THE GROWING THREAT OF TERRORISM IN WEST AFRICA: IMPLICATIONS FOR PEACE AND SECURITY IN GHANA BY: DUNCAN OPARE-KWAME INDEX NUMBER: 10461232 THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE MASTER OF ARTS (M.A) INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS DEGREE LEGON DECEMBER 2020 0 DECLARATION I, Duncan Opare-Kwame, do hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of an original and independent research conducted by me under the supervision of Dr. Ken Ahorsu, and that at no point or anywhere else has this work been submitted in part or in whole for any degree or for any other purpose, except for references and quotations which have been appropriately acknowledged. DUNCAN OPARE-KWAME (STUDENT) DATE: 09-12-2020 DR. KEN AHORSU (SUPERVISOR) DATE: 09-12-2020 DEDICATION Despite the challenges that I encountered, I dedicate this dissertation to God Almighty for giving me the strength and knowledge to complete this course. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My greatest gratitude for the successful completion of my dissertation goes to the Almighty God. I would also like to thank my supervisor, Dr Ken Ahorsu for his dedication, support and guidance during this research. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AFRICOM – United States Africa Command AQIM – Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb AMISOM – African Union Mission in Somalia AU – African Union BNI – Bureau of National Investigations CEN-SAD – Community of Sahel-Saharan States CHS – Commission on Human Security COVID-19 – Corona Virus Disease 2019 DRS – Departement de Renseignment et de la Securite ECCAS – Economic Community of Central African States ECFR – European Council on Foreign Relations ECOWAS – Economic Community of West African States GAF – Ghana Armed Forces GAFCSC – Ghana Armed Forces Command and Staff College GIA – Groupe Islamique Arme GSGDA – Ghana Shared Growth and Development Agenda GSPC – Groupe Salafiste pour la Predication et la Combat ICC – International Criminal Court IS – Islamic State KAIPTC – Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre LCBC – Lake Chad Basin Commission LRA – Lord’s Resistance Army MINUSMA – United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali MNJTF – Multinational Joint Task Forces MNLA – Movement for the Liberation of Azawad MUJAO – Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa NDC – National Democratic Congress NGOs – Non-Governmental Organizations NPP – New Patriotic Party OSCE – Organization of Security Cooperation in Europe RECs – Regional Economic Communities SADA – Savannah Accelerated Development Authority SALW – Small Arms and Light Weapons SDGs – Sustainable Development Goals TSCP – Trans-Saharan Counterterrorism Partnership UK – United Kingdom UN – United Nations USA – United States of America WANEP – West African Network for Peace building TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION i DEDICATION ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS v TABLE OF CONTENTS vii ABSTRACT x CHAPTER ONE 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Background of the Study 1 1.2 Statement of the Research Problem 4 1.3 Research Objectives 5 1.4 Research Questions 5 1.5 Scope of the Study 6 1.6 Rationale of the Study 6 1.7 Hypothesis 7 1.8 Conceptual Framework 7 1.8.1 The Concept of State Security 7 1.8.2 The Concept of Human Security 9 1.9 Literature Review 14 1.9.1 Dimensions of National Security 14 1.9.2 Dimensions of Human Security 16 1.9.3 Major Causes of Terrorism in West Africa 18 1.9.4 Terrorism in West Africa – Boko Haram and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb 20 1.9.5 The Gap in the Literature 22 1.10 Research Materials and Methodology 23 1.10.1 Research Design 23 1.10.2 Sampling 24 1.10.3 Sources of Data 25 1.10.4 Research Procedures 26 1.11 Limitations of the Study 26 1.12 Outline of the Study 27 CHAPTER TWO 29 OVERVIEW OF TERRORISM IN AFRICA AND WEST AFRICA 29 2.1 Introduction 29 2.2 Modern Terrorism 29 2.3 Terrorism in Africa and West Africa 33 2.3.1 Terrorism in Nigeria: Boko Haram in Perspective 34 2.3.2 Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) 39 2.4 The Causes of Terrorism in West Africa 46 2.4.1 Poverty, Economic Inequality and Exclusion 47 2.4.2 Demographic Factors 49 2.4.3 Erosion of Human Dignity 50 2.5 Addressing Terrorism in West Africa: The Multinational Joint Task Forces (MNJTFs) 51 2.5.1 The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) for Combatting Boko Haram in the Chad Basin Region 51 2.5.2 The Trans-Saharan Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCP) in Combatting Al Qaeda in Burkina Faso 53 2.6 Conclusion 54 CHAPTER THREE 56 THE IMPLICATIONS OF TERRORISM ON THE PEACE AND SECURITY OF GHANA 56 3.1 Introduction 56 3.2 The Implications of Terrorism on Ghana’s Peace and Security 56 3.2.1 Implications on Ghana’s National Security 56 3.2.2 Implications on Ghana’s Human Security 60 3.3 Ghana’s Role in Combatting Terrorism in West Africa 65 3.3.1 Awareness Creation through Advocacy, Education, and Sensitization 65 3.3.2 Lobbying for Effective Legislation against Terrorism in the Sub-Region 67 3.3.3 Economic Development 68 3.3.4 Partnerships with Other States in the Sub-Region 69 3.3.5 Developing an Effective Strategic Plan for Combatting Terrorism in West Africa 71 3.4 Challenges Ghana and ECOWAS Face in Addressing Terrorism in West Africa 72 3.4.1 Porous Borders and Harbours in West Africa 73 3.4.2 Lack of Political Will and Political Interference in ECOWAS Member States in the Fight against Terrorism 73 3.4.3 Corruption and Financial Constraints 74 3.4.4 Inadequate Personnel in the Security Services 76 3.4.5 Lack of Collaboration between State Security Agencies in the ECOWAS Sub-Region 76 3.4.6 Inadequate Reliable Information 78 3.4.8 Poverty in the Sub-Region 78 3.5 Conclusion 79 CHAPTER FOUR 80 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 80 4.1 Introduction 80 4.2 Summary of Findings 80 4.2.1 Causes of Terrorism in West Africa 80 4.2.2 Implications of Terrorism on Ghana’s Peace and Security 81 4.2.3 Ghana’s Role in Addressing Terrorism in West Africa 82 4.2.4 Challenges Ghana and ECOWAS Faces in Addressing Terrorism in West Africa 84 4.3 Conclusion 85 4.4 Recommendations 85 BIBLIOGRAPHY 88 APPENDIX I 95 APPENDIX II…………………………………………………………………………………………….96 ABSTRACT The study sought to address the maintenance of peace and security in Ghana by questioning the implications of terrorism on the country. Other aims and objectives included, understanding the root causes of terrorism in the sub-region, Ghana’s role in combatting terrorism, and the challenges they face in the performance of their roles. Relying on the theories of national security and human security, as well as extensive qualitative research methods for a descriptive study of this nature, the researcher came to a few conclusions. The study mainly found that terrorism in the sub-region has immense implications for the peace and security of Ghana. However, the steps that the nation is taking have managed to prevent the state of terrorism in Ghana, and in the region. The causes of terrorism identified included poverty, demographic factors, as well as issues with human dignity. The implications of terrorism in the region on Ghana included exacerbating religious tensions and crime, as well as economic stagnation, reduced attractiveness for investment, disruptions in trade activities, and so on. The implications of terrorism on Ghana’s peace and security, include national security implications like the proliferation of SALWs, and an increase in crime, as well as human security threats like religious tensions, economic stagnation, as well as increase the fear of the people. Some of the challenges in addressing terrorism include, porous borders and harbors; lack of political will and political interference; corruption, financial constraints and poverty; as well as the lack of reliable information and support. The data necessary for the conduct of the study was collected through interviews, books and journals, and content analysis was made on the data gathered to arrive on the conclusions outlined. 6 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of the Study Terrorism is not a new phenomenon. Earlier cases of terrorism predate the World War years. However, the phenomena of terrorism received greater global attention after the September 11 attacks on the US. The September 11 attacks were a series of four coordinated terrorist attacks by Islamic terrorist group al-Qaeda in the USA on September 11, 2001 (Bruckner, et al., 2010). The attacks killed approximately 2,996 individuals, injured more than 6,000 others, and caused approximately $10 billion in property damage, and an overall loss of about $3 trillion (Bruckner, et al., 2010). Subsequently, there have been growing concerns among governments, policy makers, security experts, international organizations like the UN and also scholars in academia about the dire national security and national development threats posed by terrorist activities across the globe. The expansion of terrorist activities across the globe, with much devastating activities witnessed in areas like the Middle East and Africa, are particularly worrisome. These worries, additionally, emerge because of the obligations of governments and global governance systems and structures to guarantee global peace and security of states, and ensure that citizens are safe and protected. The dangers of terrorism on development and security cannot be overemphasized, especially in Africa and the West African sub-region. This is on the grounds that terrorist activities present risks to the economic development and security of citizens in a state. Terrorist activities encompass brutal acts on human life that damage administrative or state law. By all accounts, these brutal acts seem to be perpetuated to scare or pressure citizens; or to influence policy directions of government decisions by terrorizing or intimidating through mass bombings, killings or shootings (Mitchell & Mitchell, 2011). Notwithstanding, Fortna (2015) defines terrorism, in its broadest sense, as the utilization of deliberately aimless strategies or methods as ways to create fear or panic, so as to accomplish a political, strict religious or ideological point to governments or other international stakeholders. In West Africa, the Boko Haram terrorist group has been the major terrorist organization since 2009. They predominantly operate in Nigeria. However, in recent times, traces of their terrorist activities have been evident in Niger and Cameroon, posing dire security threats to other members of the West African sub-region. Boko Haram, an insurgent terrorist group, has carried out several assaults primarily in North-Eastern Nigeria since 2009. This has significantly tested the national security architecture of the Nigerian state, as well as other West African states. The lives of the citizens in the West African sub-region have also been affected as a result of the unprompted attacks by the organization in public areas. Boko Haram is considered the seventh richest terrorist group on the American terrorist list (American Foreign Policy Council, 2013). It gets its funding through ransoms from kidnappings, thefts, gifts, blackmail and financing through its system of partnerships with other terrorist groups or associations. For example, the Islamic State (IS) and al Qaeda are major sources of funding for the Boko Haram terrorist group (American Foreign Policy Council, 2013). Boko Haram was established in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf. The group was based in Maiduguri, the North-Eastern province of Borno State, which is dominated by Muslims (Oniwide, 2014). Boko Haram was initially named as the Nigerian Taliban on account of its philosophy and techniques (Oniwide, 2014). Boko Haram as deciphered in the Hausa language signifies “Prohibition to Western culture.” The group therefore hopes to abrogate and abolish Western democracy and adhere to the principles of “Sharia Law” (Okemi, 2013). This move by the Boko Haram group has generated tension between the group and the Nigerian state security apparatus, which has led to loss of lives and properties since 2009. In the aftermath of the 2011 Libyan Civil War, terrorist activities from North Africa have expanded to the West African sub-region, due to the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in