University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh UNIVERSITY OF GHANA CENTRE FOR MIGRATION STUDIES ACCESS TO BASIC SERVICES AMONG MALE AND FEMALE-HEADED MIGRANT HOUSEHOLDS IN OLD FADAMA, ACCRA. BY NATASHA EMMA EFFIE BOTCHWAY 10278133 THIS DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GHANA, LEGON IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF MA MIGRATION STUDIES DEGREE JULY, 2017 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DECLARATION I, Natasha Emma Effie Botchway hereby declare that this thesis is a product of my own imagination conducted at the Centre for Migration Studies under the supervision of Dr. Cynthia Addoquaye Tagoe. To the best of my knowledge, except for where due acknowledgement has been made in text, this thesis has neither in part nor in whole been presented to any other institution for an academic award. .............................................. …………………………. Natasha Emma Effie Botchway Date (10278133) Student ………………………………….. ………………………… Dr. Cynthia Addoquaye Tagoe Date Supervisor i University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh DEDICATION This work is dedicated to you, Paracletos Nyame. Thank you for walking with me throughout the ages. ii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I will like to express my profound gratitude to Dr. Cynthia Addoquaye Tagoe and Dr. Joseph Teye for their guidance throughout my work. God bless you both. Thank you Rev. Maxwell Adonteng, Rev. Queenie Bakah, Rev. Ernest Ohene Boakye and Pastor Phoebe Ohene Boakye for your endless prayers throughout the journey. I love you all. My sincere thanks to the people of Old Fadama, Aunt Grace (AGREDs), officials from Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA), Ghana Water Company Limited (GWCL), Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority, Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) and Ministry of Works and Housing. To the faculty and staff at Centre for Migration Studies. I say a big thank you. I will also like to thank my friends and family for their support. AJ, Mama Penelope, Sonia, Seth, Odame, Ben, Michael Ayeh, Mawulom, Kwabena, Joy, Francis, Debbie, Prof, Colins, Abena, Elfreda, George and Michael, you are treasures hidden in earthly vessels. I love you all and always remember true love never dies, it lives through the eternities. iii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ABSTRACT Old Fadama is an informal settlement which lacks legal recognition and is often exempted from the city’s planning and development agenda. Basic services such as toilet, electricity, water, bathhouse and housing are often under pressure due to the high population within the area. Studies done on the accessibility of basic services within the area often focus on the migrant household as one unit without distinguishing between those of the male and female migrant households and their differences in accessibility of basic services. This study seeks to investigate the extent of financial and physical accessibility of basic services to the male and female- headed migrant households of Old Fadama. This study examined the physical and economic accessibility of basic services among male and female-headed migrant households within Old Fadama. In addition, it discussed their coping strategies as well as the effect of acessibility on their livelihoods. The study employed the use of the mixed method approach involving the issuing of seventy-two (72) and forty-eight (48) structured questionnaires to male and female-headed migrant households respectively. In-depth interviews were also conducted with officials from Ghana Water Company Limited, Accra Metropolitan Assembly, Electricity Company of Ghana, Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority, Ministry of Works and Housing as well as an opinion leader within the community. The study revealed that basic services such as water, toilet, bath house and waste collection bins were not found within the residence of male and female-headed migrant households. They therefore relied on informal vendors to provide them with these services, due to the refusal of service providers of these basic services to extend iv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh their services to them. Informal vendors charged exhorbitant prices forcing migrant households to develop various coping strategies so as to meet their household needs. Female-headed migrant households spent more than their male counterparts in accessing basic services. To meet household needs, they engaged in multiple livelihoods. Their male counterparts on the other hand, were willing but unable to engage in multiple livelihoods due to the lack of jobs and unavailable capital to start their own. Male households therefore relied more on their networks and agency than their female counterparts in order to access basic services or survive in the urban poor space of Old Fadama. The study recommended for a dialogue between the government and appropriate institutions about the future of Old Fadama which should include a possible relocation of the entire market and slum area to a more planned vicinity with a check on the sprouting of illegal structures. Additionally, it recommended a possible check on the activities of private vendors of water, waste, public toilets and baths as well as other services so as to prevent extortion by these businesses of urban poor individuals. v University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh TABLE OF CONTENTS Page DECLARATION ........................................................................................................................ i DEDICATION ........................................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ....................................................................................................... iii ABSTRACT .............................................................................................................................. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................... vi LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................................... xi LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................. xii LIST OF PLATES ................................................................................................................. xiii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................. xiv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................ 1 1.0 Background to the Study ...................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Problem Statement ............................................................................................................... 2 1.2 Research Questions .............................................................................................................. 4 1.3 Objectives of the Study ........................................................................................................ 4 1.4 Research Hypothesis ........................................................................................................... 5 1.5 Relevance of the Study ........................................................................................................ 6 1.6 Definition of Concepts ......................................................................................................... 7 1.7 Organisation of the Study .................................................................................................... 8 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .......... 9 2.0 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 9 2.1 Definition of Basic Services and Accessibility .................................................................... 9 2.2 Urban Poor Community and Accessibility of Basic Services ........................................... 10 2.3 Migration to Urban Poor Communities ............................................................................. 13 vi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.4 Definition of Male and Female Compositions of Households Globally............................ 16 2.5 Physical Accessibility, Quality, Service Delivery and Health Implications of Basic Services ............................................................................................................................. 18 2.5.1 Water and the Urban Poor ............................................................................................. 18 2.5.2 Toilet Facilities and the Urban Poor .............................................................................. 19 2.5.3 Waste Management and the Urban Poor........................................................................ 21 2.5.4 Housing and the Urban Poor .......................................................................................... 21 2.5.5 Electricity and the Urban Poor....................................................................................... 22 2.6 Financial Accessibility/ Influencing Basic Services .......................................................... 24 2.6.1 Water Sources and Affordability ..................................................................................... 24 2.6.2 Sanitation and Affordability ........................................................................................... 25 2.6.3 Electricity and Affordability ........................................................................................... 25 2.7 Multiple Stakeholders and Governance of Basic Services ................................................ 26 2.8 Impact of Accessibility of Basic Service on Women and Children................................... 29 2.8.1 Housing ........................................................................................................................... 29 2.8.2 Sanitation: Solid Waste and Toilet ................................................................................. 29 2.8.3 Potable Water ................................................................................................................. 30 2.8.4 Coping Strategies of Urban Poor in Accessibility of Basic Services ............................. 30 2.9 Barriers Preventing Improvement in Accessing Water, Sanitation & Hygiene................. 31 2.10 Theoretical and Conceptual Framework .......................................................................... 32 2.10.1 Structuration Theory ..................................................................................................... 32 2.10.2 Network Theory ............................................................................................................. 35 2.10.3 Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................ 35 2.10.3.1 The Dynamics Between Basic Services Accessibility and Utilisation Patterns ......... 35 vii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY ................................................................................ 39 3.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 39 3.1 The Study Area .................................................................................................................. 39 3.2 Research Approach ............................................................................................................ 40 3.3 Sources of Data ................................................................................................................. 41 3.4 Sampling Technique and Size ............................................................................................ 41 3.5 Data Collection Methods ................................................................................................... 43 3.5.1 Questionnaire .................................................................................................................. 44 3.5.2 In-depth Interviews ......................................................................................................... 44 3.5.3 Focus Group Discussions ............................................................................................... 45 3.5.4 Observation and Photography ........................................................................................ 45 3.6 Data Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 45 3.7 Ethical Considerations ....................................................................................................... 46 3.8 Challenges and Limitation to the Study. ............................................................................ 46 CHAPTER FOUR: BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS AND MIGRATION PROFILE ................................................................................................................................. 48 4.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 48 4.1 Socio-Demographic Characteristics ................................................................................... 48 4.2 Migration Profile ............................................................................................................... 50 4.2.1 Region of Origin of Migrants .......................................................................................... 50 4.2.2 The Migration Process .................................................................................................... 52 4.2.3 Reasons for Migrating to Accra ...................................................................................... 53 4.2.4 The Decision to Migrate ................................................................................................. 55 viii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FIVE: ACCESSIBILITY OF BASIC SERVICES, HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE ON BASIC SERVICE, COPING MECHANISMS AND LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES ADOPTED BY MIGRANT HOUSEHOLDS ................................................ 57 5.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 57 5.1 Access Of Basic Services Within Residence Or Not ......................................................... 57 5.1.1 Access to Housing in Old Fadama.................................................................................. 57 5.1.2 Access to Water, Toilet, Bathhouse, Waste Collectors and Electricity .......................... 62 5.2 Monthly Household Expenditure Spent on Accessing Basic Services .............................. 72 5.2.1 Range of Monthly Expenditure Spent on Accessing Water, Toilet, Bathhouse, Electricity, Waste Disposal and Rent. ............................................................................ 72 5.2.2 Average Monthly Expenditure Household Heads Spent on Basic Services .................... 76 5.2.3 Income Level of Households and Perception of the Households on Service Cost.......... 82 5.3 Coping Strategies Adopted To Meet Household Expenditure. .......................................... 85 5.3.1 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Water Expenditure ...................................... 85 5.3.2 Coping Strategies Adopted by Households for Meeting Toilet Expenditure. ................ 88 5.3.3 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Bathing Expenditure ................................... 90 5.3.4 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Waste Disposal Expenditure ....................... 92 5.3.5 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Electricity Expenditure ............................... 94 5.3.6 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Housing/Rent Expenditure .......................... 95 5.4 Effect Of Access On Livelihood Strategies ....................................................................... 96 CHAPTER SIX: SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION ......................................................................................................... 103 6.0 Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 103 6.1 Summary of Findings ....................................................................................................... 103 6.2 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 104 ix University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6.3 Policy Recommendations................................................................................................. 106 REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................... 108 APPENDIX ONE: QUESTIONNAIRE FOR HOUSEHOLD HEADS ................................ 116 APPENDIX TWO: INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR FOCUS GROUPS .................................... 121 APPENDIX THREE: INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR KEY INFORMANTS ........................... 123 x University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF TABLES Page Table 4.1: Respondents’ Sex, Age, Education and Religious Affiliation ................................ 49 Table 4.2: Household Heads’ Regions of Origin Differentiated by Sex ................................. 51 Table 4.3: Respondents’ Length of Time lived in Accra Differentiated by Sex ..................... 53 Table 4.4: Person involved in Households’ Decision to Migrate Differentiated by Sex ......... 55 Table 5.1: Households’ Access to Sleeping Rooms Differentiated by Sex ............................. 60 Table 5.2: Respondents’ Access to Water Differentiated by Sex ........................................... 62 Table 5.3: Households’ Access to Toilet Differentiated by Sex .............................................. 64 Table 5.4: Respondents’ Access to Bathhouse Differentiated by Sex ..................................... 67 Table 5.5: Households’ Access to Electricity Differentiated by Sex ....................................... 69 Table 5.6: Respondents’ Access to Waste Collection Bins Differentiated by Sex .................. 71 Table 5.7: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Water Differentiated by Sex ................... 72 Table 5.8: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Toilet Differentiated by Sex. ................... 73 Table 5.9: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Bathhouse Differentiated by Sex ............. 74 Table 5.10: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Electricity Differentiated by Sex .......... 74 Table 5.11: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Waste Collection Differentiated by Sex ...................................................................................................................... 75 Table 5.12: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Housing/ Rent Differentiated by Sex.... 76 Table 5.13: Average Monthly Expenditure of Male and Female-Headed Migrant Households ............................................................................................................ 78 Table 5.14: Households’ Monthly Income Differentiated by Sex ........................................... 82 Table 5.15: Respondents’ Perception on Service Cost of Water, Toilet and Bathhouse Differentiated by Sex ............................................................................................ 83 Table 5.16: Households’ Perception on Service Cost of Electricity and Waste Collection Differentiated by Sex. .......................................................................................... 84 xi University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 2.1: Dynamics between Basic Services Accessibility and Utilisation Patterns............ 38 Figure 3.1: A Map of the Study Area (Old Fadama) ............................................................... 40 Figure 4.1: Respondents’ Marital Status, Number of Children and Household Size. ............. 50 Figure 4.2: Respondents’ Reasons for Migrating to Accra Differentiated by Sex .................. 54 Figure 5.1: Households’ Access to Housing Differentiated by Sex ....................................... 59 Figure 5.2: Coping Strategies Adopted by Households to Meet Monthly Expenditure on Water Differentiated by Sex ................................................................................. 86 Figure 5.3: Coping Strategies Adopted by Households for Meeting Toilet Expenses. ......... 88 Figure 5.4: Coping Strategies Adopted by Male and Female Households in Meeting Expenditure for Bath. ............................................................................................ 91 Figure 5.5: Coping Strategies Adopted by Male and Female Households in Meeting Expenditure for Waste .......................................................................................... 93 Figure 5.6: Coping Strategies Adopted by Household Heads for Electricity. ......................... 94 Figure 5.7: Coping Strategies Adopted by Male and Female Households for Housing. ......... 96 Figure 5.8: Main Economic Livelihood Indulged in by Household heads Differentiated by Sex .................................................................................................................... 98 Figure 5.9: Households’ Response to their Engagement in Multiple Livelihoods Differentiated by Sex ............................................................................................ 99 Figure 5.10: Households’ Response on Inadequate Access to Service and its Effect on Livelihood Strategies Differentiated by Sex ................................................... 101 xii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF PLATES Page Plate 5.1: A Sign Exhibited by a House Owner for Rent in Old Fadama. ............................... 61 Plate 5.2: Wooden Structures Household Heads Live in. ......................................................... 61 Plate 5.3: A Water Vendor’s Place where Household Water is Fetched From. ....................... 64 Plate 5.4: Households’ Access to Toilet Differentiated by Sex ................................................ 65 Plate 5.5: Households’ Access to Toilet Differentiated by Sex ................................................ 65 Plate 5.6: Public Bathhouse Accessed by Male and Female-headed Migrant Households ...... 68 Plate 5.7: Dumping sites for Households who cannot Afford Private Waste Vendors …… ... 93 xiii University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AMA Accra Metropolitan Assembly DFID Department for International Development ECG Ghana Water Company Limited ESMAP Energy Sector Management Assistance Programme FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations GHAFUP Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor GSS Ghana Statistical Service GWCL Ghana Water Company Limited GNESD Global Network on Energy for Sustainable Development IMF International Monitoring Fund IOM International Organisation of Migration J-PAL Jameel Poverty Action Lab KVIP Kumasi Ventilated Improved Pits OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development PIN People in Need PURC Public Utilities Regulatory Commission SNEP Strategic National Energy Plan SPSS Statistical Package for Social Science TERI The Energy and Resources Institute UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNDESA United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs UN-Habitat United Nations Human Settlements Programme UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund xiv University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.0 Background to the Study The world’s population is estimated to be 7.6 billion (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division, 2017) with urbanisation accounting for over 50 percent living in the urban areas. This statistics is expected to increase to 61 percent by 2030 (UNFPA, 2007). The situation is more pronounced in developing countries as the population is projected from 40 percent in 2000 to 56 percent by 2030 (Nations, 2003; Moreno, 2003 as cited in Monney et al., 2013). This rapid urbanisation often unplanned, does not match up with available infrastructure in urban areas across the developing world, leading to a springing up of numerous urban poor communities (Songsore, 2003). There are approximately one billion people residing in urban poor slum communities across the globe (UN-Habitat, 2015). In Sub-Saharan Africa especially, 61.7 percent of urban dwellers reside in slums (1OM, 2015). Many migrants embark on the migration process to seek for greener pastures. It has been proven that urban migrants benefit economically in moving to cities with an increase in income levels much higher than their rural counterparts resulting in a wider measure of wellbeing often better than that of non-migrants (Deshingkar, 2006; UNDP, 2009; World Bank/IMF, 2013). They often reside in informal settlements due to the cheap accommodation available there. However, such informal settlements comes along with its detriments causing residents to live in constant fear of evictions from the government since in most cases lands are often illegally acquired and do not have the backing of city authorities where they are located. In Africa for instance, many governments perceive eviction as the possible solution to problems caused by urban poor slum communities. In Zimbabwe, many slum dwellers, who happen to be 1 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh migrants, have been evicted from Harare (UNDP, 2009 cited in Lucci et al., 2016). Generally, urban poor slum communities lack basic access to services such as water and sanitation, with a greater toll on migrant livelihoods and incomes, since they often have worse health than non-migrants (Afsar, 2003). Urban poor communities like slum areas are of interest to governments of West Africa since they form an integral part of development. In West Africa alone, slums form over 50 percent of the urban centres (OECD, 2012) with the majority of residents being the poor and uneducated, women and migrants (UN-Habitat, 2010). Developing countries like Ghana are characterised by uneven development between rural and urban areas with respect to basic social services (Twumasi-Ankrah, 1995; Songsore 2003; Anarfi et al., 2003). The disparity in resources and amenities across the country has led many to move from the three northern regions to the Southern sector in search of employment opportunities, with most settling within slum communities in cities like Accra and Kumasi (Awumbila & Ardayfio Schandorf, 2008; Awumbila et al., 2014). Most of these internal migrants who migrate to Accra arrive to work in service sector jobs such as petty trading. In Ghana, 24.2 percent of the population in 2012/2013 was defined as poor with a poverty gap index of 7.8 percent representing 6.4 million people (GSS, 2014b). 