freely express themselves in their recognized language 
of choice. 
The teacher’s choice of English in a classroom situation becomes the unmarked 
choice of language. The unmarked choice is what is expected to be used in a typical 
educational situation and Johnson (1975), refers to this as a ‘situational rule’, where 
the situation determines the choice of language. In such a domain, language choice 
is prescribed and so there is strict adherence to the language policy of education. 
The usage of English and Twi by students in the classroom is said to be unmarked 
since they were expected codes. The language choice of the student would have 
been considered to be marked should they have used Gua. Ansah (2014: 48) asserts 
that this pattern of language use in education is not different from what happens in 
some multilingual communities in Africa. Teachers and learners make use of their 
linguistic ability and resources (Ncoko et al. 2000) to control their conversations. 
He further added that, this is done according to their content, and circumstances 
73 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
which are not different from the observed trend in the Anum Asamankese 
classroom.  
The outcome of responses from the office witnessed almost the same 
outcomes as that of the school, as there were varieties of languages recorded for 
official and unofficial functions. The pattern of language use at the workplace is 
such that even though respondents were capable of using varieties of languages, they 
use English with their colleagues in the office. The unmarked code at the workplace 
(office) is English for official purposes which makes them multilingual at some 
point. Twi then becomes the unmarked code for unofficial functions and it can be 
used among friends in the office. The usage of any other language apart from 
English and Twi makes the language choice marked. 
Similarly, patterns of language use at the Anum hospital recorded high 
figures in favour of Twi followed by English and Twi. Members of the Anum 
community would make use of Twi before exploring the RO sets in their choice of 
language at the Hospital. This is because the services offered to the community by 
the facility are not for Gua speakers alone. Twi, which is largely used in the 
Asamankese is likely to be used at the expense of English and other linguistic 
minorities. This was the same for language use at the market which shows the 
economic importance attached to the use of Gua in the community. It is worth noting 
74 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
that, Nkunim FM. which is a popular radio station in the town, holds the majority 
of its program in Twi and just a handful in English. 
3.5 Motivations for Language choice  
This section is a discussion on factors that affect language use amongst respondents 
at Anum Asamankese. The family influences the language ability, the first language 
(L1) and language use of the respondents. The problem respondents share is the 
inability to read and write Gua, due to the lack of standard orthography (see section 
4.2.3). An observation from interviews revealed that, respondents have motivations 
for the choice of a code in a particular domain of language use. 
3.5.1 Language ability 
Respondents in this study had the opportunity to use Gua, Twi and English in 
answering unstructured interview questions. Respondents chose the language they 
were comfortable answering research questions with.  64 (80%) out of 80 
respondents answered interview questions in Twi, even though they could speak 
Gua. This high number of preferences for Twi has negative implications for the 
future of Gua.  Respondents were more comfortable expressing their thoughts 
confidently in Twi than in English and Gua. Few (3) respondents chose to answer 
the questions in Gua because it was their mother tongue. Gua offers family solidarity 
and ethnic emotional attachment and respondents would love to use it always. This 
75 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
showed that ones’ language ability contributes as a factor that results in their 
language choice and language use.  
3.5.2 Language use in a social environment  
Language may play several roles in a multilingual setting in a community. 
According to Swee (2017), the use of language by respondents is closely related to 
the language used in a social environment as a common communication language׃ 
a language for science and technology, a language for social media, a language of 
books and so more. Thus, the environment presents possible domains for language 
use for respondents in the Anum community.  
Respondents prefer to use Gua in their homes and the community for conversations. 
This is because Gua is the frequently used language in the community which brings 
communal acceptance. Even though Twi and other languages like English are 
present in the community, their preference for Gua in the community and the home 
is very high. From the interviews, the respondents hope that Gua would have a 
standardized orthography with official recognition over time. The respondents also 
supposed that Gua needs to be taught and learnt by children and the youth in the 
community. 
 
76 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 3.5.3 Language use and personal background 
The language that respondents use shows information about their background, 
education, vocation, age, gender, geographical location, belief system and other 
personal characteristics (Swee 2017). Crystal (2003) shares a similar assertion that 
a language can be used to express the identity of the language user e.g. personal, 
social, and political. Most respondents in the community acknowledge themselves 
as Gua speakers with a common Guan ancestry. 
 The respondents' background such as their family members’ language is 
linked to their choice of language in some domains of language use. Respondents in 
this study mostly have Gua as their mother tongue and had a positive attitude toward 
the language which they would love to learn. This shows the pride and loyalty 
speakers have towards the language even though they do not use it in some domains. 
Those from mixed marriages prefer the frequent use of Twi and or English as a 
lingua franca. Respondents who are 41 years and above frequently use their own 
ethnic language Gua, mostly in the family domain, and especially when they are 
communicating with their grandparents and elderly relatives.  
I can say that personal background is closely related to the language use of an 
individual, especially the language of the family. This also buttresses the findings 
of Scheffler et al. (2016) that, “the learners' language background is one of the 
factors that may influence the amount and functions of own language use. 
77 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
3.6 Functional allocation of Gua at Anum Asamankese 
This section discusses the functional allocation of Gua at Anum Asamankese 
looking at the data presented in section 3.3 of this chapter. The roles assigned to the 
languages in the community show their functions in each communicative context.   
 The data gathered on the domains of language use reveals that there is the 
functional use of English in school, in the bank and by some civil servants at the 
office. The use of English in some domains of language use like the home and 
informal domains was less significant.  Twi was largely functional in the hospital 
(see section 3.3) and the market (see 3.3.5) domains, and is the language used for P. 
T. A meeting for wider communication.  Gua is functional in the home as the ‘L’ 
code and is largely used by farmers and adults. The home is a reserve for Gua and 
an advocate for its transfer and preservation in the community. 
3.7 Summary of Chapter 
Data on biodata, language proficiency, linguistic repertoire, domains of language 
use and the triglossic structure of Anum Asamankese were examined. The data 
revealed the language proficiency of respondents as being at least bilingual in Gua 
and Twi. The language distribution showed the existence of other linguistic minority 
groups in the community. The data also showed the existence of English in the 
linguistic repertoire of respondents as the official language used in educational and 
78 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
office domains. Twi remained the language of wider communication in the market 
and the hospital; whereas Gua was the language of the home and used in primary 
domains. 
English is the unmarked code choice for official and educational domains as 
a result of the official language policy of the country. The marked code choice is 
used at the market and the hospital. The exploratory choice is used in cases where 
there is the need to establish RO sets in the discourse. However, an observation 
revealed the use of the Virtuosity maxim at P.T.A meetings in the school domain. 
Language use at Anum Asamankese showed that, English is the official 
language of Ghana and is assigned official roles making it the High code as 
compared to Gua and Twi in formal domains. The data revealed that English is used 
for official functions in the office and is used among office colleagues. This makes 
English the ‘H’ (High) code which occupies the top of the model as compared to 
Twi and Gua.  The same can be said of the pattern of language use in Education 
which indicated strict adherence to the language policy of Education. The prestige 
attached to English makes it a high code in education over the other languages 
existent in the community.  
Comparably, Twi occupies the second structure as the language of wider 
communication in the market and the Hospital due to the economic importance 
attached to it. Twi is a High code to Gua (minority language), but when compared 
79 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
to English it becomes a low 'L' code. This is because the usage of Gua has been 
restricted to primary domains like the home as compared to Twi (see section 3.3.1).  
Twi occupies the middle as the language of wider communication in the 
community, market, and hospital. Twi becomes a High code when compared with 
Gua. Gua is then confined to the home and intragroup activities thereby making it a 
minority language confined to primary domains as compared to Twi. 
 