the region (Siebens & Case, 2012). Mali was confronted with conflict situations instigated by terrorist groups in Azawad. This posed a challenge of splitting the country into two. Burkina Faso was also confronted with an uprising in 2014, which was instigated by Jihadist groups, following the defeat of President Blaise Compaoré in the 2014 Burkinabe elections (Chouli, 2015). Burkina Faso is a member of the Trans-Saharan Counterterrorism Partnership. The country’s contributions of peacekeeping soldiers to Mali and Sudan have made it a target for terrorist groups in the region (Baldaro, 2018). Until 2015, Burkina Faso had remained conflict-free regardless of violent situations happening in the northern neighboring states of Mali and Niger (Romaniuk, 2015). However, from 2015, jihadist groups connected to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State started their invasion into Burkina Faso from its northern borders, and from by its eastern fringes (Romaniuk, 2015). The penetration has weakened the southern and western borders of the country (Romaniuk, 2015). Burkina Faso, since 2015, has confronted sporadic and cross-border attacks within its territory, resulting in a state of insecurity and danger to other states in the West African sub-region (Romaniuk, 2015). The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), in an attempt to clamp down on terrorism in the sub-region, has adopted several frameworks and mechanisms. The latest mechanism was adopted in Yamoussoukro, Côte d’Ivoire, on 28 February 2013, known as the ECOWAS Political Declaration and Common Position against Terrorism (Akanji, 2019). Ghana has received international recognition for being one of the most peaceful countries in sub-Saharan Africa (Obeng-Odoom, 2010). This is partly because there has been peaceful transition of governments since 1992 when constitutional democracy was reintroduced (i.e. in the 4th Republic) in Ghana. Subsequent to this fact, the country has conducted seven successive elections where power has changed hands between the two dominant political parties, namely the National Democratic Congress (NDC) and the New Patriotic Party (NPP). Ghana has made significant efforts to consolidate its electoral democracy since the beginning of its fourth republic in 1992. This has set the country apart from other countries within the West African sub-region. However, the growing threats of terrorism carried out by insurgent groups in Mali, Burkina Faso and Nigeria group do not only pose security threats to those states, but also to the entire West African sub-region, including Ghana. It is, therefore, imperative to examine the implications of the growing threat of terrorism in West Africa for the peace and security in Ghana. 1.2 Statement of the Research Problem The West African sub-region has, over the last couple of years, been dealing with an increase in violent outbursts brought on by terrorist groups like AQIM and Boko Haram (Akanji, 2019; Ejiogu, 2019). These organizations have proven they are capable of carrying out assaults that result in the death of individuals, the destruction of property, and the eviction of people (Cook, 2018; Ejiogu, 2019). Boko Haram for instance has grown from Nigeria into nearby nations like Cameroon and Niger, AQIM on the other hand has aggressively extended its influence from Northern Africa via Mali and into Burkina Faso (Bildirici et al., 2022). Several violent acts have been carried out by Boko Haram, notably the kidnapping of over 200 schoolgirls in 2014, which brought the organization's operations to the attention of the world (Cook, 2018; Matfess, 2017). Contrarily, AQIM has long been active in North Africa and has lately expanded its presence into West Africa, especially in Mali and Burkina Faso (De Castelli, 2014). The organization has carried out a number of notoriety-seeking acts, including the 2016 hotel attack in Ouagadougou that left 30 people dead (Walther et al., 2017; Ndiaga, 2018). The growth of these terrorist organizations in West Africa is a result of a number of issues, including deficient government, unemployment, and poverty (Akanji, 2019; Gyamfi, 2018). These organizations frequently take advantage of the absence of social services and possibilities in many towns to give disillusioned teenagers a sense of purpose and connection. A major issue that needs immediate response is the rising threat of terrorism in the West African area. It presents a serious danger to the sub-nations' region's security and stability and has the potential to destabilize the whole area (Akanji, 2019). Thus, it is essential to research and comprehend how these organizations' actions and possible effects on the stability and security of the governments in the West African sub-region. The purpose of this study is to analyze how the danger of terrorism may affect Ghana's peace and security. Ghana is not immune to the consequences of terrorism in the area despite being a member of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) (Gyamfi, 2018). Terrorist organizations looking to spread their influence in the region may find the nation to be an appealing target due to its location and relative stability. In order to help the ECOWAS community, combat the rising problem of terrorism in the sub-region, this research examines the probable effects of terrorism on Ghana in order to determine how the nation can defend itself from terrorist attacks. Policymakers, security organizations, and other stakeholders in Ghana and the West African area may find the study's results helpful as they create policies to combat the danger of terrorism. 1.3 Research Objectives The main objective of the study is to examine the implications of the increasing threat of terrorism in West Africa for the peace and security of Ghana, in order to propose plausible solutions to deal effectively with the menace. The specific objectives of the study include; 1. Investigating the factors underpinning the rise and apparent sustained terrorist activities in West Africa 2. Examining the growing threats confronting West Africa and Ghana as a result of terrorism in West Africa 3. Exploring the measures initiated and the roles played by Ghana in combatting terrorism in West Africa 4. Assessing the roles and challenges faced by Ghana and ECOWAS in addressing terrorism in West Africa 1.4 Research Questions Based on the problem statement of this study, the following questions have been formulated to guide the researcher. The main research question posed by this study is what are the implications of the increasing threat of terrorism in West Africa, for the peace and security of Ghana? To answer this question, the following sub-questions were also posed by the study. 1. What are the factors underpinning for the sustained rise in terrorist activities in West Africa? 2. What are the growing threats confronting West Africa and Ghana as a result of terrorism in West Africa? 3. What are the measures initiated and the roles played by Ghana in combatting terrorism in West Africa and Ghana? 4. What are the challenges encountered by Ghana and ECOWAS in addressing terrorism in West Africa? 1.5 Scope of the Study The study focuses on terrorism in West Africa. It focuses on the terrorist activities perpetrated by terrorist groups like Boko Haram in Nigeria and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) in countries like Mali and Burkina Faso. The study also focuses on the impact of these terrorist activities on neighboring countries, specifically Ghana. 1.6 Rationale of the Study There have been several heightened global concerns about the increasing incidence of terrorist attacks in the Middle East and in Africa. Limited success has been achieved by governments of African states, as well as the African Union (AU) and the Regional bodies including ECOWAS, in addressing the menace (Adebayo, 2010). The main rationale of the study is, therefore, to provide insights into understanding the threats posed to the national security, peace and national development of states in the West African sub-region through the activities of terrorist groups in the sub-region. The insights will create an awareness of the level of insecurity that terrorism in West African countries pose to their neighboring countries. Insights from the study will, also, inform the decision of policy makers, governments of African states, the AU, ECOWAS and the international community as a whole, including the UN, on the measures and mechanisms needed to eliminate or reduce terrorist activities on the Continent. The study is, therefore, a modest contribution to the body of knowledge and literature on issues concerning measures of effectively addressing terrorism in West Africa in the field of Security Studies and International Relations. 1.7 Hypothesis The increasing threat of terrorism in West Africa has dire implications for Ghana’s peace and security. 1.8 Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework adopted for the conduct of the study is the concept of national security. The following sections outline the concepts of national security, highlighting its major assumptions, and its relationship with the concept of human security, as well as its strengths and criticisms. 1.8.1 The Concept of State Security The concept of state security, though has been in existence for a while now, only gained its prominence in the “strategic dictionary amidst [other] traditional terms such as military affairs, external and military policy, etc.” during the Second World War (Anton Grizold, 1994, p. 40). Grizold (1994) highlighted the concept of national security as a concept that is solely linked to sovereign nations as a term to refer to its role of protecting its physical integrity. To illustrate the relationship between the concept of national security and protecting the physical integrity of the modern sovereign state, Grizold (1994, p. 40) highlighted the international law conception of the “characteristic features which [is] considered the basic elements of national security”, including ensuring the existence of a state, protecting the territorial integrity of a state, maintaining the political independence of a state, ensuring the quality of life of citizens, and embedding the vital interest of the state in the national security policy. Another definition of the concept of national or state security is “an intricate interaction between political, economic, military, ideological, legal, social, and other internal and external social factors through which individual states attempt to ensure acceptable provisions to maintain their sovereignty, territorial integrity, the physical survival or its population, political independence and possibilities for a balanced and rapid social development on an equal footing” (Grizold, 1994, p. 40). One more definition of the term is an activity of states though which they “protect their identity, existence and interests [through] specific measures [like trade and economy, and cultures] to protect and defend themselves against any kind of threat from the environment; and security measures of the society which must be in tune with the capacities of the society, and adjusted to global and regional changes in the world” (Grizold, 1994, p. 41). The latter definition is from a diplomat and the former from a scholar. Both definitions, as well as the international law conception of national security, possess similar elements. These elements include, securing the national territory, protecting the lives of citizens within the state, possessing and maintaining national sovereignty, and being able to perform the basic social, economic, cultural, and political functions of society. In assessing the national security of a state or the impact of an action or activity on the national security of a state, these elements are assessed, analyzed or tested to ensure they exist and perform optimally in order to pronounce a state as secure. This concept of national (state) security has been criticized by some scholars, however. Buzan & Hansen (2009) establishes the concept of state security as a narrowed conceptualization of the notion of security, as it does not take into consideration other conceptions of security such as human security, collective security, regional security complex and international security. To support Buzan & Hansen (2009), Owen (2004), established that state security ignores the protection and welfare of citizens in a states to only focusing on the territorial safety of the physical boundaries as a mean of promoting security. Notwithstanding the above criticisms levelled against the state security dimension of national security, it is still very essential for the analysis of the topic of this study. This is because it helps in understanding how the state security of Ghana could be jeopardized with the growing threat of terrorism in West Africa. 