1.1 Problem Statement The capital of Ghana, Accra, has been the hub of most developmental projects within the country. This has served as a pull factor for many people embarking on the migration process from the Northern parts of Ghana to the South, especially to the city of Accra in search of livelihood opportunities (Songsore, 2003; Awumbila, 2007). 2 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh As of 2010, Greater Accra alone, housed 90.5 percent of the population living in urban areas and 9.5 percent in rural areas with a large proportion of the population living in informal settlement (GSS, 2012). Greater Accra has 60.3 percent of the population made up of migrants as of the 2010 Census (GSS, 2014a). The majority of the urban poor reside in slum area. Urban poor areas like Old Fadama and Nima among others serve as ‘slums of hope’ and are considered the preferred destinations for migrants to settle due to their socio economic and cultural diversities, network ties and livelihood opportunities for the new arrivals in these urban poor communities (Owusu et al., 2008). Old Fadama, an urban poor community in Accra is known to be a densely-populated area. The area has a population of 79,684 with a population density of 2,424 persons per hectare (Housing the Masses, 2010). This has often resulted in immense pressure on facilities, pockets of violence within the area and exposure to flooding among others (UN-Habitat, 2003b; Foroutan, 2009; Amoako & Cobbinah, 2011 cited in Monney et al., 2013). Old Fadama is an informal settlement which lacks legal recognition and is often exempted from the city’s planning and development agenda. Basic services such as toilet, electricity, water and housing are provided by the residents themselves. The high population within the area, has resulted in pressure on facilities and basic services within the area. A lot of individual studies have been done on health, water accessibility, housing challenges, sanitation, environmental challenges poverty, coping strategies of independent child migration and experiences of independent child migrants among others with regards to Old Fadama (Kwankye et al., 2007; 2009; Kwankye & Addoquaye Tagoe, 2009; Tufuor 2009; Monney et. al., 2013; Awumbila et. al., 2014), yet little research focus on how male and female-headed migrant households access 3 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh basic services such as water, housing, electricity and sanitation collectively at the same time. Additionally, only few focus on access to basic services by these two migrant household types with regards to the access to potable water, sanitation (toilet, bathhouse and waste disposal), electricity, and housing within or outside place of residence, the monthly expenditure spent on basic services, the coping strategies adopted by these two households to meet household expenditure for basic service as well as the effect on their livelihood strategies. This study seeks to investigate the extent of financial and physical accessibility of basic services on the male and female- headed migrant households of Old Fadama. 1.2 Research Questions This study proposed the following specific research questions:  Which basic services (water, toilet, waste collection, bath house, electricity and housing) are available within or outside residence of male and female- headed migrant households and how much do they spend monthly on accessing them?  Which coping strategies were adopted by male and female-headed migrant households in meeting household expenditure and what is the effect of access on the livelihood strategies of male and female-headed migrant households? 1.3 Objectives of the Study The main aim of this study was to examine the financial and physical accessibility of basic services among male and female-headed migrant households in Old Fadama. The specific objectives are as follows:  To examine the availability of basic services (water, housing, bath house, toilet, waste disposal bins and electricity) within or outside residence of both 4 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh male-headed migrant household and those of female-headed migrant households.  To measure the monthly household expenditure spent on accessing basic services (water, housing, bathhouse, toilet, waste disposal and electricity) among female-headed migrant and male-headed migrant households.  To examine the coping strategies adopted to meet monthly household expenditure among male-headed migrant households and female-headed migrant households.  To examine the effect of access on livelihood strategies of male-headed migrant households and those of female headed migrant households. 1.4 Research Hypothesis The study sought to find the relationship between sex and access to basic services (water, toilet, bathhouse, waste disposal, housing and electricity). Additionally, it saw the need to ascertain the relationship between sex and coping strategies adopted for basic services. The study outlines the following hypotheses for testing: Hypothesis 1:  Ho: There is no significant relationship between sex and access to basic services (water, electricity, toilet, housing and bathhouse) among the male and female-headed migrant households.  Ha: There is a significant relationship between sex and access to basic services among the male and female-headed migrant households. 5 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Hypothesis 2:  Ho: There is no significant relationship between sex and coping strategies adopted for basic services (water, electricity, toilet, housing and bathhouse) among the male and female-headed migrant households.  Ha: There is a significant relationship between sex and coping strategies adopted for basic services among the male and female-headed migrant households. 1.5 Relevance of the Study Basic social services are the building blocks of human development, access to which is a recognised fundamental human right. Ghana is a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Section 21(2) of the Resolution 217(III) adopted by the UN General Assembly (1948), states that everyone has the right to equal access to public services within his country. This resolution has obligated various governments across the globe to ensure that their citizenry have equal access to public services. This stimulated various researches to be done on the accessibility of basic services. Migration is viewed as a livelihood strategy for rural dwellers coming to urban areas to reduce poverty (Krantz, 2001). Many of these new comers due to their low income status often reside in urban poor slum communities. This has resulted in pressure on basic services within these areas and Old Fadama is no exception. Over the years, studies done on Old Fadama on access to basic services often focused on potable water and sanitation. Few studies have focused on the physical and financial accessibility of basic services. Additionally, very few focused on the coping strategies these households adopt in meeting household’s expenditure on basic services. There is 6 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh the need for this study to consider the role of sex in the accessibility of basic services. More often than not, studies done on Old Fadama do not consider this in their discourse. Most studies done view the household as one unit without considering the individual differences these two household types exhibit. However, if sex has a role to play on the accessibility of basic services, then policy makers will have to utilise this knowledge to know which household type to target appropriately and formulate policies which will suit them better. Additionally, this study will furnish policy makers and service providers of the challenges faced by households with regards to accessibility and the need for sustainable measures to be implemented in extending basic services to urban poor areas. It will also equip government with the right information so as to formulate policies which will bring a lasting solution to the problems within informal settlement. Finally, this study also seeks to add to the existing literature the extent of economic and physical accessibility on urban poor households. 1.6 Definition of Concepts This section gives a definition of some concepts needed for understanding of the empirical study. Accessibility of basic services: The ability and the right of a migrant to get services when needed. It encompasses physical accessibility, regularity, density of users, sufficiency of service, affordability, quality of service, safety and cultural acceptability. Physical accessibility: This involves the proximity of the service to an individual/ household and the ability of the individual/household to attain the service at ease. 7 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Economic/Financial accessibility: The ability of an individual/ household to afford a service. Female-headed migrant household/female migrant household head: Household headed by a female fifteen (15) years and older (GSS, 2014c). Male-headed migrant household/ male migrant household head: Households headed by a male fifteen (15) years and older (GSS, 2014c). Basic services: This refers to essential amenities needed for human survival which include potable water, housing, electricity and sanitation. Migrant: A person who has moved from their usual place of residence to take permanent or semi-permanent residence in a locality for twelve months or more. Unit of Analysis: This study focuses on all migrants with a focus on migrant households. Urban poor slum community: An area which is highly deprived and is characterised by extreme poverty and lacks sufficient access to basic services such as water, housing, electricity and sanitation 1.7 Organisation of the Study The study was divided into six chapters comprising of Chapter One which serves as an introduction to the study. Chapter Two consists of the review of literature and the theoretical/conceptual framework for the study. Chapter Three focuses on the methodology used in executing the study. Chapters Four and Five focus on the analysis of the data collected and a rigorous discussion of findings respectively. Chapter Six, which is the final chapter, gives a summary of findings, conclusion and recommendations. 8 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2.0 Introduction The chapter comprises of the review of literature and the theoretical framework. The literature elaborates on various studies conducted by other researchers and institutions and countries with regards to access to basic amenities in urban poor communities. There is the need to review earlier studies and policies with regards to the subject matter to give a broad understanding of the subject of investigation. A lot of literature abounds in the area of urban challenges and vulnerabilities yet few focus on migrant’s access to basic services such as potable water, sanitation, electricity, and housing. It is therefore necessary to draw more knowledge on the works of others to better understand the reason for the topic ‘Access to basic services among male and female- headed migrant households in Old Fadama, Accra. The literature review draws on the structuration theory and the network theory and how these theories enable migrants’ access resources in urban poor communities. The aim of conducting this review of literature is to find out the various debates and discussions available on the subject matter. 2.1 Definition of Basic Services and Accessibility Basic social services are considered the building blocks of human development, and to a large extent, fundamental human rights needed for human survival. These essential services include primary health care, potable water, sanitation, basic education. Due to its fundamental relevance for human survival, the failure of any government to deny its citizens these services is considered a violation of citizens’ fundamental human right of those citizens (Mehrota et al., 2000). Accessibility to 9 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh basic services encompasses not only distance and density of users, but also involves regularity (frequency of service available to people and when), sufficiency (availability of the basic services per person), affordability (amount paid in relation to income); quality (quality of service available to people) and safety (how safe and culturally acceptable is the access and or/ use for women and children) (Allen et al., 2006). 2.2 Urban Poor Community and Accessibility of Basic Services Urban poor communities refer to settlements which lack access to public services such as water, electricity, sanitation, and sewage among others. They often face problems of land tenure as well. Various poverty indicators are often used in determining or classifying an area to be urban poor; one of such is that of USD/day. A multiple indicator assessment on the poor, in line with UN Habitat’s definition, defined urban poor as “A group of ten or more adjacent households whose housing structures are of visibly poor quality, and/or whose homes have been laid out in a non- conventional fashion without adherence to a ground plan. In addition, the lack of one or more of the following criteria: Durable housing of a permanent nature that protects against extreme climate conditions; Sufficient living space, which means not more than three people sharing the same room; Easy access to safe water in sufficient amounts at an affordable price; Access to adequate sanitation in the form of a private or public shared toilet by a reasonable number of people; Security of tenure that prevents forced evictions” ( UN-Habitat 2014 cited in PIN & UNICEF, 2014: 17). Accessibility to basic services vary across the rich and the poor, with the poor having lower accessibility than the rich. Bhagat (2011) confirmed this through a comparative 10 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh study between the accessibility to civic amenities among urban poor in small cities and those in large cities of India. According to a presentation done by the National Institute of Urban Affairs (NIUA) in 1999, Sheela Patel, outlined the views that communities have on basic services that the poor in cities accessed. The services outlined included minimum access to water, sanitation, pathways drainage and electricity. The poor do not often benefit from basic services provided by the government (Mehrota et al., 2000). In areas that they do, they often pay more with regards to the access of these services than their rich counterparts. In the study, the researcher outlined that the urban poor in small cities were highly deprived of civic amenities (which he outlined to include electricity, flush toilets, improved water sources and LPG) than those in urban poor residents of big cities. According to Bhagat (2011) small cities in low income states in India show lower access to civic amenities compared to small cities and towns from high income states. Urban poor communities across the globe have been observed to have poor sanitation and that of Kumasi is no exception (Adubofour et al., 2013). A report by Arora et al. (2011), showed that poverty is very visible in urban areas, with about 70 percent of the urban poor residing in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. About one billion of the urban population in developing countries reside in poor slum communities. According to report by UN Habitat, in 2003 alone, there were only six percent of urban slum dwellers residing in developed countries whereas about 43 percent were found in developing countries. The problem of urban poverty has been constantly on the increase due to population growth and urbanisaton in countries such as India. This has resulted in pressure on the delivery of basic services as service providers are unable to meet the demands of urban residents. (Global Network on 11 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Energy for Sustainable Development, 2013). There are approximately one in eight people residing in urban poor slum communities across the globe (UN-Habitat, 2016). International Organisation for Migration’s (IOM’s) World Migration Report (2015) confirmed that Sub-Saharan Africa, has the highest number of slum dwellers residing in urban areas. The percentage according to the report was said to be 61.7 percent compared to other regions of the world. Statistics across the globe show that urban poor slum communities often lack basic services such as sanitation, potable water, electricity among others with migrants being the worst affected (Afsar, 2003). Due to the numerous challenges that slums experience, several successful policies have been made to reduce the number of slums globally. Institutionalising Goal Seven (7), Target Seven (7d) of the Millennium Development Goal has led to a reduction in slums globally resulting in about 227 million people in the developing world moving out of slums from 2000 to 2010 ( UN-Habitat, 2010). Despite this achievement, urban poor slum communities exist across Africa such as Makoko in Lagos or West Point in Monrovia and Nairobi in Kenya among others. Oucho et al (2014) work also confirmed that migrants in urban slum communities in Nairobi, Kenya experience high level of crimes, malnutrition, lack of sanitation among others. Meeting the Millennium Development Goals in a developing country like Ghana, has made accessibility to water and sanitation services in urban poor areas a burdensome challenge in a country where 50 percent of the population reside in urban areas of which only 18 percent have access to improved sanitation and 90 percent to improved drinking sources. Out of the 90 percent stated only 30 percent have access to pipe- 12 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh borne water with supply of flow often erratic. The remaining 60 percent depend on other sources such as rain water harvesting, protected springs and wells and stand pipes (WHO, 2010). According to Larbi (2006), a study on Sanitation in Ghana attributes poor access to improved water and sanitation to weak local government capacity as well as sector policies, financial constraints and deficient political will. 2.3 Migration to Urban Poor Communities According to the World’s Migration Report 2015, internal migration and net migration accounts for the urbanisation of countries across the globe, with rapid overall population growth overlapping rapid urbanisation resulting in a rapid urban population growth. According to the report, Africa has the highest rate of urban population growth and this is due to its rapid overall population growth (Tacoli et al., 2015). Urbanisation as a phenomenon is known to contribute to economic development, it also comes along with its various challenges, especially in low income countries, where urban residents are known to face challenges with infrastructure, congestion, deficiencies in services as well as poor housing (IOM, 2015). The migrant population who arrive in urban centres consist of different ranges of income groups. They include: poverty stricken rural migrants who arrive at the city centre as a livelihood strategy from failed crops due to drought or individuals and households who are not low income but arrive for other purposes. Due to the difficulty in accessing accommodation in an already congested urban areas, most of these categories of groups named above, settle in urban poor settlements, which often provide cheap accommodation (Krishna et al., 2014). 13 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh There is a well-established nexus between rural-urban migration and urban poverty in developing cities across the world. Due to its importance, about 80 percent of the governments across the world were implementing policies to reduce rural to urban migration, a significant increase from the 38 percent in 1996 (UNDESA, 2013). Chiefly, many of the people who reside in urban poor communities are mostly rural migrants who moved from the rural areas to the urban settlement due to variety of reasons (Hossain, 2006). Economic reasons are often given as the major reason for migration into cities (Afsar, 2000). Over the years, many young adults have embarked on migration process with communities developing numerous migration strategies. These strategies are often informed by the experiences of bridge heads who embarked on the migration process earlier on who keep network ties with potential migrants (Guglar, 1992). In recent times, many women have embarked on the migration process to seek for livelihood opportunities outside their communities and some move to urban areas (Awumbila & Ardayfio Schandorf, 2008). A study done on Migration and Urban Poverty in Vietnam, showed that migrants accounted for about two-thirds of all poor in the cities of Hanoi and HCM. These poor migrants faced challenges in accessing social security, infrastructure, health services, education and adequate housing compared to their non-migrant counterparts (Tacoli et al., 2015). The capital of Ghana, Accra has been the hub of most developmental projects within Ghana. This has served as a pull factor for many people embarking on the migration process from the Northern parts of Ghana to the South, especially to the city of Accra in search of livelihood opportunities (Songsore, 2003; Awumbila, 2007). Among these migrants are children who migrate independently from the North to the South especially to Accra as well as Kumasi to seek for employment opportunities. A study 14 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh by Addoquaye Tagoe and Kwankye (2009), indicated that more females embarked on the migratory process due to the perception of the availability of jobs for females than males in the South. Female child migrants are often perceived to have more needs than their male counterparts thus necessitating more females than males to move to southern cities like Accra and Kumasi to seek for employment (Addoquaye Tagoe & Kwankye, 2009). These low-income migrants often resort to urban poor areas like slums to seek for settlement due to cheap accommodation these areas provide (Monney et al., 2013). A slum area is considered an urban poor area deficient of durable housing and adequate living space, with less than three persons sharing the same living space. (UN-Habitat, 2006). They often reside in temporary dwelling in the form of wooden structures, containers, informal shack settlement (Osumanu et al., 2010). Greater Accra, alone has the highest make shift structures representing 6.2 percent, with Ashanti following closely with 1.8 percent (GSS, 2012). Bloom et al. (2008) also attests to the fact that such communities also lack adequate sanitation such as public and private toilets often pressured by long queues with lack of access to affordable water. Households which cannot access the few available physical and social services rely on informal providers or illegal tapping of public sources (Osumanu et al., 2010). Old Fadama is one of such informal urban poor slum communities within the city of Accra. It was founded in 1980s and is also known by many as ‘Sodom and Gomorrah’. The deplorable state of conditions has been in existence for almost three decades (UN Habitat, 2010). The area has a population of 79,684 with population density of 2,424 persons per hectare. Old Fadama is said to cover an estimated area of 31.3 hectares and is located between Odaw and Agbogbloshie drains, an area prone to 15 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh flooding during the raining seasons. The area houses 79,684 residents who mostly reside in temporary wooden shacks or wooden houses. Some of these inhabitants are migrants believed to be from the northern part of Ghana in search of livelihood opportunities and safety among other reasons (Awumbila et. al., 2014). It is an informal settlement which lacks legal recognition and as such is therefore exempted from the city’s planning and development agenda, basic services such as toilet, electricity, water etc. are provided by the residents themselves. Residents since 2012 live in fear of eviction after local authorities issued an eviction order to the residents with no provision for alternative housing and has left residents vulnerable to evictions (Osumanu et al., 2010; Awumbila et al., 2014) The land is believed to be once a farm belonging to the father