 
 
 
80 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
CHAPTER FOUR 
THE ETHNOLINGUISTIC VITALITY OF GUA AT ANUM 
ASAMANKESE 
4.1 Introduction  
This chapter addresses research objective three (to determine the vitality of Anum 
at both the institutional and individual levels by presenting the Ethnolinguistic 
vitality of Gua in a multilingual community like Anum Asamankese. The chapter 
looks at the vitality of Gua in the light of the data to depict its distribution of 
speakers, status, language attitude of speakers, institutional support, and response to 
social media domains. 
4.2 Ethnolinguistic variables. 
The vitality of a language is those factors that enable a group to survive and behave 
as a distinct group in a particular location (see also section 2.4). Variables that will 
be used in assessing the vitality of Gua include; the demographic position of 
speakers, population and distribution of speakers, the status of Gua, Attitude of 
speakers towards Gua, community members’ attitude, intergenerational transfer of 
Gua, the response of Gua to new domains, the economic capital of Gua and 
institutional support and policies. 
81 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
4.2.1 The demographic position of Gua Speakers  
The demography of a speech community, according to Landweer (2000), is the first 
thing to consider when assessing the vitality of a language. The vitality of a language 
is affected greatly by its number of speakers whether in an urban or remote location. 
Gua speakers in the community are exposed to other languages like Ga, Ewe, 
Dangme, Kasem and Twi. The Anum, which is a hill community is bordered by 
Asamanketewa on the south and Bungalow to the east. The bungalow is considered 
a residence for the elite and top government officials in Asamankese. This has made 
English the dominant language as the home language for residents in Bungalow. Mr. 
Addo (personal communication), (who is a kingmaker, a native Anum speaker and 
a resident at Anum since infancy) in an interview affirmed that some residents 
accorded children from these Bungalows respect based on their ability to use the 
English language. Given this, most children in the neighbouring communities saw 
the ability to use English as prestigious as compared to other Ghanaian languages. 
Mr. Addo (pseudonym) in an interview said that the number of Gua speakers in 
Anum Asamankese keeps dwindling. He further added that, one thing that has 
contributed to the decline in the population of residents at Anum is immigration 
looking at the current population of the town over time. He made this assertion 
owing to the claims made by Asihene (2010), in his publication on the 143 early 
settlers of Gua speakers who settled at Anum Asamankese. The Anum community 
has attracted more inhabitants as a result of its fertile lands, inter-marriages and 
82 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
educational institutions. The rate of endogamy is very low in the community, giving 
rise to the presence of inter-ethnic marriages (exogamy). Responses from 
respondents showed the presence of inter-marriage between Gua speakers and other 
ethnic groupings like Ewe, Ga, Akan, Kasem, Krobo, and Dangme.  
 