1.8.2 The Concept of Human Security The Commission on Human Security (CHS) defined human security as “…to protect the vital core of all human lives in ways that enhance human freedoms and human fulfillment. Human security means protecting fundamental freedoms – freedoms that are the essence of life. It means protecting people from critical (severe) and pervasive (widespread) threats and situations. It means creating political, social, environmental, economic, military and cultural systems that together give people the building blocks of survival, livelihood and dignity”. (UN, 2004) Arguing for human security, as Buzan and Hansen (2009) and Owen (2004) have done in response to the concept of national (state) security, the Commission on Human Security have outlined two main arguments. First, the CHS (2004, p. 5) believes that “human security is needed in response to the complexity and interrelatedness of both old and new security threats”. The security threats include war, ethnic violence, and international terrorism (considered as the old threats) to international pandemics, climate change, and economic and financial threats (considered as the new threats”. Secondly, the CHS (2004, p. 5) state that “human security is required as a comprehensive approach that utilizes the wide range of new opportunities to tackle such threats in an integrated manner”. The threats referred to in this quote are both the old threats and the new threats. The introduction of human security by the various critics of national security and the CHS, sought to re-conceptualize security in fundamental ways. First, human security moves away from “traditional, state-centric conceptions of security that focused primarily on the safety of the states from military aggression, to one that concentrates on the security of the individuals, their protection and empowerment” (UN, 2004). Again, the concept of human security sought to draw attention to a number of other threats that encompass the different aspects of human life. To that end, the interface between security, human rights and development are highlighted through the concept of human security. Finally, towards advancing peace, security, and development within and across nations, the CHS aimed the concept of human security to be a better tool or framework to achieve that goal. The concept of human security addresses several possible types of threats. They include economic insecurity, exemplified by persistent poverty and unemployment, amongst others; food insecurity, as seen in countries around the world like Yemen currently experiencing extreme cases of hunger; health insecurity, as seen in the Global Corona Virus Disease 2019 Pandemic that engulfed much of the planet in 2020; environmental insecurity, an example of which is climate change and its impact of all aspects of human life; personal insecurity, exemplified by the growing physical violence, crime, child labor, and so on in sub-Saharan Africa and other parts of the world; community insecurity, including religious violence, inter-ethnic clashes, and other identity-based tensions; as well as political insecurity, which results in human rights abuses, and so on (CHS, 2003, p. 6). The main features or elements of the concept of human security include, people-centeredness, multi-sectorial, comprehensive, context-specific, and prevention-oriented. According to the UN (2004, p. 6), as a people-centered concept, the concept of human security “places the individual at the center of analysis”. To that end, the concept explores a broad range of conditions which threaten the “survival, livelihood, and dignity [of people], and identifies the threshold below which human life is intolerably threatened” (ibid). As a multi-sectorial concept, also, the threats against humanity are broadened beyond just military threats against the physical integrity of the state. As outlined in the previous paragraphs, the possible types of threats against a human have been expanded to include, economic insecurity, food, health, environmental, personal, community and political insecurities. Moreover, according to the UN (2004, p. 6), “human security emphasizes the interconnectedness of both threats and responses when addressing these insecurities”. In this case, one threat can lead to another, or worsen another. For instance, violent conflicts worsen poverty conditions in countries. Also, threats contained in one area can spread into other areas, even across borders (ibid). Simply, human security threats and responses are multi-sectoral and interconnected. The interconnectedness of the responses stems from the interconnectedness of the threats. According to the UN (2004, p. 7), “human insecurities cannot be tackled in isolation through fragmented stand-alone responses”. Instead, comprehensive approaches are needed. The comprehensive approaches “stress the need for cooperative and multi-sectorial responses that bring together the agendas of those dealing with security, development and human rights”. As a context-specific concept, the concept of human security “acknowledges that insecurities vary considerably across different settings and as such advances contextualized solutions that are responsive to the particular situations they seek to address” (UN, 2004, p. 7). The context-specific responses are also prevention-orientated. In other words, the responses are focused on the protection of human life at all cost, as well as the empowerment of people. The empowerment entails “strategies that enable people to develop their resilience to difficult situations” (UN, 2004, p. 7). It is a bottom-up approach to responding to human security threats that are more sustainable than applying solutions that do not empower the people, so if the threats arise again, the people are not able to handle them. The concept of human security has been criticized or challenged on several grounds. Most critics of human security argue that the concept is vague, and therefore should not be acknowledged as an effective analysis in security matters in international relations. For example, Chandler’s Human Security: The Dog that Didn’t Bark, asserts that human security has been promoted in the academia but has had little policy formulation impact (Chandler, 2008). Chandler (2008) also contends that human security is normative instead of being descriptive. The concept recommends ‘what should be’ as opposed to ‘what is actually happening’. In addition, Chandler (2008) stipulates that the concept of human security has been over exaggerated and the central application of the concept has focused on analyzing security issues and developmental challenges in developing countries, particularly, Africa. Chandler (2008), also points out that advocates of the concept of human security focused on identifying short-term solutions instead of long-term strategic solutions to perceived human security threats. Owen’s Human Security: Conflict, Critique and Consensus also condemn the concept of human security on grounds that, there is no definite definition or meaning of the concept, and that, concentrating essentially on people (referred to as people-centered security) only proliferates the concept without adding any analytic value (Owen, 2004). In response to the above criticisms levelled against the concept of human security by some scholars, Vogel & Motulsky (2013), clarify that the concept of Human Security is not entirely useless, but has instead induced some significant developments and approaches to addressing the challenges which confront human existence and survival. These incorporate changing the status quo of war-fares where civilians are expected to be protected during wars; and combatants who are also captured by victor states are not expected to be treated inhumanely or killed instantly as observed in the past (Vogel & Motulsky, 2013). According to Newman (2010), the publicity of human security has resulted in the formation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to ensure that governments do not subject their own citizens to severe hunger, pain, torment and torture. In addition, Adger et al., (2014), recognizes that worries for human security issues has led to land mine treaties which bans the use, production, stockpiling and transfer of antipersonnel mines and places. Despite the criticisms leveled against the concept of Human Security, it is still a suitable concept for analysis in this study. This is because, it fits perfectly into the topic by helping to better analyze, understand and appreciate all the components of Ghana’s peace and security that are or may be affected due to the growing threats of terrorism in West Africa. This will help focus the analysis not only on state-centered security but also on the security of the people within the state. Ultimately, it will likely promote and garner policy responses that are more people-centered. 1.9 Literature Review Some studies have been done on the topic under study in recent times. The significance of previous scholarly works cannot be over-emphasized. Their contributions help to better understand this study and tease out knowledge gaps, which this study seeks to fill. The review of existing literature on the topic under study is divided into four (4) main sub-topics. They include, the dimensions of national security; dimensions of human security; terrorism in West Africa, with focus on Boko Haram in Nigeria and Al-Qaeda in Burkina Faso; and the major causes of terrorism in West Africa. 1.9.1 Dimensions of National Security Singh Bhubhindar and Philip Shetler-Jones in Japan's Reconceptualization of National Security: The Impact of Globalization, argue that good governance and leadership help to address the challenges of insecurity of states and sees this as “reconceptualization of national security” (Singh & Shetler-Jones, 2011). They emphasize a paradigm shift from the narrow perspective of concentrating on only state security, to including dimensions of human security in the national security framework. Elements of environmental security, food security, democracy, good governance, human rights and democracy have been incorporated into the national security architecture of Japan (Singh & Shetler-Jones, 2011). Benjamin Muller, in his study Security, Risk and the Biometric State: Governing Borders and Bodies, asserts that crime controls and effective immigration policies, particularly through checks and evacuation of non-citizens, have become critical issues of focus for preserving the national security of states in the current international system (Muller, 2010). He reveals that most governments, especially the developed countries such as the United States (US), the United Kingdom (UK) and China, use national security as a reason for the expulsion of non-residents who may really present no dangers to a state or its people. This practice creates a clear view in the practical enhancement of the concept of national security. It also promotes the important objectives of national security, which includes securing state boundaries and the personal liberties of the people within those borders (Muller, 2010). He suggests that the formulation of immigration policies for the purposes of national security can result in ill-suited laws which distort the objective of national security. The distortion may present in the effective monitoring, prevention and control of transnational threats like terrorism, pandemic and external attacks by other states. Adebakin and Raimi’s National Security Challenges and Sustainable Economic Development: Evidence from Nigeria, explains the classical notion of national security. According to the authors, the classical notion of national security is focused on the main responsibility of the state to ensure the security of its territorial boundaries, its people, its values, and its institutions (Adebakin & Raimi, 2012). They argued that the classical conceptualization of national security focused predominantly on protection from ideological subversions and external physical attacks. They also outlined other dimensions of national security which, they believe, are vital to ensuring state security. These include survival and self-preservation of a state; securing the territories and natural resources of a state; protecting individuals within a states; safeguarding the core interests of the nation; protecting the institutions of the states; protecting the state’s investments; and protecting and promoting the external image and prestige of the state (Adebakin & Raimi, 2012). Adebakin & Raimi (2012) also posit that, states may deliberately utilize foreign policy mechanisms, efforts and strategies to stabilize their national security militarily, economically, culturally and politically. They conclude that the core mandates of national security transcend the protection of the physical or territorial boundaries of a state. The core mandates of national security also include ensuring the safety and security of neighboring states or states within a sub-region or continent. The above scholarly works in this section contribute significantly to the topic under study by revealing and throwing insights into some dimensions and objectives of National Security. However, they all have they did not focus on how the increasing threat of terrorism in West Africa may have significant implications for the peace and security of a state in the region, with special reference to Ghana. 