of a man called Billy who gave land to people to settle on the basis of understanding that arrangement was temporary since the government could expel the settlers at any moment (Osumanu et al., 2010). Due to the high population within the area, there is often pressure on facilities and basic services within the area. 2.4 Definition of Male and Female Compositions of Households Globally The composition of male and female headships differs across the globe and a proper definition of these two types of headship is essential for the subject matter at hand, in that it will aid in giving a broader understanding to researchers and policy makers interested in targeting these households’ types during developmental planning. The size of a country’s population and the age- sex composition is very vital for the socio economic development of that country since it will tend to influence the wellbeing of its citizens. According to the 2010 Population and Housing Census, the overall population of Ghana is 24,658,823. Out of this figure, males constituted 12,024,845 (48.8%) whilst females constituted 12,633,978 (51.2%). This finding implies an 16 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh overall sex ratio of 95.2 (i.e. about 95 males to every 100 females) with females exceeding their male counterparts (GSS, 2014c). The wellbeing of households is very essential in ensuring the economic development of a country. A household was defined as ‘a person or a group of persons, who lived together in the same house or compound and shared the same house-keeping arrangements. Generally, it consisted of a man, his wife, children and some other relatives or a house help who may be living with them. Members of a household are not necessarily related (by blood or marriage) because non-relatives (e.g. house helps) may form part of a household (GSS, 2012: page x). The household head was defined as ‘a male or female member of the household recognised as such by the other household members. The head of household is generally the person who has economic and social responsibility for the household’ (GSS, 2012: page x). They are often those persons who ensure their households’ needs with respect to basic services are met and due to their importance, their role cannot be overlooked. Globally, female-headed households were smaller compared to their male-headed counterparts. In Sub Saharan Africa, female-headed households accounted for one in six households; but this percent is higher (33%) in Ghana, Kenya and Namibia. In recent times, female-headed households have increased across the globe and this may be attributed to the numerous migratory journeys embarked on by their male counterparts for labour, issues of cultural ties as well as polygyny. (Bongaarts & Zimmer, 2002). In Ghana, about two-thirds of household heads were males, with 62.1 percent and 69.4 percent in urban and rural localities respectively. Within the regions across the 17 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh country, there tends to be variations among the male and female-headed households. More than forty percent (40.5%) of households in the Central Region were headed by women with those of the Northern Region comprising of 15 percent. Since 1960, female household headship has been on the increase in all the ten regions of Ghana yet still it cannot be compared to those of their male counterparts (GSS, 2014c). A study done in Vietnam shows that female household heads comprised of 26 percent of the population. The study also showed that 96 percent of male households’ were married with their spouses living with them compared to 67 percent of their female counterparts who did not have their spouses present in the households with widowed women comprising of 44 percent of all female household heads. However, from the study only 7 percent of the female household heads were married and had their spouse residing elsewhere (FAO, 2002). Comparing female-headed households and those of male-headed households show that in Tanzania, female household heads tend to be unmarried, older and poorer compared to their male counterparts (Katapa, 2006). 2.5 Physical Accessibility, Quality, Service Delivery and Health Implications of Basic Services 2.5.1 Water and the Urban Poor Urban poor areas face several challenges which include poor sanitation, improper housing as well as difficulty in accessing water, especially at the household level. Accessing water has a grave toll on their already low incomes coupled with the long queues which women and children go through daily in accessing water (WHO, 2006). In work done by Monney et al. (2013) on access to potable water and sanitation on Old Fadama, the study confirmed that the five (5) pipe-borne water sources which 18 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh were randomly selected for quality assessment proved to be chemically and bacteriologically compromised. This is due to the erratic flow of pipe-borne water. Inhabitants of Old Fadama often rely on vended waters which is often contaminated with faecal matter, from pipe lines passing through drains. Additionally, the erratic flow of water has resorted to the use of low-lying concrete tanks for water storage often contaminated with algae and faecal matter, which is unwholesome for children especially since it may lead to cholera and diarrhoeal diseases (Hunter et al., 2010). The quality of sachet water consumed in slum communities is no better (Stoler et al., 2012). 2.5.2 Toilet Facilities and the Urban Poor Sanitation is one of the important basic services that affects the quality of life outcomes yet accessibility to such basic sanitation is a privilege for urban poor communities, who face the challenge of inadequate sanitation facilities. A J-PAL Urban Service review paper showed that there were disparities involved in the accessibility of sanitation facilities across the globe. In the developing world, it was only half of the population that had access to improved sanitation facilities. The remaining population who did not have access to improved sanitation facilities had a large proportion of them found in Sub-Saharan Africa, Eastern Asia and Southern Asia (Duflo et al., 2012). Sanitation facilities are improperly maintained at urban poor areas due to the pressure on the service. A study on 5,000 slum dwellers in Delhi showed that about 90 percent of respondents reported that drains were over flowing with another 99 percent confirming that nearby dumpsters were emptied less than once a month. Apart from 19 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh that, the toilets were in deplorable state with waste matter visibly around the facilities. Only 16 percent of these facilities in New Delhi had soap or sanitary fluid for washing. Sewage and drainage according to the study was the second most pressing and problematic issue among the slum dwellers with water being the first (Banerjee et al., 2011 cited in Duflo et al., 2012). Overcrowding and competition for land space have prevented the construction of household toilet facilities within the community of Old Fadama. This has resulted in residents of urban poor communities especially those of Old Fadama resorting to open defecation and improperly-maintained public toilets in the form of Kumasi Ventilated Improved Pits (KVIPs) and Pan Latrines for sanitation purposes. These public toilets are considered unimproved per the classification of the WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme. Old Fadama has thirty nine (39) public shared toilet facilities of which 24 percent are KVIPs and 76 percent are Pan Latrines. These toilet facilities serve about 80,000 inhabitants. This is considered very inadequate with a sum total of 635 squat holes to serve the 80,000. This statistics implies that about 126 users use a squat hole (Monney et al., 2013). This, according to the Sphere Project 2004, is woefully inadequate hence advocates for a standard of 50 users per square hole. Due to the inadequate facilities as against a voluminous population, residents resort to open defecation especially by children to avoid long queues and foul smell emitted from these latrines. Long-term effects of faecal contamination of the environment and gastrointestinal infections affects the quality of life outcomes (Jenkins and Curtis, 2005). 20 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.5.3 Waste Management and the Urban Poor Urban poor areas like Nima and Old Fadama are characterised by choked drains and indiscriminate dumping of rubbish among others. Residents use informal waste collectors who convey rubbish of households to the dump site. In Old Fadama, for instance, residents lack skip containers and often rely on informal waste collectors to convey household rubbish since they are not provided with commercial waste services the final dumping site of refuse for the community which is close to the Korle- Lagoon, has long-term effects on the water body (Monney et al., 2013). 2.5.4 Housing and the Urban Poor Adequate housing is a fundamental basic need, to ensure the enjoyment of all other human rights (UN-Habitat, 2010); one which has become very difficult to access due to rapid urbanisation, political instability and natural disasters among others. About 600 million urban residents live in poor quality and overcrowded housing in developing countries across the globe (UN-Habitat, 2003). There is a profound linkage between quality wellbeing and housing and several studies from scholars over the period have proven so (Dunn, 2002). Improvement in housing quality improves the quality of life and sleep received among slum dwellers (Simonelli et al., 2013). Poor migrants upon arrival to the cities are confronted with numerous challenges, chiefly of them is that of housing. Due to their low income, they are often forced to settle in poor slum communities in urban areas (Nations, 2003). According to work done by O’Connor (1983) on West African cities, such areas are characterised by the poor state of dwellings in the form of cardboard boxes and scraps. A developing country like Ghana, has much of its housing deteriorated with inadequate access to social services, leaving households dwelling in cities to experience overcrowding, 21 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh inadequate access to sanitary facilities hence resorting to slums (Twum-Baah, 1995; Government of Ghana, 2009). This is due to low income levels, rapid urbanisation and withdrawal of funds for development (Fiadzo, 2004). The housing quality argued by Braimah and Lawson (2014) was said to be chiefly of wood, characterised by leaking roofs compared to their counterparts in Asylum Down a non-slum community making the children residing in Old Fadama prone to injuries and accidents (UNICEF, 2012). 2.5.5 Electricity and the Urban Poor Sustainable energy sources is of much concern to the globe, if the Millennium Development Goals are to be achieved. For this reason a lot is being done to reduce the energy poverty to promote development (GNESD, 2008). Energy poverty according to United Nations Development Programme is defined as “the absence of sufficient choice in accessing adequate, affordable, reliable, quality, safe an environmentally benign energy services to support human development” (UNDP, 2000 cited in Arora et al., 2011: 5). Access to sustainable energy is very important to poor population to enable them break away from poverty (GNESD, 2008). Sub- Saharan Africa is considered the fastest growing urbanised region in the world, with a growth rate of 4.5 percent per annum. Forty (40) percent of the Africa‘s one billion people is said to reside in cities. Out of this population, about 70 percent of Sub- Saharan population reside in urban poor slum conditions making the continent stand out with high urban poverty compared to the other regions in the world (Putti, 2011). Electricity is a very important basic service fuelling many homes and factories across the urban areas of Sub-Saharan Africa. Despite its importance, only 60 percent of 22 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh urban dwellers in Sub-Saharan African cities have access to this basic service. Urban poor communities due to their informal settlement are often not backed by the city’s planning authorities. As such basic services are often left in the hands of the residents to provide themselves with basic services such as water, housing, sanitation and electricity. In Sub-Saharan Africa, about 50 percent of slum dwellers connect to electricity illegally. These unsafe connections causes government to loss revenue (Putti, 2011). Electricity in urban poor communities is said to be characterised by irregularities, power cuts and poor service delivery. Due to legalities pertaining to land tenure, service providers face the problem of providing the necessary infrastructure to urban poor residents. Thus affecting the physical accessibility of basic services among the urban poor. Additionally, due to the lack of recognition by government officials, urban poor slum dwellers in India, Colombia and Brazil are unable to provide the required documentation to prove permanent residence, which enhances them to access electricity. Consequentially, slum dwellers resort to illegal connection of electricity as a coping strategy to meet their electricity needs (Arora et al., 2011). A study done in Ghana showed that, slum communities in have high access to electricity showing 88.2 percent access to electricity with Old Fadama having a higher percent of access (95.1%). Though there is high accessibility of electricity, technically it is only 46.2 percent of the households that acquired their electricity connection directly and legally from ECG and therefore had access to electric metres whilst the remaining 53.8 percent tapped electricity illegally from neighbouring homes which possessed electric metres. Urban poor slum communities, however, do not have a 23 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh choice, since they often lack the appropriate documentation in the form of building permits or police certification, to enable them access legal electricity connection from the appropriate service providers. Illegal connections done by urban poor residents’ cause a loss in revenue to ECG, estimated to be about GH¢917,185.20 for Old Fadama only (TERI, 2011). 2.6 Financial Accessibility/ Influencing Basic Services 2.6.1 Water Sources and Affordability Monney et al. (2013), on the accessibility of potable water and sanitation in Old Fadama, showed that residents of Old Fadama relied on two main sources of water, improved and unimproved sources, with improved sources being from sachet water and pipe-borne water from secondary vendors. The study also focused on unclean modes through which water often reaches the inhabitants in the form of leaking pipes running through drains containing wastewater, algae in tanks and its long-term health implications. The study showed that an 18-litre bucket of water from vendors cost GH¢0.30 (US$0.15) compared to the rates by Ghana Water Company Limited (GWCL) (GH¢0.0015 per litre) thus making the cost of water 11 times higher in Old Fadama than commercial rates. This finding from the study done by Monney et al. (2013) is comparable with that of Abraham et al. (2007) who also confirmed the price of water to be between 2.6 to 9 times higher in urban poor communities in Accra than commercial rates from the Ghana Water Company. According to Awumbila et al. (2014), 92 percent of the urban migrants buy water for their household use due to lack of access to water within their residence. Monney et al. (2013) and Abraham et al. (2007), however, failed to look at the monthly expenditure spent on water and the 24 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh impact accessing water has on the education of children and the livelihood of women in the urban poor areas which are possible areas for research. 2.6.2 Sanitation and Affordability Residents of urban poor communities depend on unimproved toilet facilities such as Kumasi Ventilated Improved Pits (KVIPs) and Pan Latrines which often cost between GH¢0.10 and GH¢0.20 (US$0.10) per visit. However, for the disposal of refuse, a charge of GH¢0.20 (US$0.10) and GH¢0.50 (US$0.30) is collected by informal refuse collectors (Monney et al., 2013). 2.6.3 Electricity and Affordability Access to electricity is very important to urban poor dwellers yet this basic service is often denied them compared to their wealthier counterparts. Urban poor areas, are characterised by very high electricity connections, with high connection cost in metres with very high recurring bills (Putti, 2011). The urban poor residents in Colombia, India and Brazil usually engaged in informal livelihoods and as a result, they are often faced with the challenge of limited income to spend on energy sources. They are unable to afford the high cost of infrastructure in the form of wires and metres among others. The few who are able to tap into electricity often face the challenge of exorbitant bill payments, with disconnections often occurring (Arora et al., 2011). A study done on three urban poor slum communities of which Old Fadama was part showed that in Old Fadama, there was low access to electric metres. This low access was not because residents were unable to afford electricity but rather due to the lack of access to electric metres from service providers. Residents of all three slum communities namely Amui Dzor, a slum community located at Ashaiman, Akwatia 25 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Line, Kumasi and Old Fadama in Accra could afford electricity connection legally and through appropriate channels yet still were refused electricity by service providers hence the low access these communities had. According to the study, the average household income in all these areas were about of GH¢459.00 per month which was three‐times higher than the national average income of GH¢101.40 per month. The low accessibility was due to the difficulty in obtaining metres due to their inability to provide the right documentation to the Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) (TERI, 2011). Despite problems of land tenure, accessibility to electricity is considered highest in Old Fadama compared to the other two urban poor areas like Akwatia Line of Kumasi and Amui Dzor and this was due to the unapproved sources that residents often resorted to called ‘by pass’. Residents who resort to this illegal connection often paid amounts ranging from GH¢20.00 to GH¢30.00 and a monthly consumption charge of GH¢5.00 to the unofficial electricity providers. A cost relatively cheaper than the average service charge of GH¢200.00 to obtain legal connection from the electricity Company of Ghana. In a nutshell, urban poor slum community in Ghana use all means possible to acquire electricity as they often go through several challenges in accessing electricity connection from the utility company and this is chiefly due to their poverty as well as the reluctance of the service providers to provide them with this essential service (TERI, 2011). 2.7 Multiple Stakeholders and Governance of Basic Services Ensuring accessibility of basic services such as water, housing, sanitation and electricity to urban poor communities involves a collaborative approach between the 26 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Government, NGOs and the stakeholder involvement. In the urban poor community of Old Fadama, such collaborative approach would involve Association of Water Vendors in Old Fadama with respect to access to water sources, Ghana Federation of the Urban Poor (GHAFUP), Accra Metropolitan Authority and Ghana Water Company Limited and the Electricity Company of Ghana with regards to electricity. Most sanitation and water agencies often refuse to extend their services to these urban slum communities with the excuse of lack of baseline data about these communities due to reasons such as overcrowding, legality of settlement and the lack of recognition in the city’s development plans (Hassan, 2006). As a result of the nonchalance of local authority and service providers to extend their services, urban poor communities often resort to their own water and sanitation facilities which are often poor quality and unacceptable according to International standards. Additionally, government shifted the regulation of urban water to Public Utilities Regulatory Commission (PURC) whose responsibility was to ensure the maintenance of the balance between tariff levels, protection of consumer interest among others. Sanitation in the city of Accra has been regulated by the Metropolitan Assemblies, who are to enforce by–laws on sanitation facilities and manage the construction of public latrines and the introduction of Kumasi Ventilated Improved Pits (KVIPs) in poor areas with high population densities (Osumanu et al., 2010). The Electricity Company of Ghana and the Energy Commission are the institutions responsible for energy matters within Ghana. Strategic National Energy Plan (SNEP) a written policy on energy in Ghana reported that households across the country including those of low, middle and high income; rural and urban have been targeted 27 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh for a 100 percent electricity coverage by 2020. Review of literature proves that with respect to accessibility of energy as a whole, there are several elaborate policies both national and local under way and others which have been implemented to ensure poverty reduction and economic development. These policies, however, focus on the broad citizenry of Ghana, often ignoring the urban poor settlements since they are often not recognised by planning authorities. Due to the lack of recognition, urban poor settlements within the city are constantly under treat of eviction. Direct policies that focus on energy needs of urban poor slum communities within Ghana is currently nonexistent (TERI, 2011). The review of literature showed that over the years, key institutions often worked in isolation and as a result of this, effective policies involving local involvement cannot be ascertained. The Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority (LUSPA)1 is a key institution responsible for the planning of the urban centres within the country. A study on energy access in Ghana revealed that, this institution did not recognise Old Fadama as an illegal settlement hence exempted from development interventions. Likewise, the Electricity Company of Ghana who also refused to recognise and extend their services to the community. The failure to recognise Old Fadama and promote developmental interventions by the Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority and the extension of services by the Electricity Company of Ghana consequentially means slum communities will continue to lack basic services which would expedite their poverty reduction (TERI, 2011). 1 This was formally known as Town and Country Planning. 28 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.8 Impact of Accessibility of Basic Service on Women and Children 2.8.1 Housing Accessing quality housing is very important in the raising up of children and greatly impacts child development (Evans, 2006). Braimah and Lawson (2014) from their comparative study on housing and child development between Old Fadama and Asylum Down confirmed that children from urban poor communities like Old Fadama are negatively impacted on by their childhood development. This, they confirmed, was due to their inadequate access to proper housing compared to their counterparts in Asylum Down a suburb of Accra. Deplorable housing is said to greatly have an immense psychological burden on children (Braimah & Lawson, 2014). Accessibility to adequate housing promotes a positive environment which protects children who reside in densely-populated urban poor communities (like Old Fadama) from injuries, communicable and chronic diseases (UNICEF, 2012). 2.8.2 Sanitation: Solid Waste and Toilet Sanitation is very adamant in ensuring good quality of life outcome. According to Evans (2006) the presence of toilet facilities in homes is a good indicator of good sanitation. This is, however, woefully inadequate in urban poor communities. The poor treatment of solid waste coupled with lack of adequate potable water can be detrimental to household especially children. The immune system of children are often very fragile and exposure to pathogens can causes serious diarrheal diseases. Statistics show that diarrhoeal causes the death of about 21 percent of under-five mortality which is about 2.5 million deaths per year in developing countries (Kosek et al., 2003).Old Fadama relies chiefly on public toilets which is very detrimental to basic health of children. Due to the lack of these basic sanitation facilities, children 29 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh are mostly vulnerable since they are often prone to gastrointestinal diseases such as diarrhoeal, cholera and typhoid fever. These pathogens are often contracted from visiting public toilets and from poor practice of hygiene within their community (Bradley & Putnick cited in Braimah and Lawson, 2014). 