4.2.2 Population and distribution of Gua speakers 
One of the most cited factors to determine the vitality of a language is the number 
of speakers of that language (Landweer 2000). The linguistic representation in some 
domains of language use is essential to this study to help assess the vitality of Gua. 
The entire population of Asamankese according to the 2010 population census is 
108,298 but that of Gua speakers is not precisely known. Administratively, the 
Anum community is considered to be part of Asamankese and this affects the proper 
documentation of the speakers of Gua (Anum) inhabitants (but Asihene (2010) 
reports of 143 settlers). 
Out of 14 teachers at Asamankese Anum Presbyterian Primary ‘A’ & ‘B’ schools, 
Gua recorded 2, Twi 7, Ewe 2, Dangme 1, Fante 1, and Kasem 1 in the educational 
domain. The data revealed that Gua is not fairly represented in this school and as 
such, there is a limit to the usage of Gua among staff members. Mrs. Sakyibea 
(pseudonym) narrated in an interview that, she uses Gua with her colleague Gua 
83 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
speaker scarcely since the language policy in education will not permit the usage of 
the language.  
 Example 1 
 “You already know that the language we use in school would 
 not permit us to use Gua in school even though it’s the  
 native  language in the community here. I speak Gua with the 
 class  2 teacher because she can also speak  the language. 
 Apart  from that, it’s either I use English or Twi”.  
She further added that she uses Gua with monolingual parents when the need arises 
for her to do so. This largely depends on the code they choose to address her with.  
Further observation at Asamankese Anum M/A JHS revealed that 1 out of 5 students 
speaks Gua. Data gathered from interviews showed that one-third of students who 
speak Gua were from adjourning towns like Brekumanso, Adiembra, Kyekyewere, 
and Amoanda. An observation on 9th February 2020, during an emergency P.T.A 
meeting revealed that, even though English is the official language, Twi dominated 
the discourse.  
The Headmistress said on record that, Twi, which is the code of wider 
communication, is used during meetings to enable parents to express themselves 
very well. She further added that, in some instances, if there is the need for speakers 
84 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
who have been permitted by the chairman to speak to code mix or switch, they can 
do so for clarity. Findings from interviews further revealed that only one teacher at 
Anum Presbyterian Junior High was a native Gua speaker. Speaking to her on the 
usage and distribution of the language, she opined that, she does not use Gua in 
school with her colleagues since no one could speak the language. But she does that 
occasionally with students who can speak the language.  
Additionally, 2 out of the 10 workers interviewed at the hospital could speak Gua. 
The Health officer in charge asserts that Gua speakers are not fairly represented at 
the Hospital. Postings of Health personnel to the facility are not necessarily on the 
grounds of the ability to speak and use Gua. Varied languages are represented with 
Twi speakers dominating the number of speakers at the facility. Consultation with 
patients at the facility is mostly done in Twi, and in some cases a combination of 
English and Twi. The Anum Hospital is located 4 kilometres away from 
Asamankese Anum and is open to all patients.  The officer in charge added that the 
inhabitants at Roman down where the Hospital is situated, largely use Twi.  
Aunty Attaa (pseudonym) also added that there is no definite number of speakers of 
Gua at the Anum market. There is a decline in the speakers of Gua at the Anum 
market; the decline in the number of speakers is attributed to the movement of some 
traders to the bigger market at Asamankese because of its size and the ready market 
it offers in terms of patronage.  
85 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
4.2.3 Status of Gua 
Gua is one of the languages which has not been properly documented (Yeboah 
2015). There are few scholarly works on Gua and one of such works is Dakubu 
(1988), which is a description of the language typology. Since Gua is not written, 
its survival rate is not assured in an environment where Akan is used in wider 
communication (see also section 1.4). It is good for a language that is used in a 
particular jurisdiction to be used in schools as a medium of instruction other than 
restricted to specific times termed ‘subjects’ (UNESCO 2003). A language is strong 
when it has both written and oral forms (Bello 2013), and its speakers are 
empowered to use them. Dwyer (2011:12) consents that, “for a language to be 
strong, there must be a lot of historical and contemporary language materials”.  But 
the assertion made by Dwyer is not the situation of Gua because it is non-operational 
in the classroom. The Language policy of Education in Ghana does not allow for 
the use of Gua in educational domains (see also section 3.3.2).  
 The study revealed that Akan is gaining ground in some domains of language use 
where the usage of Gua is gradually becoming minimal (see table 3, 4, 5) even 
though Twi recorded non-significant figures. Gua is not studied in schools as 
compared to Akan and its usage is limited in the educational domain. Some teachers 
employ the use of Gua where the emphasis is made on some peculiar reasons for 
students who speak Gua. There are no written materials on Gua available in the 
community. The few existing ones are the ones useful to some members of the 
86 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
community and others who see the need to preserve that portion of their history. 
During an interview, Nana Debrah (a kinsman in the community) said that, the only 
document he is privileged to have is the History of the Guan-speaking peoples of 
Ghana by Kwasi Ampene (2013). Some existing works on Gua are a typology of 
Gua (Painter 1967a, 1967b; Dakubu 1988; Yeboah 2013). Looking at the assertion 
by Dwyer (2011) and UNESCO (2003) that a language with official recognition and 
proper documentation has a high status, then Gua can be considered a language of 
poor status in this regard. 
 
4.2.4 Attitude of speakers towards Gua 
One thing worth considering in determining the vitality of a language is the attitude 
of speakers towards that language. Members of a community identify and promote 
a language that they value as essential to their community (Fishman 1991). When 
there is a positive attitude towards a language and its tradition, it grows stronger 
(Bello 2013). The attitude toward language is seen especially when speakers are at 
least bilingual in their language which makes them behave differently in different 
contexts of language use. Data were elicited to understand individual native 
speakers’ attitudes towards their language, Gua. 
 
87 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Table 8 Attitude of speakers towards Gua  
Statements                                              Number of speakers 
The language I like the most                                     16 
The language that expresses my ethnic identity      28 
Support language maintenance and promotion      20 
Indifferent on language maintenance.                      16 
 
Data from interviews showed that, speakers of Gua use the language in the home 
and have developed a sense of loyalty to the language. The use of Gua is linked to 
the home, family, and tradition which fosters identity in a social group. The family 
remains an advocate for the preservation and maintenance of Gua which they 
consider prestigious. 20 out of 80 respondents support the maintenance and 
promotion of the language which indicates a strong and positive attitude towards the 
language. The study showed that some respondents liked to keep their ethnic 
language since they do not want to lose it in the future. Below are a few extracts 
from semi-structured interviews by respondents. 
 
 
88 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Example 2 
Respondent A  Parents of Anum should speak the language more 
 with their children 
Respondents B We have to learn the language and speak it with the  
    younger ones. 
 Respondents C Government should help us develop the language so 
    that we can learn it in school because it’s a nice  
    language. 
 Respondents D Mothers should speak the language more with  
    children. 
There is a gap in the knowledge of the language beyond their ability to use the 
language. Given this, they are not sure of the modalities to put in place to retain the 
language even though not all could speak the language well but scarcely use it. 
 