1.9.2 Dimensions of Human Security In his study, The Idea of Human Security, Gasper Des explores other dimensions of security beyond state security. He clarifies that, human security conveys a visceral connotation to security matters rather than an intellectual conceptualization (Gasper, 2010). Thus, human security brings out a feeling of real lives and expectations of individuals within a state. In addition, he asserts that, Human Security centers on human needs to avoid misfortunes instead of making gains. Gasper also calls attention to the fact that human security accentuates to the concept of development by addressing challenges of human insecurity which includes social exclusion, deprivation and inequality (Gasper, 2010). To that end, Gasper Des establishes that human security connects an array of ideas regarding the subjective and objective notion of security with normative concerns for human needs. The author concludes that, the connection of the series of ideas about Human Security gives a discourse to be qualified for analytic purposes instead of perceiving it as a mere a concept which does not contribute significantly to the security nexus as opposed by some Pundits. Edward Newman, in his work Critical Human Security Studies, uncovers some dimensions of human security. These include focus on individuals’ lives with regards to access to basic needs, such as food; the capacity to achieve values and outcomes; freedom; and needs for stability. He also emphasized that, human security focuses on the ideas of human rights, human development and human needs in relation to people within a state rather than protection of territorial or physical boundaries (Newman, 2010). Newman (2010) reveals that there are some critiques leveled against human security. These include a lack of explanatory forces for effective analysis in International Relations, attacks on its definition, lack of influence in policy making and decisions in security discourse and the broader scope of the concept. Newman (2010), however, reveals that at the supra-individual levels, human security thinking stresses the interaction of social, political, economic, military, epidemiological, cultural and other systems which have been conventionally addressed differently in policies and researches. He also points out that, the human security approach has been employed in multilateral actions to address priority threats to individual humans. Therefore, it is very vital in policy making for addressing development and security challenges which confront individuals. Chenoy and Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh’s Human Security: Concepts and Implications, explains human security as a concept which represents a re-think to traditional notions of security and development. Tadjbanhsh and Chenoy (2007) aimed at addressing new security challenges which compromise human existence and survival. They point out that the dimension of human security requires the acknowledgement of synergy between security, development, and human rights; the application of multi-dimensional approaches based on an inter-disciplinary strategy; and utilizing academic research for policy proposals and implementations (Tadjbakhsh & Chenoy, 2007). They also establish that human security focuses on individuals as the center of analysis to provide plausible solutions to address challenges of security and development which confronts individuals in a state. In this regard, they establish that the efficient way to analyze threats and risks which affects the security and development of individuals is adopt a people-centered perspective. Tadjbanhsh and Chenoy (2007) asserts that human security is not only an analytic concept but also signifies shared political and moral values. They explain that, although human security analysis may not have provided explanations of how insecurity originates, it has called attention to the importance of recognizing the interconnections between the hosts of factors that, in combination, produce insecurity. They therefore debunk the assertion made by some critics that human security is just a ‘hot air’ and inappropriate, since the concept has scholarly value and very significant for policy formulation and analysis. The reviewed work in this section reveals some dimensions and objectives of human security by focusing on the safety of the individual in terms of security, development and human rights. However, they did not address how a growing threat of terrorism in West Africa affect states in the sub-region. 1.9.3 Human Security and Terrorism In Africa The numerous facets of human security in Africa are significantly impacted by terrorism. Personal security is one of the most significant effects since terrorist attacks frequently target people, leading to casualties and damage. A case in point is the 2013 Westgate Mall incident in Nairobi, Kenya, which left 67 people dead and more than 200 others injured (Makinda & Williams, 2015). Terrorist attacks interrupt economic activity and have a detrimental impact on commerce, investment, and tourism, which has an effect on economic security as well. For instance, the 2015 terrorist assault on the Radisson Blu hotel in Bamako, Mali, led to a drop in tourism, a key driver of the nation's economy (Oxford Research Group, 2018). Moreover, the high expense of security measures to combat terrorism diverts funds away from other crucial sectors like health and education, which has an impact on human security in these sectors. In the study of terrorism in Africa, human security has taken on more significance. This review of the literature looks at a number of academic papers that investigate the connection between terrorism and human security in Africa. Human Security and Terrorism in Africa: A Conceptual Framework, by Simphiwe Emmanuel Mngomezulu (2019), is one such paper. The author makes the case that terrorism in Africa jeopardizes human security, which includes having a safe haven from harm, being able to meet one's fundamental necessities, and being able to live a life of dignity. In order to analyze the effects of terrorism on human security in Africa, Mngomezulu develops a conceptual framework that combines human security with terrorism. The connection between terrorism and human security in Africa is discussed in another essay titled “Terrorism and Human Security in Africa” by Rok Ajulu (2016). According to Ajulu, terrorism is a serious danger to human security, and it has a particularly negative effect on vulnerable groups like refugees and internally displaced people. The essay also looks at how governance may be used to confront the terrorist threat and advance human security in Africa. The relevance of a human security strategy to counterterrorism in Africa is emphasized in a third article, "Human Security and Counter-terrorism in Africa," by Hendricks and Spies (2018). The essay makes the case that a more all-encompassing strategy that addresses the roots of terrorism and advances human security is required and that a restricted concentration on military and law enforcement responses to terrorism is insufficient. In order to combat the threat of terrorism in Africa, the piece also emphasizes the significance of regional collaboration. Adesugba and Aworawo (2016) investigate the effects of Boko Haram on human security in Nigeria in their article titled "The Effect of Boko Haram on Human Security in Nigeria." The severe repercussions of Boko Haram attacks on civilians are highlighted in the piece, including eviction, loss of life and property, and psychological damage. The essay also looks at the difficulties in tackling the underlying reasons of terrorism in Nigeria as well as the government's reaction to the Boko Haram threat. Last but not least, the 2019 study “Human Security and Terrorism in West Africa: Implications for Peace and Security in Ghana” by Eric Osei-Assibey et al. focuses on the effects of terrorism on human security in West Africa, with a focus on Ghana. The essay emphasizes the rising threat of terrorism in the area and makes the case that improving human security and addressing the roots of terrorism are essential to stopping its expansion in West Africa. In summary, these studies highlight the nuanced connection between terrorism and human security in Africa. They draw attention to the disastrous effects of terrorism on human security and underline the necessity of a comprehensive strategy that combats terrorism's underlying roots and advances human security. In order to counter the threat of terrorism in Africa, the articles also emphasize the significance of regional collaboration and governance. 1.9.4 National Security and Terrorism in Africa Throughout Africa, the subject of terrorism and its effects on national security have taken center stage. Terrorism poses serious threats to a state's ability to thrive economically and keep its inhabitants safe. There are repercussions for Ghana's peace and security as a result of the rising danger of terrorism in West Africa (Boateng & Darkwah, 2021). This evaluation will look at academic works on terrorism and national security in Africa. In a 2017 study, Nyabuga looked at how terrorism affected Kenya's national security. The author contends that the state's ability to protect its citizens has been weakened as a result of the rise in terrorism in Kenya. According to the report, terrorist acts have resulted in substantial economic losses and societal unrest, which has decreased foreign investment and tourism. The government's initiatives to combat terrorism, such as the creation of the Anti-Terrorism Police Unit and the National Counter-Terrorism Center, are also highlighted in the article. Another research by Mphande et al. (2019), looks at the effect of terrorism on Mozambique's national security. The Islamic State's contribution to the expansion of terrorist activity in Mozambique is highlighted in the article. The writers contend that the government's reaction to terrorism has been ineffective, which has caused the conflict to escalate. According to the report, the government should concentrate on tackling the underlying factors that contribute to terrorism, such as poverty, unemployment, and social isolation Khaled (2020) looked into how terrorism affected Egypt's national security. According to the author, terrorism poses serious problems for the Egyptian government, including societal unrest and financial losses. In the research, the government's counterterrorism initiatives are highlighted, including the creation of the National Anti-Terrorism Council and the Anti-Terrorism Law. The piece also looks at how the international community may work together to fight terrorism in Egypt. In a 2018 research, Osuntokun looked at how terrorism affected Nigeria's national security. The article emphasizes the part played by the Boko Haram terrorist organization in the expansion of terrorism in Nigeria. The analysis demonstrates that the government's reaction to terrorism has been insufficient, which has caused the conflict to escalate. According to the essay, the government should concentrate on tackling the underlying factors that contribute to terrorism, such as poverty, unemployment, and social marginalization. The influence of terrorism on national security in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is also examined in a research by Otshudiema (2020). The terrorist organization Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) is highlighted in the article as a factor in the expansion of terrorist activity in the DRC. The analysis demonstrates that the government's reaction to terrorism has been ineffective, which has caused the conflict to escalate. According to the essay, the government should concentrate on tackling the underlying factors that contribute to terrorism, such as poverty, unemployment, and social marginalization. In conclusion, terrorism poses serious threats to Africa's national security and economic growth. The research analyzed in this study suggests that the governments' reaction to terrorism has been insufficient, which has caused the conflict to escalate. The studies also stress the significance of tackling the underlying factors that contribute to terrorism, such as poverty, unemployment, and social marginalization. In order to combat terrorism in Africa, international collaboration is also crucial. 