2.8.3 Potable Water Women and children play a key role in water resources since they are often responsible for the collection of water at the household levels for drinking, cooking and sanitation purposes (WHO, 2006). A study done on three developing countries in Africa; namely Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania showed that women spent time queuing to access water and the distance covered is about 300 metres. Additionally, households also spent an hour and 40 minutes daily fetching water and this could impact on the education of children (World Bank, 2002). Unclean potable water is of serious detriment to women and children. Unsafe water supply coupled with inadequate basic sanitation facilities and lack of hygiene practices, accounts for 88 percent of diarrhoeal infections contracted globally (Evans, 2006). 2.8.4 Coping Strategies of Urban Poor in Accessibility of Basic Services Amankwaa (2016), discussed the various coping strategies indulged in by households of Abuja, an urban poor area in Accra to reduce their water expenses. The area is known to accommodate a lot of Nigerians and it is known for high poverty levels. His work confirmed works done by Amankwaa et al. (2014) and Marx et al. (2013) that urban poor communities spent more with regards to time and cost and also risk more in accessing basic services than other residents who reside in other wealthier parts of Accra. According to his study, households due to difficulty in accessing basic 30 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh services such as water, often resort to various coping strategies to ease their household expenditure of excess expenditure. Such coping strategies include ‘drinking sachet water’, reducing the use of water, bathing or fetching water on credit, washing clothes whilst bathing as well as ‘group bathing’. Housing and accommodation is another important factor under scrutiny. As a coping strategies of meeting accommodation needs, both male and female child migrants often slept in groups on the streets, kiosks, transport yards and market squares or spent night at home with friends and families often associated with risks such as sexual harassment and thievery among others (Kwankye et al., 2007; Kwankye & Addoquaye Tagoe, 2009). 2.9 Barriers Preventing Improvement in Accessing Water, Sanitation & Hygiene There are a lot of barriers towards the improvement of urban services, one of such is the issue of insufficient supply. Statistics show that less than 50 percent of the poorest in Africa and 40 percent of those in Asia have access to pipe water (WHO, 2010). Statistics for sanitation are no better with less than 15 percent in Africa and Asia having access to improved sanitation (Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, 2011). It is therefore best that sanitation and water supply are jointly provided since supply can be detrimental to health if sanitation is done without water. This, however, will increase the cost of provision of service (Duflo et al., 2012). Climate change has been stated as another barrier towards accessibility of water. With urbanisation increasing, it places so much pressure on scarce resources such as water (Duflo et al., 2012). Additionally, behavioral change of the urban poor resident makes sanitation and hygiene interventions take longer to take effect (Kar and Chambers, 2008). 31 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Institutional constraint is another barrier hindering accessibility of basic services. Institutions across the globe refuse to certify and accept the presence of urban poor communities, and for this reason, they often find it difficult to obtain the right documentation to access basic services like electricity, water, sanitation services enjoyed by their counterparts in other parts of the cities. Apart from that, several stakeholders who due to the absence of service providers in urban slum communities, fill in the void to provide services to the slum residents, often resist any progress to provide adequate basic access from institutions outside due to their lucrative ventures which is built on the inadequacy faced by these urban poor communities. Notable informal service providers are water vendors, private operators, small borehole operators and illegal electricity providers among others. (Duflo et al., 2012). 2.10 Theoretical and Conceptual Framework Migration phenomena is multifaceted in nature and owing to this, there have been calls for the use of interdisciplinary approaches and combination of different theoretical perspectives in theorizing it (King, 2012; Massey et al., 1993). Over the past decades, several general theories have been propounded to explain accessibility to basic services but in this study, the Structuration theory would be useful in examining access to basic services among migrants in urban poor slum communities. The network theory is also useful to this study hence would be utilised as the sub- theory. 2.10.1 Structuration Theory Developed by British sociologist, Anthony Giddens, structuration theory presented a new perspective to classical sociological approaches to explaining the relationship 32 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh between human “agency” and social “structure” (Lamsal, 2012; Lippuner & Werlen, 2009). The theory moves away from describing the capacity of human action as being constrained by powerful social structures (such as religions or politics) or society being a product of the expression of human freewill (agency). Rather, Gibbs (2013) maintain that the structuration theory acknowledges the interaction of societal values and human agency, theorizing a dynamic relationship between these different facets of society. Therefore, Giddens’ new perspectives on human behaviour is based on a synthesis of structure and agency effects known as the “duality of structure” (Lippuner & Werlen, 2009). Day Ashley (2010) asserts that, the central ideas in structuration theory is that ‘the rules and resources drawn upon in the production and reproduction of social practices are at the same time the means of system reproduction. Giddens considers structure as a ‘set of rules and resources’ used by actors in their interactive process. These rules and resources are in built in social practices. The resources are not natural resources or raw material but rather power over people and materials (Lippuner & Werlen, 2009). Structure is like a two-sided coin, it may be seen as the process of creating actions and also the same time measured as an outcome of actions. Human agency is the transformative capability people have to make things happen, the power to intervene in social life’ and this power is exercised through the use of ‘resources’. Day Ashley (2010) argues that Giddens’ resources are of two types: authoritative (nonmaterial resources used in controlling and influencing the circumstances of other human actors) and allocative (harnessing of material resources - goods, technology and the environment). The duality of the structure is said to change and reproduce over time. Agents through their actions help to develop the structure, which over time 33 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh either enables or constrains them (Nyandiere, 2012). Therefore, structure is the medium and outcome of human agency (Lippuner & Werlen, 2009). Applying Giddens structuration theory to this study, social structure would refer to the rules governing accessibility of basic services and the availability of basic services within the urban poor space that tend to hinder or enhance a migrant’s access. The agency aspect of the theory applies to the ability of a migrant to easily access these basic services. As such one’s ability to strive and interact with one’s social system would enable you access basic services. Migrants operate within the context of rules produced by social structures, and only by acting in a compliant manner are these structures reinforced. However, through the exercise of reflexivity, migrants can modify social structures by acting outside the rules/constraints placed on them by social structures (Gibbs, 2013). While Thrift (1983), among other scholars, consider Giddens’ theory to give inadequate understanding on the relation of agency and structure (Lippuner & Werlen, 2009), it is of great use to this study as it reiterates the need to factor the agency of migrants to conform or oppose the socially-constructed limits to accessing basic services in settled communities. In other words, Giddens’ structuration theory is useful in identifying the complex interrelations of migrant agency and social structure which partially constrain their access to basic services. Despite these constraints, human agency provides migrants with choices, enabling them access basic services (Oppong, 2014). Therefore, it will be wrong to assume or to place emphasis on only one of the factors. 34 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 2.10.2 Network Theory The Network theory is considered as a sub-theory for this study due to its relations to Giddens’ Structuration theory. Network is said to be ‘the set of interpersonal ties that connects migrants, former migrants and non-migrants in origin and destination areas through bonds of kinship, friendship and shared community of origin.’ (Massey et al., 1993: 448). According to Giddens’ networks can be classified as an authoritative resource which is the nonmaterial resources used in controlling and influencing the circumstances of migrants (Day Ashley, 2010). Network is said to consist of multiple social structures and social structures is said to enhance one’s ability to access resources as well as information. Under network theory, migrants are considered as people of agency and as such are able to use their connections among themselves to tap basic services from service providers illegally or from one another and their ability to derive this social capital would enable them stay and survive in their urban poor space. A limitation of the network theory is that not all migrants within a network enhance or continue the chain of assisting other migrants. Those few who provide assistance to other migrants are reffered to as the ‘bride heads’ whereas the failure to provide assistance to others in a social network are known as the ‘gate- keepers’’ (Massey et al., 1993). 2.10.3 Conceptual Framework 2.10.3.1 The Dynamics Between Basic Services Accessibility and Utilisation Patterns This conceptual framework is based on Anthony Giddens concept of structure and agency. In relation to Figure 2.1, structure is made up of rules and resources. The rules could be explained as the power over the people or the rules governing 35 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh accessibility of the resources which in this case, connote the service providers involved in the governance of basic services of water, electricity, sanitation facilities and housing. Apart from that, socio-cultural rules found within the urban poor space of Old Fadama may affect the accessibility of these basic services. Resource can therefore be viewed as the availability of the basic service. Thus rules and resources together forms the structure. Agency of the migrants is said to be the autonomous ability of the migrant to easily access basic services. From Figure 2.1, the agency is influenced by the knowledgeability and the conscious ability of an individual to be aware of the resources available which in this case is the basic services. Agency and structure is said to be in dualism to each other yet still they shape each other. Agency over time shapes structure thus making structure an outcome of agency likewise structure shapes the agency of an individual. Applying this theory to the study, social structure would refer to those rules or resources which in this case, is the set of rules governing accessibility of basic services and the availability of basic services within the urban poor space which could hinder or enhance one’s ability to access. Agency, in this regard, would refer to the ability of a migrant to easily access these basic services. As such one’s ability to strive and interact with one’s social system would enable you access basic services. Network can be said to influence agency as a migrants’ inclusion in a network would enable him or her derive a benefit or social capital (Lin, 1999) which, in this case, is the accessibility of basic service. Accessibility of basic service could be influenced by finances or monetary factors as well as the physical factors such as distance, time, 36 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh frequency etc. In a nutshell, one’s ability to access basic services or not affects the quality of life outcomes of a migrant in an urban poor space. 37 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 2.1: Dynamics between Basic Services Accessibility and Utilisation Patterns Knowledgeability & Consciousness Service provides rules + Socio- Cultural Rules Agency Structure Availability of basic services Physical accessibility Accessibility of basic services Financial accessibility Networks Quality of life outcomes Based on Anthony Giddens’s Theory of Structuration (Author’s Own Construct) 38 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY 3.0 Introduction This section presents the methodology used for the study. It explains the procedure for the research, the collection of primary and secondary data for the work as well as the analysis of the work. It gives the systematic and organised procedure that the study followed. Methodology is that comprehensible systematic procedure used in investigating a phenomenon (Kitchin and Tate, 2013). The chapter describes the study area, research design, sampling technique, data collection methods, as well as the procedure used in the data analysis and ethical considerations for the study. 3.1 The Study Area Old Fadama is a slum community in Accra and it occupies 146 hectares of land between the Odaw River and Korle-Gonno. The area has a population of 79,684 with population density of 2,424 persons per hectare (Housing the Masses, 2010). Old Fadama came about in the 1990s as a result of the relocation of squatters from Osu for the construction of Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) conference. These settlers, were relocated to the current location. Old Fadama houses many migrants chiefly from northern parts of Ghana, nationals from West African countries such as Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso and Nigeria due to the affordable housing it provides. It receives an influx of young adults from the Northern Region who work as head porters, scrap dealers, petty traders among others across the streets of Accra. Old Fadama is a low- lying area characterised by poor drainage and poor housing structures among others (Awumbila et al., 2014) (See Figure 3.1). 39 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 3.1: A Map of the Study Area (Old Fadama) Source: Remote Sensing/ GIS Lab 3.2 Research Approach The study employed the mixed method approach. Mixed methods approach produces results which the use of only one method of research is unable to produce (Tashakkori and Tedlie, 2003). The study adopted the convergent strategy. In this strategy, data 40 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh was collected from both the qualitative and the quantitative and analysed separately with results of both compared and contrasted and interpretation given (Creswell and Plano-Clark, 2007). The quantitative approach gives understanding on the relationships existing between variables as well as the numerical patterns that it displays (Richard, 2013) whilst the qualitative approach gives a better understanding on the experiences of the situation or phenomenon of study (Creswell, 2014). This, therefore, enhances the validity of the results, giving a better understanding of numerical patterns from the quantitative analysis and explanations from the qualitative. 3.3 Sources of Data This study used primary and secondary data. Primary data was obtained from firsthand experience whilst secondary data was obtained through sources such as articles, journals etc. The primary data was collected from the community through the administration of questionnaire, focus group discussions as well as key informant interviews done in the government sector as well as the community. The secondary data on the other hand was collected from reviewing relevant documents, articles, government reports, books, working papers, magazines, academic reports etc. 3.4 Sampling Technique and Size This research employed the use of a sample size of one hundred and twenty (120) migrant household heads within Old Fadama. The multi-stage sampling technique was used in this research. A multi-stage sampling technique is the process of carrying out sampling in stages using smaller sampling units at each stage. An advantage of 41 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh this technique is that it saves time, cost and allows easy feasibility (Gagliardi and Ciampalini, 2009). Old Fadama was purposively selected due to the fact that the area is known to be a migrant community. The area was segmented into four clusters or zones by the help of an opinion leader. Old Fadama in itself has six areas within it namely; Takoroyili, Jima Park, Korle Nole, Bimbilla Station, Konkonsa Bar and Yam Market. A simple random sampling was done to select four of these areas out of the six areas within Old Fadama. When the random sampling was done, Takoroyili, Jima Park, Korle Nole and Konkonsa Bar were picked. These areas named became the four clusters or zones in which Old Fadama was segmented into. A simple random sampling was once again done to select one of the clusters from which the study was conducted. The simple random sampling was used because it gives all persons within the population an equal chance of selection (Brannen, 2005; Bourke, 2014). When the simple random sampling was done, the selected area was Takoroyili. This selected area became the sample frame from which the respondents were selected from. Due to the difficulty in obtaining a reliable sampling frame, a listing of all the households in the selected cluster was done. This amounted to about two hundred (200) households in all. These households were then categorised into two; mainly male-headed migrant households and female-headed migrant households using a screener survey. A simple random technique was then used to select forty-eight (48) female-headed migrant households and seventy-two (72) male-headed migrant household respondents from these households listed and the contacts of the household heads taken. 42 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.5 Data Collection Methods Data collection methods for this study involved the use of structured questionnaires with closed and open-ended questions, focus group discussions and in-depth interviews of key stakeholders using interview guides. This gives the opportunity for results from each of the individual methods to complement each other giving a detailed account to the study (Teye, 2012). Anthony Gidden’s Structuration theory (1984) on duality of the structure and agency and the network theory (Massey et al., 1993) influenced the choice of questions asked and hence the data collection methods used. Due to the theory’s focus on rules and resources found within the structure, it was a necessary to interview the service providers responsible for the governance of basic services of water, electricity, housing and sanitation facilities within the community. This influenced the key informant interviews done on the service providers of accessibility. Additionally, an understanding of the socio- cultural rules, migrant’s agency and the usefulness of migrant’s networks within the urban poor space of Old Fadama guided the conduction of focus group discussions and in-depth interviews done on migrant household heads and opinion leader respectively on the various coping strategies and livelihood strategies adopted within the community. Finally, in understanding the knowledgeability and migrant networks influencing the agency of migrants in accessing basic services within Old Fadama, the questionnaire was used to interview migrant household heads on the availability, monthly access to basic services, coping strategies and livelihood strategies adopted by the migrants. Thus, the structuration theory and the network theory were useful in guiding the choice of data collection tools used in conducting the study. 43 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.5.1 Questionnaire A structured questionnaire was issued to forty-eight (48) and seventy (72) female- headed and male-headed migrant household heads respectively and this provided the quantitative data needed for the study. These household heads responded to questions on behalf of their households. The questionnaire was structured with the use of both open and closed-ended questions. The open-ended aspect of the questionnaire allowed respondent provide their own answers whilst the closed-ended provided various answers from which the researcher will choose from. The purpose of the questionnaire was to provide the study with the numerical patterns and also to ensure objectivity in the data provided in the study. Questions asked the household heads focused on the access of housing, water, electricity, toilet, bathhouse and waste collection, monthly household expenditure on basic services, coping strategies adopted to meet household expenditure and the effect of access on livelihood strategies. 3.5.2 In-depth Interviews In-depth interview formed an essential aspect of this study. The purpose of the in- depth interviews was to provide the study with in-depth understanding through the perceptions and opinions given by the respondents (Patton, 2002). Interview guides were used to conduct in-depth interviews with key stakeholders within the community such as an opinion leader as well as Officials from the Electricity Company of Ghana, Waste Management Department of AMA, Ghana Water Company Limited (GWCL), Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority and Ministry of Housing. 44 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3.5.3 Focus Group Discussions Focus group discussion is said to be another important tool used in gathering data in this study. The purpose of using this qualitative tool was to provide deeper understanding through the divergent opinions, perceptions and ideas of the different household types within Old Fadama. Two (2) focus group discussions were held in all. One for female-headed migrant households and another for male-headed migrant households from the ages of fifteen (15) years and above since this was the age recognised as headship by the GSS (2014c). Each of the focus groups comprised of nine members. These participants were identified during the questionnaire survey and were willing to represent their views within the community. The services of a note taker was employed to keep track of interesting speeches per chance the recorder failed. Pseudonyms were used throughout the interview to ensure confidentiality. 3.5.4 Observation and Photography This study employed the use of observation approach which is considered a very good approach in identifying the behaviour of phenomena (Durance et al., 2005). Making observations and taking photos around Old Fadama were necessary in this study as they enabled the researcher understand how various households access basic resources in the community. The photos also enhanced the details and credibility of the research. 3.6 Data Analysis The quantitative data obtained was analysed using Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 18 with frequencies and cross-tabulations generated. A thematic analysis approach was used to organise the qualitative data in this study. 45 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Basic themes were developed from the text from each transcript and the similar themes grouped together and the networking of the themes done. The results were then presented and later discussed to support the quantitative data obtained. 3.7 Ethical Considerations Ethical considerations of research were observed throughout this study. Ethical considerations of research is the moral principles governing the conduction of individuals during the conducting of the research. This must be observed right from the identification of the problem through to data collection, analysis and interpretation of data and the writing of a report (Creswell, 2009). The premium concern during the conducting of a research was ensuring the protection of participants through seeking an informed consent from participants before conducting the interview. To protect the participants in the study, pseudonyms were used during recording and note taking. 3.8 Challenges and Limitation to the Study Every research though methodologically conducted may still have limitations affecting it (Marshall and Rossman, 1999). In this study, one major limitation faced was with the sample size. In most cases, quantitative research requires a large sample size but time and financial constraints limited this study to a sample size of one hundred and twenty (120). However, with the target population of one hundred and twenty (120), respondents were still able to answer all the questions needed to meet the objectives of the research. To minimise the limitations of using a smaller sample size, qualitative data involving in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were done to strengthen the quantitative data obtained so as to increase the objectivity of the results obtained. 