The language attitude of community members towards their language may stem 
from the perception they have towards the language and the functional value they 
attach to the language (Bello 2013). This is reflected in the attitude they have 
towards the languages they speak especially when they are highly multilingual. The 
89 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
attitudes towards each language will be determined by other factors in the discourse 
setting. When community members see language as an embodiment of their origin 
and culture, they identify and promote the language. 
 Data gathered through interviews disclosed that, Gua speakers have a sense 
of community spirit towards the use of the language (see table 4). Most members 
wish to see Gua promoted, this is an indication of the value they attach to the 
language. An observation revealed that, the younger generation, however, showed 
a lack of concern about the maintenance of the language. Given this, the older 
generation is positive about the language and encourages its use among the younger 
generation. This shows that, the family undoubtedly remains a stronger force 
through which the community keeps the language by transmitting it to the younger 
ones. The identity of the Anum community is kept by the ability of speakers to use 
the language where necessary indicating a positive attitude towards the language. 
4.2.5 Intergenerational transfer of Gua 
For a language to be stronger, there should be an uninterrupted flow in its 
transmission from the older to the younger generation (Bello 2013). The transfer of 
language is very crucial to the survival of the language in the Anum community. 
Data from interviews on language use revealed that, the use of Gua in the home is 
facing encroachment by Akan even though it recorded low figures (see table 3). For 
instance, Nana Debrah speaks Gua with his wife in the home at all times but 
90 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
alternates between Gua and Akan with his children. He asserts his choice of 
language depends on the topic of discourse. His two children reply to him using 
either Twi or Gua because their preference is based on their ability to express 
themselves well. This was revealed in the way respondents who were teenagers 
chose to answer questions in an interview using Twi. This is an indication that the 
survival of the language which depends on the younger generation is not assured 
(Batibo 2005) and this is true for Gua in this context. 
 Some parents interviewed, consider the proficiency of English vital to that of Gua. 
They would love their wards to exhibit mastery in English to that of Gua and so 
introduce it to them in their formative years. An extract from an interview is 
presented below; 
Example 3.  
 ‘Woahu sԑ seesei obiara pԑ sԑ ne ba ka brofo efirisԑ brofo kͻ akyire sen Anum 
 kasa no. enti me ba no sua brofo no a, megyedi sԑ ԑbԑboa no paa.’ 
Have you observed that everyone wants his/her child to speak English 
 more than Gua because English is gaining ground worldwide. I believe that When 
 my  child learns it, it would help him/her. 
Children between the ages of 8 and 20 use Gua limitedly in the home with the family 
but prefer to use Akan with their peers in the community. Agya Addo (personal 
91 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
communication) said that, he alternates between Gua and Akan most at times in the 
context of language use in some domains like the community and the market. 
However, they prefer the use of English in formal domains and would like to attain 
higher proficiency in the use of English.   
4.2.6 Response of Gua to new domains 
The rapid expansion of the world and new trends in the usage of language give rise 
to the use of language in new domains. Social media has evolved over the years as 
a vibrant communication tool due to its social value. This has called for dynamism 
in language use in that domain. A language may be able to expand the scope of its 
use in these new domains because of its social and economic value (Bello 2013). 
The vitality of a language is enhanced when the language is used in new domains 
which are vital in the acquisition of knowledge and its spread. A language also 
expands when it is used on the internet, electronic media (radio and television), and 
print media. 
Gua which is a minority language is not used on both the internet and electronic 
media. Nkunim radio, a local radio station in Asamankese, does not host any 
program in Gua but Akan and English. Eighty(80) percent of Talk shows, 
advertisements, news, and announcements from the FM station are carried out in 
Akan. Hosts of the various programs give their guests the option to code mix Twi 
and English if they are not proficient in Twi.   A local information center at Anum 
92 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Asamankese which one would think should use Gua only in the dissemination of 
information uses Twi and sometimes Gua. The interviewee added that adverts 
presented to them by herbal drug sellers are recorded tapes, which they play for 
them. The tapes are recorded in Twi which makes them have no control over the 
choice of language. The people in the community have not lodged an official 
complaint so they see no problem with the choice of language.  
The study revealed that the majority of the youth use English on the internet and on 
social media in their communication with others with the presence of other 
Ghanaian languages. There is no print media in Gua in the community and the 
country and the same can be said of even codified languages like Akan, Ga, Nzema 
and several others in Ghana.  
 Besides, the respondents equate speaking English to high status and they 
consider it to be powerful because it can be considered an international language 
connecting people all over the world. Writing in English is easy as compared to 
other Ghanaian languages, looking at its popularity on websites and electronic 
platforms across the globe. Besides, English is technically the official language and 
the language of education. They further added that proficiency in English creates 
accessibility to jobs and many online courses and schools. 
 
93 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
4.2.7 Economic capital of Gua 
Donavan (2016:1) asserts that “the ability to use more than one language in business 
potentially opens up opportunities for roles in global business”. Multilinguals make 
use of their language ability to negotiate to their advantage when doing business. 
People do this for some reason of which Bello (2013) asserts that this happens as a 
result of the economic advantage people attach to their language. This helps people 
to relate better and make negotiations successful.  
Market days in Anum create an avenue for sellers and buyers to demonstrate their 
linguistic skills. Sellers display their wares in their peculiar way based on the 
commodities they sell. Farmers bring their produce to the market to sell to buyers in 
both retail and wholesale quantities. The study revealed that 4 out of the 6 traders 
interviewed, drew the attention of customers to their products using Twi and 2 others 
using both Twi and Anum (see section 3.3.5). Data from the interviews disclosed 
that traders often preferred using Twi to reach out to their customers as compared 
to Gua. In instances where they realized their buyers can speak Gua, they switch to 
Gua to make communication easy. Even though Speakers of Gua are not many 
compared to other language speakers, they speak Gua to people who they already 
know are inhabitants of the community. They do this to foster the strong 
interpersonal relationships on which business is built. 
94 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
In an observation on the vitality of the use of Gua, some respondents opined that, 
they alternate between language choices to gain an added advantage when doing 
business. They are attracted sometimes to sellers based on the linguistic choices 
made by some of these traders. One respondent who was a shopkeeper at the market 
asserts that, she considers the use of Gua vital to her business. Below is an extract 
from a shopkeeper on language use; 
 Example 3.  
 Ԑsiane sԑ ha kasa a wotae ka  Gua is the language in this  
  ne Anum nti no, ԑnoara na mene community so that is what  
  me customers no ka.   I normally use with my         
                                                              customers.  
And the reason for her assertion was motivated by her popularity and language 
skills, which enables her to reach out to more customers in Gua, Twi and English. 
4.2.9 Institutional support and policies  
 A language grows stronger with institutional support and well-structured language 
policies. The presence of Government policies that promote the use of minority 
languages in regional or administrative domains helps the language grow and 
preserve the language from extinction. However, the use of many languages in a bid 
to foster unity in a country may not auger well for the survival of minority languages 
95 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
(Bello 2013). Minority languages suffer in the language policies of a country, and 
such can be said of Gua. There is no official language policy protecting the growth 
and preservation of a minority language like Gua. 
The language policy of Ghana favours the use of eleven out of forty-six languages 
as mediums of instruction to be used in schools. The policy stipulates that, the 
dominant language in a particular area should be used as a medium of instruction 
and studied as a subject in schools (Owu-Ewie 2006). This makes the government-
sponsored languages (Bello 2013) gain official regional status and are used in 
schools. The ethnolinguistic groups in the country are encouraged to use their 
language in private domains like the home, and religious gatherings by the 
government.  
The situation of Gua in the Anum community is that Gua enjoys dominance and 
reputation in the home and religious functions. English and Twi are predominantly 
used in public domains like the school and for official functions. The unavailability 
of a clearly defined policy to protect a minority language like Gua, which is facing 
encroachment by English and Twi, therefore, poses a threat of language shift in the 
community. 
 