1.9.4 The Gap in the Literature According to the examined literature, there doesn't appear to be much study on how national security and human security connect with each other in the context of terrorism in Africa, notably in Ghana. Few studies have looked at how terrorism impacts the human security of people and communities, even if others have looked at how it affects national security. Furthermore, given that most studies tend to concentrate on other nations in the area, such Nigeria and Somalia, there appears to be a shortage of study on the unique danger of terrorism in Ghana. Hence, there may be a gap in the literature that requires further investigation into the effects of terrorism on Ghana's national and human security as well as the unique characteristics of the terrorist potential and or threat to the country from neighbouring terrorist hit countries. 1.10 Research Materials and Methodology This section outlines the research materials and methodologies that are employed in the conduct of the study. It focuses on the research design, the sampling methods and population, the data collection methods, and the data analysis methods employed in the conduct of the research. 1.10.1 Research Design This study’s research questions address what accounts for the sustained rise in terrorist activities in West Africa, what the growing threats of terrorism for West Africa and Ghana are, what measures Ghana is taking to address terrorism in West Africa, and what the main challenges of this process are. Based on these research questions, and especially the fact that they all asking ‘what’ questions, the study, according to David de Vaus (2001), is a descriptive study. Descriptive studies, according to Vaus (2001), explore ‘what’ questions, with the capacity to explore both concrete and abstract questions. According to Vaus (2001), it is the exploration of ‘what’ questions that provoke ‘why’ questions, which are explored in explanatory research. It is the understanding in research that, because of the study’s main questions, specific tools and methods are to be employed in the conduct of the study in terms of sampling, gathering data, and the general procedures to be utilized in the conduct of the study (Vaus, 2001). The study employs the use of qualitative research methods, mainly unstructured interviews and document analysis, to gather and analyze data to make the study’s findings, draw its conclusions, and make its recommendations. Qualitative research produces a general understanding of rich, contextual, and unstructured, non-numeric data through conversations with research participants in a natural setting (Creswell, 2009). Bengtsson (2016) affirmed that the qualitative approach gives valued results required for researchers to fully comprehend contexts. Robson & McCartan (2016), similarly, asserted that qualitative methods are reinforced by researchers because the paradigm portrays a world in which reality is socially constructed. The processes and methods involved in selecting a sample for the interviews, and finding the secondary sources of data to analyze are explained in the sections that follow. 1.10.2 Sampling A sample, according to Louis Cohen, Lawrence Manion and Keith Morrison (2000), is a subset of a study population which represents the entire population of the study. The study is focused on West Africa, and Ghana specifically. The primary population who can provide the necessary information for the conduct of the study include, government employees in the security sector (such as military personnel, national security officials, and diplomats), as well as security experts and researchers who do not work for the government. A sample of this population was chosen for data collection and analysis. Cohen et. al. (2000) remarked that, for qualitative studies, the appropriate sample size is a number that is adequate to gather the necessary data in order to meet the research objectives. To that end, Marshall (1996) has identified three broad techniques employed in qualitative research. They include convenience sampling, judgment sampling, and theoretical sampling. Out of these three, convenience and judgment sampling are employed in the conduct of the study. Convenience sampling, as the name suggests, is sampling based on the availability of human resources. It requires the least effort, the least monetary resources and the least time to execute. Marshall (1996) identifies poor quality of data and a lack of intellectual credibility as potential disadvantages of the use of this technique. However, the way the technique was used in the conduct of this study requires more thoughtfulness to select the best and available national security officials in the Ghana to interview for the conduct of the study. Because the researcher has no power over which official is delegated to provide information for the conduct of the study, the convenient sampling method was adequate for selecting this sample to interview. The more thoughtful approach employed to coming to the decision to interview a national security person in Ghana, in the researcher’s opinion, offsets the identified disadvantages of the technique. Judgment sampling, also known as purposeful sampling, was used to select specific government officials and conflict and security experts to interview. Based on the identified roles of the government officials, as well as the published works of the scholars and experts, the researcher sampled them for interviews during the conduct of the study. One of the main benefits of judgment sampling is its potential to lead the researcher to other sources of information that the researcher was not already privy to – snowball sampling. During the conduct of the study, the researcher was guided to a few more government officials and agencies where vital information was also gathered for the conduct of the study. 1.10.3 Sources of Data The study’s main sources of data include primary sources, such as government workers, security experts, and military personnel; as well as secondary sources, such as government documents and reports, previous research into the study’s focus areas, books, and relevant online sources. The primary data was primarily collected through interviews. In the course of the research, the seven (7) resources sampled for the study were taken through unstructured interviews via phone calls to gather the necessary information for the study into the level of insecurity in West Africa and its effects on Ghana. These included a Diplomat at Ghana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs & Regional Integration, an official at ECOWAS Secretariat in Ghana, a Research Assistant at KAIPTC, an official with Ghana’s National Security, an official of the Ghana Police Service, a military official of the Ghana Armed Forces (GAF) and Rev. Ray Lartey of the Customs Service of Ghana. The secondary data was collected mainly through the analysis of information obtained through government documents on the security and the situation of terrorism in West Africa and the security risks it poses to Ghana. In addition to government documents, research work on terrorism in West Africa was also analyzed by the researcher. The research work is made up of journal articles from reputable peer-reviewed journals, published books, as well papers written on terrorism in West Africa. Some online sources, including information from the websites of organizations working in the security space in West Africa, were analyzed for the conduct of the study, as well. 1.10.4 Research Procedures The study’s data analysis section, which summarizes the study's findings, is a crucial part of the research process. Unstructured interviews were used in this study to gather data, which was then transcribed for analysis. The transcribed material was then organized into the study's main themes and given a thorough content analysis. The key conclusions and comments are presented in this part in prose format. For the examination of qualitative data, content analysis is a popular technique. Content analysis is “a research approach for establishing reproducible and accurate inferences from data to their context,” according to Krippendorff (2018; p. 4). In this study, patterns, themes, and meanings within the transcribed material were found using content analysis. To find pertinent codes and categories, the transcripts had to be read and reread several times during the analysis process. To represent a certain notion, subject, or idea, chunks of the data are given labels or tags called codes. The data are grouped into relevant groupings using categories, which are collections of similar codes. More codes and categories were added when they surfaced from the data as the study continued. The patterns and themes that emerged from this process of ongoing comparison were utilized to produce the conclusions and debates offered in Chapter Three. The validity and trustworthiness of the conclusions were ensured by the use of content analysis, which made it possible to analyze the data in a methodical and impartial manner. Because the codes and categories utilized were precisely specified and recorded, other researchers were able to replicate the analytic method. In summary, this study's use of in-depth content analysis made it possible to uncover patterns, themes, and meanings in the transcribed data. These patterns, themes, and meanings were then utilized to generate the key findings and debates reported in Chapter Three. This strategy guaranteed the study's validity and dependability, and the openness of the analytic procedure allowed for replication by other researchers. 1.10.5 Ethical consideration, Validity and Reliability of Study In order to demonstrate the credibility and dependability of research findings, validity and reliability are crucial components of the study. This section describes how a qualitative research was evaluated for validity and reliability. The degree to which the study findings correctly represent the phenomena being studied is referred to as validity (Morse et al., 2002). The study's validity was ensured through the use of the following tactics. The researcher was conscious of their prejudices and presumptions and continuously considered how they may have affected the study. To verify the validity and verifiability of the findings, a variety of data sources and data gathering techniques, including unstructured interviews and content analysis, were used. To increase the credibility of the findings, the researcher gave participants the chance to examine and confirm the correctness of the study's findings. To ensure that all pertinent viewpoints and experiences pertinent to the study issue were recorded, data collecting proceeded until the point of data saturation was achieved. The term "reliability" relates to the consistency of the research findings, (Morse et al., 2002) and the following techniques were used to guarantee the study's reliability: To enable the study's replication, every step of the research process—including the research design, data collecting processes, and analytic methods—was meticulously documented. To reduce possible sources of bias, the researcher established uniformity in data collecting methods, such as the use of the same interview guide for all participants. When conducting this study, the following ethical consideration were taken into account: The researcher got everyone's informed consent before starting the interviews. The study's objective, the participants' part in it, the voluntary nature of their participation, and any dangers and advantages of it were all explained to the participants. Also, participants were made aware that they might leave the research at any moment without incurring any fees. The participant was given the assurance by the researcher that their data would be de-identified in the final report and that their names would remain private. The raw data was only accessible to the researcher and the study supervisor. 