46 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh The refusal of certain officials to be recorded on tape was another limitation. In order to minimise this, both the researcher and the note taker took notes separately and later compared them. This served as a checker to ensure that the right information was taken. Finally, the consultation of an opinion leader to aid with the demarcation of Old Fadama as well as the identification of the migrant households, may have influenced the interviews conducted since undesired places may have been avoided. In order to manage this limitation, an AMA official who partook in the in-depth interview and was very conversant with Old Fadama was asked to validate the location of certain suburbs within Old Fadama. This served as a checker to ensure that all suburbs within Old Fadama had equal chances of being selected for the study. 47 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FOUR BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS AND MIGRATION PROFILE 4.0 Introduction This chapter presents the analysis of the study. It provides information about the socio-demography of the male and female household heads interviewed. It also discusses on the access of basic services, as to whether they are found within or outside the residence of households in Old Fadama. It also measures the monthly household expenditure spent on accessing these basic services, the coping strategies adopted by these two household’ types to meet household expenditure and also the effect of access of their livelihood strategies. 4.1 Socio-Demographic Characteristics This section discussed the socio-demographic characteristics of migrant respondents within Old Fadama. The total number of one hundred and twenty (120) questionnaires administered to male and female migrant household heads were successfully retrieved. The socio demographic variables such as age, sex, level of education, marital status, as well as number of children, household size and religion were discussed. With respect to the sex and age of respondents, Table 4.1 shows that 60 percent of respondents were males as opposed to 40 percent females. The age distribution of respondents ranged from 18 years to 56 years. The age category which was dominant was 26 to 35 years with 65.8 percent and less than one percent being 55 years and above. 48 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh With respect to the level of education, 55 percent of the respondents had attained a middle school/JHS education with less than one percent having attained a tertiary education (See Table 4.1). This is almost consistent with Awumbila et al. (2014) which saw one percent of respondents in Old Fadama having attained tertiary education. In terms of the religious affiliation of respondents interviewed, it was evident that Islam was the predominant religion indulged in by most of the respondents. Islam constituted about 48 percent (47.5%) with traditional religion coming out last with less than one percent (See Table 4.1). Table 4.1: Respondents’ Sex, Age, Education and Religious Affiliation Characteristics Category Percent (%) Sex Male 60.0 Female 40.0 Age of Respondents 18-25 5.8 26-35 65.8 36-45 23.3 46-55 4.2 >55 years 0.8 Educational Status No formal Education 11.7 Primary 21.7 JHS 55.0 SHS 10.8 Tertiary 0.1 Religious Affiliation Catholic 20.8 Protestant 11.7 Pentecost/charismatic 10.8 Other Christians 8.3 Islam 47.5 Traditionalists 0.8 Source: Field Work, 2017 49 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Marital Status, Number of Children and Household Size are next to be discussed. Out of the 120 household heads interviewed, 38.3 percent household heads were not married whilst only 25 percent of these household heads were married and had dependents. More than half (56.7%) of the respondents had one to three children with the dominant household size ranging from four to six (48.3%). Figure 4.1 expresses this in a bar chart. Figure 4.1: Respondents’ Marital Status, Number of Children and Household Size. Source: Field Work, 2017 4.2 Migration Profile 4.2.1 Region of Origin of Migrants It was evident from the study that the Northern Region was the dominant region from which most of the migrant household heads migrated. Out of the seventy-two (72) male household heads sampled, 37.5 percent of the male heads migrated from the Northern Region to Old Fadama; followed by those who migrated from Upper East (19.4 %), Volta (15.3 %), Upper West (12.5%). Certainly, this shows that most of these migrants migrated from the northern parts of Ghana whilst the other regions 50 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh followed (See for example Table 4.2). On the other hand, out of the forty-eight (48) female migrant household heads sampled, 39.6 percent were from the Northern Region followed by Upper East with 16.7 percent, Central (14.6%) and Upper West (12.5%) (See Table 4.2). Comparing these two sexes, there were more female than male migrant household heads migrating from the Northern Region (Table 4.2). Additionally, these findings imply that majority of the male and female household heads migrated from the Northern parts of Ghana which confirm works done by Awumbila & Ardayfio-Schandorf (2008); Kwankye et al. (2007; 2009) and Awumbila et al., (2014) about the movement of migrants from the three northern regions in search of employment opportunities with most settling in urban cities like Accra. Table 4.2: Household Heads’ Regions of Origin Differentiated by Sex Sex Regions of origin Total Greater Upper Northern Upper Central Eastern Western Volta Ashanti Accra West East Male 2.8% 12.5% 37.5% 19.4% 6.9% 2.8% 1.4% 15.3% 1.4% 72 Female 0.0% 12.5% 39.6% 16.7% 14.6% 10.4% 0.0% 6.2 % 0.0% 48 Total 1.7% 12.5% 38.3% 18.3% 10.0% 5.8% 0.8% 11.7% 0.8% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 This however, does not suggest that people do not migrate from the other regions of Ghana or embark on international migration. Martin and Taylor 1996’s Migration Hump Theory, explains that as development increases within a country more people embark on international migration. Most of these migrants, former migrants and non- migrants rely on their networks and their social capital to sustain themselves whilst living in Old Fadama (Massey et al., 1993). Migration from Northern, Upper East, 51 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Upper West and Volta Regions to other regions especially in the South could be linked to the fact that these regions are known for extreme poverty in Ghana and for that reason both adults and children move to Accra to seek for greener pastures (GSS, 2014b). 4.2.2 The Migration Process Out of the seventy-two (72) male migrant households interviewed, 45.8 percent are migrants who have lived in Accra from one (1) to four (4) years with 27.8 percent having lived in Accra from five (5) to eight (8) years with the least being having lived in Accra for thirteen (13) years and above with 6.9 percent. Female migrant households on the other hand have lived longer in Accra than their male counter parts. Out of the forty-eight (48) female migrant household heads interviewed, 35.4 percent had lived in Accra for thirteen (13) years and above, with the second highest being five (5) to eight (8) years at 29.2 percent whilst the least percentage was 16.7 percent at nine (9) to twelve (12) years. Comparing these two sexes, it was evident that more male than female migrant household heads have stayed between one (1) and four (4) years. However, there are more female than male migrant household heads who have lived in Accra for thirteen (13) years and above (Table 4.3). Hitherto, females have embarked on migration as a livelihood strategy to reduce rural poverty and some of them come to engage in to work as head porters (Awumbila & Ardayfio- Schandorf, 2008). 52 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 4.3: Respondents’ Length of Time lived in Accra Differentiated by Sex Sex Length of time migrants have lived in Accra Total 1-4 years 5-8 years 9-12 years 13 years and above Male 45.8% 27.8% 19.4% 6.9% 72 Female 18.8% 29.1% 16.7% 35.4% 48 Total 35.0% 28.3% 18.3% 18.3% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 4.2.3 Reasons for Migrating to Accra Employment was the main reason given by a majority of the respondents for migrating to Accra. Out of the seventy-two (72) male households sampled, 90.3 percent expressed employment to be the main reason for migrating to Accra as opposed to the female household heads who had 87.5 percent as the reason for migrating to Accra (Figure 4.2). Comparing these two sexes, shows that more male than female migrant household heads gave employment as the reason for migrating to Accra. A chi-square was done at 5 percent showed that there was no significant relationship between sex and reasons for migrating to Accra with X2=4.27, df (2), p value=0.12. This finding of employment being the major reason for migrants migrating to Accra is confirmed by works done on Old Fadama concerning migrants seeking employment with the aim of reducing poverty levels by migrating into slum communities (Addoquaye Tagoe & Kwankye, 2009; Awumbila et. al., 2014). 53 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 4.2: Respondents’ Reasons for Migrating to Accra Differentiated by Sex Source: Field Work, 2017 In the focus group discussion Amina, a 35-year old participant, said: “I came to Accra to sell to make money so that I can have a better life for myself and my children. Where I come from there is no jobs. That is why I am here”. (Amina, 35 years, 14th June, 2017) Mohammed, a 32-year old mechanic, from the male focus group, lamented about his inability to find jobs whilst in Accra. He said his job search had proved futile over the period due to his lack of qualification and his place of abode being Old Fadama, often put off employers due to the negative connotation associated with slums. His statement also confirmed that employment was the main reason he migrated to Accra. “I came down South thinking I will get job to do but I look for some and I don’t find. We need jobs but if they are giving jobs they give to the people who already have jobs and some of us at Old Fadama, they don’t consider us because they say we don’t have qualification”. ( Mohammed, 32 years, 15th June, 2017) 54 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4.2.4 The Decision to Migrate From the study, most of the households’ decision to migrate was made by themselves. Out of the male migrant household heads sampled, 37.5 percent made the decision on their own whilst 22.2 percent were influenced by friends. Female household heads (18.8%) took a personal decision to migrate to Accra. Comparing these two sexes, shows that more male than female migrant household heads migrated due to a personal decision made or migrated due to influences from friends and relatives (See for instance Table 4.4). Table 4.4: Person involved in Households’ Decision to Migrate Differentiated by Sex Sex Persons involved in Decision to Migrate Total Self Father Mother Siblings Uncle/ Agency Friends Aunt Other Male 37.5% 9.7% 0.0% 8.3% 13.9% 6.9% 22.2% 1.4% 72 Female 35.4% 2.1% 8.3% 6.3% 18.8% 2.1% 18.8% 8.3% 48 Total 36.7% 6.7% 3.3% 7.5% 15.8% 5.0% 20.8% 4.2% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 A chi-square done at five percent showed that there was no significant relationship between sex and decision to migrate with X2 value=14.01, df (7), p value =0.051>0.05.This implies that the decision to migrate is not influenced by any particular sex. These findings obtained from Table 4.4 is in line with the neoclassical migration theory which suggests migration is done after migrants have done cost effective analysis and have made a rational decision to migrate (Todaro and Smith, 2006) or by decision influenced by friends of migrants who have already embarked on the migration process thus encouraging a chain migration ((Massey et al.,1993). Other times migrants are influenced by relatives back home such as fathers, mothers, uncles 55 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh and relatives to embark on the migration decision to enhance the economic situation of the households back home. Migration is, therefore, seen as livelihood strategy that members of the households make a selective decision to choose a particular migrant to embark on the migratory process so as to maximize the expected income of households (Krantz, 2001). For this reason migrants have no choice but to work hard so as to make money to send back home to their region of origin. Halima, a female participant in the focus group, reported: “Every month I send back money to my relatives back home to support. So when things are difficult here, I am not able to send them anything at all. During such times they get very disappointed in me”. (Halima, 26 years, 14th June, 2017) 56 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER FIVE ACCESSIBILITY OF BASIC SERVICES, HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE ON BASIC SERVICE, COPING MECHANISMS AND LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES ADOPTED BY MIGRANTS HOUSEHOLDS 5.0 Introduction This chapter focuses on the access of basic services among the migrants in Old Fadama and how both the male and female migrant households access basic services. It also discusses on the availability of housing, water, toilet, bathhouse, waste disposal and electricity within the residence of households in Old Fadama. Furthermore, it critically discusses how much residents paid for these services monthly and the household income spent on accessing these services. The chapter concludes by discussing the coping strategies that these migrants adopted in meeting basic services and how accessing basic services affected the livelihood strategies of households. 5.1 Access Of Basic Services Within Residence Or Not 5.1.1 Access to Housing in Old Fadama Households in Old Fadama relied on the rent system. Out of the seventy-two (72) male migrant household heads sampled, 65.3 percent of these respondents rented from house owners, whilst 16.7 percent rented from someone other than owner (agent) with 12.5 percent occupied by the owners themselves. Comparatively, out of the forty- eight (48) female migrant household heads interviewed, 54.2 percent said households rented their sleeping space from house owners directly, whilst 16.7 percent rented from someone other than owner/agent. About 19 percent (18.8%) were owners 57 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh occupying their houses themselves and therefore did not pay rent. Comparing these two migrant households, it was evident that more male than female migrant households rented from house owners, whilst more female than male migrant households occupied their own houses. However, it was evident that both household types obtained the same 16.7 percent for renting houses from agents. Additionally, more female household heads interviewed lived with relatives (4.2%) than males (See Figure 5.1). A chi-square test done at five percent (5%) showed that there is no significant relationship between sex and access to rent/ housing with X2 value=4.55, df (5), p value=0.472>0.05. In Old Fadama, houses were mostly made from wooden structures and other temporary materials. A few unplanned houses, however, were built with concrete and were built without authorization from City officials by some migrants who have stayed over time. These few house owners often rent out single rooms to other migrants at a fee (See Figure 5.1). 58 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 5.1: Households’ Access to Housing Differentiated by Sex Source: Field Work, 2017 From the study, it was evident that majority of the respondents slept in single rooms. Table 5.1 revealed that 91.7 percent of the male household heads interviewed slept in single rooms with only 2.8 percent having access to 2 bedrooms. On the other hand, 79.2 percent of female migrant household heads were sleeping in single rooms with 10.4 percent having access to two rooms for themselves and their households. Comparing these two sexes, it was evident that there were more male than female migrant household heads who slept in single rooms, whilst there were more female migrant household heads having access to two rooms in Old Fadama than their male counterparts. 59 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 5.1: Households’ Access to Sleeping Rooms Differentiated by Sex Sex Number of Sleeping rooms Total 1 2 3 4 5 Male 91.7% 2.8% 1.4% 2.8% 1.3% 72 Female 79.2% 10.4% 8.3% 2.1% 0.0% 48 Total 86.7% 5.8% 4.2% 2.5% 0.8% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 Discussions with opinion leaders revealed accommodation to be one of the greatest challenges faced by the area especially with the increasing influx of migrants to Old Fadama. This, a participant in the male focus group explained, was aggravated due to the 2015 demolition done within the area. “The reason why we are not got getting it easy is due to the demolition. Initially, we had it easy but when the demolition came they destroyed a lot of things, a lot of houses. So now the people that do not have houses are more than the people that have houses. Before it was better, if they have not done that demolition people will have gotten houses”. (Jojo, 32 years, 14th June, 2017). Interviewing officials from the Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority as well as the Ministry of Housing revealed that area was an unplanned area demarcated by the government for recreational purpose and residents were residing there illegally. Several attempts have been made to relocate residents to ‘Amasaman’ with their market yet proven futile due to issues of governance and geo-politics. Old Fadama is an illegal settlement which lacks formal recognition from the government. The area is exempted from developmental projects carried out within Accra. Yet, government officials have solicited votes from residents prior to elections in times past. Over time, no clear stance has been made concerning the relocation of residents 60 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh permanently. This has encouraged residents to stay without the requisite permits to build. Most resort to residing in wooden structures and temporary make-shift materials, with many residents being crowded in single rooms. Plate 5.1: A Sign Exhibited by a House Owner for Rent in Old Fadama. Source: Field Work, 2017 Plate 5.2: Wooden Structures Household Heads Live in. Source: Field Work, 2017 61 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.1.2 Access to Water, Toilet, Bathhouse, Waste Collectors and Electricity In terms of access to water, evidence from Table 5.2 shows that 97.2 percent of male respondents did not have water within their residence compared to 2.8 percent of males who had water within their residence. With respect to female respondents, out of the forty eight (48) household heads sampled 97.9 percent did not have water within their residence compared to 2.1 percent who had water within their residence. Comparatively, majority of both male and female migrant households did not have water within their residence. In view of this, a chi square test was performed at five percent to ascertain the relationship between the sex of the respondents and access to water. Evidence from Table 5.2 shows that there is no significant relationship between sex and access to water as X2 value= .057, df (1), p value =0.81>0.05 This implies that access to water is not aligned to a specific sex as both have access to water. This statistics therefore accepts the null hypothesis which states that there is no significant relationship between sex and access to water. Table 5.2: Respondents’ Access to Water Differentiated by Sex Access to Water Sex Total Within residence Not Available in residence Male 2.80% 97.20% 72 Female 2.10% 97.90% 48 Total 2.50% 97.50% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 These findings show that respondents do not have access to water within their residence and residents fetch water from public showers as described by some of the participants in the focus group discussion. Musa, a 35-year old, participant said: 62 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh “We, don’t have water in our houses unless you go to the shower outside to fetch. We don’t always form a queue. Sometimes one week we have not gotten water. If the tap flows we don’t form a queue but if it doesn’t we form a queue. Sometime even two weeks we have not gotten water. Sometimes we have it throughout the month and sometimes not all. If it will flow, maybe a week or two. Sometime when there is no water we move from old Fadama to Timber Market or another place to fetch water”. (Musa, 35 years, 15th June, 2017) “As for water, it is someone who brings the water at a polytank and we go and fetch from there and he too at the end of the month he also goes to pay it”. (Mansa, 28 years, 14th June, 2017) A highly-ranked official from the Ghana Water Company Limited confirmed that it was just a few residents in Old Fadama who obtain water from the Company due to their lack of building permits. According to the official in order not to refuse the few courageous ones who attempt to seek for their service, temporary side plans are sketched for them. Official explained that it was mostly commercial vendors who often made the bold step to solicit for their services but the majority do not because they think they will be refused due to lack of building permits. In view of this explanation given by the official and the quantitative data obtained the 2.8 percent male-headed migrant households and the 2.1 percent female-headed migrant households who had water within their residence could be mostly water vendors who sold water on commercial basis. 63 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 5.3: A Water Vendor’s Place where Household Water is Fetched From. Source: Field Work, 2017 Additionally, the study saw the need to ascertain the relationship between sex of the respondents and access to toilet facility as to whether toilet facility was within their residence or outside their residence. Given that Old Fadama is a slum community, all respondents indicated that they did not have access to toilet facility within their residence but rather outside their residence. This was represented by a 100 percent for both male and female migrant household heads. This is evident from Table 5.3, Plates 5.4 and 5.5. Table 5.3: Households’ Access to Toilet Differentiated by Sex Sex Access to Toilet Facility Within residence Not available in residence Total Male 0% 100% 72 Female 0% 100% 48 Total 0% 100% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 64 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 5.4: Households’ Access to Toilet Differentiated by Sex Source: Field Work, 2017 Plate 5.5: Households’ Access to Toilet Differentiated by Sex Source: Field Work, 2017 65 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Respondents relied on public toilets for their sanitation purposes often run by private operators and as such were often in deplorable states. In a focus group discussion held for men, one of the participants, Ali, lamented bitterly about the unhygienic condition of toilet facility accessed by the residents of Old Fadama. “We use a public toilet. Sometimes there is a queue and sometimes not. When the individuals go to work we don’t form a queue. It is not far from where I live. Toilet is our problem here. It is not even hygienic”. (Ali, 33 years, 15th June, 2017) When asked if the toilet facility was easily accessible to residents, a female participant in the focus group, Amina rightly stated: “No one prevents you from going but it is you when you go that you won’t be feeling fine. He has gotten his business that he wants his money. That one if you want to go you can go. No one prevents you from going. Just like you live in your house and you have everything at home, we don’t have some like that. Everything, is money issues for us”. (Amina, 34 years, 14th June, 2017) These findings are similar to works done in New Delhi concerning the problematic issue faced by slum dwellers with regard to toilet issues (Banerjee et al., 2011). Again the unimproved conditions expressed by the participants during the focus group discussion is also similar to works done by other researches on Old Fadama (Monney et al., 2013). 