96 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
4.3 Summary of Chapter 
It was found out that, Anum Asamankese is a highly multilingual community where 
inhabitants are at least bilingual in Anum and other languages, these are Twi, 
English, Gua. The data gathered from interviews revealed that the use of Gua is vital 
in the home with a strong sense of loyalty to the language.  
The data revealed that speakers of Gua have a positive attitude towards the use of 
their language based on their linguistic ability and personal background. Elements 
such as pride and loyalty are factors that motivated Gua speakers to use the 
language. Gua speakers pride themselves on their ability to use the language and 
identify with the community. 
   The study further revealed that there is no accurate documentation on the 
actual speakers of Gua. Gua speakers are not fairly represented across some domains 
of language use (hospital and office domain) but are highly distributed in the home 
and community. On the status of Gua, the study revealed that Gua is not an official 
language and has not been properly documented. There is no Government policy 
favouring the use of minority languages like Gua in some domains of language use 
as the school and the office for official functions. English has the highest dominance 
in the hospital and educational domains.  
The transfer of Gua from the older to the younger generation in the home has been 
positive among parents and their wards. The teens in the community prefer the use 
97 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
of Gua in the home but alternate the use of English and Twi in the community and 
at school with their peers. They attach prestige to proficiency and competence in the 
use of English. 
The study revealed that the respondents in the community prefer to use English in 
social media domains. They assert that it is the language they can conveniently 
express themselves in very well. Given this, they liked the use of English and 
preferred to learn and explore its use.  The findings from the interview unveiled that, 
Gua is not used in both electronic and print media. And this does not promote the 
growth and usage of the language.  
The study revealed that the lack of a well-structured language policy puts Gua in an 
unfavourable position in its usage. Gua has no official recognition in official 
domains of language use and has been confined to primary domains like the home 
in the community. This is an indication of the possibility of language shift with time.  
 
98 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
CHAPTER FIVE 
CONCLUSION 
5.0 Introduction 
This study investigated negotiating multilingualism at Anum Asamankese. Findings 
from this study are based on responses gathered from 80 respondents who are mostly 
speakers of Gua, from the Anum Asamankese community. The responses were 
gathered through semi-structured and non-participant observation. The interview 
questions were formulated purposely to understand the linguistic repertoire of these 
respondents, the nature of their linguistic choices and the motivations thereof. This 
is a microcosm of the bigger Anum community in Asamankese. The study, 
therefore, helped gain some understanding of the bigger picture of language roles 
among Anum speakers in Asamankese. The research focused on establishing code 
choices and the motivations thereof in formal domains such as the hospital, schools 
and informal domains such as home, the Asamankese community (on the streets), 
drivers, farmers and the market.  
 This study also examined the linguistic vitality of Gua as spoken in Anum 
Asamankese by looking at the following; status of the language, demographic 
position of speakers, attitude of speakers, the absolute number of speakers, and 
response to new media and institutional support and policies. 
99 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 In addressing my objectives, two sociolinguistic models, the Markedness 
model (Myers-Scotton 1993) and the triglossic structure model (Batibo 2005), were 
employed to understand language choices and use among respondents in the selected 
domains. 
 This chapter concludes the study by first, giving a summary of the preceding 
chapters. It also presents the key findings from the study and recommendations for 
future research. 
 