1.11 Limitations of the Study The major limitation of the study is the Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Outbreak in Ghana, and the world in general. The outbreak of the disease during the period within which the study was being conducted caused several issues. The main issue this caused was limiting the ability of the researcher to conduct in-person interviews in semi-structured format with the identified experts and scholars in the field of terrorism in West Africa, as was initially planned. Instead, to prevent the spread of the disease, the researcher was forced to send questions to the resource persons through emails and other messaging platforms. Their responses were delivered in similar manner. This limited the amount of information the researcher could have gained from the resource persons, thereby, limiting the data points for analysis. The researcher, however, believes that the data gathered through the process was adequate for the analysis necessary to reach the conclusions and recommendations delivered at the end of the study. 1.12 Outline of the Study The study is presented in four chapters. Chapter one introduces the study by giving a background to the study and a statement of the research problem. The chapter also outlines the research objectives and the research questions, the study’s theoretical framework, methodology, and an in-depth literature review. The chapter also outlines the study’s hypothesis, rationale, and its limitations. Chapter two of the study provides an overview of terrorism in Africa and West Africa. The chapter presents a brief introduction to modern terrorism, an overview of terrorism in Africa and West Africa, some theoretical perspectives for analyzing the terrorist situations in West Africa, and finally an overview of Joint Task Forces for tackling terrorism in West Africa (i.e. the Multinational Joint Task Forces (MNJTF) for combatting Boko Haram terrorism in the Chad Basin region and the Trans-Saharan Counterterrorism Partnership (TSCP) in combatting Al-Qaeda in Burkina Faso). Chapter Three comprehensively discusses the implications of the growing threat of terrorism in West Africa for Ghana’s peace and security. The chapter also discusses Ghana’s role in dealing with terrorism in West Africa. The chapter consists of the general status quo of security in West Africa, pattern and changing trends or dynamics of terrorism in West Africa, causes or factors accounting for the prevalence of terrorism in West Africa, the development and security implications of terrorism in West Africa on Ghana and the entire region, Ghana’s role in combatting terrorism in West Africa, and finally, the challenges hampering the effective combatting of terrorism in West Africa. Chapter four summarizes the main findings of the study. It, then, presents a conclusion of the study, commenting on the various objectives of the study, as well as the study’s hypothesis, before outlining some recommendations for policy making and future research. CHAPTER TWO OVERVIEW OF TERRORISM IN AFRICA AND WEST AFRICA 2.1 Introduction This chapter presents an overview of terrorism in Africa and West Africa and is guided by the study’s theories of national and human security. The chapter begins with a brief introduction to Modern Terrorism, before briefly introducing terrorism in Africa and West Africa. The researcher, then, outlines some causes of terrorism in West Africa. Some of the formats employed in addressing terrorism in West Africa are also explained, particularly the Multinational Joint Task Forces (MNJTFs), before concluding. 2.2 Modern Terrorism Defining terrorism has been a challenge in both academia and policy making. According to the United Nations Security Council, terrorism is “criminal acts, including against civilians, committed with the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury, or taking hostages, with the purpose to provoke a state of terror in the general public or in a group of persons or particular persons, intimidate a population or compel a government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act”. However, some countries, depending on their goals and interests, also define or explain terrorism in varying and, usually, specific ways. For instance, according to the United States’ government, “international and domestic terrorism involves violent acts or acts dangerous to human life that violate federal or state law, and appears to be intended to intimidate or coerce a civilian population or to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion; or to affect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assassination, or kidnapping” (18 US Code 2331). It is the similarities in these definitions of terrorism that researchers and scholars usually rely on in the conduct of their studies. To that end, terrorism, according to Forna (2015), the United Nations Security Council, and the 18 US Code 2331, are violent acts deliberately intended to instill fear and intimidation in a population towards achieving a specific goal or objective. The goals are usually of a political, religious, or ideological nature. Historically, terrorism dates back to the period of antiquity. Gerard Chaliand and Arnaud Blin (2007) charted this history from the zealots and assassins through the anarchists of the nineteenth century, to the Islamic radicalism that started in the late 1960s, which led to the establishment of terrorist organizations like Al Qaeda. Chaliand and Blin (2007) considered the earliest period of terrorism the period of Zealots and Assassins. They employed assassinations of key public officials to make their statement. Assassins who would kill tyrants or despots were considered heroes in many cultures, including the Greek. State terrorism from the period of the Mongols, to the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1948) are also charted by Chaliand and Blin (2007) as the early history of state terrorism. However, what is considered as the beginning of modern terrorism, according to Chaliand and Blin (2007), was the French Revolution Terror that raged from 1793 to 1794. The actions of revolutionaries during this period, is where the term “terror” to refer to the kinds of actions explained in the previous paragraphs originated. According to Chaliand and Blin (2007), this period had just succeeded the age of enlightenment, and the concept of popular sovereignty had taken hold. It is people’s conception of their entitlement to these freedoms and rights that led to the “ends-justify-the-means” mentality, which is considered today as terror. After the French Revolution, Chaliand and Blin (2007) record a long period of the absence of state terrorism, until the development of the new kind of political terrorism that we know and understand today came into being. This form of terrorism began in the nineteenth century (19th Century), after the invention of the dynamite, according to Ayse Zarakol (2010). Within this period, Europe witnessed such terrorist plots as the bombing of the Winter Palace in 188-, the assassination by dynamite of Alexander II in 1881 by Narodnaya Volya, the dynamite attacks against the French judiciary in 1891, and the 1897 London underground bombings, and so on. This period is considered by Zarakol (2010) as the first wave of terrorism. The perpetrators were largely anarchists who did not believe in the state’s authority to rule over them. They believed, according to Zarakol (2010), in a pure form of liberty. The first wave was also characterized by nationalist groups primarily operating in the Ottoman Empire, Austria-Hungary, and other parts of Europe. The groups include the Young Bosnians, and the Macedonian IMRO. Zarakol (2010) also traces the Irish nationalist groups to this period. The second wave of terrorism has been termed as anti-colonial terrorism (Zarakol, 2010). The period was dominated by secessionist groups. Fighting for self-determination, the ‘terrorists’ of this period (Between the 1920s and the 1960s) targeted the agents and installations of overseas empires and the colonial police force (Zarakol, 2010). Besides these groups pursuing self-determination, this period was largely devoid of actual terrorist activities. The second wave ended in the 1960s and the early 1970s, with the end of colonialism around the globe. Even though not all states who desired self-determination had achieved by the end of the 1960s, many of the states and the ‘terrorist groups’ who had pursued it had achieved it, and those who had not continued to pursue it with their ‘terrorist’ tactics. A third wave of terrorism began in the 1970s. This wave did not focus on nationalist self-determination goals (Zarakol, 2010). It, however, focused more on leftist anti-Western sentiments. It took on the outlook of the Cold War, with some of the states rejecting communism and others rejecting capitalist democracy. Groups such as Baider-Meinhoff in West Germany, the Red Brigades in Italy, and the Symbiose Liberation Army in the United States, fought to change the status quo, or reject a new system that their countries planned to introduce. The terrorists fought against the Western system of government, with its promises of sovereignty, equality and equal autonomy. The fourth wave, which began in the 1980s and the 1990s, is “characterized by a religious ethos” (Zarakol, 2010, p. 23). Groups of these natures include the infamous Al Qaeda, as well as numerous other radical Islamist groups across the world, such as Ansar Dine, Boko Haram, and Al Shabaab. Like the groups in the third wave and the first wave, the fourth wave terrorist groups are also a “maturation of the system-threatening vein of terrorism”, though not in its end point, according to Zarakol, 2010, p. 23). These organizations are not entirely universal in their claims and demands, but are, instead, focused on specific countries or localities. The terrorist organizations that populate the fourth wave system are not entirely unique, as they share the anarchists of the first wave’s global outlook, while, at the same time, sharing the nationalism traits of other terrorist groups that have existed across the different waves (Zarakol, 2010). The world is currently living through the fourth wave. It is within this wave that the terrorist organizations addressed in this research, and the threats they pose to the peace and security of West African states, including Ghana, are explored. In conclusion, there is a huge and diverse body of literature on terrorism within the philosophy of national security. Forna (2015), Gerard Chaliand and Arnaud Blin (2007), and Ayse Zarakol (2009) are three important studies that have advanced understanding of this subject (2010). Forna (2015) offers a perceptive examination of the goals and strategies used by terrorist organizations. According to the author, terrorism is not a random act of violence but rather a deliberate tactic employed by underrepresented groups to subvert established hierarchies. Forna cites poverty, injustice, and political repression as three major factors that contribute to terrorism and emphasizes the necessity of tackling these issues head-on in any successful counterterrorism plan. A thorough history of terrorism is provided by Gerard Chaliand and Arnaud Blin in their 2007 book The History of Terrorism: From Ancient to Al Qaeda. The writers give case studies of terrorist organizations from throughout the world and track the development of terrorist techniques and beliefs. They contend that both state and non-state actors employ terrorism as a strategy to further their political objectives, and they emphasize the necessity for a comprehensive counterterrorism strategy that takes into consideration the complex political, social, and economic variables that motivate terrorist behavior. Together, these three texts offer insightful understandings into the intricate issue of terrorism and how it relates to national security. They emphasize the significance of comprehending the underlying factors that contribute to terrorism, the historical and cultural settings in which it develops, and the necessity of a complex and diverse counterterrorism strategy that goes beyond solely military or security-focused responses. 