66 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Accessibility to bathhouse is another issue to be discussed. With regards to this facility, both male and female-headed migrant households did not have bathhouse within residence but outside this was shown by a 100 percent (See Table 5.4). In the focus group discussion, Memuna, a 23-year old household head, revealed: “As for the bathing place, we don’t have a problem. We are able to bath at any time. Our only problem with it is that it is outside so that when it rains sometimes we are beaten by the rains. That is the only problem with it. But apart from that it is fine. We also form a line in the morning since we are many and everyone wants to bath. Apart from that we are fine. That is the only problem with it”. (Memuna, 23 years, 14th June, 2017) Her statement showed that though there is access to bathhouse facilities. However, due to the highly dense population within the area, residents are forced to queue during the mornings in order to use the bathrooms. Again because the bathrooms are not found within their residence, residents are at the mercy of the rains and the sun which is often not comfortable. This confirms work done by Awumbila et al. (2014), in that bathhouses were found outside households’ residence within Old Fadama. Table 5.4: Respondents’ Access to Bathhouse Differentiated by Sex Sex Access to Bathhouse Facility Within residence Not available in residence Total Male 0% 100% 72 Female 0% 100% 48 Total 0% 100% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 67 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Plate 5.6: Public Bathhouse Accessed by Male and Female-headed Migrant Households Source: Field Work, 2017 Access to electricity is next to be discussed. With regards to access to electricity, 95.8 percent of the male household heads had electricity within their residence with only 4.2 percent not having electricity within their residence. Again a majority of female migrant household heads (100%) had electricity within their households. Comparing these two sexes, it was evident that, more female-headed migrant household (100%) than male (95.8%) had access to electricity within residence. In view of this, a chi- square test was done at five (5) percent to ascertain the relationship between sex and access to electricity (See Table 5.5). Findings showed that there was no significant relationship between sex and access to electricity X2 value= 2.05, df (1), p value =0.15>0.05. This means that access to electricity was not aligned to a specific sex. Interviews with an opinion leader, focus groups and a highly-ranked ECG official, revealed that the residents accessed electricity through ‘grouping’ of the households, 68 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh in which a metre served over 20 households. This was due to the difficulty in meeting the required documentations by most of the residents. Apart from this reason, their structures could not sustain a metre since it was often too small, hence it was most beneficial when households came together to share a single metre and the bill split among them. According to the officials, other households indulged in illegal connection yet during the focus group discussions and interviews, participants and the opinion leader denied this allegation. These findings in Table 5.5 shows that electricity was accessible in Old Fadama with just a few not having access to electricity within their residence. Table 5.5: Households’ Access to Electricity Differentiated by Sex Sex Access to Electricity Total Within the residence Not available in residence Male 95.80% 4.20% 72 Female 100.00% 0.00% 48 Total 97.50% 2.50% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 X2 value= 2.05, df (1), p value=0.15>0.05 These findings are similar to work done on urban slums in Ghana on the access of electricity (TERI, 2011). When questioned on what their most pressing basic service was, male migrant households agreed on electricity whilst their female counterparts indicated toilet facilities. Housing needs, was however, common to both as the next most pressing need. This was corroborated by Yakubu, a 34-year old tailor, during the focus group. “With us here, our most important need is electricity and where we sleep. Without electricity, we are not able to work”. (Yakubu, 34 years, 14th June, 2017) 69 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh This statement opposes that of the female-headed migrant households who emphatically said their most important basic service was toilet facilities and housing. Amina, a 34-year old participant said: “The toilet is not good and where we sleep too that is our problem”. (Amina, 34 years, 14th June, 2017) This statement confirms findings in Table 5.5 which showed that female household heads had access to electricity within their residence more than their male household heads hence their most pressing need of importance to them was toilet and housing but not electricity whilst their male counter parts considered electricity to be of importance to them. Waste management is a key phenomenon faced by urban slum communities. In view of this the study saw the need to ascertain the relationships between the availability of waste collection bins and sex. Out of the seventy-two (72) male household heads interviewed, 81.9 percent did not have access to waste collection bins within their residence with 18.1 percent having access within their residence. Additionally, out of the forty-eight (48) female household heads sampled, 91.7 percent did not have access to waste collection bins within their residence with only 8.3 percent having within their residence for household usage (See Table 5.6). Comparatively, there were more female-headed migrant household (91.7%) than male (81.9%) who did not have access to waste collection bins within their residence. However, there were more male-headed migrant household (18.1%) than female ((8.3%) who had waste collection bins within their residence. A chi-square done at 5% showed that there was no significant relationship between access to waste collection bins and sex of households. X2 value= 2.24, df (1), p value =0.13>0.05. This implies that access to 70 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh waste collection is not aligned to a specific sex since there were no significant variations between access to waste collection bins and sex of migrant. Table 5.6: Respondents’ Access to Waste Collection Bins Differentiated by Sex Sex Access to Waste Collection Bins Total Within residence Not available in residence Male 18.10% 81.90% 72 Female 8.30% 91.70% 48 Total 14.20% 85.80% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 According to the opinion leader, waste collectors were not found within the community and several attempt to obtain some from AMA had proved futile. Residents therefore resorted to waste operators popularly called ‘Kaya bola’ (informal rubbish carriers) to dispose of their waste at a fee. AMA also explained that their refusal to provide the residents within community with waste collectors was due to the fact that the community was not legally recognised by the government and by their institution. Again, the lack of planning of structures made it difficult for waste contractors to access the residents hence the lack of waste collectors within the community. These findings were similar to work done by other researchers concerning residents lacking skip containers and often relied on informal waste collectors to convey household rubbish and are not provided with commercial waste services (Monney et al., 2013). 71 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.2 Monthly Household Expenditure Spent on Accessing Basic Services 5.2.1 Range of Monthly Expenditure Spent on Accessing Water, Toilet, Bathhouse, Electricity, Waste Disposal and Rent. Out of the seventy-two (72) male household heads interviewed, 54.2 percent spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00 on water with the least amount spent ranging from GH¢151.00 to GH¢250.00. Additionally, out of the forty-eight (48) female households sampled, 52.1 percent spent about GH¢51.00 to GH¢100.00 on water. Comparing these two household types, it was evident that, a higher percentage of migrant males (54.2%) than females (52.1%) spent about GH¢51.00 to GH¢100.00 on water. Additionally, as shown in Table 5.7, more female (6.3%) than male (1.4%) household heads spent between GH¢201.00 and GH¢250.00. Table 5.7: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Water Differentiated by Sex Sex Monthly Expenditure on Water (GH¢) Total 1-50 51-100 101-150 151-200 201-250 Male 34.7% 54.2 % 8.3% 1.4% 1.4% 72 Female 22.9% 52.1% 10.4% 8.3% 6.3% 48 Total 30.0% 53.3% 9.2% 4.2% 3.3% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 Access to toilet is very essential among residents in Old Fadama. Among the focus group discussion female household heads expressed this was the most important basic service According to Table 5.8 it was evident that male-headed migrant households (68.1%) spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00 as opposed to their female counterparts (62.5%). Comparing these two households, show that more male (68.1%) than female (62.5%) spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00 on toilet facility. However, comparing females and males who spent between GH¢ 51.00 and GH¢100.00 showed that more female-headed migrant household (37.5%) than male 72 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh (31.9%) spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00. These findings imply that female- headed migrant households spent more than their male counterparts with regards to the usage of toilet facilities confirming discussions from the focus group. The monthly menstruation experienced by females was the reason given for this high increase in toilet expenditure among female-headed migrant households than males. Table 5.8: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Toilet Differentiated by Sex. Sex Monthly Expenditure on Toilet (GH¢) Total 1-50 51-100 101-150 151-200 201-250 Male 68.1% 31.9% 0% 0% 0% 72 Female 62.5% 37.5% 0% 0% 0% 48 Total 65.8% 34.2% 0% 0% 0% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 Bathhouse facility is another basic service of importance to migrants in Old Fadama. According to Table 5.9, male household heads spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00 on bathhouse facility monthly, this was represented by 75 percent. Only 25 percent spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00 on bathhouse. Female migrant household heads on the other hand had 66.7 percent and spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00. The remaining 31.3 percent spent between GH¢ 51.00 and GH¢ 100.00 Comparing these two households, it was evident that more male (75%) than female (66.7%) spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00. However, from the Table 5.9 it was evident that females spent more on bath houses than their male counterparts and this was represented by 2.1 percent. The monthly expenditure was from GH¢101.00 to GH¢150.00, and it was spent by only few female-headed migrant households. 73 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 5.9: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Bathhouse Differentiated by Sex Monthly Expenditure on Bathhouse(GH¢) Total 1-50 51-100 101-150 151-200 201-250 Male 75.0% 25.0% 0.0% 0% 0% 72 Female 66.7% 31.3% 2.0% 0% 0% 48 Total 71.7% 27.5% .8% 0% 0% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 Electricity is another essential basic service households in Old Fadama consider in their daily activities. According to the Table 5.10, it was evident that male-headed migrant households spent between GH¢ 1.00 and GH¢50.00 and this was represented by 94.4 percent whilst 5.6% spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00 Female-headed migrant households on the other hand had 91.7 percent and spent between GH¢ 1.00 and GH¢ 50.00. Only 8.3 percent spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00 Comparing these two sexes, more male (94.4%) than female-headed migrant household (91.7%) spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00. Additionally, more female (8.3%) than male (5.6 %) spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00. These findings imply that female-headed migrant households mostly spent more in accessing electricity than their male counterparts and the amount paid ranged between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00. Table 5.10: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Electricity Differentiated by Sex Sex Monthly Expenditure on Electricity(GH¢) Total 1-50 51-100 101-150 151-200 201-250 Male 94.4% 5.6% 0% 0% 0% 72 Female 91.7% 8.3% 0% 0% 0% 48 Total 93.3% 6.7% 0% 0% 0% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 74 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Waste management is very problematic in Old Fadama. According to Table 5.11, it was evident that male migrant household heads had 97.2 percent who spent between GH¢1 to GH¢ 50.00 whilst 2.8 percent spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00 Female migrant household heads, spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00 represented by 95.8 percent. Only 4.2 percent spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00 Comparing these two sexes, more male (97.2%) than female migrant household (95.8%) spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00. A higher percentage of female (4.2%) than male (2.8%) spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00. These findings imply that female migrant households heads on behalf of their households spent more on waste collection than males, with the highest monthly expenditure males ranging from GH¢51.00 to GH¢100.00. Table 5.11: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Waste Collection Differentiated by Sex Sex Monthly Expenditure on Waste collection(GH¢) Total 1-50 51-100 101-150 151-200 201-250 Male 97.2% 2.8% 0% 0% 0% 72 Female 95.8% 4.2% 0.0% 0% 0% 48 Total 96.7% 3.3% 0% 0% 0% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 Rent or Housing arrangement is the next to be discussed. Out of the seventy-two (72) male household heads, 65.3 percent spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00 on the rent, 25 percent spent between GH¢101.00 and GH¢150.00 on rent with the least being 9.7 percent who spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00. Additionally, out of the forty-eight (48) households, 62.5 percent spent between GH¢51.00 andGH¢100.00 on rent, whilst 20.8 percent spent between GH¢101.00 and 75 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh GH¢150.00. Only 12.5 percent spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢50.00 whilst least; 4.2 percent spent between GH¢151.00 and GH¢200.00 (As shown in Table 5.12). Comparing the two sexes, it was evident that more male (65.3%) than female (62.5%) spent between GH¢51.00 and GH¢100.00. Again more male (25%) than female (20.8%) spent between GH¢101.00 and GH¢150.00. Female migrant household heads (12.5%) constituted those who spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢ 50.00 as opposed to their male counterparts (9.7%). Female migrant household heads (4.2%) were those who spent more on rent/housing. They spent between GH¢ 151.00 and GH¢ 200.00 (See Table 5.12). Female-headed migrant households spent more on rent/housing than their male counterparts with monthly expenditure ranging between GH¢151.00 and GH¢200.00. Additionally, from the study, it was evident that female-headed migrant households spent least on rent/housing. They spent between GH¢1.00 and GH¢ 50.00. Table 5.12: Respondents’ Monthly Expenditure on Housing/ Rent Differentiated by Sex Sex Monthly Expenditure on Housing/Rent(GH¢) Total 1-50 51-100 101-150 151-200 201-250 Male 9.7% 65.3 % 25.0% 0% 0% 72 Female 12.5% 62.5% 20.8 % 4.2% 0% 48 Total 10.8 64.2% 23.3% 1.7 % 0% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 5.2.2 Average Monthly Expenditure Household Heads Spent on Basic Services A simple descriptive analysis was performed to ascertain the minimum, maximum and average monthly expenditure on basic services such as water, toilet, bathhouse, electricity and waste disposal. In addition, this was performed to ascertain variations 76 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh in monthly expenditure between male and female-headed households. This is represented in Table 5.13. With respect to monthly expenditure on water, male migrant household heads spent a minimum of GH¢2.00 and a maximum of GH¢220.00 whereas female-headed migrant households spent a minimum of GH¢15.00 and a maximum of GH¢240.00 every month on water. On the average, male-headed migrant household heads spent GH¢74.00 on water very month whilst their female counterparts spent GH¢94.70. This suggests that female-headed migrant households spent more on water than males in the study area. This could be aligned to the fact that women often use most of the water for household chores, sanitation purposes and other economic activities. Additionally, interviews from the opinion leader and the focus group discussions also revealed that households purchased water daily and a bucket of water for GH¢1.00 and the household sizes determines the number of buckets consumed. With regards to monthly expenditure on toilet, evidence from the Table 5.13 shows that male-headed migrant household spent a minimum of GH¢3.00 and a maximum of GH¢100.00 compared to the minimum of GH¢ 8.00 and a maximum of GH¢ 100.00 spent by female-headed migrant households. On the average, female-headed migrant households spent GH¢47.00 monthly on toilet compared to their male counterparts who spent GH¢41.50 on toilet. Even though the variation in monthly expenditure on toilet is not very significant, one can clearly suggest that female-headed migrant households spent more monthly on toilet than their male counterparts. During the focus group discussions, it was revealed that members of both households paid 77 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh GH¢0.50 to visit the toilet every time. This charge was the same for both children and adults. Table 5.13: Average Monthly Expenditure of Male and Female-Headed Migrant Households Sex Expenditure N Minimum Maximum Mean Standard (GH¢) (GH¢) (GH¢) Deviation Male Water 72 2 220 74.1 39.2 Toilet 72 3 100 41.5 26.2 Bathhouse 72 4 100 39.5 25.3 Electricity 72 0 80 31.0 14.0 Waste Disposal 72 0 150 23.9 21.4 Female Water 48 15 240 94.7 55.7 Toilet 48 8 90 47.4 25.2 Bathhouse 48 7 150 47.2 29.1 Electricity 48 20 80 32.5 13.4 Waste disposal 48 10 70 29.8 15.4 Source: Field Work, 2017 Additionally, female-headed migrant households spent more on bathhouse (GH¢ 47.00) than their male counterparts (GH¢ 39.50). See Table 5.13. According to the focus group discussions and interview with opinion leader, it was revealed that households paid GH¢ 1.00 to visit the showers. This shows that households either bathed only once a day or they resorted to other forms of coping strategies to meet their household bathing needs. During the interview, Yaw, a 54-year old opinion leader within the community, said: “Every morning, we go to bath, we pay GH¢ 1.00 each. So times maybe 31 days or 30 days that is it. Because it’s constantly that every morning we have to bath before. 78 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Every evening you have to bath before you go and sleep so that’s GH¢ 2.00 a day per person”. (Yaw, 54 years, Opinion leader, 14th June, 2017) On the other hand, the interview of a highly-ranked official from the Water Company revealed that average of GH¢50.00 charge was given monthly to the shower operators who had an average of 2-5 showers, with those with more being charged slightly above GH¢100.00. This confirms the exorbitant profits earned by private operators from their businesses whilst providing residents with water for bathing (Abraham et al., 2007). In terms of monthly expenditure on electricity, male-headed migrant households spent less on electricity (GH¢ 31.00) than their female counterparts (GH¢ 32.50), albeit the variation is not very significant (See Table 5.13). Ideally, one would have expected male-headed migrant households to have spent more on basic services like water, electricity and sanitation but the converse is reported by this study. During the interview of the opinion leader and the focus group discussions both female and male migrant households said they paid GH¢10.00 or more for electricity monthly. Since electricity is accessed through the ‘grouping’ of households, the monies are collected and paid together monthly. Since households in Old Fadama comprise of large numbers, they tend to mobilise their monies together to go and make payment. This was what Yaw, an opinion leader had to say during his interview: “For the light too, we have a group. We formed a group because without the group, if individual go himself it will take you…even twenty years and you won’t get the light. So when we group ourselves we buy our meter then they come and then fix it for us. 79 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh They give us light bill through the meter. I’m added to the group, the light the same thing. It is somebody who is in charge, we choose one person to take care of all the payments and the contributions we’re doing. So when the… sometimes when the light bill comes, they just say this is your bill. Maybe they come with hundred Ghana or two hundred Ghana, three hundred Ghana and they say ok, this is your light bill. Then we share and pay each household can pay GH¢ 10.00 or more and they put it together and the person leading the group will go and pay. Even I sometimes I pay thirty Ghana for my household depending the way we use the light”. (Yaw, 54 Opinion leader, 14th June, 2017) Furthermore, waste disposal is next to be discussed. Table 5.13 shows that female – headed migrant households spent more on waste disposal (GH¢29.80) than their male counterparts (GH¢23.90). This was due to the fact that female migrant households generated a lot more refuse than their male counterparts as a result of the multiple livelihoods such as cooking to sell, hair dressing etc. that they engaged in. Additionally, from the interviews, it was evident that waste collectors ‘Kaya Bola’ charges ranged from GH¢ 1.00 to GH¢3.00 and the charge was dependent on the weight of the rubbish collected. This the participants revealed could have been avoided and saved if AMA provided the area with waste bins. Lastly, rent or housing is discussed. It was evident that most of the residents slept in single rooms often rented from house owners who were prior settlers. Migrants who come had to see the community leaders to be earmarked a portion of land for them to place their wooden structures with the knowing that their residence was temporal. From the focus group discussions conducted for both male and female household 80 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh heads, it was evident both female household heads and male household heads were both charged GH¢5.00 per week for staying in a single room. This charge was the same for both children and adults alike. Each member of the household paid GH¢20.00 a month as rent to house owners. Rent was, however, charged on weekly basis, or sometimes monthly basis depending on where an individual stays. Interviews from the focus group discussion provided this information. One of the female household heads interviewed said this concerning monthly expenditure on rent: “It depends on the number of people in the room, one person pays GH¢ 5.00. In one room 20 people can be in it if it is big. In some it is ten, others is eleven or sometimes less. So there are differences in it. On Sunday we will all pay our GH¢5.00 each. If you are 20 in the room in a month you can calculate it to determine how much we all pay. If you are eleven too the same. We pay on weekly basis. So for those who have husbands, they are lucky their husbands do their payment for them”. (Rahetu, 25 years, 14th June, 2017) Yakubu, a male participant clarified and said that rent was sometimes paid monthly or sometimes weekly. Cost of rent was dependent on how many people were within the resident and the number of rooms available to an individual. This he emphatically stated: “Some pay monthly others pay a week. It depends on the number of rooms you have. A month I pay GH¢100. We are five in all. This means that each of us are charged GH¢5 every week”. (Yakubu, 34 years, 15th June, 2017) 81 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Again both household types during the focus group discussion expressed housing to be the most important basic services to them. For this reason, they did not mind paying so much to be able to stay in single rooms. 5.2.3 Income Level of Households and Perception of the Households on Service Cost Out of the seventy-two (72) male household heads sampled, 44.4 percent earn GH¢501 and above whilst the least number of males (8.3%) earned between GH¢401.00 and GH¢500.00.Additionally, out of the forty-eight (48) females sampled, 22.9 percent of these household heads earned GH¢ 501.00 and above. Comparing these two sexes, it was evident that more male (44.4%) than female (22.9%) earned between GH¢501.00 and above (See Table 5.14). Females perceived the cost of basic services more costly than their male counterparts. This may be due to the fact that women were often those who spent more in accessing these basic services. Table 5.14: Households’ Monthly Income Differentiated by Sex Sex Average Monthly Income (GH¢) Total 100-200 201-300 301-400 401-500 501 and above Male 13.9% 19.4% 13.9% 8.3% 44.4% 72 Female 12.5% 18.8% 25.0% 20.8% 22.9% 48 Total 13.3% 19.2% 18.3% 13.3% 35.8% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 About 82 percent (81.9%) of male household heads said cost of water was very expensive as opposed to 91.7 percent for the female household heads. Comparing these two sexes, it was evident that more female (91.7%) than male (81.9%) considered cost of water to be very expensive (See Table 5.15). 