5.1 Summary of the Study 
The summary of the various chapters is presented in this section of the thesis. 
Chapter one presented a general overview of the thesis by presenting the linguistic 
situation of Anum Asamankese. The chapter spelt out the objectives that 
necessitated the current study and questions guiding the study. The research 
questions of the study were further outlined, along with the significance and 
organization of the various chapters in the thesis. 
 In Chapter Two, I reviewed works and literature relevant to the study, by 
looking at Multilingualism, language choice, factors that affect language choice and 
shift and language vitality. I further explained the triglossic structure model by 
Batibo (2005) and the Markedness model by Myers-Scotton (1993&1998) in this 
100 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
chapter. The Markedness model looks at socio-pragmatic reasons that influence the 
language choice of individuals in a speech community, while the triglossic structure 
model investigates the binary relationship between codes. And this is done 
according to their functional allocation as High (H) and Low (L). On methodology, 
it was noted that qualitative research design motivated the collection of data for this 
study through semi-structured interviews and non-participant observations. Samples 
were drawn using purposive and availability sampling techniques. 
 Chapter three focused on language use and factors that motivated language 
choice at Anum Asamankese, like personal background, community and group 
solidarity. Language use in the community was discussed using the Markedness 
model and triglossic structure. The chapter finally looked at the functional allocation 
of Gua in some domains in the community like the school, market, Hospital, and the 
Home.  
 In Chapter Four, I discussed the linguistic vitality of Gua at Anum 
Asamankese. Some factors which determined linguistic vitality like the 
demographic position of speakers, population and distribution of Gua speakers, the 
status of Gua, attitude of Gua speakers, intergenerational transfer of Gua, and the 
response of Gua to new domains, the economic capital of Gua, and institutional 
support and policies.   
I indicated some key findings in the subsequent sections as follows. 
101 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
5.2 Summary of Key findings 
In addressing the research question (what is the linguistic repertoire of native Gua 
speakers at Anum Asaankese?), the study revealed that most of the respondents had 
Gua as their mother tongue and could speak Akan and or other languages like 
English, Ewe and others. 
 In response to research question 2 (What is the functional allocation of 
language in the Linguistic repertoire?), the study revealed that English is largely 
used in the school and office domains for official purposes even though there is the 
presence of Twi in unofficial discourse. The economic importance attached to Gua 
makes it significant in the market, and for transacting business. Even though it 
recorded insignificant figures on its usage. Also, the home remains an avenue for 
the transfer of Gua in the community with Twi largely used at the Hospital for wider 
communication, and clarifications. In the Batibo(2005) triglossic model, the 
functional allocation of language is presented as, English as High, Twi as High/Low 
and Gua as Low code in Anum Asamankese. 
 The study observed that speakers switched from one language to the other 
based on socio-pragmatic reasons namely; domains, language ability, and social 
environment. This accounted for the choices of language which were 
marked/unmarked in relation to the Markedness Model (Myers-Scotton 1993 
102 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
&1998). Reasons for the choice of marked code among respondents are the domain 
of language use, interlocutors, and the function of the language in the discourse. 
The motivations for the choice of code in the community could be traced to their 
background, language ability, and group solidarity.  
 It was also revealed in the study that, the Home remains a key domain where 
the transfer of Gua from the older to the younger generation takes place. This shows 
the attachment of some inhabitants to their ethnic language and identity creation. 
This is one of the factors which affects the language choices they make in some 
domains of language use. 
 In response to research question 3 (What is the vitality of Gua at both 
institutional and individual levels in the speech community?), it was noted that Gua 
has no official recognition and no institutional support and policies. This is not an 
encouragement to learn and use the language. Also, Gua is not fairly represented in 
some domains like the hospital. Additionally, the response of Gua to new domains 
like social and print media is non-existent.  However, the attitude of speakers 
towards the language is positive and the older generation is non-conservative in the 
transfer of the language to the younger generation. 
 
 
103 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
5.3 Contribution to Knowledge 
Gua has not received much attention in scholarly works (see section 1.4) on 
language use and vitality. This study provides evidence on issues on language use, 
functional allocation and vitality of the language in some domains. For instance, the 
study revealed that the domain of language use influences the linguistic choices of 
speakers of Anum Asamankese in communication. English is largely used in 
domains like educational and office domains as an official language. Choice of 
codes is negotiated in the market domain due to the economic importance attached 
to language and the contact between people of different linguistic backgrounds. And 
then, Twi is preferably used in the out-patient department in the Hospital where 
codes are alternated between English and Akan for discussion on technical issues 
among health personnel. Meanwhile, Gua is used in the home and for intra-group 
discussions among members of the community.  
  Besides, the rate of exogamy is high and this fuels multilingualism in the 
speech community. Gua is vital in the home and the community and speakers have 
a positive attitude towards the language. However, this study has shown that Gua 
which enjoys dominance in the home and for intra-group discussions is gradually 
facing encroachment by Twi. This is likely to cause a possible shift in language in 
the future should this continue for some time. 
104 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 These findings suggest that Gua is under threat in some domains of language 
use and therefore needs intervention. This contributes to our knowledge of the state 
of this understudied language. This will help policymakers and other stakeholders 
to know the current state of the language and the path on which it is travelling so 
they can provide the necessary interventions. 
 