2.3 Terrorism in Africa and West Africa Africa has been exposed to different forms of terrorism since before the end of colonialism on the continent. According to Tom Anyim (2019), during the independence struggle in many African states in the mid-1900s, many of the individuals and groups that fought for the independence of their countries were branded ‘terrorist’ by the colonial powers. Following independence, the brand of ‘terrorist’ simply shifted from those Anyim (2019) considered as “liberation fighters” to other forms of acts and individuals within the continent. Maria Nzomo (2018) accounts for the state of terrorism on the continent, highlighting East African countries like Kenya and Tanzania as recent examples of countries that are ravaged by periodic terrorist activity. According to Nzomo (2018, p. 8), “terrorism has become a familiar but unwelcome visitor since the mid-1970s” in countries like Kenya. Nzomo (2018) accounted for the first terrorist bombing in Kenya in 1975. This attack was followed by another one in 1981. However, the most notable attack on Kenya was the August 1998 bombing of the Embassy of the United States of America (USA) in the country’s capital, Nairobi. On the same day, the American Embassy in Tanzania’s capital, Dar es Salaam, was also attacked, leading to the deaths and injuries of thousands of people. According to Nzomo (2018, p. 8), “in Kenya, 250 Kenyans and 4 Americans were killed; 4,000 wounded and all buildings and properties in the vicinity were destroyed”. Further attacks followed in 2002 and continue to occasionally occur today. Africa is home to many terrorist groups, with varying features. Chukwudi Njoku, Oluwafemi Okeniyi, Nse-Abasi and Caroline Akoth (2018, p. 994), in their assessment of terrorism in Africa, remarked the diversity of terrorism on the continent, in terms of “activities, motivations, networks, financing, security implications and results”. From Northern Africa to sub-Saharan Africa, several organizations have perpetuated terrorist activities on the continent. Notable amongst these groups are Boko Haram, al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), and Ansar Dine, amongst others, in West Africa; Al Shabaab in East Africa; and Al Qaeda in the Northern parts of the continent. For the purposes of this study, however, the West African sub-region is given focus. West Africa is a continent of sixteen (16) independent and sovereign states. Countries in the sub-region include, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, and Niger. Other countries in the sub-region include, Nigeria, Senegal, Sao Tome and Principe, Sierra Leone, and Togo. Several scholarly works have detailed the extent to which terrorism is ingrained in certain countries on the continent. Between the years of 2015 and 2020, Olajide Akanji (2009) found that about five countries in the sub-region have experienced some form of terrorism, including Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso and Cote d’Ivoire. Nick Ridley (2014) went further to document the extent of terrorism in many West African countries, including Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Niger. In the following sections, terrorism in Nigeria and Burkina Faso, perpetrated by Boko Haram and AQIM, respectively, are explored, as they bear the most relevance to achieving the objectives of the study. The writings of Olajide Akanji (2009), Nick Ridley (2014), Maria Nzomo (2018), Chukwudi Njoku, Oluwafemi Okeniyi, Nse-Abasi, and Caroline Akoth (2018), Tom Anyim (2019), and others provide light on the intricate interactions between personal security and national security. Together, these pieces emphasize the value of a comprehensive security strategy that takes into consideration both goals for personal and national security. They stress the need of addressing the underlying social, economic, and political issues that cause insecurity and promote a human-centered strategy for security that puts the welfare of people and communities first. 2.3.1 Terrorism in Nigeria: Boko Haram in Perspective Boko Haram, according to Mohammed Sergie and Toni Johnson (2014, p. 1), is “a diffuse Islamic sect”, which has been responsible for attacks on Nigeria’s security architecture, politicians, schools, religious institutions, public institutions, and the Nigerian population “with increasing regularity” since 2009. According to Sergie and Johnson (2014), thousands of people have been killed by the organization, with thousands more displaced. The organization has been designated as a terrorist organization by many states, as well as international organization globally, including the United States, ECOWAS, and the African Union, amongst others. The Nigerian government has also designated the organization as a terrorist organization. Sergie and Johnson (2014, p. 1) point out that, some experts “view the group as an armed revolt against government corruption, abusive security forces, and widening regional economic disparity”. The organizations, throughout the years, have been responsible for suicide attacks on the United Nations’ building in Abuja, the kidnapping of more than two hundred school girls from Chibok, and the repeated attacks and killings of students, religious clerics, and government officials. As at now, the Nigerian government, along with some allies in the West African sub-region and the West, are fighting the organization in an attempt to quell the insurgency. They have, however, been unsuccessful. According to Freedom Onuoha (2012, p. 6), “the exact date of the emergence of the Boko Haram sect is mired in controversy, especially if one relies on media accounts”. Onuoha (2012) provides that, many local and foreign media trace the origin of the organization to Mohammed Yusuf in 2002. However, the Nigerian government traces the origin of the organization to as far back as 1995. According to Onuoha (2012), Abubakar Lawan established the Ahlulsunna wal’jama’ah hijra sect at the University of Maiduguri in the Nigerian state of Borno. The organization “flourished as a non-violent movement until Mohammed Yusuf assumed leadership of the sect in 2002, shortly after Abubakar Lawan left to pursue further studies in Saudi Arabia” (Onuoha, 2012, p. 2). During the time of Yusuf’s reign as leader of the organization, the organization changed to adopt different names, including Muhajirun, Yusufiyyah, Nigerian Taliban, Boko Haram, and its official name, Jama’atu Ahlissunnah lidda’awati wal Jihad. According to Onuoha (2012), the group’s philosophy is based in the practice of orthodox Islam, which, in their interpretation, abhors Western education and government work (civil service). This, in Onuoha’s (2012) opinion, is why the organization’s unofficial name came to be known as Boko Haram (literally, western education is a sin). The group has fought against this narrative, however, with a communication in August 2009 by the acting leader of the organization at the time, after the death of Yusuf, Mallam Sanni Umaru, claiming the Boko Haram does not mean that western education is a sin. In the communication, Umaru claimed that Boko Haram actually means Western Civilization is forbidden. This, in Umaru’s opinion, is meant to give everyone the understanding that Islamic culture to superior to other culture. In any way, Onuoha (2012) point out that the organization rejects Boko Haram and, instead, wishes to be known by their official name Jama’atu Ahlissunnah lidda’awati wal Jihad, which translates to “People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad”. The main goal of the group has been very clear from the beginning, as Onuoha (2012) points out. The groups aim to see the overthrow of the Nigerian state in order to impose Islamic Sharia Law. They consider the Nigerian state and its government as corrupt, and plagued by social vices. Therefore, they believe that all Muslims are to separate themselves from the morally bankrupt society operated by the Nigerian state to a secluded place and “establish an ideal Islamic Society devoid of political corruption and moral deviation” (Onuoha, 2012, p. 2). People who do not believe in their version of Islam were termed kufr (unbelievers) or fasiqun (wrong-doers). Onuoha (2012), in commenting on the membership and funding of the organization, came to the conclusion that it is very difficult to know for sure how many members the organization has. The author, however, made a note that the organization attracts followers from several states in Nigeria, as well as from Nigeria’s neighboring countries of Niger, Chad, and Sudan. According to Onuoha (2012, p. 2), the organization’s membership is mainly “disaffected youths, unemployed graduates, and former Almajiris”. Almajiris are basically street children who have been sent to study under renowned Islamic clerics in appalling conditions. Their situations make them particularly vulnerable to the recruitment tactics of Boko Haram. Onuoha (2012) points out that the almajiris usually make up the organization’s foot soldiers. However, other more prominent members, such as university lecturers, business owners, and politicians, also form part of the membership of the organization. These members usually finance the organization. The organization also engages in criminal activity to fund the organization, including from bank robberies and pillaging villages and towns in vulnerable parts of Northern Nigeria. The group became a serious threat to international peace and security in the aftermath of its anti-government revolt led by Mohammed Yusuf in July 2009. Before this period, the organization secluded itself from Western influences. It settled in a town called Kanama, where it staged intermittent attacks on the security architecture of Nigeria for weapons and ammunition. These attacks on the Nigerian government prompted the unprecedented government crackdown in July 2009 that led to the capture and murder of the group’s leader, Mohammed Yusuf by the Nigerian police force (Onuoha, 2012). The police claimed that Yusuf was killed while he was trying to escape. However, according to Onuoha (2012, p. 3), what is considered “the extrajudicial murder of Yusuf and some leaders and followers of the sect angered its surviving members, who unsurprisingly, are increasingly using martyrdom videos of the July 2009 revolt to radicalize its members”. Since the 2009 revolt, the insurgency became more organized, and started to perpetrate more coordinated and consistent attacks on their identified targets. Ridley (2014) has documented the means and instances of Boko Haram’s attacks in Nigeria. According to the author, the organization has been responsible for carrying out suicide bombings in Abuja, Lagos, and other cities and towns in Nigeria. The violence perpetrated by the organization, in terms of pace and intensity, was relentless. According to Ridley (2014), the first week of 2012 alone saw about 51 attacks, costing the lives of about 253 people in the country. The organization has bombed towns and cities in the Kano state, they have freed prisoners in multiple states, including Borno and Koji, and they have killed several military personnel, and also attacked police stations and military installations to steal firearms and ammunition (Ridley, 2014). The frequency of attacks by the organization has been increasing, and their choice of targets have only gotten bolder since the attack on the United Nations’ facility in Abuja and police and military installations all over the country. The security situation Nigeria, or the increasing state of insecurity in Nigeria, has impacted, not only the Nigerian population, but also Nigeria’s neighboring countries of Niger, Chad and Cameroon (Ridley, 2014). According to Ridley (2014), Boko Haram uses the Chad-Nigerian border as an entry point for contraband goods into Nigeria. Nigerian security forces have intercepted a large consignment of weapons on its way into Nigeria via Chad (Ridley, 2014). The smugglers were identified Boko Haram members. Ridley (2014) has also documented the impact of Boko Haram in Niger. The country has arrested several individuals, believed to belong to Boko Haram, in its eastern parts. The individuals had planned to place explosive devices around the town of Diffa in Niger. Again, Ridley (2014) recounts the arrest of Boko Haram insurgents by Nigerien police in Zinder, close to the border of Nigeria. According to Ridley (2014), a Boko Haram clandestine base close to the border of Niger has accounted for the increased activities of the organization in the country. Cameroon, a country that also shares a border with Nigeria, have also been impacted by the activities of Boko Haram. According to Ridley (2014), several Boko Haram members have been arrested in the Cameroonian towns of Amchide and Mayo Sava. The increasing threat of the insurgency has led to the closure of significant portions of the Cameroon-Nigeria border. The country also periodically experiences kidnapping of its citizens for ransom by Boko Haram insurgents in Nigeria. These instances demonstrate the increasing threat of the organization in the West African sub-region. Boko Haram has become a major threat to the peace and security of the sub-region. The countries in the sub-region, and the sub-regional body, ECOWAS, as well as the continental body, AU, have attempted to address the threat of the organization, but have seen limited success. It is imperative to understand the implications of the activities of Boko Haram on Ghana’s peace and security, as well as explore any potential policy measure against the spread of the Boko Haram insurgency to Ghana. 