82 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Table 5.15: Respondents’ Perception on Service Cost of Water, Toilet and Bathhouse Differentiated by Sex Sex Perception on Cost of Water Total Less Moderate Expensive Very expensive expensive Male 0% 6.9% 11.1% 81.9% 72 Female 0% 0.0% 8.3% 91.7% 48 Total 0% 4.2% 10.0% 85.8% 120 Sex Perception on Cost of Toilet Total Less Moderate Expensive Very expensive expensive Male 1.4% 6.9% 23.6% 68.1% 72 Female 0.0% 0.0% 18.8% 81.3% 48 Total 0.8% 4.2% 21.7% 73.3% 120 Sex Perception on Cost of Bathhouse Total Less Moderate Expensive Very expensive expensive Male 1.4% 6.9% 22.2% 69.4% 72 Female 0.0% 0.0% 20.8% 79.2% 48 Total 0.8% 4.2% 21.7% 73.3% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 Cost of toilet facility is another important issue to be considered. Among the male household interviewed, 68.1 percent considered cost of toilet facility to very expensive as opposed to 81.3 percent of female household heads interviewed. Comparing these two, more female-headed migrant household (81.3%) than male (68.1%) considered toilet to be very expensive (See Table 5.15). Also bathhouse cost was said to be another basic service considered. Male-headed migrant households represented by 69.4 percent considered service cost of bathhouses to be very expensive whilst female-headed migrant households represented by 79.2 percent considered bathhouses to be very expensive. Comparing these two households, it was evident that more female-headed migrant household (79.2%) than male (69.4%) 83 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh spent more and thus considered cost of using the bathhouses in Old Fadama to be very expensive ( See Table 5.15). The cost of electricity and waste collection are the two basic service under scrutiny in this section. Concerning the cost of electricity, male migrant household heads (56.9%) considered electricity to be very expensive whilst female-headed migrant household (72.9%) considered electricity to be very costly as well. Comparing these two households, showed that there were more female-headed migrant household (72.9%) than male (56.9%) who considered the cost of electricity to be very expensive (See Table 5.16). With regards to the service cost of waste disposal more female (79.2%) than male (47.2%) considered waste disposal waste disposal to very expensive (See Table 5.16). Table 5.16: Households’ Perception on Service Cost of Electricity and Waste Collection Differentiated by Sex. Sex Perception on Cost of Electricity Total Less Moderate Expensive Very expensive Expensive Male 1.4% 18.1% 23.6% 56.9% 72 Female 0.0% 2.1% 25.0% 72.9% 48 Total 0.8% 11.7% 24.2% 63.3% 120 Sex Perception on Cost of Waste collection Total Less Moderate Expensive Very expensive expensive Male 4.2% 15.3% 33.3% 47.2% 72 Female 0.0% 0.0% 20.8% 79.2% 48 Total 2.5% 9.2% 28.3% 60.0% 120 Source: Field Work, 2017 84 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Finally, households consider the cost of rent to be very expensive as well. During the focus group discussion, both female and male household heads mentioned the cost of renting houses to be very expensive. Amina, a female migrant household head, said: “When, I look at how much I earn every month and how much I have to pay for rent, it is not easy for me at all. Some of us are not that lucky. Imagine if you pay GH¢5 every week for just a small room and you have to share this small place with seven yet still you will have to squeeze and pay. If I had my own place that money can be saved”. (Amina, 34 years, 14th June, 2017) “Rent in Accra is very expensive, whether you complain or not you will pay”. (Ali, 33 years, 15th June, 2017) 5.3 Coping Strategies Adopted To Meet Household Expenditure. Households in Old Fadama engaged in various coping strategies in order to meet their household needs. This section discusses the various coping strategies, adopted by households to meet their various monthly expenditure for water, toilet, bathing, waste disposal, electricity and rent/ housing. 5.3.1 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Water Expenditure Households in Old Fadama, adopt various coping strategies to meet their household needs. Out of the seventy-two (72) male migrants household heads sampled, 81.9 percent said households minimise water usage within their households as a way of coping to meet monthly expenditure on water. Again, 13.9 percent said households resorted to bathing with their children, as a way of coping with expenses on water. 85 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Additionally, 4.2 percent of the males said household members bathed once a day. Among the female migrant household heads, however, 54.2 percent said household members minimised water usage whilst 35.4 percent said household members resorted to bathing with their children whilst 10.4 percent said members used rain water instead of fetching from vendors. Comparing these two house hold types, it was evident that more male-headed migrant household (81.9%) than female (54.2%) minimised water as a coping strategy. Furthermore, more female (35.4%) than male (13.9%) migrant households bathed with their children (As shown in Figure 5.2). None of the females, however, stated they bathed once a day and none of the males stated they used rain water. A chi- square done at five percent (5%) showed that there is a significant relationship between sex and coping strategies adopted for water, with X2 value= 18.569, df(3), p value=0.00<0.05. Figure 5.2: Coping Strategies Adopted by Households to Meet Monthly Expenditure on Water Differentiated by Sex Source: Field Work, 2017 X2 value= 18.569, df(3) p value=0.00<0.05 86 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh During the focus group discussion, other forms of coping strategies emerged. Musa, male participant, during the focus group discussion said: “Sometimes, when I don’t have money and water is too expensive we, walk and go and fetch in a different community. Like fetching water at Timber market. There we pay a cheaper price than Old Fadama”. (Musa, 35 years, 15th June, 2017) “Sometimes, if people don’t have money, they go and fetch with their “Buta” (an Islamic kettle for prayer). When they fetch they don’t collect them money”. (Kwame, 48, 15th June, 2017) This practice of fetching water with the Buta is sometimes used as a coping strategy by Muslim households for water. This is because water vendors do not charge residents when they fetch with the Buta as such some residents often fetch with the Buta till their buckets are filled and this practiced is during times households lack money to buy water. “Some people bath once a week so when they fetch today that is it. Whenever he needs the water then he fetches it. Sometimes too the women bath with their children to reduce water. The children don’t bath with their fathers because the child follows their mother, not their father”. (Mensa, 29 years, 15th June, 2017) These findings are similar to work done in Abuja, an inner city slum in Accra, on the coping strategies households adopted with regards to water (See Amankwaa, 2016). 87 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh This proves that migrants will always use their agency in developing innovative ways of fetching water for their use when they do not have money thus confirming Gidden’s structuration theory (See Giddens, 1984). 5.3.2 Coping Strategies Adopted by Households for Meeting Toilet Expenditure. Toilet facilities is of importance to the households of Old Fadama. According to the study, 98.6 percent of the respondent agreed they have no coping strategy for meeting their toilet expenses since when it comes to toilet facilities it was a necessity for them whilst only 1.4 percent said they defecate in rubbers. Among the female-headed migrant households, households did not adopt any coping strategy for toilet usage hence paid for toilet facilities. Comparing these two, it was evident that more female- headed migrant household (100%) than male (98.6%) had no alternative ways hence paid to use toilet facilities whilst more male (1.4%) than female (0.0%) defecated in rubbers (As shown in Figure 5.3). A chi-square done at five percent (5%) showed that there is no significant relationship between sex and coping strategies adopted for toilet with X2 value=0.672, df(1), p value=0.412>0.05. Figure 5.3: Coping Strategies Adopted by Households for Meeting Toilet Expenses. 0.0% Defecate in Rubbers 1.4% Use Public Toilet and have no 100.0% alternative 98.6% 0.0% 20.0% 40.0% 60.0% 80.0% 100.0% 120.0% Female Male Source: Field Work, 2017 88 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Additionally, the interview of a highly-ranked official from the AMA revealed that households sometimes defecated in rubbers as a way of coping to their household needs. In the focus group discussions, however, male participants said they resort to using their networks in accessing toilet facilities during times they faced financial difficulty thus affirming (Massey et al., 1993) network theory and Gidden’s structuration theory (See Giddens 1984) confirming that migrants sometimes resort to using their agency and networks in accessing basic services. The interviews done revealed that male-headed migrant households preferred to rely on their networks to access toilet facilities whilst their female counterparts resorted to visiting the toilet with their children as a form of coping strategy to reduce household expenses for toilet. Walib, a 40-year old participant from the male focus group, said: “Sometimes I go and beg them and because you are a regular customer you will be considered or you talk to a sibling and take something you can beg the person to allow you use the toilet. Sometimes too If I don’t have money I go and ask a friend to give me 50 pesewas to go to toilet”. (Walib, 40 years, 15th June, 2017). The female focus group participants suggested that, they often used the toilet facilities with their children. Their children usually used the toilet after them as a coping mechanism to meet household expenses. According to them, their children aged one to four years could go with them without being charged. Ama, a 39-year old household head, said: “When, the child is going, then you go. If you are older than the child, that one, they would not collect money from the child. If I am going with my child, I am just paying for myself so when I go inside then I can allow the child to go after me”. (Ama, 39 years, 14th June, 2017) 89 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.3.3 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Bathing Expenditure Out of the seventy-two (72) households sampled, 69.4 percent said they minimise the frequency for bathing as a way of meeting their coping strategy. Furthermore, respondents also minimised their frequency of bathing as a way of meeting their expenses for bathing. Additionally, 30.6 percent of them bathed outside. Out of the forty-eight (48) female migrant household heads sampled, 45.8 percent said household members minimised their frequency of bathing, 41.7 percent bath outside, whilst 12.5 percent bath with their children as a coping strategy adopted to meet households’ expenses on bathing. Comparing these two sexes, more male (69.4%) than female (45.8%) migrant households minimise frequency for bathing. Female migrant households (41.7%) than male (30.6%) bath outside whilst more female (12.5%) bath with their children (See Figure 5.4). The study tested for the relationship between sex and the coping strategies adopted for bathing. The test showed that there was a significant relationship between sex and coping strategies adopted for bathing with X2 value=12.692, df(2), p value=0.002<0.05. 90 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 5.4: Coping Strategies Adopted by Male and Female Households in Meeting Expenditure for Bath. Source: Field Work, 2017 X2 value=12.692, df(2), p value=0.002<0.05 This was confirmed by the male focus group that men bathed outside at night whilst the women could not and as such had to bath with their children. The women went to the public bathrooms with their female children to minimise expenses on bath. Children above six years were charged and were not allowed to bath with their parents. In the focus group discussions, Ali, a 33-year old male participant, reported: “You, can even bath outside. At night, men can bath outside but women can’t”. (Ali, 33 years, 15th June, 2017) This issue of bathing outside was also confirmed by a highly-ranked AMA official, “When, you go and do your search, you will see an evidence of improvised place of bathing. It is a plain place so maybe they wake up at dawn, take their bath. So at the ground you could see that this place they use it for their bath. You will not see anybody who will say that he is responsible for bathing there”. (Yaw, AMA official, 19th June, 2017) 91 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh This was the confirmatory statement given by Mariam, a 32-year old female participant in the focus group: “There is, nothing much you can do to decrease your expenses, you pay for everything. Or sometimes what we do is that we bath with the little ones especially the girls but for the boys, they bath at different place. We can bath with five years and below and they are only girls. For the boys no matter what they make them bath at a different place and they pay”. (Mariam, 32 years, 14th June, 2017) 5.3.4 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Waste Disposal Expenditure Out of the seventy-two (72) male-headed migrant households sampled about 59.7 percent, said household members had no resort for their waste collection and only relied on the waste vendors to collect their rubbish whilst 5.6 percent said they dump them in the river. Among the females interviewed, 85.4 percent said they had no alternative in disposing off their waste therefore, kept them till informal waste carriers ‘Kaya Bola’ collected their rubbish. Only 2.1 percent said they dump their rubbish in Odaw River. Comparing these two sexes, it was evident that more female (85.4%) than male (59.7%) headed migrant households kept their rubbish till it was collected. Additionally, more male (5.6%) than female (2.1%) dump their waste in the Odaw River (See Figure 5.5). A chi-square done at five percent (5%) showed that there was a significant relationship between sex and coping strategies adopted for waste management with X2 value=9.055, df (2), p value=0.011<0.05. These findings are consistent with works done on Old Fadama in which informal waste collectors collected their rubbish at a fee due to the lack of skip containers for rubbish (Monney et. al., 2013). 92 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 5.5: Coping Strategies Adopted by Male and Female Households in Meeting Expenditure for Waste Source: Field Work, 2017 X2 value=9.055, df (2), p value=0.011<0.05 Plate 5.7: Dumping sites for Households who cannot Afford Private Waste Vendors. Source: Field Work, 2017 93 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.3.5 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Electricity Expenditure Households tend to cope by reducing the number of gadgets used in their rooms as well as resorting to the use of chargeable lamps as a coping mechanisms for electricity expenses. The study showed that 81.9 percent of the male households as against 66.7 % of the females minimised the use of electrical gadgets, as a way of reducing the electricity expenses. Additionally, more female (33.3%) than male (18.1 %) used chargeable lamps. A chi-square done at five percent (5%) showed that there is no significant relationship between sex and coping strategies adopted for electricity with X2 value= 3.668, df (1), p value=0.055>0.05. (See for instance Figure 5.6). A highly-ranked ECG official indicated that respondents used illegal connection as a coping strategy. This was however denied during the focus group. Figure 5.6: Coping Strategies Adopted by Household Heads for Electricity. Source: Field Work, 2017 94 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 5.3.6 Coping Strategies for Meeting Household Housing/Rent Expenditure Finally, in meeting housing/ rent needs, respondents said they often crowd in a single room as a way of meeting their rent expenses. Among the male household heads interviewed, 31.9 percent said they sleep outside whilst 68.1 percent said they crowd themselves in a single room as a way of meeting their household rent expenses so that they do not rent extra rooms. Among the female household interviewed, 35.4 percent said they sleep outside whilst 64.6 percent said they crowd in a single room as a way of coping to their rent/ housing expenses so that they do not have to pay for extra rooms. These findings are similar to that of Kwankye et al. (2007) as well as Kwankye & Addoquaye Tagoe (2009) which assessed the coping strategies of the female head porters which revealed that female-head porters rented wooden structures and slept in groups as a coping strategy to meet their daily expenditure. Additionally, it was evident from the study that more female-headed migrant household (35.4 %) than male-headed household (31.9%) slept outside. Additionally, more male-headed migrant household (68.1%) than female-headed household (64.6%) crowd themselves in a single room to reduce cost of paying for extra room. A chi-square at five percent (5%) showed that there is no significant relationship between sex and coping strategies adopted for housing with X2 value=0.156, df(1) p value=0.693>0.05 (See Figure 5.7). 95 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 5.7: Coping Strategies Adopted by Male and Female Households for Housing. 80.00% 68.1% 70.00% 64.6% 60.00% 50.00% 40.00% 35.4%31.9% 30.00% 20.00% 10.00% 0.00% Male Female Sleep outside Crowd themselves in a room Source: Field Work, 2017 During the focus group discussions, the women reported that some of their structures were destroyed during the 2015 demolition. Some said they slept outside with families since they had their properties destroyed and could not afford to pay for rent in the few available spaces left untouched after the demolition. Officials from the Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority and the Ministry of Works and Housing said there was no alternative for the housing situation in Old Fadama as the people were settling on government land illegally and the best alternative for residents was for government to relocate them with the market. The male focus groups, however, mentioned they slept in the mosque sometimes when they were kicked out of their rooms due to lack of payment of rooms. 5.4 Effect Of Access On Livelihood Strategies Migrants embark on the migration process as a form of livelihood strategy for themselves and their families (Krantz, 2001). From the seventy-two (72) household heads interviewed, it was evident that the main livelihood of male-headed migrant 96 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh households were motor bike operation represented by 27.8 percent followed by artisan and scrap dealing with 23.6 percent respectively. Female migrant household heads interviewed said petty trading was their main livelihood. This was represented by 31.3 percent whilst head porters followed with 27.1 percent with food vendors being 16.7 percent. Comparing these two sexes, it was evident that more female migrant household heads (31.3%) were involved in petty trading than their male counterparts (12.5%). Male migrant household heads were mostly motor bike operators (27.8%) than scrap dealers (23.6%) whilst no female household heads from the study were artisans, labourers, motor bike operators and scrap dealers (See Figure 5.8). These findings were consistent with the findings of Awumbila et al. (2014) who also reported women were mostly petty traders, head porters and small food enterprises, whilst the men were mostly engaged in scrap business. 97 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 5.8: Main Economic Livelihood Indulged in by Household heads Differentiated by Sex Main Economic Activity of Migrants scrap dealers(E-waste business) 0.0% 23.6% motor bike opreators 0.0% 27.8% labourers 0.0% 9.7% artisans 0.0% 23.6% plating hair 2.1%0.0% kayayei(head poter) 27.1%1.4% hair dresser 6.3%0.0% shop assistant 10.4%1.4% catering(CHOP BAR) assistant 6.3%0.0% food vendor 16.7%0.0% petty trader 31.3%12.5% 0.0% 5.0% 10.0%15.0%20.0%25.0%30.0%35.0% Female Male Source: Field Work, 2017 Furthermore, it was evident from Figure 5.9 that majority of male household heads (80.6%) were not involved in multiple livelihoods, whilst the rest were engaged in multiple livelihoods to meet their basic services needs within their households. About 32 percent of the female household heads said they engaged in multiple livelihoods and the rest did not. Comparing these two, it was evident that more female (31.3%) than male (19.4%) headed migrant households engaged in multiple livelihoods to meet basic services (See Figure 5.9). Additionally, more male (80.6%) than female (68.7%) headed migrant households did not engage in multiple livelihoods. 98 economic_activity University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 5.9: Households’ Response to their Engagement in Multiple Livelihoods Differentiated by Sex Source: Field Work, 2017 This finding was corroborated during the focus group discussions as all the male migrant household heads confirmed they only engaged in their main economic activities because they were unable to find other jobs despite the fact that they needed to. In the case of the females, however, they engaged in multiple livelihood activities particularly petty trading and especially when business was not booming. Musa, a 35- year old male participant in the focus group, said: “For me, I am a tailor, and that is all I do. I want money to open a shop. The one I have, is too small and I want money to establish a new one. This one is a driver. As we speak now he has no work. He only knows driving and that is all he does. there is no work, even when you write an application letter for a job to add to your own, you wouldn’t get it. There is no work. How then can I pay my bills?” ( Musa, 35 years, 15th June, 2017) 99 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Rahetu, a 25-year old female participant, said to buttress this finding: “You, pay for the toilet and other things too and there is no way you can reduce the cost so, you have to do other things to survive. I do hair dressing. Apart from that, I do necklace on the side and sell”. (Rahetu, 25 years, 14th June, 2017) “Here, in Fadama, we pay for everything so the things other people don’t pay for we have to pay for them. For me, my family is large and I cannot do anything but do more than one job to look after them and to pay all these, I have to sell more than one thing. Me, I sell onions and when the business is bad I add fruits too, so that I can survive and pay for things”. (Serwaa, 45 years, 14th June, 2017) From the study, it was evident that access did influence the male and female migrant household heads’ ability to undertake multiple livelihoods. From Figure 5.10, it was evident that male household heads (93.1%) were influenced to do multiple livelihoods even though, from the focus group discussion, they confirmed they did not, due to unavailability of jobs and capital to start their own. Females (93.8%) said inadequate access of basic services did influence them to undertaken multiple livelihoods. Comparing these two, there was no significant difference between them as similar proportion of both groups were affected by inadequate access of basic services forcing them to engage in multiple livelihoods. 100 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh Figure 5.10: Households’ Response on Inadequate Access to Service and its Effect on Livelihood Strategies Differentiated by Sex 100.0% 90.0% 80.0% 70.0% 60.0% 50.0% 40.0% 30.0% 20.0% 10.0% 0.0% Male Female Yes 93.1% 93.8% No 6.9% 6.2% Yes No Source: Field Work, 2017 From the interviews done, it was evident that both male and female-headed migrant households were greatly affected by inadequate access to services within their community. This affected them greatly, and caused them to pay more for basic services compared to their counterparts in other communities. This inadequacy was attributed to the rising population in Old Fadama and the unwillingness of service providers to extend basic services like toilet, water, housing, electricity, bathhouse and waste disposal to the area. In order to cope, female migrant household heads were forced to engage in multiple livelihoods so as to meet household expenses. Their male counterparts, however, were willing but unable to engage in multiple livelihoods due to their inability to find jobs and the lack of capital to start their own. Ali, a 33- year old mechanic, from the interview, said: “If there is a rubbish container, which is mostly picked up by AMA, you will save the money you spent on rubbish to pay those local boys who collect rubbish. But now, 101 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh unnecesary expenses I have to do and when I have no money from my mechanic job. I have to go and look for another job to support myself and family, yet this job too , I cannot find ”. (Ali, 33 years, 15th June, 2017) Mansa, a 28-year old female, from the interview said: “Here in Fadama we pay for everything. If you do one job as a woman, your family will suffer. Light is expensive here, water is expensive and even common bathing and toilet you have to pay”. (Mansa, 28 years, 14th June, 2017) These findings confirm perceptions by child migrants who consider jobs available for females than males in southern cities like Accra (Addoquaye Tagoe & Kwankye, 2009). 