5.4 Recommendations 
It was shown in this study that, speakers of Gua make code choices in their everyday 
interactions. This shows that they are exposed to other languages other than their 
native language. Given this, similar studies can be done to ascertain the influence of 
Twi and other languages on Gua. Then, similar works can be done to determine how 
respondents code-switch in their interactions to know the extent of the influences 
from other languages.  
 Additionally, studies on other minority languages can be done to understand 
the behaviour of speakers of minority languages in multilingual settings. This will 
help detect threats of possible language extinction of minority languages. 
 Finally, F.M stations can serve as ambassadors for the propagation and 
preservation of minority languages in the country. There should be sensitization on 
language literacy to encourage speakers of linguistic minorities. This will encourage 
speakers to use the language, and see the need to preserve it. 
105 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
REFERENCE 
Adika, Gordon Senanu Kwame. 2012. English in Ghana: Growth, Tensions, and  
 Trends: UJLTIC 1(1), 151-166. 
Agyakwa, Elizabeth Ama. 2018. Language Choice in the Ɔkere speech     
 community. M.Phil dissertation. Legon. The University of Ghana. 
Agyei, Akwasi. 1970. Ohum among the Abuakwas. Kumasi: KNUST. Press Inc. 
Akpakli, Yawa Enyonam.2019. Language use among Ewe-speaking artisans in the 
 Volta region and Accra. M.Phil. dissertation. Legon. University ofGhana. 
Akrofi-Ansah, Mercy. 2014. Language choice in multilingual communities: The 
 case of Larteh, Ghana. Legon Journal of the  Humanities. 25,  37-57. 
Ampene Kwasi. 2003. History of the Guang-Speaking People of Ghana. (The 
 Undisputed Aborigines of Ghana). Accra. Alpha Press Inc. 
Amuzu, Evershed. 2012. The socio-pragmatics of conversational codeswitching in 
 Ghana. Ghana Journal of Linguistics. 1 (2), 1-22. 
Asihene, Ntaaku. 2010. The Story of Anum Asamankese. The Spectator. Saturday, 
 March 27, 2010, 31. 
Austin, Paul. K. (ed.) 2004.  Language Documentation and Description. 
 The Hans Rausing Endangered Languages Project, SOAS, London. 
 (Vols. 1 & 2)[Series of reports on recent EL projects, presented at the 
106 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 School of Oriental and African Studies in the framework of the Raising 
 EL Project]. 
Baker, Colin. 1992. Key Issues in Bilingualism and Bilingual Education. Clevedon: 
 Multilingual Matters. 
Batibo, Herman. 2005. Language Decline And Death In Africa: Causes, 
 Consequences, and Challenges. Canada: Multilingual Matters Ltd. 
Bello, Mariama. 2013. Assessing Language Vitality and Language  Endangerment 
 of Lete (Larteh). Mphil thesis. The University of  Ghana. 
Blench, Richard. M. 1998. The Status of the languages of Central Nigeria. In 
 Brenzinger (ed.) Vol.4 ,187-205. 
Brenzinger, M. 1997. Language contact and language displacement. In Florian 
 Coulmas (ed.), The Handbook of Sociolinguistics, 273-84. Oxford: 
 Blackwell. 
Buah, Francis.K. 1980. A History of Ghana, Africa, 52(2), pp.123–123 London   
          Cambridge University Press. 
Cahill, Sean. 2007. Barra Ó Donnabháin Symposium: The Politics of the  Irish 
 Language Under the English and British  Government. Irish.  Blanc 
 Inc. 
107 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Calvet, Jacques. 1992. Les langues des marches en Afrique. Domaine 
 Universitaire. Jeannine Gerbault. 
Crawford, James. 1995. Endangered Native American Languages:  
 What Is to Be Done, and Why? 
 http://www.ncela.gwu.edu/files/rcd/BE021828/Endangered_Native_A
 merican.pdf. Accessed August 1, 2019. 
Creswell, John. W. 1998. Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing 
 among five traditions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage  Publications. 
Crystal, David. 2000. "Language death." Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 
Dakubu, Kropp. Mary. E. 1988. Guang. In: Dakubu, M. E. Kropp (ed.) The 
 languages of Ghana. London: Kegan Paul International. 
Dorian, Nancy.C. 1986. Abrupt transmission failure in obsolescing languages: 
 How sudden the “tip” to the dominant language in communities and 
 families? Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic 
 Society. University of California. 
Dweik, Bader. 1986. Research Papers in Applied Linguistics. Hebron:Hebron 
 University Press. 
Dweik, Bader & Qawar, Hanadi, A. 2015. Language Choice and Language attitudes 
 in a multilingual Arab Canadian community:Quebec-Canada: A 
 Sociolinguistic Study. British Journal of English Linguistics. III (1).1-12. 
108 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Dyers, Charlyn. 2004. Ten Years of Democracy: Attitudes and identity among some   
 South African school children. Per Linguam 20(1): 22-35. 
Edwards, John. 1992. Sociopolitical Aspects of Language Maintenance and Loss: 
 Towards a Typology of Minority Language  
Situations. In: W. Fase, K. Jaspaert, and S. Kroon (eds.), Maintenance and 
 Loss of Minority Languages, pp. 37–54. Amsterdam: John  Benjamins. 
Essegbey, James. 2007. On assessing the ethnolinguistic vitality of Ga in Accra. In 
 Kropp Dakubu, Mary Esther. Korle meets the sea:a sociolinguistic  history 
 of Accra.1(6) 215-230. 
Essizewa, Komlan. 2006. A sociolinguistic survey of language contact in Togo: 
 A case study of Kabiye and Ewe.Journal of West Africa Languages. 
 XXXIII 35-31  
Fasold, Ralph. 1984. The sociolinguistics of society. Oxford: Basel  Blackwell Ltd. 
Fasold, Ralph. 1990. The sociolinguistics of Language. Oxford: Blackwell. 
Fiscal Budget 2016.The Composite Budget of the West Akim Municipal 
 Assembly. 
Fishman, Joshua. 1964. Language Maintenance and Language shift as a Field of 
 Inquiry. In Fishman, Joshua (ed), Language Loyalty in the  United States. 
 424-458. London, UK: Mouton and co. 
109 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Fishman, Joshua. A.1972. The Sociology of Language. Newburry House 
 Publisher Inc., Massachusetts. 
Fishman, Joshua. 1991. Reserving Language shift: Theoretical and empirical 
 foundations of assistance to threatened languages.  Clevedon,UK: 
 Multilingual Matters. 
Giles, Howard. Bourhis, Richard.Y. & Taylor, D.M. 1977. towards a theory 
 of language in ethnic group relations. In H. Giles (Ed.), Language, 
 Ethnicity and Intergroup Relations.  London/New York:  Academic 
 Press, pp: 307-348. 
Glago, Frank.J. 2019.  Household disaster awareness and preparedness:  
 A case study of flood hazards in Asamankese in the West Akim 
 Municipality of Ghana. Jamba: Journal of Disaster Risk Studies. 11(1). 
 a789. https://doi.org/10.4102/jamba.v11i1.789. 
Hoon, Swee Kim. 2017. Language Use and Attitude among Chinese 
 Adolescents in Miri, Sarawak. MPhil dissertation. University of  Malaya.  
 Kuala Lumpur.  
Hudson, Ricahrd. & McConnel, Mitch. 1984. The Sociolinguistics of Society. 
 Oxford. Blackwell. 
110 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Johnson, Bruce. C. 1975. Stable triglossia at Larteh. Patterns in language,  culture 
 and society:  Sub-Saharan Africa. OSU WPL, 19, 93-102. 
Josep, Soler-Carbonell. 2014. Key concepts in intercultural  
 Dialogue.Journal of English as Lingua Franca.3(2)243-268. 
 http:centerforinterculturaldialogue.org. 
Kibrick, A. E. 1991. The Problems of Endangered Languages in USSR. In 
 Endangered Languages, R. H. Robins and E. M. Uhlenbeck (eds), 257-
 270. Oxford and New York: Berg. 
Krauss, Michael. 1992. The world’s languages in crisis. Language 68(1): 4–10. 
Lenk, Sonia. 2007. Can minority languages survive in a situation of sustained 
 bilingualism? Ethnolinguistic vitality and language behavior  among 
 indigenous speakers of Quichua in Ecuador. PhD thesis, University of 
 Pittsburgh 
  Lewis, M. P., Gary, F. S. and Fennig, C. D. (eds.) 2013. Ethnologue: Language of 
 the World, Seventeenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International Online 
 version: http://www.ethnologue.com Accessed on 02/07/2013 at  9:40am. 
Masruddin, Stain Palopo. 2014. Influenced Factors Towards the Language Shift 
 The phenomenon of Wotunese. Research on Humanities and Social 
 Sciences. 4 (4), 152-173. 
111 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
Myers- Scotton, Carol. 1993. Social Motivations for code-switching: 
 Evidence from Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press.  
Myers-Scotton, Carol. 1998. Codes and Consequences. Oxford: Oxford. University 
 Press. 
Mensah, Dorothy. 2008. Language shift and Maintenance among the Efutu people 
 in Winneba. M.Phil. thesis, University of Education. Winneba. 
Ncoko, S. O., Osman, S. R., & Cockroft, K. 2000. Codeswitching among 
 multilingual learners in primary schools in South Africa: An exploratory 
 study. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 3 
 (4), 225-241. 
Obeng, Gyasi. 1997. Analysis of the linguistic situation in Ghana. African 
 Languages and Cultures. Vol. 10, 63-81. Accessed 21 March 2019 
Obiri-Yeboah, Michael. 2013. Aspects of Gua (Gua) phonology. MPhil  
 Dissertation. University of Ghana, Legon. 
  Ofori, Antwi Seth. 2020. Introduction to Multilingualism. Unpublished  
 Manuscript. Legon. 
Ofosu-Mensah, AE & Ansah, GN. 2012. "The role of language in ethnic identity:       
112 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
             The case of Akwamu in Ghana". African Journal of History. & Culture.         
             Vol.4(5), pp.74-79. 
Opoku, A. A. 1970. Festivals of Ghana. Accra: Ghana Publishing Corporation 
Owu-Ewie, Charles. 2006. The Language Policy of Education in Ghana: A  
 Critical Look at the English-Only Language Policy of Education. In 
 Selected Proceedings of the 35th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, ed. 
 John Mugane et al., 76-85. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project 
Painter, C. 1967a.  The Distribution of Guan in Ghana and a statistical pretesting 
 on twenty-five idiolects. Journal of West African Languages 4 (2). 25-78. 
Painter, C. 1967b. Fourteen Papers on Gwa and fifty-two texts in Gwa. Institute of 
 African Studies, University of Ghana. 
Paolo, Coluzzi.2020. Heritage Language Vitality among University Students in 
 Malaysia. Journal of Modern Languages. Vol 30.  
Population and Housing Census of Ghana. 2010. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service. 
Romaine, Suzanne. 2000. Language in Society. NewYork. Oxford University Press. 
 Inc. 
Torto, Richard, T. 2014. Language Choice in a Multilingual Setting: A Case  
 Study of a Cross-Section of First-Year Students of the University of  
113 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 Cape Coast. MPhil dissertation. University of Cape Coast. Ghana. 
 Language in India: www.languageinindia.com ISSN 1930-2940. Vol. 
 14:12 
Sadanand, K. 1993. Assessing attitudes toward English and Language use. Indian 
 Journal of Applied Linguistics, XIX (1), 123-139. 
Suktiningsih, Wiya. 2017. Language Choice Among Teenager Ethnic Sasak of  
 Mataram. RETORIKA: Jurnal Ilmu Bahasa. 3(2). 11-19. 
The Composite Budget of the West Akim Municipal Assembly for 2016 Fiscal 
 Year. 
UNESCO. 2003b. Intangible Cultural Heritage. 
 http://portal.unesco.org/culture/en/ev.php-                  
URL_ID=34325&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html.         
 October 2009). 
 