2.3.2 Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) The story of terrorism, and the Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb’s (AQIM) activities in Burkina Faso, Mali and other West African states, begins in Algeria. The Algerian Civil War is the source of many of the leaders of the current AQIM, including Emir Broukdel and Comanders Belmohtar and Djamel Okacha. These individuals were involved in the original insurgency against the Algerian government in the early 1990s. According to Sergei Boeke (2016, p. 918), “in 1992, a broad Islamist movement was robbed of an impending electoral victory by a military coup that cancelled the elections”. The country descended into violence after this. The violence ended at the turn of the decade, in 2000, with an estimated 200,000 lives lost. Radicalized soldiers, known as “Afghan Algerians”, were heavily involved in the conflict. These individuals had ties to what would become the future leadership of Al Qaeda in the Middle East. They were exposed to the radical ideologies of the organization, and they formed the Groupe Islamique Arme (GIA) in the early 1990s (Boeke, 2016). The GIA was initially one of the many groups and militias fighting the Algerian government during the Algerian civil war. However, the group quickly gained a reputation for being one of the most predominant and violent militias in the country (Boeke, 2016). The group’s motto, “no agreement, no truce, no dialogue”, based on its Salafi-Jihadist ideology, demonstrated the group’s uncompromising stance. The group branded some people ‘takfir’ (enemies of Islam) became their legitimate targets who “deserved to be killed, even if they were Muslim, elderly, women, or children (Boeke, 2016). They printed a weekly bulletin, known as Al Ansar, which justified the violent acts of the organization. One notable publisher in the bulletin was preacher Abu Qatada. The organization targeted foreigners in Algeria and France, they hijacked planes (the Air France 1969 from Algiers to Paris), and they carried out bombings in France, and captured and beheaded Tibherine monks, amongst others (Boeke, 2016). The organization’s turning point, according to Boeke (2016), occurred in early 1998 after a massacre of several villages in Algeria. There was evidence of military units aiding and abetting the activities of GIA, as was the case in previous attacks by the group. In fact, Boeke (2016) highlights a specific Algerian security agency, Département du Renseignement et de la Securité (DRS), as playing a significant role in the activities of the group to execute activities and attacks they intend. Boeke (2016) recounts the suspected role of the DRS in the hijacking of the Air France flight. Rumors about the influence of the DRS in the activities of the GIA led to the distancing of the Al Ansar bulletin from the organization, as well as the founding of the Groupe Salafiste pour la Prédication et le Combat (GSPC) as an offshoot of the organization. The last remnants of the GIA defected or were hunted down by the Algerian government. The new group, GSPC, was supported by Osama bin Laden and the newly established Al Qaeda. The GSPC expressed their main aim of toppling the Algerian government, according to Boeke (2016), but did not mention any foreign enemies, as was the practice of terrorist organizations in the period. The new group was also firmly aligned with the Salafi-Jihadist ideology. The group pledged allegiance to Bin Laden and Al Qaeda after the 9/11 attack on the United States. According to Boeke (2016, p. 919), “on 11 September 2006, exactly five years after 9/11, Al Qaeda leader Al-Zawahiri announced that the GSPC had joined Al Qaeda and urged them to become a bone in the throat of the American and French crusaders”. Boeke (2016, p. 919) continues that, on 26 January 2007, the GSPC, led by Droukdel, announced that it had rebranded itself Al Qaeda in the land of the Islamic Maghreb”. This signified the birth of the organization. Members of the group, in the years that followed, travelled to the Middle East to join the fight against the Americans (Boeke, 2016). Both organizations continued their support for each other over the years, with AQIM adopted tactics from the Al Qaeda in the Middle East, such as suicide bombings. The organization has been able to target and successfully attack hard targets like the United Nations and military installations in Algeria and neighboring states. In an interview with the New York Times, Droukdel answered a question on why GSPC had joined Al Qaeda, saying, “it was essential to join forces in the face of the unified oppressors that were fermenting division among Muslim lands, stealing their riches, and corrupting their populations” (Boeke, 2016, p. 920). In the same interview, Droukdel said that, “Our general goals are the same goals of Al Qaeda the mother, and you know them. As far as our goals concerning the Islamic Maghreb, they are plenty. But most importantly is to rescue our countries from the tentacles of these criminal regimes that betrayed their religion, and their people” (ibid). Droukdel remarked AQIM’s policy of not recognizing borders, but refrained from commenting on the establishment of a Caliphate. According to Boeke (2016), the establishment of a caliphate, unlike the Islamic State, is a long term objective. The organization also subscribes to the teachings of Sayyid Qutb. They believe in his book, Milestones (1964), in which he raises the concept of ‘far enemy’ and ‘near enemy’. They believe, according to Boeke (2016, p. 920), that “jihad is … a personal obligation and a violent struggle against the apostate regimes in Muslim countries (the near enemy) and against the United States and the West (the far enemy)”. AQIM’s immediate objectives lie with the near enemy, based on recent speeches by the leadership of the organization (ibid). The Arab Spring between 2010 and 2011 in the Arab world contributed to the establishment of the organization in the West African sub-region. Like many of the Arab countries during the early 2010s, the Arab Spring caused a tumult in Algeria. On 28th December 2010, the Arab Spring started in Algeria, where marchers and protesters marched in the streets of Algeria against the mismanagement of the government of Algeria. The protesters complained about the lack of employment in the country, lack of accommodation, corruption amongst government officials, a restriction of free speech, and generally low standards of living in the country. Zoltan Prantner (2018) recounts the Algerian government’s efforts to restore order in the country with the use of the country’s police force. The response of the protesters was of defiance, as the police had motive cocktails and stones thrown at them on 29th December 2010. Prantner (2018) attributes the defiance of the Algerian people to the inspiration they got from their Tunisian counterpart. By the end of the day on the 29th of December, 53 people had been injured and 29 people had been arrested by the police (Prantner, 2018). The protests, however, did not stop because of the arrests made and injuries incurred. According to Prantner (2018), the rise in the prices of basic commodities by more than 30%, as well as the demonstrations that began in Tunisia in the beginning of January 2011 with the suicide of Mohammed Bouzazi, led the previously localized demonstrations and protests in Algeria to take a national face. Soon, according to Prantner (2018), many protesters in Algeria began to emulate the actions of Mohammed Bouzazi of Tunisia by setting themselves on fire in Algeria in an attempt, sometimes successful, at committing suicide. Mayors were being fired in Algeria, while the President of Tunisia resigned and went into self-imposed exile to Saudi Arabia. Despite this level of success for the protesters, Prantner (2018, p. 152) notes that “unlike in previous cases or elsewhere in the Arab world, these individual actions did not transform into mass demonstrations, which thoroughly thwarted the prior expectations of the Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb”. According to Prantner (2018), AQIM saw an opportunity to increase its influence in Algeria and Tunisia with the uprisings. To that end, the leader of the organization then, Abdelmalek Broukdel, sent two video messages to media organizations and the organization’s website in January 2011. In the thirteen-minute video, “the leader of the terrorists guaranteed his support for the Tunisian people against the corrupt, criminal and tyrannical regime [of the Tunisian government]”, and expressed plans to introduce Sharia law in the country (Prantner, 2018, p. 153). This tactic did not work, as it did not influence the Algerian and Tunisian people as it was intended. The levels of insecurity in the countries that experienced the Arab Spring, however, gave the organization the chance to gain a foothold in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya. The organization used the tumult to facilitate the supply of contraband, including weapons and volunteers from other countries, and scramble the trail of the financial support of its Saudi and Gulf founders in the Middle East. The organization also gained back many of their members who had been imprisoned in some of these countries. The organization, in the period after the Arab Spring, experiences splits as a result of ideological and ethnic differences. The first instance of the split in the organization, according to Prantner (2018), occurred in the middle of 2011 when the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO) emerged. Formally, this offshoot of AQIM was established to “spread jihad into further regions of West Africa that were not within the operational area of AQIM” (Prantner, 2018, p. 155). However, Prantner (2018) claimed that the real cause of the split in the organization was ethnic differences. According to Prantner (2018, p. 155), “most of the members of the AQIM leadership were Algerian Arabs who did not have any kind of information about the tribal and traditional conditions in the southern Sahel region”. In Prantner’s (2018) opinion, this lack of information or reverence for black members of the organization led to members who joined from southern states like Mali and Mauritania to be relegated to the lower ranks of the organization. The black members of the organization performed such tasks as kidnappings, robberies, and so on. They also served as emissaries between Islamic militant groups in the south of the Sahara and AQIM. For these reasons, the group split from AQIM. Other significant splits in the group includes Ansar Din