102 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh CHAPTER SIX SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 6.0 Introduction This chapter gives a summary of the findings of the study in Old Fadama. It then proceeds with the conclusion and policy recommendations. 6.1 Summary of Findings The study shows that migrants in their areas of destination require some basic services to survive. Among these basic needs are housing, toilet, water, waste disposal bins and electricity. Although basic to human life, migrants were faced with high service charges forcing them to develop coping strategies in order to overcome the challenges. These findings provide empirical evidence on how migrant’s knowledge and consciousness as well as their networks influence their agency by allowing them to develop coping strategies to overcome the constraints in accessing these basic necessities of life at their destinations. The main findings of the study are:  The three northern regions remain the highest migrant sending regions in Ghana with more female household than male migrating from the Northern Region to Accra.  There are differences among migrants in accessing basic services. There were more female than male-headed migrant households occupying their own houses. Additionally, more female than male-headed migrant households had no water within their residence. More female than male-headed migrant households had access to electricity whilst both toilet and bath were not found 103 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh within residence. Finally, more female than male-headed migrant households did not have access to waste collection bins within their residence.  Informal vendors charged households expensively compelling migrant households to use their agency to develop various coping strategies so as to meet their household needs.  Generally, female migrant households spent more than their male counterparts in accessing basic services monthly and so are compelled to engage in multiple livelihood strategies. Households developed the following strategies in order to meet household expenditure for water, which includes minimal use of water, bathing once a day, bathing with children and resorting to using rain water, walking long distance to fetch water at a cheaper areas as well as using their initiative and agency to fetch water.  In order to cope with household expenses on electricity, they reduced the number of gadgets used in their rooms, resorted to the use of changeable lamps. In terms of housing/ rent, households crowded themselves in a single room to reduce the cost of housing. There were more female-headed migrant households than males sleeping outside whilst there were more male-headed migrant households than females crowded in a single room. 6.2 Conclusion In conclusion, this study has shown that the three northern regions remain the highest migrant sending regions in Ghana and has also provided evidence of the gender differences of the lives of migrants in Accra in terms of access to basic services. Due to the sky rocketing prices of land and housing coupled with poverty, new arrivals are forced to settle in informal settlements like Old Fadama often overcrowded and 104 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh embedded with ecological problems. However, these informal settlements are not recognised by government officials due to issues of land tenure and as such service providers often fail to extend the basic services to these areas. As a result, migrant households are forced to rely on their ingenuity in order to survive in their urban space. While this study has shown the overall struggles of migrants in accessing basic services, it has highlighted the need to pay attention to the differences in accessing basic services such as housing, water, electricity, waste collection, among others. The income for male migrants are higher than that of the female migrants, hence female migrants considered access to basic services to be very costly. In order to meet their household needs, female migrants engaged in multiple livelihoods due to low income earnings as they spend more on basic services than male migrants. By examining access to basic services among male and female-headed migrant households in Old Fadama, the study has justified the need to close the income gap between male and female migrants as well as the need to pay greater attention to basic service provision or delivery in informal settlements like Old Fadama. Finally, the study has also highlighted the continued struggles of migrants, especially females, who migrate to Accra with the hope of escaping rural poverty, but continue to live in poverty due to the high cost of living in the city and the struggle to find gainful employment. Findings in this study confirm concepts from the structuration theory (1984) and network theory (Massey et al., 1993) of how migrant’s knowledge and consciousness as well as networks influence their agency causing both male and female-headed migrant households to develop coping strategies to overcome the constraints in accessing these basic services. Again, the failure of service providers to extend their services to these households forced migrant households to rely on their 105 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh ingenuity thus shaping the urban poor space of Old Fadama and affecting the quality of life outcomes of the migrant life within the city of Accra. 6.3 Policy Recommendations The following policy recommendations are made following the findings of the study:  Firstly, there is the need to implement fully existing Poverty Alleviation Programmes like Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) among others so as to bridge the disparity in development especially between the deprived regions of Ghana and the better endowed ones. This will help reduce the chain of rural-urban migration and the subsequent settling of migrants in urban poor communities within the country.  Secondly, there should be better dialogue between the government and appropriate institutions about the future of Old Fadama which should include a possible relocation of the entire market and slum area to a more planned vicinity with a check on the sprouting of illegal structures. There should also be the political will to fully carry out any planned activities in this regard.  Thirdly, the Ministry of Inner Cities and Zongo Development should develop policies which can in the long-term promote affordable housing schemes for urban poor community residents to reside in.  Fourthly, the government should regulate the activities of private vendors of water, waste operators, public toilets and baths and other services so as to prevent the extortion of these urban poor individuals by these private service providers. 106 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh  Male and female migrant household heads should endeavor to form cooperatives to enable them access finance to help improve their livelihoods to better access basic services. It is worth stating that these recommendations may not be an exhaustive list to be followed by policy makers. However, giving some consideration to them will be a great step towards improving the situation in urban poor spaces like Old Fadama with regards to their access to basic services. 107 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh REFERENCES Abraham, E. M., Van Rooijen, D., Cofie, O., & Raschid-Sally, L. (2007). Planning urban water–dependent livelihood opportunities for the poor in Accra, Ghana. In SWITCH Scientific Meeting. Addoquaye Tagoe, C., & Kwankye, S. O. (2009). Returning home and re-integrating as an Independent Child Migrant in Ghana. Independent Migration of Children in Ghana, 206-247. Adubofour, K., Obiri-Danso, K. & Quansah, C. (2013). Sanitation survey of two urban slum Muslim Communities in the Kumasi metropolis, Ghana. Environment and Urbanisation, 25 (1), 189-207 Afsar, R. (2000). Rural-urban migration in Bangladesh: Causes, consequences and challenges. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Limited. Afsar, R. (2003). 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World Health Organisation. 115 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh APPENDIX ONE QUESTIONNAIRE FOR HOUSEHOLD HEADS CENTRE FOR MIGRATION STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF GHANA- LEGON This questionnaire is part of the research being conducted on ‘Access to Basic services among Male and Female-Headed Migrant Households in Old Fadama, Accra for a Postgraduate programme in Migration Studies from Centre for Migration Studies, University of Ghana. The core objective for this research is to examine the financial and physical accessibility of basic services among migrants in Old Fadama. This research is for academic use ONLY and the details of respondents will be protected. Additionally, information provided shall be used for this purpose ONLY. I will be very grateful if you could respond to the questions genuinely. Thank you. Name of Interviewer:……………………………………………................................. Date of the interviewer……………………………………………………………….. Language in which the interview was conducted…………………………………….. A. HOUSEHOLD DATA AND MIGRATION HISTORY 1. Age: ............................ 2. Sex: 1. Male 2. Female 3. Marital Status: 1. Never married 2. Married 3. Co-habitation 4. Divorced 5. Widowed 6. Separated 4. Number of children within the household………………… 5. Religion : 1. No Religion 2. Catholic 3. Protestant 4. Pentecost/Charismatic 5. Other Christian 116 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 6. Islam 7. Traditionalist 8. Other (Specify)…………………… 6. Level of education: 1. No formal education 2. Primary 3. Middle/JHS 4. Vocational/Technical/SHS/’O’level/’A’ level 5. Tertiary 7. What economic activity are you indulged in? 1. Petty trader 2. Food vendor 3. Catering (chop bar) assistant 4. Shop assistant 5. Hair dresser 6. Kayayei (head porter) 7. Plaiting hair 8. Artisans 9. Labourers (construction) 10. Motor bike operators (okada) 11. Scrap dealers (e-waste business) 12. Unemployed 13. Other (specify)…………………………….. 8. How much is your average household monthly income? ………………… 9. How many people are part of your household? ……………………… 10. Name of home town/village of origin ........................... Region................... 11. How long have you been living in Accra? ....................................... 12. What was the most important reason for migrating to Accra (up to three responses allowed, but if more than one factor is stated, they must be rank in order of importance 1=most important)? 1. .............................................................................................................................. 2. .............................................................................................................................. 3. .............................................................................................................................. 13. Do you plan to stay in Accra permanently? 1. Yes (explain why)............................................................................................. 2. No (explain why)............................................................................................... 14. Who was involved in your decision to migrate to Accra? (multiple responses) 1. Self 2. Father 3. Mother 4. Siblings 5. Uncle/Aunt 6. Recruitment agent 7. Friends 8. Other (specify)................................................................................................................ 15. How did you finance your migration to Accra? 1. No cost 2. Savings 3. Loan from formal financial institution 117 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4. Loan from family 5. Borrowing from moneylender. 6. Sale of assets 7. Other (specify) ………………………. 16. Who did you live with when you first arrived in Accra? 1. Alone 2. Parent(s) 3. Partner 4. Other family member (Specify) 5. Friend(s) 6. Other, specify B. ACCESS AND HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE ON BASIC SERVICES 17. How many sleeping rooms are available for use by members of your household? ..................................... 18. What are the rent arrangements 1. Rented from house owner 2. Rented from someone other than owner (specify) 3. Owner occupier 4. Live with a relative 5. Live with a friend 6. Other ( specify) 19. If house is rented, how much do you pay as rent (monthly)? ......................... 20. Using the table below, state whether the following facilities/services are available for your use within your residence? State also the amount you spend on this facility each month. Facility/Service Within Not available in Expenditure Perception of residence residence (GHC) Service cost 1 = Less expensive 2= moderate 3= expensive 4= very expensive Water Toilet Bathhouse Electricity Waste collection 21. Does this household have any savings? 1. Yes (where do you save) ………………….. 2. No (Skip to 24 22. How much is your average household monthly savings? .................... 23. For what purpose are you saving? (Select the most important) 1. Meet household expenditure on basic services 2. Remit back home 3. Support a household member 118 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4. Make money available for funeral 5. Prepare for unexpected events such as accidents, death of relation, etc 6. Build capital to start a business 7. Other (Specify)……........... C. COPING STRATEGIES 24. Using the table below, state how often the following facilities/services are available to you? Facility/ Service Frequency of access of basic services 1= Daily 2= Weekly 3=Monthly 4= Quarterly 5= Other Specify Water Toilet Bathhouse Electricity Waste collection Housing 25. What do you do when you don’t have adequate supply of the following? 1. Water ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 2. Toilet ………………………………………………………………………………... 3. Bathhouse …………………………………………………………………………….......... 4. Electricity…………………………………………………………………………………………… 5. Waste collection…………………………………………………………………….. 6. Housing ……………………………………………………………………………………………... 26. What do you do when you don’t have these services available to you at all? 1. Water ………………………………………………………………………………………. 2. Toilet: ………………………………………………………………………………….………….. 3. Bathhouse ………………………………………………………………………………… 4. Electricity ………………………………..………………………………………………………. 5. Waste collection ………………………………………………………………………………… 6. Housing …………………………………………………………………………………………… 27. What are some coping strategies you have adapted or developed to reduce the household expenses on these basic services or to afford these services? 1. Water ………………………………………………………………………...…… 2. Bathhouse ………………………………………………………………………… 3. Waste collection………………………………………………………………....... 4. Toilet …………………………………………………………………………….. 5. Electricity ………………………………………………………………………… 6. Housing ………………………………………………………………………...… 119 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh D. EFFECTS OF ACCESS ON LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES 28. Do you engage in other economic activities apart from your main economic activity to meet household needs for basic services? (Give reason for your answers) 1. If yes, list the economic activity and state the reason for engaging in these activities………………………………………………………………… 2. No……………………………………………………………………………… 29. Do you think inadequate supply of basic services can affect your livelihood strategies? (Give reason for your answer) 1. Yes……………………………………………………………………………. 2. No……………………………………………………………………………… THANK YOU 120 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh APPENDIX TWO INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR FOCUS GROUPS CENTRE FOR MIGRATION STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF GHANA- LEGON This questionnaire is part of the research being conducted on ‘Access to Basic services among Male and Female-Headed Migrant Households in Old Fadama, Accra Postgraduate programme in Migration Studies from Centre for Migration Studies, University of Ghana. The core objective for this research is to examine the financial and physical accessibility of basic services among migrants in Old Fadama. This research is for academic use ONLY and the details of respondents will be protected. Additionally, information provided shall be used for this purpose ONLY. I would be very grateful if you could respond to the questions genuinely. Do I have your permission to go on with the interview please? Yes_____ No_____ Thank you. SECTION A: BACKGROUND HISTORY 1. Please tell me about yourself. (Probe: Age, religion, number of household members- male/ female, children above or under 18 years). SECTION B: ACCESS AND HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE OF BASIC SERVICES 2. What basic services are available to your household? (Probe for whether facilities are found within or outside the household premise, easily reached etc.) 3. How often are you able to access water/ housing/ electricity/ toilet/ bathhouse/ waste collection? (Probe for frequency and reason they may give for the frequency). 121 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 4. How much do you pay for these basic services (water/ housing/ electricity/ toilet/ bathroom/ waste collection) on a monthly basis? (Probe if they can affordable or not). 5. Are you able to easily meet your household expenses for basic services? Give reasons for your answer. SECTION C: CHALLENGES AND COPING MECHANISMS 6. What do you do when you don’t have adequate supply of basic services/ these services are not present at all? 7. What problems do you have with Water Company/ Electricity Company/ Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority/ Accra Metropolitan Assembly in providing you with these basic services? 8. What are some coping strategies you may have adopted or developed to reduce the household expenses on these basic services or to enable you afford these services? SECTION D: EFFECTS OF ACCESS ON LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES 9. What multiple economic activities are you into that enable you make more money to meet household expenditure for basic services? 10. How does inadequate access of water/ electricity/ housing/ toilet/ waste collection/bathrooms affect your livelihood strategies? Any other comments? Thank you 122 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh APPENDIX THREE INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR KEY INFORMANTS CENTRE FOR MIGRATION STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF GHANA- LEGON INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR ELECTRICITY/ LAND USE AND SPATIAL PLANNING AUTHORITY/ WATER COMPANY/ ACCRA METROPOLITAN ASSEMBLY/ OPINION LEADER This questionnaire is part of the research being conducted on ‘‘Access to Basic services among Male and Female-Headed Migrant Households in Old Fadama, Accra for a Postgraduate programme in Migration Studies from Centre for Migration Studies, University of Ghana. The core objective for this research is to examine the financial and physical accessibility of basic services among migrants in Old Fadama. This research is for academic use ONLY and the details of respondents will be protected. Additionally, information provided shall be used for this purpose ONLY. I would be very grateful if you could respond to the questions genuinely. Do I have your permission to go on with the interview please? Yes_____ No_____ Thank you. SECTION A: BACKGROUND HISTORY 1. Please tell me about yourself. (Probe work experience, age, name, position, how many years at that position). A. ELECTRICITY COMPANY OF GHANA SECTION B: CONDITION OF SERVICE PROVISION 2. How do residents of Old Fadama access electricity? (Probe for process/ availability of electricity, cost, length of time to obtain metres etc.) 3. How adequate is the service provided to the residents of Old Fadama? 4. What are the complaints made by residents about access of electricity in the area? (Probe complaints about cost, length of time etc.) 123 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh SECTION C: CHALLENGES AND COPING MECHANISMS 5. What problems do the residents of Old Fadama have with your Company concerning accessing electricity? 6. What challenges does the Company face in extending service to residents in Old Fadama? 7. What measures are there to improve upon the service at Old Fadama? 8. What are the strategies residents of Old Fadama use to cope or meet their household expenses concerning electricity? B. LAND USE AND SPATIAL PLANNING AUTHORITY SECTION B: CONDITION OF SERVICE PROVISION 1. How do residents of Old Fadama access their housing? (Probe permits etc.) 2. How adequate is the service provided to the residents of Old Fadama? If any. 3. What are the complaints made by residents about access of land acquisition in the area? (Probe complaints about cost, length of time etc. SECTION C: CHALLENGES AND COPING MECHANISMS 4. What problems do the residents have with your company concerning access of better housing? 5. What challenges does the Company face in extending service to residents in Old Fadama.? 6. What measures ae under way to enable residents of Old Fadama access better housing? 7. What are the coping strategies residents of Old Fadama use to cope or meet their household expenses concerning housing? 124 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh C. WATER COMPANY OF GHANA SECTION B: CONDITION OF SERVICE PROVISION 1. How do residents of Old Fadama access water? (Probe for process/ availability of water, cost, length of time to obtain metres etc.) 2. How adequate is the service provided to the residents of Old Fadama? 3. What is the average monthly water charge given by Water Company for residents? 4. What are the complaints made by residents about access of water in the area? (Probe complaints about cost, length of time etc.) SECTION C: CHALLENGES AND COPING MECHANISMS 5. What are the main difficulties faced by your Company in providing water to Old Fadama? 6. What problems do the residents have with your Company concerning access of better services? 7. What challenges does the Company face in extending service to residents in Old Fadama? 8. What measures are there to improve upon the service at Old Fadama? 9. What coping strategies are you aware of that households adopt in meeting expenses for water? D. ACCRA METROPOLITAN ASSEMBLY SECTION B: CONDITION OF SERVICE PROVISION 1. How do residents of Old Fadama access sanitation facilities? (Probe for process/ availability of toilet, bathroom and waste collection). 2. How adequate is the service provided to the residents of Old Fadama? 125 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3. What is the average monthly charge for providing services to the residents of Old Fadama? 4. What are the complaints made by residents about access of sanitation facilities in the area? (Probe complaints about cost, length of time etc. for toilet/ waste collection/ bathrooms) SECTION C: CHALLENGES AND COPING MECHANISMS 5. What problems do the residents of Old Fadama have with your institution concerning accessing sanitation facilities? 6. What challenges does the assembly face in extending service to residents in Old Fadama? 7. What measures are there to improve upon the service at Old Fadama? 8. What are the strategies residents of Old Fadama use to cope or meet their household expenses concerning sanitation? E. OPINION LEADER SECTION B: ACCESS AND MONTHLY HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE FOR BASIC SERVICES 1. What basic services are available to households within your community? (Probe for whether facilities are found within or outside the household premise, easily reached etc.) 2. How often are residents within your community able to access water/ housing/ electricity/ toilet/ bathhouse/ waste collection? (Probe for frequency and reason they may give for the frequency). 126 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 3. How much do residents within your community pay for these basic services (water/ housing/ electricity/ toilet/ bathroom/ waste collection) on a monthly basis? (Probe if they can affordable or not). SECTION C: CHALLENGES AND COPING MECHANISMS 4. What do residents do when they don’t have adequate supply of basic services/ these services are not present at all? 5. What problems do you have with Water Company/ Electricity Company/ Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority/Accra Metropolitan Assembly in providing you with basic services? 6. How do residents easily meet their household expenses for basic services (water/ electricity/ toilet/ waste collection/housing) 7. What are some coping strategies you may have adopted or developed to reduce the household expenses on these basic services or to enable you afford these services. F. MINISTRY OF WORKS AND HOUSING SECTION B: CONDITION OF SERVICE PROVISION IN OLD FADAMA. 8. How do residents of Old Fadama access their housing? (Probe permits etc.) 9. How adequate is the service provided to the residents of Old Fadama? 10. What are the complaints made by residents about access of housing in the area? (Probe complaints about cost, length of time etc. SECTION C: CHALLENGES AND COPING MECHANISMS 11. What problems do the residents have with your company concerning access of better housing? 127 University of Ghana http://ugspace.ug.edu.gh 12. What challenges does the Company face in extending service to residents in Old Fadama.? 13. What measures ae under way to enable residents of Old Fadama access better housing? 14. What are the coping strategies residents of Old Fadama use to cope or meet their household expenses concerning housing? 128