APPENDIX I 
UNSTRUCTURED INTERVIEW GUIDE 
 
UNIVERSITY OF GHANA 
DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS 
114 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
LEGON, ACCRA. 
This interview is to investigate “Negotiating Multilingualism at Anum, 
Asamankese”. The confidentiality of information given is assured as data is purely 
for academic purpose. However, the viability of the study depends largely on the 
response to be given. 
1. Name (Optional) 
2. Age.  [10-20]  [21-40] [41-60]  [61-70] [71-
….] 
3. Place of birth. 
4. How long have you lived in this town? 
5. Are both parents from Anum Asamankese? 
6. How many languages do you speak? 
7. What is your level of education? 
8. What language do you use to communicate at home with; 
  a. Parents 
  b. siblings 
  c. friends 
9. Are there any occasions when it is mandatory to use the Anum language? 
10 Do you prefer the use of Gua to other languages in your daily activities? 
115 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
 
SECTION II (For students) 
11. What language do you use with… 
 a. friends in school? 
 b. Teachers in School? 
12. c In school how do teachers explain a difficult point for you to understand? 
 
 (for Teachers) 
13. What language do you use with the following people? 
 a. friends in school 
 b. students in school 
 
SECTION II 
14. What language do you frequently use at the following places? 
 a. Hospital 
 b. Market/ Traders 
 c. Community 
 d. Office (official and unofficial duties) 
15. How is your purpose for selecting your languages in the above domains 
 achieved? 
16. Are there any books or manuals written such as dictionary in Gua that you  
 know of? 
17. What is the attitude of children towards the Gua language? 
18. Are they interested in speaking the Anum language anywhere they go? 
19. Do you teach your children/ friends to use the language.? 
20 What is the attitude of the local youth of today to the Gua language? 
116 
 
University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh
 
21. In your younger days what did elderly people do to make sure that children 
 learn and speak the Gua language? 
22. Do you think one day the Anum language will be extinct due to the current 
 linguistic trends? 
23. What do you think should be done to revive the language? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
117